Page  [unnumbered]

AN Apologetical Defence OF FERNAND MENDEZ PINTO HIS HISTORY.

IF it be true that Authors do render themselvs commendable by their Works, there is no doubt, but that Fernand Mendez Pinto hath by this same of his justly acquired such reputation, as will make him be esteemed for ever. He was a man of a strong wit, and sound judg∣ment, and indued with a most rare, and extraordinary memory, as appears in the Relation of his Voyages and Adventures, which suffi∣ciently testifie how far he excelled therein, retaining in his remembrance an infinitie of such strange and wonderful things, (whereof to his cost he was for the most part an eye witness) as many great Personages of Asia and Europe took no little delight in hearing him recount them; especially Philip the second King of Spain, who at se∣veral times spent many houres in discoursing with him there about, which question∣less he would never have done, being a Prince, in the opinion of all the world, of a most exact and profound judgment, had he not been verily perswaded that what he delivered was true. Nevertheless since there may be some who in regard of the stu∣pendious things which he delivers, wil seem to give no credit thereunto; I have held it very necessary to cite here many several authentick Authors, that in their writings have confirmed the verity of his Narrations, as followeth.

Of the Riches and Grandeurs of these Orientall Countries, and perticularly of the Kingdome of China, Nicholas Trigault, the Iesuite treates diffusedly in his book intituled, De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas, in the first part thereof, prin∣cipally in the 6^th Chapter. Gasper de la Cruz, in his book of China, the third, fourth, fifth, and nineteen Chapters. John de Lucena, in the life of Francis Xavier the Iesuite, in the tenth Book, from the seventeenth to the twenty fourth Chapter. Anthony Galuan in his Treatise of the Discovery of those Parts, fol. 39. and in his History of Florida. Mendoza, in his History of China, the second Chapter of the third Book. Trigault, in his first Book, the seventh Chapter, Palatii Regis. Doctor Babia, in the third part of his Pontifical History, the 18 Chapter, in the life of Sixtus Quintus. Boterus, in his Relations. John de Sanctis, in his Orien∣tall Aethiopian History, Chap. 8. and in the Ecclesiastical History of Rebullosa. Ribadeneyra, Mathew, and Lewes Gusman, in divers Chapters of the Orientall Histories. Josephus de Acosta, Peter of Leon, Zarate, Michael Vazquez de Padilla, Peter Martyr, Cefas Bishop of Chiapa, Francesco Lopez de Gomor∣ra, Hierosme du Pré, Ferdinand de Cordoua, Hierosme Romain, Illescas, Page  [unnumbered] Antonio de Herrera, Pineda, Prudentius de Sandobal, and Garcilasso in divers places of his Royal Commentaries, and in the 20^th Chapter of his third Book.

Touching that which Fernand Mendez writes of the Governors of those King∣domes, of the strict observation of Iustice, of the Names of the Iudges, Vice-Royes, Magistrates, Captains, Governours, and Ministers of the State, Boterus, in his universal Relations, sayes the same. Trigault, in divers places, particularly in the sixth Chapter of the first book, de Senensis Reipublicae administratione. Gaspar de la Cruz, in the 16.17.18. and 19. Chapters. Babia, in the third page of his Ponticall book, in the life of Sixtus Quintus. Lucena, in the life of Francis Xavier, the tenth book. Mendoza, in the ninth and tenth chapters of his third Book, and in many other Chapters of his new world. Mafeus, in his Oriental Histo∣ry; and in the Letters of China, written by Guerrier the Iesuit. Concerning the great number of prisons, and other particularities, the same may be seen at large in the History of China. Mendoza, in the twelfth Chapter of his first book. Gas∣par de la Cruz, Chapter ninth and twenty second. Trigault, in divers places of his History. Lucena, in the twenty first Chapter of his tenth book. and Alexan∣der Valignario, in his Letters missive.

That which he speaks of the great multitudes of people that are in those Countries, read in Lucena, the nineteenth Chapter of his tenth Book. Trigault, in sundry places, chiefly in the second Chapter, de nomine, situ, et magnitudine Regni Sinarum.

Fernand Mendez in the eighty ninth Chapter writes of a Temple built upon a great company of pillars; Read de la Cruz, the seventh Chapter. Mendoza, the third Chapter of his first Book. Mafeus; Anthony de S^t Romain; and George Bruno, in his book of the City of the World.

In this History are set forth huge Statues of Brass and Iron. See the first, third, fourth, fifth, Chapters of the first book of Gasper de la Cruz. Mendoza, the ninth and tenth Chapters of his first Book. The second Book of Boterus, in his relation of Siam. Rebullosa, in his Ecclesiastical History, fol. 117. and 118. John de San∣ctis, in his Aethiopian History, the seventh, and twelfth Chapters. Lucena, in the 1.6.8. and 9. Chapters of his seventh book. Trigault, in the ninth and eighteenth Chapters of his first Book. Mafeus, and S. Romain, in the 90^th Chapter. Men∣doza, in the seventh Chapter of his first Book, and in the fourteenth Chapter of his second Part, as also in divers places of his Itinerary. Lucena, in the nineteenth Chapter of his nineteenth Book; and many other Authors.

Touching the manner of breeding and keeping of wilde Ducks in Rivers, men∣tioned in the 97. Chapter. See De la Cruz, the 7. and 8. Chapters. Mendo∣za, the 21. Chapter. Trigault, the second chapter of his first Book; and divers others.

As for that which he writes of the Towns that are made on Rivers and the Sea, with an infinite company of ships in the 98. Chap. read Lucena, in the 19. chapter of his 10. Book. Mendoza, in his Itineraries the 17. chap. De la Cruz, in the 8. and 12. Chapters. Trigault, in the third Chapter of his first Book, Navium Capia. Lucena, in his first Book the 19. Chapter.

For so much as is spoken of the Wall which separates Tartaria from China: See Lucena, in the 21. Chapter of his tenth Book. Gasper de la Cruz, the second and fourth Chapters. Trigault, in the second Chapter of his first Book, and in the 12. Chapter of his fifth Book. Galvan, in his Commentaries fol. 70. Mendoza, the first part, in the fifth chapter of his first book, and in the seventeenth chapter of the Page  [unnumbered] second part. Babia, in the second part of his Pontifical History, chap. 18. and gene∣rally all that write of those parts of China.

Concerning that which Fernand sayes of the Treasure of the Dead, read Lucean, in the eighth chapter of the seventh Book. De la Cruz, and Mendoza. Paulus Jovius, in his History of the Turks. But that which Passavinus delivers in the Description of the Persians, and Belorus, in his Chronologie of the Kings of Persia, is yet a greater mervel. The like do Celius and Augustinus Corion write of the War of the Cimbrians, wherein such an infinite number of Saracens were slain, neer to Marseilles, as they made up the fences of their fields with the bones of them. Anthony Boussin in his Decades of Hungary.

Our Author imploys many Chapters in the description of the stately edifices of those Eastern Countries; The same may be seen in all the other Writers, that intreat of those parts of Asia, who set them forth strangely rich and great. Lucena, in the fifth Book of the life of Frances Xavier. Father Lewis in his Letters. The same Lucena, in the eighth Chapter.

For the innumerable company of Religious men and women (as they term them) which serve for the worship of their false Gods, it shall suffice to read De la Cruz, in his first Chapter.

And for a full clearing thereof read Damien De Gois, in the History of King Don Emanuel. Mafeus, in his eleventh and fou•teenth Books. S^t Romain, and Trigault. As also for the removing of all doubt in the reading of those things, as incridible, look on the sixteenth Chapter of the Book of Prester Iohn, written by Francesco Alvarez. John de Sanctis, in his Ethiopian History, the 17^th Chapter. Levis de Parama, de Origine Inquisitionis, the nineteenth Chapter of his second Book, entituled In sexta aetate Mundi Razis, in his Chronicle Sancti Dominice, folio 299. Galvan, in his Discoveries, folio 70. Lucena, in divers places of his Book. Mendoza, in the eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, and twenty third Chapters, and throughout his first and second Books. Gaspar de la Cruz, the fifth, seventh, and nineth Chapters. Boterus, in his Relations of China, Narsingua, Japon, and Siam. Rebullosa, fol 141. Leonard Abel in his Relations. Paul Maria, in his Iourney into Egypt; and many others.

Concerning the setting forth, sumptuousness, and magnificence of those peoples Banquets; their Comedies, Feasts, Dances, Musick, and diversity of Instruments; see Lucena, in the thirteenth Chapter of his tenth Book. Mendoza, in the twenty fourth and twenty eighth Chapters of his first Book; as also in the fourteenth and eighteenth Chapters of his third Book. Trigault, in the seventh Chapter of his first Book, Conrinia. Touching their Feasts read Mafeus, in the sixth Book of his History, S^t Romain in his, and generally Trigault, de expeditione apud Chinas.

For the manner of their sacrificing, see de Sanctis, in the eighth Chapter of his Ethiophia. Damen de Gois, in the History of King Emanuel. Mendoza, in the twenty sixt Chapter of his Itenerary. Trigault, throughout the whole tenth Chapter of his first Book. Lucena, in several places of his seventh Book. De la Cruz, the thirteenth Chapter. Boterus, in his Relations. The Maps of Japon, and China. Ma∣thew Ricio, S^t Romain, and Mafeus.

In the 116. and 117. Chapters of the present Book, the Author treats of the Castle of Nixiancoo, for which peruse Trigault, de Christiana expeditione, the eleventh Chapter of his fourth Book. Polenus, in his Book of Stratagems. Vegeti∣us, de re militari; Vanitius, and Vasionzelos.

Page  [unnumbered]Touching that which Fernand speaks of the Chineses, their penances and mortifi∣cations in the Temple of Tinagoogoo; as also of their processions, and the sacri∣ficing of themselves there, reade John de Sanctis, in the eighth Chapter of his Ethiopian History. Mendoza, in the twenty eighth Chapter of his Itinerary. Trigault, in the tenth Chapter of his first Book; and in the second part of the History of China. Galvan, in his discoveries, fol. 56. Mafeus, S^t. Romain, Bote∣rus, and Anthony de Govea, in the Archbishop of Goa his Voyage.

Of that which is said concerning the great number of Idols and Statues, Mendo∣za speakes amply, in the ninth Chapter of his first Book, in the seventh Chapter of his second Book, and in many other places; de sanctis, in the second part of his Aethiopian History, the seventh Chapter. Lucena, throughout his whole seventh Book. Trigault, in the tenth Chapter of his first Book, §. Idolorum multitudo. Rebullosa; from folio 116. to folio 120. De la Cruz, in many places of his Book. Damien de Gois; Boterus, in his relations of Pegu: Babia, in the third part of his Pontifall History, the eighteenth Chapter, In vita Sexti Quinti.

Fernand makes a narration of certain men, whom he calls Caloges, and Fin∣gaos, which have their feet r•und, like unto those of Cows, and hands all over hairy; for the clearing of the truth whereof read Galvan, in his discoveries, folio 32. and 72. Gaspar de la Cruz, the s•venth Chapter.

Touching the tryumphant Arches, which they have in their streets, together with their manner of accommo•ating, and inriching them, when as they solemnised certain Feasts, read de la Cruz, the seventh chapter.

Of the Universities, which they have in China, see Trigault, in the third and fifth Chapters of his first Book, De Artibus apud Sinas liberalibus, ac Scientiis, &c. And in another, entituled, De Artibus apud Sinas mechanicis.

For a Confirmation of that which our Author says of the strange Ceremonies and Complements, used by them at their saluting one another, when they meet together by chance in the streets, and in their visits, read Mafeus, in the sixth Book of his Indian History, folio 134. beginning with these words, Salutandi ritus miter plebeios, &c. And Mendoza, in divers places of his Book declares the same. Trigault, in the seventh Chapter of his first Book, at the title, De Sinarum ritibus non nullis, de∣scribes their manner of Salutations. Babia, in the third Part of his Pontifical Histo∣ry, in the life of Gregory the thirteenth.

The History of the King of Bramaa, together with his Victories and Conquests, may be found in the Relations of Boterus. De la Cruz, in the second and fourth Chapters. Mafeus, and S^t Romain.

Of the entrance of the Tartars into China, and their besieging of Pequin: Bo∣terus in his Relations; De la Cruz, the fourth Chapter; Paulus Jovius, Anto∣nius Armenius, and Mathias de Micuy, discourse at large.

That which is written of the subversion of the Provinces of Cuy, and Sansii, and of the d•leful and dreadful events ensuing thereupon, Gaspar de la Cruz hath spoken of sufficiently in the 29^th Chapter of his Book.

As for that which Fernand says of their Gods, Fatoquis, Amida, Xaca, Gizon, and Canom; as also of the fooleries, dreams, and leasings, which they recount of them; and of their original, and the respests and reverences they bear unto them; it may be all seen in the twelfth Book of Mafeus his Indian History; and in the first and fourth Chapters of his Epistles. Trigault, in his first and second Book. Boterus, in his Rela•ions. S^t Romain, and many others.

Page  [unnumbered]By all this now is my Author throughly vindicated from all aspersions of falshood, that may be cast upon this his Work, which, were it otherwise, and meerly devised, yet is it so full of variety, and of such strange, both Comick and Tragick Events, as cannot chuse but delight far more then any Romance, or other of that kind. But being accompanyed with the truth, as I have suffi∣ciently proved, it will no doubt give all the satisfaction and content, that can be desired of the Reader.

Page  [unnumbered]

The Contents.

CHAP. I. IN what manner I past my youth in the Kingdom of Portugal, until my going to the Indiaes.

Fol. 1.

CHAP. II. My Departure from Portugal for the East-Idiaes; and my imbarquing there for the Straight of Mecqua.

3

CHAP. III. Our travelling from Mazua by Land to the Mother of Prester John; as also our re-imbarquing at the Port of Arquico; and that which befell us by the encoun∣ter of three Turkish Vessels.

5

CHAP. IV. A Mutiny happening in the Town of Mocaa; the occasion thereof; that which be∣fell thereupon, and by what means I was carryed to Ormuz; as also my sailing from thence to Goa; and what success I had in that Voyage.

8.

CHAP. V. Goncalo vas Co•inhoes Treaty with the Queen of Onor; his assaulting of a Turkish〈◊〉; and that which happened unto us as we were upon our return to Goa.

11

CHAP. VI. What passed till such time as Pedro de Faria arrived at Malaca; his receiving an Embassador from the King of Batas, with his sending me to that King, and that which arrived unto me in that Voyage.

14

CHAP. VII. What happened to me at Panaiu, with the King of Batas expedition against the Ty∣rant of Achem, and what he did after his Victory over him.

18

CHAP. VIII. That which past between the King of Batas and me, until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca; my arrival in the Kingdom of Queda, and my return from thence to Malaca.

21

CHAP. IX. The arrival of an Embassador at the Fortress of Malaca, from the King of Aaru to the Captain thereof; his sending me to the said King, my coming to Aaru, and that which happened unto me after my departure from thence.

26

CHAP. X. By what means I was carryed to the Town of Siaca, and that which befell me there; my going to Malaca with a Mahometan Merchant; and the Tyrant of Achems Army marching against the King of Aaru.

CHAP. XI. The death of the King of Aaru, and the cruel justice that was executed on him by his Enemies; the going of his Queen to Malaca, and her reception there.

33

CHAP. XII. The Queen of Aaru's departure from Malaca▪ her going to the King of Jantana, his summoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the Kingdom of Aaru; and that which past between them thereupon.

36

Page  [unnumbered]CHAP. XIII. My departure to go to Pan; that which fortuned after my arrival there, with the murther of the King of Pan, and the cause thereof.

39

CHAP. XIV. The misfortune that befell us at our entry into the River of Lugor; our hiding our selves in a Wood, with that which happened unto us afterwards; and our return unto Malaca.

42

CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria his setting forth for the Isle of Anyan, his arrival at the River of Tinacoreu; and that which befell us in this Voyage.

46

CHAP. XVI. Antonio de Faria's arrival at the Bay of Camoy, where was the fishing of Pearls for the King of China; the relation made to him of the Isle of Aynan; with that which happened to him by the means of a renegado Pirate, and other ways.

52

CHAP. XVII. The information that Antonio de Faria had of the Country; some passages betwixt him and the Nautarel of the Town; his going to the River of Madel, with his encountering a Pirate there, and that which passed between them.

58

CHAP. XVIII. What Antonio de Faria did with the Captain of the Pirates Iunck; that which past between him and the people of the Country, with our casting away upon the Island of Thieves.

61

CHAP. XIX. In what sort we escaped miraculously out of this Island; our passage from thence to the River of Xingrau; our encountering with a Chinese Pirate, and the agree∣ment we made with him.

65

CHAP. XX. Our encounter at Sea with eight Portugals very sorely hurt, and Antonio de Fa∣ria's meeting and fighting with Coia Acem the Pirate.

69

CHAP. XXI. What Antonio de Faria did after his Victory; his departure from the River of Tinlau, with his ill success thereupon, and the succor we met withall.

73

CHAP. XXII. Antonio de Faria hath news of the five Portugals that were made Captives; his Letter to the Mandarin of Nouday about them, and his assaulting the said Town.

76

CHAP. XXIII. Antonio de Faria's Navigation till he came to the Port of Liampoo; his arri∣val, and gallant reception there by the Portugals.

81

CHAP. XXIV. Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to go and seek out the Island of Ca∣lempluy; the strange things that we saw, and the hazard we ran in our Voyage thither.

87

CHAP. XXV. Our arrival at the Island of Calempluy, with the description thereof; what hap∣pened to Antonio de Faria in one of the Hermitages there, and how we were discovered.

92

CHAP. XXVI. Our casting away in the gulph of Nanquin, with all that befell us after this la∣mentable shipwrack.

97

Page  [unnumbered]CHAP. XXVII. Our arrival at the Town of Taypor, where we were made Prisoners, and so sent to the City of Nanquin.

103

CHAP. XXVIII. The Marvels of the City of Nanquin; our departure from thence towards Pequin, and that which happened unto us till we arrived at the Town of Sempitay.

107

CHAP. XXIX. Our arrival at Sempitay, our encounter there with a Christian woman; together with the original and foundation of the Empire of China, and who they were that first peopled it.

112

CHAP. XXX. The foundation of the four chief Cities of China; together with which of the Kings of China it was that built the wall betwixt China and Tartaria; and many things that we saw as we past along.

116

CHAP. XXXI. The order which is observed in the moving Towns, that are made upon the Rivers; and that which further befell us.

122

CHAP. XXXII. Our arrival at the City of Pequin; with our imprisonment, and that which more∣over happened unto us there; as also the great Majesty of the Officers of their Court of Iustice.

125

CHAP. XXXIII. What past between us and the Tanigores of Mercy, with the great favor they did us; and a brief relation of the City of Pequin, where the King of China keeps his Court.

131

CHAP. XXXIV. The order which is observed in the Feasts that are made in certain Inns, and the state which the Chaems of the two and thirty Universities keeps, with certain remarkable things in the City of Pequin.

134

CHAP. XXXV. The Prison of Ximanguibaleu, wherein those are kept which have been condemned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria; and another Inclosure, called the Treasure of the dead, with the revenues whereof this Prison is maintained.

137

CHAP. XXXVI. Of an Edifice scituated in the midst of the River, wherein were the hundred and thirteen Chappels of the Kings of China, and the publique Granaries establish∣ed for the relief of the poor.

142

CHAP. XXXVII. The great number of Officers and other people, which are in the King of China's Pallace; with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile, and what befell us there.

144

CHAP. XXXVIII. A Tartar Commander enters with his Army into the Town of Quincay, and that which followed thereupon; with the Nauticors besieging the Castle of Nixiam∣coo, and the taking of it by the means of some of us Portugals.

149

CHAP. XXXIX. The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo, and goes to the King of Tar∣taria's Camp before Pequin; with that which we saw till we arrived there; and the Mitaquers presenting us unto the King.

154

CHAP. XL. The King of Tartaria's raising his siege from before Pequin for to return into his Country; and that which passed until his arrival there.

158

Page  [unnumbered]CHAP. XLI. In what manner we were brought again before the King of Tartaria, with our departure from that Kingdom; and all that we saw and befell us in our Voyage, till our arrival at the Court of the King of Chauchinchina.

160

CHAP. XLII. The reception of the Tartarian Embassador by the King of Chauchinchina, with the said Kings going to the City of Uzanguea, and his triumphal entry thereinto.

167

CHAP. XLIII. Our departure from the City of Uzanguea, and our adventures till our arrival at the Isle of Tanixumaa, with our going a shore there.

170

CHAP. XLIV. The great Honor, which the Nautaquin, Lord of the Isle, did to one of us for having seen him shoot with an Harquebuse; and his sending me to the King of Bungo, with that which passed till my arrival at this Court.

172

CHAP. XLV. The great mishap which befell the King of Bungo's son, with the extream danger that I was in for the same, and what followed thereupon.

176

CHAP. XLVI. My curing the young Prince of Bungo; with my return to Tanixumaa, and imbarquing there for Liampoo; and also that which happened to us on land after the shipwrack we suffered by the way thither.

178

CHAP. XLVII. The carrying of us to the Town of Pungor, and presenting us to the Broquen, Governor of the Kingdom, with that which ensued upon it.

181

CHAP. XLVIII. The King of Lequios sending a cruel sentence against us to the Broquen of the Town where we were Prisoners, to the end he should put it in execution; and that which further hap∣pened unto us till our arrival at Liampoo.

184

CHAP. XLIX. My sailing from Liampoo to Malaca, with the sending me by the Captain of the Fortress there to the Chaubainhaa at Martibano; and all that befell us in our Voyage thither.

189

CHAP. L. The Continuance of our Voyage to the Bar of Martibano, and certain memorable particula∣rities happening there.

195

CHAP. LI. In what manner the Chaubinhaa rendered himself to the King of Bramaa; and the cruel pr•∣ceeding against the Queen of Martabano, and the Ladies her attendants.

201

CHAP. LII. In what manner the sentence of death was executed on the person of the Chaubinhaa, King of Martabano, Nhay Canatoo his wife, and an hundred and forty women; with that which the King of Bramaa did after his return to Pegu.

205

CHAP. LIII. That which passed between the Queen of Prom and the King of Bramaa, together with the first assault that was given to the City, and the success thereof.

209

CHAP. LIV. The King of Bramaa his besieging the Fortress of Meleytay, with his going from thence to Avaa, and that which passed there.

282

CHAP. LV. Our going with the King of Bramaa's Embassador to the Calaminham; with the course which we held until we arrived at the Temple, or Pagode of Tinagoogoo; and a descrip∣tion thereof.

215

CHAP. LVI. The great and sumptuous Procession made in this Pagode; together with their Sacrifices, and other particularities.

218

CHAP. LVII. What we saw in the continuing of our Voyage, until we arrived at the City of Tim∣plan.

223

Page  [unnumbered]CHAP. LVIII. The Magnificent Reception of the King of Bramaa his Embassador, at the City of Timplan; and that which passed betwixt the Calaminham, and him.

226

CHAP. LIX. An ample Relation of the Empire of Calaminham, and of the Kingdoms of Pegu, and Bramaa; with the continuance of our Voyage, and what we saw during the same.

241

CHAP. LX. Our arrival at Pegu, with the death of the Roolim of Mounay.

245

CHAP. LXI. The Election of the new Roolim of Mounay, the grand Talagrepo of these Gentiles of the Kingdom of Pegu.

248

CHAP. LXII. In what manner the Roolim of Mounay was conducted to the Isle of Mou∣nay, and put into possession of his Dignity.

252

CHAP. LXIII. A continuation of the success which we had in this Voyage; with my departure from Goa to Zunda, and what passed during my abode there.

255

CHAP. LXIV. The expedition of the Pangueyram, Emperor of Jao•, and King of Demaa, against the King of Passervan; and all that which passed in this War.

258

CHAP. LXV. The death of the King of Demaa by a very strange accident, and that which arrived thereupon.

263

CHAP. LXVI. That which befell us until our departure towards the Port of Zunda, from whence we set sail for China, and what afterwards happened unto us.

266

CHAP. LXVII. My passing from Zunda to Siam, where in the company of Portugals I went to the War of Chyamay; and that which the King of Siam did until he returned in∣to his Kingdom, where his Queen poysoned him.

269

CHAP. LXVIII. The lamentable death of the King of Siam; with certain illustrious and memorable things done by him during his life; and many other accidents, which arri∣ved in that Kingdom.

273

CHAP. LXIX. The King of Bramaa's enterprize against the Kingdom of Siam, and that which past until his arrival at the City of Odi••, with his besieging of it, and all that insued thereupon.

278

CHAP. LXX. The King of Bramaa's raising his siege from before the City of Odia•, with a description of the Kingdom of Siam, and the fertility thereof.

283

CHAP. LXXI. A continuation of that which happened in the Kingdom of Pegu, as well during the life, as after the death of the King of Bramaa.

286

CHAP. LXXII. That which arrived in the time of Xemin de Satan, and an abominable case that happened to Diego Suarez, together with the Xemindooes expedition against Xe∣min de Satan, and that which insued thereupon.

289

CHAP. LXXIII. That which the Xemindoo did, after he was crowned King of Pegu; with the Chaumigre•s, the King of Bramaa's Foster-brothers marching against him with a great Army▪ and divers other memorable things.

295

CHAP. LXXIV. The finding of the Xemindoo, and bringing him to the King of Bra∣maa; with the manner of his execution and death; and other particularities concerning the same.

301

CHAP. LXXV. My imbarquing in the Kingdom of Pegu to go to Malaca, and from thence to Japon; with a strange accident which arrived there.

305

CHAP. LXXVI. Our passing from the Town of Fucheo to the Port of Hiamangoo, and •hat which befell us there, together with my departure from Malaca, and arrival at Goa.

310

CHAP. LXXVII. Father Belquiors and my departure from the Indiaes to go to Japon; and that which befell us till my arrival at the Island of Champeiloo.

312

CHAP. LXXVIII. Our departure from the Island of Champeiloo, and our arrival at that of Lampacau; with a relation of two great disasters, which happened in China unto two Portugal Colonies; and of a strange accident besides that fell out in the Country.

314

CHAP. LXXIX Our arrival in the Kingdom of Bungo, and that which past there∣upon.

318

CHAP. LXXX. My reception by the King of Bungo, as Embassador from the Vice-Roy of the Indiaes.

321

CHAP. LXXXI. What past after our departure from Zequa, till my arrival in the In∣diaes, and from thence into the Kingdom of Portugal.

323

Page  1THE Travels, Voyages & Adventures OF Ferdinand Mendez Pinto.

CHAP. I. After what manner I past my Youth in the Kingdom of Portugal, until my going to the Indiaes.

SO often as I represent unto my self the great and continual Travels that have accompanied me from my birth,* and amidst the which I have spen• my first years, I find that I have a great deal of reason to complain of Fortune, for that she seemeth to have taken a particular care to persecute me, and to make me feel that which is most insupportable in her, as if her glory had no other foundation then her cruelty. For not content to have made me be born, and to live miserably in my Country during my youth, she conducted me, notwithstanding the fear I had of the dangers that menaced me, to the East Indiaes, where in stead of the relief which I went thither to seek, she made me find an increase of my pains, according to the increase of my age. Since then it hath pleased God to deliver me from so many dangers, and to protect me from the fury of that adverse Fortune, for to bring me into a Port of safety and assurance, I see that I have not so much cau•e to complain of my Travels past, as I have to render him thanks for the benefits which until now I have received of him, seeing that by his divine bounty he hath preserved my life, to the end I might have means to leave this rude and unpolished Discourse unto my children for a memorial and an inheritance. For my intention is no other but to write it for them, that they may behold what strange fortunes I have run for the space of one and twenty years, during the which I was thirteen times a captive, and seventeen times sold in the Indiaes, in Aethiopia, in Arabia, in China, in Tartaria, in Madagascar, in Sumatra, and in divers other Kingdoms and Provinces of that Oriental Archipalage upon the Confines of Asia, which the Chineses, Siames, Gu•os, and Lecquios name, and that with reason in their Geography, the eye-lids of the World, whereof I hope to entreat more particularly and largely hereafter. Whereby men, for the time to come, may take example, and a resolution not to be discouraged for any crosses that may arrive unto them in the course of their lives. For no disgrace of Fortune ought to esloign us never so little from the duty which we are bound to render unto God, because there is no adversity, how great soever, but the nature of man may well undergo it, being favored with Page  2 the assistance of Heaven. Now that others may help me to praise the Lord Almighty for the infinite mercy he hath shewed me, without any regard to my sins, which I confess were the cause and original of all my mis-fortunes, and that from the same divine Power I received strength and courage to resist them, escaping out of so many dangers with my life saved, I take for the beginning of my Voyage the time which I spent in this Kingdom of Portugal, and say, That after I had lived there till I was about eleven or twelve years old in the misery and po∣verty of my fathers house within the Town of Monte-mor Ovelho, an Uncle of mine, desirous to advance me to a better fortune then that whereunto I was reduced at that time, and to take me from the caresses and cockering of my Mother, brought me to this City of Lisbon, where he put me into the service of a very honorable Lady: To the which he was carried out of the hope he had, that by the favor of her self and her friends he might attain to his desire for my ad∣vancement, and this was in the same year, that the funeral pomp of the deceased King Ema∣nuel of happy memory was celebrated at Lisbon, namely Saint Luces day, the thirteenth of December, 1521. which is the furthe•• thing I can remember. In the mean time my Uncles des•g• had a succes•〈◊〉 contrary to that which he had promised to himself in favor of me; For having been in the service of this Lady about a year and an half, an accident befell me, that cast me into manifest peril of my life, so that to save my self I was constrained to abandon her house with all the speed that possibly I could. Flying away then in very great fear, I arrived before I was aware at the Ford of Pedra, which is a small Port so called; There I found a Carvel of Alfama, that was laden with the horses and stuff of a Lord, who was going to Se∣tuval, where at that instant King Ioana the Third kept his Court by reason of a great plague that raigned in divers parts of the Kingdom.

Perceiving then that this Carvel was ready to put to Sea, I imbarqued my self in her, and departed the next day. But alas! a little after we had set sail, having gotten to a place named Cezmibra, we were set upon by a French Pirate, who having boarded us, caused fifteen or sixteen of his men to leap into our Vessel, who finding no resistance made themselves Masters of her: Now after they had pillaged every one of us, they emptied all the Merchandise where∣withall ours was laden, which amounted to above six thousand duckets, into their ship, and then sunk her; so that of seventeen of us that remained alive, not so much as one could escape slavery, for they clapped us up all bound hand and foot under hatches, with an intent to go and sell us at La Rache in Barbary, whither also, as we found by being amongst them, they car∣ried Arms to the Mahometans in way of Trade; for this purpose they kept us thirteen days together, continually whipping us; but at the end thereof it fortuned that about Sun set they discovered a ship, unto which they gave chase all the night, following her close, like old Pirates long used to such Theeveries; Having fetcht her up by break of day, they gave her a volley of thre• p•eces of Ordnance, and presently invested her with a great deal of courage; Now though at first they found some resistance, yet they quickly rendred themselves M•sters of her, killing six Portugals, and ten or eleven slaves. This was a goodly Vessel, and belonged to a Portugal Merchant of the Town of Conde, named Silvestre Godinho, which divers other Merchants of Lisbon had laden at Saint Tome with great store of Sugar and Slaves; In such sort that those poor people seeing themselves thus▪ taken and robbed fell to lament their loss, which they esti∣m•ted to be forty thousand Duckets. Whereupon these Pirates, having gotten so rich a booty, changed their design for going to la Rache, and bent their course for the Goast of France, carry∣ing with them such of ours for slaves, as they judged fit for the service of their Navigation. The remainder of us they left at night in the Road, at a place called Melides, where we were landed miserably naked, our bodies covered with nothing but with the stripes of the lashes which so cruelly we had received the days before. In this pitiful case we arrived the next morn∣ing at Saint Iago de Cacen, where we were relieved by the inhabitants of the place, especially by a Lady, that was there at that time, named Donna Beatrix, daughter to the Earl of Villa∣nova, and wife to Alonso Perez Pantoia, Commander and grand Provost of the Town. Now after the sick and wounded were recovered, each of us departed, and got him where he hoped to find best assistance; for my self, poor wretch, I went with six or seven that accompanied me in my misery to Setuval: Thither I was no sooner come, but my good fortune placed me in the service of Francisco de Faria, a Gentleman belonging to the great Commander of Saint Iago, who in recompence of four years service, that I did him, put me to the said Commander to wait on him in his chamber, which I performed for an year and an half after. But in regard the en∣tertainment, which was given at that time in Noble-mens houses, was so small as I was not Page  3 able to live on it, necessity constrained me to quit my Master, with a design to imbarque my self by his favor to go to the Indiaes; for that I thought was the best way I could take to free me of my poverty. So albeit I were but meanly accommodated I imbarqued my self notwith∣standing, submitting my self to whatsoever fortune should arrive unto me in those far Coun∣tries, either good or bad.

CHAP. II. My departure from Portugal for the Indiaes, and my imbarquing there for the Straight of Mecqua.

IT was in the year 1537. and the eleventh of March, that I parted from this Kingdom in a Fleet of five Ships, whereof there was no General;* for each of those Vessels was com∣manded by a particular Captain: For example, in the ship named the Queen, commanded Don Pedro de Silva, surnamed the Cock, son to the Admiral Don Vasco de Gama; In the ship, called S^t Rock, commanded Don Fernando de Lima, son to Diego Lopez de Lima, grand Pro∣vost of the Town of Guimaranes, who dyed valiantly in defence of the Fortress of Ormuz, whereof he was Captain the year following, 1538. In the S. Barba, commanded Don Fernando de Lima, who was to be Governor of the Town of Chaul; Of that, which was called the Flower of the Sea, Lope Vaz Vagado was Captain; And in the fifth and last ship, named Ga∣lega, commanded Martimde Freitas, born in the Isle of Madera, who the same year was slain at Damao, together with five and thirty men that followed him. These Vessels, sailing different ways, arrived at length at a good Port called Mozambique; There we met with the S. Michel, that wintered there, and was commanded by Duart Tristao, who parted thence richly laden for to return into Portugal; Howbeit I beleeve she was taken, or suffered ship∣wrack, as it happens but too often in this Voyage to the Indiaes, for he was never heard of since. After our five Vessels were equipped with all that was necessary for them, and ready to set sail from Mozambique, the Lievtenant of the Fortress, called Vincent Pegado, shew∣ed the Captains of the said five ships a Mandate from the Governor, named Nunho de Cunha, whereby he expresly commanded that all Portugal ships, which did arrive in that Port this year, should go to Diu, and leave their men there for the guard of the Fortress, because of the fear they were in of the Turkish Army, which was every hour expected in the Indiaes, by reason of the death of Sultan Bandur King of Cambaya, whom the said Governor had put to death the Summer before. In regard this affair was of great importance, it was the cause that all the Captains assembled together to deliberate thereupon; At length to meet with the present ne∣cessity they concluded, that three of those five ships, appertaining to the King, should go to Diu, conformable to the contents of the said Mandate, and that the other two, which belonged to particular Merchants, should pursue their course to Goa: The Kings three ships sailing to Diu, and the other two Merchants towards Goa, it pleased God to conduct them safe thither. Now as soon as the Kings three ships came to the mouth of the River of the Port of Diu, which fell on the fifth of September the same year, 1538. Antonio de Silv•ra, the Brother of Louys Silvera, Earl of Sortelha, who was Captain there at that time, gave them all the testimony that possibly he could of the joy he took at this their arrival; For proof whereof he bestowed liberally on every one, keeping a set table for above seven hundred persons which they brought along with them, besides his secret rewards, and extraordinary gifts, whereby he supplyed the necessities they had suffered during their Voyage. Whereupon the Soldiers considering how this Captain entreated them very royally, that he payed them before-hand, distributed their pay and munition unto them with his own hands, caused the sick to be carefully tended, and shew∣ed himself most ready to assist every one, it so wrought upon them, that of their own accord they offered to stay there for to serve him, being no way constrained thereunto, as they use to be in those Countries in all the Fortresses which expect a siege. This done, as soon as the three ships had sold the Merchandise they had brought, they set sail for Goa, carrying none with them but the Officers of the Vessels, and some Sea•men to conduct them; where they abode till such time as the Governor had given them dispatches for to go to Cochin, where being arrived they took in their lading, and return•d all five safe into Portugal.

Seventeen days after we were arrived at the Fortress of Diu,* where at that time two Foists were ready prepared to go to the Streight of Mecqua, for to discover, and find out the design of the Turkish Army, whose coming was greatly feared in the Indiaes, because one of those Page  4 Foists was commanded by a Captain that was a great friend of mine, who gave me good hope of the Voyage he was bound for, I imbarqued my self with him; Relying then on the promises which the Captain made me, that by his favor and means I should quickly be rich, the only thing in the world that I most desired, and suffering my self to be deceived by my hopes, I ima∣gined that I was already Master of great wealth, never considering how vain and uncertain the promises of men are, and that I could not reap much benefit by the Voyage I was going to un∣dertake, by reason it was dangerous, and unseasonable for Navigation in that Country. Now being departed from Diu, we sailed in a time full of storms, because it was about the end of Winter, which seemed to begin anew, so impetuous were the winds, and so great was the rain: Nevertheless, how violent soever the Tempest was, and dark the weather, we letted not to discover the Isles of Curia, Muria, and Avedalcuria, at the sight whereof we thought our selves quite lost, and without hope of life. Whereupon to decline the danger we turned the prow of our Vessel to the South-east, knowing no other mean then that to avoyd shipwrack; But by good fortune for us, it pleased God, that we let fall an anchor at the point of the Island of Socotora; there we presently anchored, a league below the place, where Don Francisco d' Almeyda caused a Fortress to be built in the year 1507. when he came from Portugal, as the first Victory that ever was in the Indiaes. In the said place we took in fresh water, and some provision of Victuals, that we bought of the Christians of the Country, which are the descend∣ants of those, whom the Apostle S. Thomas converted in those parts. Being refreshed thus, we parted from thence with a purpose to enter the Straight, so that after we had sailed nine days with a favorable wind we found our selves right against Mazua; There about Sun set we de∣scryed a sail at Sea, whereunto we gave so hard chace, that before the first watch of the night we came up close to her, and then to satisfie the desire we had for to learn something of the Captain by gentleness touching the Turkish Army, we demanded of him whether it was parted from Sues, or whether he had not met with it in any place; and that we might be the better informed we spake aloud to all those that were in the ship. But in stead of answer, without speaking a word, and in contempt of us, they gave us a dozen pieces of Ordnance, whereof, five were small, and the other seven, field Pieces, together with good store of Musquet shot; And withall, in a kind of jollity, and as it were beleeving that we were already theirs, they made all the ayr about resound again with their confused cries; After this, to brave and terrifie us the more, they flourished a many flags and streamers up and down, and from the top of their poop they brandished a number of naked Scymitars, commanding us with great threatening to come aboard and yield our selves unto them. At the first view of so many Rhodomontades and bravings we were in some doubt and amaze, which caused the Captains of our Foists to call the Soldiers to Councel for to know what they should do, and the conclusion was to continue shooting at them till the next morning, that so by day-light they might be the better fought withall and invested, it being agreed upon of all sides that they were not to be let go unpunished for their presumption: Which accordingly was performed, and all the rest of the night we gave them chace, plying them with our Ordnance. So morning come, their ship being shot through and through in many places, and cruelly battered all over, they rendred themselves into our hands. In the incounter there were threescore and four of their men killed, and of fourscore that remained, the most part, seeing themselves reduced to extremity, cast themselves into the Sea, choosing rather there to be drowned, then to be burnt in their ship with the artificial fires that we had hurled into her, so that of all the fourscore there escaped but five very sore hurt, whereof one was the Captain. This same, by force of torture, whereunto he was exposed by the Command of our two Captains, confessed that he came from Iudaa, and that the Turkish Army was already departed from Sues, with a design to take in Ad•m, and then to build a For∣tress there before they attempted any thing in the Indiaes, according to an express charge sent by the great Turk from Constantinople to the Bassa of grand Cair•, who was going to be Ge∣neral of the Army: Besides this, he confessed many other things conformable to our desire, amongst the which he said, that he was a renegado Christian, a Maliorquin by Nation, born at Cerdenha, and son to one named Paul Andrez, a Merchant of that Island, and that about four years before growing enamored of a very •air Greekish Mahumetan, that was then his wife, for the love of her he had abjured Christianity, and embraced the Law of Mahomet. Our Captains much amazed hereat, gently perswaded him to acquit this abominable belief, and become a Christian again, whereunto the wicked Caytiff made answer with a brutish obstinacy, that at no hand he would yield to forsake his Law, shewing himself so hardened in the resolution Page  5 to continue therein, as if he had been born in it, and never had profest any other. By these speeches of his, the Captains, perceiving there was no hope of recalling him from his damnable error, caused him to be bound hand and foot, and so with a great stone tyed about his neck to be cast alive into the Sea, sending him to participate with the torments of his Mahomet, and to be his companion in the other world, as he had been his confident in this. This Infidel being executed in this sort, we put the other prisoners into one of our Foists, and then sunk their Vessel with all the goods that were in her, which consisted most in packs of stained Cloths, whereof we had no use, and a few pieces of Chamlet that the Soldiers got to make them apparel.

CHAP. III. Our travelling from Mazua by land to the Mother of Prester Iohn; as also our re∣imbarquing at the Port of Arquic•, and that which befell us by the incounter of three Turkish Vessels.

WE departed from this place with an intent to go to Arquico,* the Territory of Prester Iohn, Emperor of Aethiopia, for we had a Letter to deliver, which Antonio de Syl∣vera sent to a Factor of his, named Anrique Barbosa, who had been three years resident in that Country by the Commandment of the Governor Nuno de Cunha. When we were arrived at Gottor, a league lower then the Port of Mazua, we were all received there very courteously, as well by the Inhabitants, as by a Portugal, called Vasco Martins de Seixas, born in the Town of Obidos, who was come thither by Henrico Barbosa's order, and had been there a month attending the arrival of some Portugal ship. The cause of that his abode was to deliver a Letter from the said Henrico, as accordingly he did to the Captains of our Foi•ts; By this Letter he certified the estate of the Turkish Army, and besought them at any hand to send him some Portugals, to induce them whereunto, he remonstrated unto them how it much imported the service both of God and the King, and that for his own part he could not come unto them, because he was employed with forty other Portugals in the Fort of Gileytor for the guard of the person of the Princess of Tigremahon, Mother to Prester Iohn. The two Captains, having perused this Letter, communicated it to the chiefest of the Soldiers, and sat in Councel upon it, where it was determined that four of them should go along with Vasco Martins to Barbosa, and that they should carry the Letter which Antonio de Sylvera had sent him: This was no sooner resolved then executed, for the next day three other Portugals, and my self, departed accordingly, and we went by Land mounted upon good Mules, which the Ciquaxy, Captain of the Town, sent us by the Command of the Princess, the Emperors Mother, together with six Abissins to accompany us. The first night we lay at a very fair Monastery, called Satilgaon; The next day before the Sun rose we travelled along by a River, and by that time we had rode five leagues we arrived at a place, named Bitonte, where we spent that night in a Convent of religious persons, dedicated to S. Michael; there we were very well entertained both by the Prior, and the Fryers: A little after our arrival, the son of Bernagais, Governor of that Em∣pire of Aethiopia, a very proper and courteous Gentleman, about seventeen years old, came to see us, accompanied with thirty men, all mounted upon Mules, and himself on a horse fur∣nished after the Portugal manner; the furniture was of Purple Velvet trimmed with Gold fringe, which two years before the Governor Nuno de Cunha sent him from the Indiaes, by one Lopez Chanoca, who was afterwards made a slave at Gran Cario, whereof this young Prince being advertised, he presently dispatched away a Iewish Merchant of Azabiba to redeem him, but as ill fortune would he dyed before the Jew could get thither, which so grieved this Prince when he understood of it, as the s•id Vasco Martins assured us that in the said Monastery of S. Michael he caused the most honorable funerals to be celebrated for him that ever he saw, wherein assisted above four thousand Priests, besides a greater number of Novices, which in their language are called Santilcos: No• was this all, for this Prince hearing that the deceased had been married at Goa, and likewise that he had left three daughters there behind him, which were very young and poor, he bestowed on them three hundred O qu••• of Gold, that are worth twelve Crusadoes of our mony a piece, • liberality truly royal, and which I relate here, as well to amplifie the nobleness of this Prince, as that it may serve for an example to others, and render them more charitable upon like occasions.

The next morning we continued our journey, making all the hast• that possibly we could, to which end we got upon good Horses, that were given us by this Prince, and withall he ap∣pointed Page  6 four of his servants to accompany us, who during our Voyage entertained us every where very sumptuously. That day our lodging was at a goodly place, called Betenigus, which signifies a royal house, and in truth it was not without reason so named, for on whatso∣ever part one cast an eye it was invironed with gallant high Trees for three leagues about, nor is it to be credited how pleasing this Wood was, for that it was composed all of Cedars, Cy∣pres, Palm, Date Trees, and Cocos, like to those in the Indiaes; Here we past the night with all kind of contentment; In the morning we proceeded on our journey, and travelling after five leagues a day we past over a great Plain, all full of goodly Corn; Then we arrived at a Mountain, named Vangaleu, inhabited by Jews, which were very white and handsom; Two days and an half after we came to a good Town, called Fumbau, not above two leagues distant from the Fort of Gileytor, there we found Barbosa, and the forty Portugals aforesaid, who received us with great demonstrations of joy, but not without shedding of some tears, for though they lived there at their ease, and were absolute Masters of all the Country, as they said, yet the consideration how they were as men banished from their Country into this place, did very much trouble them.

Now because it was night when we arrived, and that we had all need of rest, Barbosa was of the opinion that we should not see the Emperors Mother till the next morning, which was a Sunday, the fourth of October; that come, and we well refreshed, we went, accompanied with Barbosa and his forty Portugals, to the Princesses Palace, where we found her at Mass in her Chappel: A while after being advertised of our arrival, she caused us to be admitted into her presence; Whereupon we fell on our knees before her, and with all kind of humility kissed the Ventilow that she held in her hand; To these submissions we adjoyned many other Cere∣monies according to their fashion, conformable to the instructions we had taken from the Por∣tugals that conducted us thither. She received us with a smiling countenance, and to testifie how much she was pleased with our coming; Verily, said she, you cannot imagine how glad I am to see you, that are right Christians, for it hath been a thing which I have always as much desired, as a fair garden enameled with flowers doth the mornings dew, wherefore you are most welcome come, and may your entrance into my house be as propitious, as that of the vertuous Queen Helena's was into blessed Ierusalem. Herewith she made us to sit down upon ma••, not above five or six paces distant from her; Then shewing her self exceedingly contented, she questioned us about certain matters, of which, she assured us, that she very much longed to be satisfied: First she asked us the name of our holy Father the Pope, also how many Kings there were in Christendom, and whether any of us had ever been in the holy Land; whereupon she much condemned the Christian Princes, for their neglect and want of care in seeking to ruine the power of the Turk, who, she said, was the common Enemy of them all. Likewise she would know of us whether the King of Portugal was great in the Indiaes, what Forts he had there, in what places they were seated, and how defended. She made us many other like demands, to the which we answered the best we could for to content her; whereupon she dis∣missed us, and we returning to our lodging, continued there nine days, which we spent in waiting on this Princess, with whom we had much discourse on several subjects: That Term expired, we went to take our leaves of her, and in kissing of her hands she seemed to be some∣what troubled at our departure. Truly, said she, it grieves me that you will be gone so soon, but since there is no remedy, I wish your Voyage may be so prosperous, that at your arrival in the Indiaes you may be as well received by yours, as the Queen of Sheba was heretofore by King Solomon in the admirable Palace of his greatness. Now before we departed she be∣stowed on us twenty four Oquea• of Gold, which make two hundred forty Duckets of our mony; She caused us also to be conducted by a Naiqu•, and twenty Abissins, as well to serve us for Guides, and guard us from Robbers, whereof that Country was full, as to furnish us with Victuals and Horses until such time as we got to Arquico, where our Foists attended for us. This Princess also sent a rich present of divers Jewels of Gold and Stones by Vasco Martins de S•ixas unto the Governor of the Indiaes, which by ill fortune was lost in this Voyage, as shall be declared hereafter.

*After we were returned to the Port of Arquico, where we found our companions caulking of our Foists, and furnishing them with all that was necessary for our Voyage, we fell to work with them for the space of nine days. At length all things being ready, we set sail, and parted from thence on Tuesday, the sixth of November, 1538. We carried with us both Vasco Martins de Seixas, that had the Present and a Letter from the Princess to the Governor of the Page  7Indiaes, as also an Abissin Bishop, who was bound for Portugal, with an intent to go from thence to Galicia, Rome, and Venice, and afterwards to travel to Ierusalem, which especially he desired to see in regard of the holiness of the place. An hour before day we left the Port, and sail•d along the Coast afore the wind, until such time as about noon we reached the point of the Cape of Coçam, and before we arrived at the Island of Rocks, we disc••ned three Vessels on the other side, that seemed to us to be Gelvas or Terrades, which are the names of the Ves∣sels of that Country; Whereupon we gave them chace, and with the strength of our oars, be∣cause the wind was then somewhat down, we pursued them in such sort, that in less then two hours, having gotten up to them, we might easily perceive them to be Turkish Gallies, whereof we were no sooner assured, but that we presently betook our selves to flight, and made towards the Land with all the haste that might be, so if it were possible to escape the danger that inevitably threatned us: But whether the Turks suspected our design, or knew it, in less then a quarter of an hour they hoisted up all their sails, and having the wind favorable they followed us very hard, so as in a little while getting within a small faulcon shot of us, they discharged all their Ordnance upon us, wherewith they not only killed nine of our men, and hur• six and twenty, but so b•ttered our Foists, that we were fain to cast a great part of our goods into the Sea; Mean while the Turks lost no time, but joyned us so close, that from their poop they hurt us easily with their pikes: Now there were four and forty good Soldiers remaining yet unhurt in our Foists, who knowing that upon their valor, and the force of their arms, depended the lives both of themselves, and all the rest, they determined to fight it out; With this resolution they set couragiously upon the Admiral of the three Gallies, wherein was Solyman Dragu•, General of the Fleet; Their onset was so furious, as they invested her from poop to prow, and killed seven and twenty Ianizaries, nevertheless she being instantly suc∣cored with fresh men by the other two Gallies, which had stayed a little behind, we were so wearied and oppressed with numbers, that we were not able to make any further resistance, for of four and fifty that we were at first, there was but eleven left alive, whereof two also dyed the next day, whom the Turks caused to be cut in quarters, which they hung at the end of their main yards for a sign of their Victory, and in that manner carried them to the Town of Mocaa, whereof the Father-in-law of the said Solyman Dragu•, that had taken us, was Governor; who with all the Inhabitants waited the coming of his Son-in-law at the entry into the Port, to receive and welcome him for his Victory. In his Company he had a certain Cacis, who was Moulana, the chiefest Sacerdotal dignity, and because he had been a little before in pilgrimage at the Temple of their Prophet Mahomet in Mecca, he was held by all the people for a very holy man: This Impostet rode up and down the Town in a triumphant Charret, covered all over with Silk Tapestry, and with a deal of Ceremony blessed the people as he went along, exhort∣ing them to render all possible thanks unto their Prophet for the Victory, which Solyman Dra∣gu• had obtained over us. As soon as they arrived at this place, we nine that remained alive were set on shore, tyed altogether with a great chain, and amongst us was the Abissin Bishop, so pitifully wounded that he dyed the next day, and in his end shewed the repentance of a true Christian, which very much encouraged and comforted us. In the mean time all the Inhabi∣tants, that were assembled about us, hearing that we were the Christians which were taken Captives, being exceedingly transported with choller, fell to beating of us in that cruel manner, as for my own part I never thought to have escaped alive out of their hands, whereunto they were especially incited by the wicked Cacis, who made them believe that they should obtain the more favor and mercy from their Mahomet, the worse they intreated us. Thus chained all together, and persecuted by every one, we were led in triumph over all the Town, where nothing was heard but acclamations and shouts, intermingled with a world of musick, as well of instruments, as voyces. Moreover, there was not a woman, were she never so retired, that came not forth then to see us, and to do us some outrage; for from the very least children to the oldest men, all that beheld us pass by cast out of the windows and balcons upon us pots of piss, and other filth, in contempt and derision of a name of a Christian, wherein every one strived to be most forward, in regard their cursed Priest continued still preaching unto them, that they should gain remission of their sins by abusing us. Having been tormented in this sort until the evening, they went and layd us bound as we were in a dark Dungeon, where we remained seven∣teen days, exposed to all kind of misery, having no other victual all that time, but a little oatmeal, which was distributed to us every morning to serve us all the day: Sometimes they gave us the same measure in dry Peason a little soaked in water, and this was all the meat we had.

Page  8

CHAP. IV. A Mutiny happening in the Town of Moca•, the occasion thereof, that which befell thereupon, and by what means I was carried to Ormuz; as also my sailing from thence to Goa, and what success I had in that Voyage.

*THe next day, in regard that we had been so miserably moiled, and our hurts, that were great, but ill looked unto, of us nine there dyed two, whereof one was named Nuno Delgado, and the other Andre Borges, both of them men of courage, and of good families. The Jaylor, which in their language is called Mocadan, repairing in the morning to us, and finding our two companions dead, goes away in all haste therewith to acquaint the Gauzil, which is as the Judg with us, who came in person to the prison, attended by a great many of Officers, and other people; Where having caused their irons to be striken off, and their feet to be tyed together with a rope, he commanded them so to be dragged from thence clean through the Town, where the whole multitude, to the very children, pursued and palted them with staves and stones, until such time as being wearied with harrying those poor bodies in such fashion, they cast them all battered to pieces into the Sea. At last we seven, that were left a∣live, were chained all together, and brought forth into the publique place of the Town, to be sold to them that would give most: There all the people being met together, I was the first that was put to sale; whereupon, just as the Cryer was offering to deliver me unto whomso∣ever would buy me, in comes that very Cacis Moulana, whom they held for a Saint, with ten or eleven other Cacis his Inferiors, all Priests like himself of their wicked Sect, and addres∣sing his speech to Heredrin Sofo, the Governor of the Town, who sate as President of the Portsale, he required him to send us, as an alms, unto the Temple of Mecqua, saying, that he was upon returning thither, and having resolved to make that pilgrimage in the name of all the people, it were not fit to go thither without carrying some offering to the Prophet Noby, (so they termed their Mahomet,) a thing, said he, that would utterly displease Razaadat Mou∣lana, the Chief Priest of Medina Talnab, who without that would grant no kind of grace or pardon to the Inhabitants of this Town, which by reason of their great offences stood in ex∣tream need of the favor of God, and of his Prophet.

The Governor having heard the Cacis speak thus, declared unto him that for his particular he had no power to dispose with any part of the booty, and that therefore he should apply himself to Solyman Dragut his Son-in-law, who had made us slaves, so that in right it appertained only unto him to do with us as he pleased; and I do not think, added he, that he will contra∣dict so holy an intention as this is. Thou hast reason for it, answered the Cacis, but withall thou must know, that the things of God, and the alms that are done in his name, lose their va∣lue and force, when they are sifted through so many hands, and turmoiled with such humane opinions, for which very cause seldom doth any divine resolution follow thereupon, especially in a subject such as this is, which thou mayst absolutely dispose of, as thou art soveraign Com∣mander of this people: Moreover, as there is no body can be displeased therewith, so I do not see how it can bring thee any discontent. For besides that, this demand is very just, it is also most agreeable to our Prophet Noby, who is the absolute Lord of this prize, in regard the Vic∣tory came solely from his holy hand, though with as much falshood as malice thou goest about to attribute the glory of it to the valor of thy Son-in law, and the courage of his Soldiers. At this instant a Ianizary was present, Captain of one of the three Gallies that took us, a man that for his exceeding valor was in great esteem amongst them, called Copa Geynal, who netled with that which he heard the Cacis speak, so much in contempt both of himself, and the rest of the Soldiers, that had carried themselves very valiantly in the fight with us, returned him this answer. Certainly you might do better for the Salvation of your Soul, to distribute some part of the excessive riches you possess amongst these poor Soldiers, then seek with feigned speeches, full of hypocrisie and deceit, to rob them of these slaves, which have cost the lives of so many brave men, their fellows in arms, and have been dearly bought by us that survive, even with our dearest blood, as the wounds we have upon us can but two well witness; so can it not be said of your Cabayage (a Sacerdotal Robe after their fashion,) which for all it sits so trim and neat upon you, covers a pernicious habit you have of purloyning other mens estates from them: Wherefore I would wish you to desist from the damnable plot you have layd a∣gainst the absolute Masters of this Prize, whereof you shall not have so much as a token, and Page  9 seek out some other Present for the Cacis of Mecqua, to the end he may conceal your theeve∣ties, and impiety, provided it be not done with the expence of our lives and blood, but rather with the goods you have so lewdly gotten by your wicked and cunning devices.

This Cacis Moulana having received so bold an answer from this Captain, found it very rude, and hard of digestion, which made him in bitter terms, and voyd of all respects, exceedingly to blame the Captain, and the Soldiers that were there present, who, as well Turks as Saracens, being much offended with his ill language, combined together and mutined against him, and the rest of the people, in whose favor he had spoken so insolently; nor could this mutiny be appeased by any kind of means, though the Governor of the Town, Father-in-law to the said Solyman Dragut, together with the Officers of Justice, did all that possibly they could. In a word, that I may not stand longer upon the particulars of this affair, I say, that from this small mutiny did arise so cruel and enraged a contention, as it ended not but with the death of six hundred persons, of the one and the other side: But at length the Soldiers party prevailing, they pillaged the most part of the Town, especially the said Cacis Moulana's house, killing seven wives and nine children that he had, whose bodies together with his own were dis∣membered, and cast into the Sea with a great deal of cruelty. In the same manner they intreat∣ed all that belonged unto him, not so much as giving life to one that was known to be his. As for us seven Portugals, which were exposed to sale in the publique place, we could find out no better expedient to save our lives, then to return into the same hole, from whence we came, and that too without any Officer of Justice to carry us thither; neither did we take it for a small favor that the Jaylor would receive us into the prison. Now this Mutiny had not ceased but by the authority of Solyman Dragut, General of the Gallies aforesaid▪ For this man with very gentle words gave an end to the sedition of the people, and pacified the Mutiners, which shews of what power courtesie is, even with such as are altogether ignorant of it. In the mean time Heredrin Sopho, Governor of the Town, came off but ill from this hurly burly, by rea∣son that in the very first incounter he had one of his arms almost cut off. Three days after this disorder was quieted we were led all seven again to the Market place, there to be sold with the rest of the booty, which consisted of our Stuff, and Ordnance, that they had taken in our Foists, and were sold at a very easie rate: For my self, miserable that I was, and the most wretched of them all, Fortune, my sworn enemy, made me fall into the hands of a Greek renegado, whom I shall detest as long as I have a day to live, because that in the space of three Months I was with him, he used me so cruelly, that becoming even desparate, for that I was not able to en∣dure the evil he did me, I was seven or eight times upon the point to have poysoned my self, which questionless I had done, if God of his infinite mercy and goodness had not diverted me from it, whereunto I was the rather induced to make him lose the mony he payd for me, be∣cause he was the most covetous man in the world, and the most inhumane, and cruellest enemy to the name of a Christian. But at the end of three Months it pleased the Almighty to deliver me out of the hands of this Tyrant, who for fear of losing the mony I cost him, if I should chance to make my self away, as one of his neighbors perswaded him I would, telling him that he had discovered so much by my countenance, and manner of behavior, wherefore in pity of me he counselled him to sell me away, as he did •ot long after unto a Jew, named Abraham Muça, Natif• of a Town, called in those quarters Toro, not above a league and an half distan• from Mount Sinay: This man gave for me 〈◊〉 value of three hundred Reals in Dates, which was the Merchandise that this Jew did ordinarily trade in with my late Master, and so I parted with him in the company of divers Merchants for to go from Babylon to Cayxem, whence he carried me to Ormuz, and there presented me to Don Fernand de Lima, who was at that time Captain of the Fort, and to Doctor Pedro Fernandez, Commissary General of the Indiaes, that was then resid•ng at Ormuz for the service of the King by order from the Governor Nun∣ho de Cunha. These two, namely Fernandez and de Lima gave the Jew in recompence for me two hundred Pardaos, which are worth three shillings and nine pence a piece of our coyn, whereof part was their own mony, and the rest was raised of the alms which they caused to be gathered for me in the Town, so we both remained contented, the Jew for the satisfaction he had received from them, and I to find my self at full liberty as before.

Seeing my self by Gods mercy delivered from the miseries I had endured;* after I had been seventeen days at Ormuz, I imba•qued my self for the Indiaes in a ship that belonged to one Iorge Fernandez Taborda, who was to carry Horses to Goa. In the course that we held we sailed with so prosperous a gale, that in seventeen days we arrived in view of the Fort of Diu; Page  10 There, by the advice of the Captains, coasting along by the Land for to learn some news, we descryed a great number of fires all that night, also at times we heard divers Pieces of Ordnance discharged, which very much troubled us, by reason we could not imagine what those fires, o• that shooting in the night should mean, in so much that we were divided into several opini∣ons. During this incertainty our best advice was, to sail the rest of the night with as little cloth as might be, until that on the next morning by the favor of day light we perceived a great many sails, which invironed the Fort on all sides. Some affirmed that it was the Governor newly come from Goa to make peace for the death of Sultan Bandur, King of Cambaya, that was slain a little before. Others said that it was the Infant, Brother to the King Dom Iovan, lately arrived there from Portugal, because he was every day expected in the Indiaes. Some thought that it was the Pat•marcaa, with the King of Cabicuts hundred Foists of Camorin. And the last assured us, how they could justifie with good and sufficient reasons that they were the Turks. As we were in this diversity of minds, and terrified with that which we discerned be∣fore our eyes, five very great Gallies came forth of the midst of this Fleet, with a many of ban∣ners, flags, and streamers, which we saw on the tops of their Masts, and the ends of their sail∣yards, whereof some were so long that they touched even the very water. These Gallies, be∣ing come forth in this sort, turned their prows towards us in such a couragious and confident manner, that by their sailing we presently judged them to be Turks; Which we no sooner knew to be so indeed, but we clapt on all our cloth, for to avoyd them, and to get into the main Sea, not without exceeding fear, le•t for our sins we should fall into the like estate, from whence I was so lately escaped. These five Gallies having observed our flight, took a resolution to pursue us, and chased us till night, at which time it pleased God that they tacked about, and returned to the Army from whence they came. Seeing our selves freed from so great a danger we went joyfully on, and two days after arrived at the Town of Chaul, where our Captain and the Merchants only landed for to visit the Captain of the Fort, named Simon Guedez, unto whom they reported that which had befallen them. Assuredly, said he, you are very much bound to give God thanks for delivering you from one of the greatest perils that ever you were in, for without his assistance it had been impossible for you ever to have declined it, or to tell me of it with such joy as now you do: Thereupon he declared unto them▪ that the Army they had incountred was the very same, which had held Antonio de Silveyra twenty days to∣gether besieged, being composed of a great number of Turks, whereof Solyman the Bassa, Vice-roy of Caire, was General, and that those Sails they had seen, were eight and fifty Gal∣lies great and small, each of which carried five Pieces of Ordnance in her prow, and some of them were Pieces of Battery, besides eight other great Vessels, full of Turks, that were kept in reserve to succor the Army, and supply the places of such as should be killed; Moreover he added, that they had great abundance of victuals, amongst the which there was twelve Basi∣lisks. This news having much amazed us, we rendered infinite praise to the Lord for shewing us such grace, as to deliver us from so imminent a danger.

*We stayed at Chaul but one day, and then we set sail for Goa; Being advanced as far as to the River of Carapatan, we met with Fernand de Morais, Captain of three Foists, who by the command of the Vice-roy, Dom Garcia de Noronha, was going to Dabul, to the end he might see whether he could take or burn a Turkish Vessel, which was in the Port, laden with Victuals by order from the Bassa. This Fernand de Morais had no sooner gotten acquaintance of our ship, but he desired our Captain to lend him fifteen men, of twenty that he had, for to supply the great necessity he was in that way, by reason of the V•c•-roys hastening him away upon the sudden, which, said he, would much advance the service both of God, and his High∣ness. After many contestations of either part upon this occasion, and which, to make shor•, I will pass under silence, at length they were agreed, that our Captain should let Fernand de Morais have twelve, of fifteen men, that he requested, wherewithall he was very well satis∣fied: Of this number I was one, as being always of the least respected. The ship departing for Goa, Fernand de Morais with his three Foists continued his Voyage towards the Port of Da∣bul, where we arrived the next day about nine of the clock in the morning, and presently took a Patach of Malabar, which laden with Cotton Wool and Pepper, rode at anchor in the midst of the Port. Having taken it we put the Captain and Pilot to torture, who instantly confessed that a few days before a ship came into that Port expresly from the Bassa to lade Victuals, and that there was in her an Embassador, who had brought Hidalcan a very rich Cabaya, that is a garment worn by the Gentlemen of that Country, which he would not accept of, for that Page  11 thereby he would not acknowledg himself subject to the Turk, it being a custom among the Mahumetans, for the Lord to do that honor to his Vassal; and further, that this refusal had so much v•xed the Embassador, as he returned without taking any kind of provision of Victuals, and that Hidalcan had answered, he made much more esteem of the King of Portugals amity, then of his, which was nothing but deceit, as having usurped the Town of Goa upon him, after he had offered to ayd him with his favor and forces to regain it. Moreover they said, that it was not above two days since the ship, they spake of, parted from the Port, and that the Cap∣tain of her, named Cide Ale, had denounced War against Hidalcan, vowing that as soon as the Fort of Diu was taken, which could not hold out above eight days, according to the estate wherein h• had left it, Hidalcan should lose his Kingdom, or life, and that then he should to his cost know how little the Portugals, in whom he put his confidence, could avail him. With these news Captain Morais returned towards Goa, where he arrived two days after, and gave accompt to the Vice-roy of that which had past. There we found Gonçallo vaz Coutinho, who was going with five Foists to Onor, to demand of the Queen thereof one of the Gallies of Solymans Army, which by a contrary wind had been driven into her Ports: Now one of the Captains of those Foists my special friend, seeing me poor and necessitous, perswaded me to accompany him in this Voyage, and to that end got me five duckets pay, which I very gladly accepted of, out of the hope I had that God would thereby open me a way to a better fortune. Being imbarqued then, the Captain and Soldiers pitying the case I was in, bestowed such spare clothes as they had upon me, by which means being reasonably well pieced up again, we parted the next morning from the Road of Bardees, and the Monday following we cast anchor in the Port of Onor; where, that the inhabitants of the place might know how little account we made of that mighty Army, we gave them a great peal of Ordnance, putting forth all our fights, beating our D•ums, and sounding our Trumpets, to the end that by these exterior demonstra∣tions they might conclude we regarded not the Turks awhit.

CHAP. V. Gonçallo vaz Coutinho's Treaty with the Queen of Onor; his assaulting of a Turkish Galley, and that which hapned unto us as we were upon our return to Goa.

OU• Fleet making a stand upon the discharging of our peal of Ordnance,* the General Gon∣çallo vaz Coutinho sent Bento Castanho, a very discreet and eloquent man, to the Queen of Onor, to present her with a Letter from the Vice-roy, and to tell her that he was come to complain of her, for that she had sworn a peace and amity with the King of Portugal, and yet suffered the Turks, mortal enemies to the Portugals, to abide in her Ports. Hereunto she re∣turned this answer; That both himself and his company were very welcome, that she greatly esteemed of them, because they were Vassals to the King of Portugal, and as touching that he said of the peace which she had with the King, and his Governors, it was most true, and that she desired to maintain it as long as she lived: For that which he said of the Turks, she took her God to witness how much against her will she had received and suffered them in her Ports, but that finding her self too weak for to resist such powerful enemies, she was constrain∣ed to dissemble, which she would never have done had she been furnished with sufficient forces; furthermore, to clear her self the better unto them, she offered both her power and people for to r•p•l them out of her Ports, and whereas he had brought men enough to chace them thence, she requested him to do it, wherein she would assist him all that possibly she could, which she confirmed with oaths, swearing by the golden Sandals of the Soveraign God whom she adored: To this speech she added, that she should be as well pleased if God would give him the victory over them, as if the King of Narsingu•, whose slave she was, should set her at the table with his wife. Gonçallo vaz Coutinho having received this Embassage, and other complements from the Qu•en, though he had little hope of any performance on her part, yet did he wisely dissem∣ble it. Afterwards being fully informed by the people of the Country of the Turks intention, of the place where they were, and what they did at that instant, he called a Councel thereupon, and having throughly debated and considered all things, it was unanimously concluded, that both for the King of Portugal their Masters honor, and his own, it was expedient to set upon this Galley, either for to take, or fire it, wherein it was hoped that God, for whose glory we •ought, would be assisting to us against those enemies of his holy Faith. This resolution being made, and signed by us all, he entered some two faulcons shot within the River, where he had Page  12 s••rc• anchored, when as a little Boat, which they call an Almadia, came aboard us, with a Brachman that spake very good Portugu•ze: This man delivered a message from the Queen unto our Captain, whereby she earnestly desired him, that for the Vice-roys sake he would de∣si•• from the enterprize he had undertaken, and not to assault the Turks any manner of way, w•ich, said she, could not be done without great disadvantage, for that she had been adver∣tised by her Spies, that they had fortified themselves with a good Trench, which they had cast up near the place where they had moored their Galley, in regard whereof it seemed to her al∣most impossible for him with no more Forces then he had to be able to prevail in so great an at∣tempt: wherefore she took her God to witness how much she was troubled with the fear she was in lest some mis-fortune should betide him. Hereunto our Captain returned an answer full of wisdom and cour••sie, saying, that he kissed her Highness hands for the extraordinary favor she did him in giving him so good advice: but as for his Combat with the Turks he could not follow her counsel, and therefore would proceed in his determination, it being always the cu∣stom of the Portugals not to enquire whether their Enemies were few, or many, since the more they were, the more should be their loss, and the greater his profit and honor. Thus was the Brachman dismissed, our Captain bestowing on him a piece of green Chamlet, and an Hat li•ed with red Sattin, wherewith he returned very well contented.

*The Brachman dismist, Gonçallo vaz Coutinho resolved to fight with the Turks, but before h• proceeded any further he was advertised by Spies what stratagems the Enemy would use a∣gainst us, and that the precedent night by the favor of the Queen they had moored up the Gal∣ley, and by it raised up a platform, whereupon they had flanked five and twenty Pieces of Ord∣nance, but all that stayed him not from advancing towards the Enemy; Seeing himself then within a Cannon shot of them, he went out of his Foist, and with fourscore men only landed, the rest which he had brought with him from Goa for this enterprize, being but an hundred more, he left for the guard of the Foists. So after he had set his men in Battel array, he march∣ed couragiously against his adversaries, who perceiving us making towards them valiantly re∣solved to defend themselves, to which end they sallied some five and twenty or thirty paces out of their Trenches, where the fight began on either side with such fury, that in less then a quar∣ter of an hour five and forty lay dead in the place, amongst the which there was not above eight of ours; Hereupon our General, not contented with this first charge, gave them a second, by means whereof i• pleased God to make them turn their backs, in such sort that they retired pell-•ell, as men routed and in fear of death: Mean while we pursued them to their very Tren•hes, where they turned upon us, and m•de head anew, in the heat hereof we were so far engaged and intangled together, that we knocked one another with the pummels of our swords; Mean while our Foists arrived, which were come along by the shore to succor us, and accord∣ingly they discharged all their Ordnance upon our Enemies, to such good purpose, as they kill∣ed eleven or twelve of the valiantest Ianizaries, which wore green Turbants, as a mark of their Nobility. The death of these so terrified the rest, that they presently forsook the field, by means whereof we had leasure to set the Galley on fire upon the express command of our Ge∣neral Gonçallo, so that having cast into her five pots of powder, the fire took hold on her with such violence, as it was apparant it could not be long before she were utterly consumed, for the mast and sail yards were all of a flame, had not the Turks, knowing the danger she was in, most couragiously quenched the fire; but we labo•ed all that possibly we could to hinder them from it, and to make good that we had so bravely begun, which the enemies perceiving, as their last refuge they gave fire to a great Piece of Ordnance, which charged with stones, and other shot, killed six of ours, whereof the principal was Diego vas Coutinho, the Generals son, besides a dozen others were hurt, that put us quite in disorder; Whereupon the Enemies finding how they had spoiled us, fell to shouting in sign of Victory, and to rendring of thanks to their Mahomet; at the naming of this their false Prophet, whom they invoked, our Gene∣ral the better to encourage his Soldiers, Fellows in arms, said he, seeing these Dogs call upon the Devil to ayd them, let us pray unto our Saviour Iesus Christ to assist us. This said, we once more assaulted the Trench, which the Enemies no sooner perceived, but they craft•y turned their backs, and took their flight towards the Galley, but they were instantly followed by some of ours, who within a while made themselves Masters of all their Trenches, in the mean time the Infidel• gave fire to a secret myne, which they had made a little within their Trenches, and blew up six of our Portugals, and eight Slaves, maiming many others besides; Now the smoak was such and so thick, as we could hardly discern one another, in regard Page  13 whereof our General, fearing least some greater loss then the former should befall him, re∣treated to the water side, carrying along with him both the dead bodies, and all the hurt men, and so went where his Foists lay, into the which every one being imbarqued, we returned with strength of rowing to the place from whence we came, where with extream sorrow he caused the slain to be interred, and all that were hurt to be drest, which were a very great number.

The same day that was so fatal to us, a list being taken of all the surviving Soldiers,* that so it might be known how many had been lost in the l•st fight upon assaulting of the Trench, we found that of fourscore which we were, there was fifteen slain, fifty four hurt, and nine quite maimed for ever: The rest of the day, and the night following, we kept very good watch to avoyd all surprizes of the Enemy. As soon as the next morning appeared, there came an Embassador from the Queen of Onor to the General Gonçallo, with a Present of Hens, Chickens, and new layd Eggs for the relief of our sick men; Now though we had great need of those things, yet in stead of receiving our General utterly refused them, and shewing himself very much dis∣pleased with the Queen he could not forbear lashing out some words, that were a little more harsher then was requisite; saying, that the Vice-roy should ere long be advertised of the bad Offices she had rendred the King of Portugal, and how much he was obliged to pay her that debt, when occasion should serve: Further he bid him tell her, that for an assurance of that which he said, he had left his son dead and buried in her Land, together with the other Portu∣gals, who had been miserably slaughtered through her practises, by assisting the Turks against them: and in a word, that he would thank her more fully another time for the Present she had sent, the better to dissemble what she had executed against him, for which he would one day return her a recompence according to her merit.

The Embassador, very much terrified with this speech, departed; and being come to the Queen his Mistress, he so throughly represented Gonçallo's answer unto her, as she greatly doubted that this Galley would be an occasion of the loss of her Kingdom; wherefore to decline so great a mischief she thought it necessary to seek by all means possible to maintain the League with our General, to which end she assembled her Councel, by whose advice she dispatched another Embassador unto him, who was a Brachman, a grave and reverent personage, and her nearest kinsman. At his arrival where our Foists lay, our General gave him very good enter∣tainment, and after the ordinary ceremonies and complements the Brachman having demand∣ed permission to deliver his Embassage; Signior, said he to our Governor, if you will give me audience, I will declare the cause of my coming hither from the Queen of Onor my Mi∣stress. Hereunto Gonçallo replyed, That Embassadors had always assurance for their per∣sons, and permission freely to deliver the particulars of their Embassy, so that he might boldly say what he would. The Brachman having thanked him, Verily, continued he, I am not able to express unto you, how sensible the Queen my Mistress is of the death of your son, and of those other Portugals, that were yesterday slain in the fight; And without lying I swear un∣to you by her life, and by this string of a Brachman that I wear, the mark of my Priestly dig∣nity, and only proper to those which are of that profession, wherein I have been exercised from my youth, that she was so exceedingly afflicted at the notice of your disaster, and the un∣luckie success of your conflict, as she could not have been more vexed if she had been made to eat Cows flesh (which is the greatest sin committed amongst us) at the principal gate of the Temple, where her father is interred: Whereby you may judg, Signior, what a share she bears of your sorrow. But since there is no remedy for things done, she desireth, and very instantly beseecheth you to confirm the Peace unto her anew which other Governers have al∣ways granted her heretofore; Whereunto she the rather intreats you, because she knows of what power you are with the Vice-roy: Now that confirmed unto her, she assures you, and faithfully promiseth, within four days to burn the Galley, that hath put you to so much pain, and turn the Turks out of the limits of her Kingdom, which is all that she can do, and which you may be most confident she will not fail to execute accordingly.

Our General knowing of what importance this affair was,* presently accepted of the Brach∣mans offer, and told him that he was contented that the League should be renewed betwixt them, according whereunto it was instantly published on either part with all the ceremonies accustomed in such cases; Thereupon the Brachman returned to the Queen, who afterwards labored all she could to make good her word; But because Gonçallo could not stay the four days, which she had demanded, in regard of the extream danger he should thereby have exposed Page  14 our hurt men unto, he resolved to be gone, and so the same day after dinner we departed; Howbeit he first left one, nam•d Georgio Neogueyra, there, with express order exactly to observe all that was done concerning that affair, and thereof to give certain intelligence to the Vice-roy, as the Queen her self had requested.

CHAP. VI. What passed till such time as Pedro de Faria arrived at Malaca; his receiving an Embassador from the King of Batas; with his sending me to that King, and that which arrived to me in that Voyage.

*THe next day our General Gonçallo vaz Coutinho arrived at Goa, with so many of us as remained alive; There he was exceedingly welcomed by the Vice-roy, unto whom he rendred an accompt of his Voyage, as also of that which he had concluded with the Queen of Onor, who had promised to burn the Galley within four days, and to chace the Turks out of all the Confines of her Kingdom, wherewith the Vice-roy was very well satisfied. In the mean time after I had remained three and twenty days in the said Town of Goa, where I was cured of two hurts which I had received in fight at the Turks Trenches, the necessity whereunto I saw my self reduced, and the counsel of a Fryer, my Friend, perswaded me to offer my service unto a Gentleman, named Pedro de Faria, that was then newly preferred to the Charge of Captain of Malaca, who upon the first motion was very willing to entertain me for a Soldier, and promised me withall to give me something over and above the rest of his Company during the Voyage which he was going to make with the Vice-roy. For it was at that very time when as the Vice-roy Dom Garcia de Noronha was preparing to go to the succor of the Fortress of Diu, which he certainly knew was besieged, and in great danger to be taken, by reason of the great Forces wherewithall it was invested by the Turk, and to relieve it the Vice-roy had as∣sembled a mighty Fleet at Goa, consisting of about two hundred and twenty five Vessels, whereof fourscore and three were great ones, namely Ships, Gallions, Carvels, and the rest Brigantins, Foists, and Galleys, wherein it was said there were ten thousand Land-men, and thirty thousand Mariners, besides a great number of Slaves. The time of setting sail being come, and the Foists provided of all things necessary, the Vice-roy imbarqued himself on Saturday the fourteenth of November, 1538. Howbeit five days past away before he put out of the Haven, in regard he stayed for his men that were not all ready to imbarque, the mean while a Catur ar∣rived from the Town of Diu with a Letter from Antonio de Silveyra, Captain of the Fortress, whereby he advertised the Vice-roy, that the Turks had raised the siege, and were retired. Now though these were good news, yet was the whole Fleet grieved thereat for the great de∣sire every one had to fight with the Enemies of our Faith. Hereupon the Vice-roy abode there five days longer, during the which he took order for all things necessary to the conservation of his Government of the Indiaes, and then commanding to hoist sail he departed from Goa on a Thursday morning the sixteenth of December: The four•eenth of his Navigation he went and cast anchor at Chaul, where he remained three days, during the which he entred into confer∣ence with Inezamuluco, a Mahometan Prince, and took order for certain affairs very much importing the surety of the Fortress: After that he cau•ed some of the Vessels of the Fleet to be rigged, which he furnished with Soldiers and Victuals, and then d•parted for to go to Diu; But it was his ill fortune, as he was crossing the Gulph, to be suddenly overtaken by such a furious Tempest, that it not only separated his Fleet, but was the loss of many Vessels, chiefly of the Bastard Galley, which was cast away at the mouth of the River Dabul, whereof Dom Alvaro de Noronha, the Vice-roys son, and General of the Sea-forces, was Captain; In the same Gulph also perished the Galley named Espinheyro, commanded by Iovan de Sousa, how∣beit the most part of their men were saved by Christophilo de Gama, who came most oppor∣tunely to their succor. During this Tempest there were seven other ships likewise cast away, the names of which I have forgotten, in so much that it was a month before the Vice-roy could recover himself of the loss he had sustained, and re-assemble his Fleet again which this storm had scattered in divers places: At length the sixteenth of Ianuary, 1539. he arrived at the Town of Diu, where he caused the Fortress to be re-built, the greater part whereof had been demo∣lished by the Turks, so as it seemed that it had been defended by the besieged, rather by mi∣racle, then force: Now to effect it the better he made proclamation, that all the Captains with their Soldiers should each of them take in charge to re-build that quarter, which should be al∣lotted Page  15 them; and because never a Commander there had more then Pedro de Faria, he thought fit to appoint him the Bulwark, which looked to the Sea, for his quarter, together with the out-wall that was on the Lands side; wherein he bestowed such care and diligence, that in six and twenty days space, both the one and the other were restored to a better state then before, by the means of three hundred Soldiers that were employed about it. This done, for that it was the fourteenth of March, and a fit time for Navigation to Malaca, Pedro de Faria set sail for Goa, where by vertue of a Pattent granted him by the Vice-roy he furnished himself with all things necessary for his Voyage; Departing then from Goa on the thirteenth of April with a Fleet of eight Ships, four Foists, and one Galley, wherein there were five hundred men, he had so favorable a wind, that he arrived at Malaca the fifth day of Iune in the same year, 1539.

Pedro de Faria succeeding Dons Estevano de Gama in the Charge of Captain of Malaca,* arrived there safely with his Fleet, nothing hapning in his Voyage worthy of writing. Now because at his arrival, Estevan de Gama had not yet ended the time of his Commission, he was not put into the possession of that Government until the day that he was to enter upon his Charge. Howbeit, in regard Pedro de Faria was ere long to be Governor of the Fortress, the neighboring Kings sent their Embassadors to congratulate with him, and to make a tender of their amity, and of a mutual conservation of Peace with the King of Portugal. Amongst these Embassadors there was one from the King of Batas, who raigned in the Isle of Samatra, where it is held for a surety that the Island of Gold is, which the King of Portugal, Dom Ioana the Third, had resolved should have been discovered by the advice of certain Captains of the Country. This Embassador, that was Brother-in-law to the King of Batas, named Aqua∣rem Dabolay, brought him a rich Present of Wood of Aloes, Calambaa, and five quintals of Benjamon in flowers, with a Letter written on the bark of a Palm tree, where these words were inserted.

More ambitious then all men of the service of the crowned Lyon, seated in the dreadful Throne of the Sea, the rich and mighty Prince of Portugal, thy Master and mine, to whom, in thee Pedro de Faria, I do now render obedience with a sincere and true amity, to the end I may become his Subject with all the purity and affection which a Vassal is obliged to carry unto his Master; I Angeessiry Timorraia, King of Batas, desiring to insinuate my self into thy friend∣ship, that thy Subjects may be inriched with the fruits of this my Country, I do offer by a new Treaty to replenish the Magazins of thy King, who is also mine, with Gold, Pepper, Cam∣fire, Benjamon, and Aloes, upon condition that with an entire confidence thou shalt send me a safe conduct, written and assigned with thine own hand, by means whereof all my Lanchares and Jurupanges may navigate in safety. Furthermore, in favor of this new amity, I do again beseech thee to succor me with some Powder and great Shot, whereof thou hast but too much in thy Store-houses, and therefore mayst well spare them; for I had never so great need of all kind of warlike munitions as at this present. This granted, I shall be much indebted to thee if by thy means I may once chastise those perjured Achems, the mortal and eminent Enemies of thy Malaca, with whom, I swear to thee, I will never have peace as long as I live, until such time as I have had satisfaction for the blood of my three children, which call upon me for vengeance, and that therewith I may asswage the sorrow of their noble Mother, who having given them suck, and brought them up, hath seen them since miserably butchered by that cruel Tyrant of Achem in the Towns of Jacur and Lingua, as thou shalt be more particularly informed by Aquarem Dabolay, the Brother of those childrens desolate Mother, whom I have sent unto thee for a confirmation of our new amity, to the end, Signior, that he may treat with thee about such things as shall seem good unto thee, as well for the service of God, as for the good of thy people. From Paniau the fifth day of the eighth Moon.

This Embassador received from Pedro de Faria all the honor that he could do him after their manner, and as soon as he had delivered him the Letter it was translated into the Por∣tugal out of the Malayan Tongue wherein it was written. Whereupon the Embassador by his Interpreter declared the occasion of the discord, which was between the Tyrant of Achem, and the King of Batas, proceeding from this, that the Tyrant had not long before propounded unto this King of Batas, who was a Gentile, the imbracing of Mahomet• Law, conditionally that he would wed him to a Sister of his, for which purpose he should quit his wife, that was also a Gentile, and married to him six and twenty years; Now because the King of Batas would by no means condescend thereunto, the Tyrant, incited by a Cacis of his, immediately Page  16 denounced War against him: So each of them having raised a mighty Army, they fought a most bloody Battel, that continued three hours, and better, during the which the Tyrant per∣ceiving the advantage the Bataes had of him, after he had lost a great number of his people, he made his retreat into a Mountain, called Cagerrendan, where the Bataes held him besieged by the space of three and twenty days, but because in that time many of the Kings men fell sick, and that also the Tyrants Camp began to want Victuals, they concluded a Peace, upon condi∣tion that the Tyrant should give the King five bars of Gold (which are in value two hundred thousand crowns of our mony) for to pay his Soldiers, and that the King should marry his eldest son to that sister of the Tyrant, who had been the cause of making that War. This accord be∣ing signed by either part, the King returned into his Country, where he was no sooner arrived, but relying on this Treaty of Peace he dismist his Army, and discharged all his Forces. The tranquillity of this Peace lasted not above two months and an half, in which time there came to the Tyrant three hundred Turks, whom he had long expected from the Straight of Mecqua, and for them had sent four Vessels laden with Pepper, wherein also were brought a great many Cases full of Muskets and Hargebusezes, together with divers Pieces both of Brass and Iron Ordnance. Whereupon the first thing the Tyrant did was to joyn those three hundred Turks to some Forces he had still afoot, then making as though he would go to Pacem for to take in a Captain that was revolted against him, he cunningly fell upon two places, named Iacur and Lingua, that app•rtained to the King of Batas, which he suddenly surprized when they with∣in th•m least thought of it, for the Peace newly made between them took away all the mistrust of such an attempt, so as by that means it was easie for the Tyrant to render himself Master of those Fortresses. Having taken them he put three of the Kings sons to death, and seven hun∣dred Ouroballones, so are the noblest and the valiant•st of the Kingdom called. This while the King of Batas, much resenting, and that with good cause, so great a Treachery, sware by the head of his god Quiay Hocombinor, the principal Idol of the Gentiles sect, who hold him for their god of Justice, never to eat either fruit, salt, or any other thing, that might bring the least gust to his palate, before he had revenged the death of his children, and drawn reason from the Tyrant for this loss; protesting further, that he was resolved to dye in the mainte∣nance of so just a War. To which end, and the better to bring it to pass, the King of Batas straightway assembled an Army of fifteen thousand men, as well natives, as strangers, where∣withall he was assisted by some Princes his friends: and to the same effect he emplored the Forces of us Christians, which was the reason why he sought to contract that new amity, we have spoken of before, with Pedro de Faria, who was very well contented with it, in regard he knew that it greatly imported, both the service of the King of Portugal, and the conserva∣tion of the Fortress, besides that by this means he hoped very much to augment the Revenue of the Customs, together with his own particular, and all the rest of the Portugals profit, in regard of the great Trade they had in those Countries of the South.

*After that the King of Batas Embassador had been seventeen days with us, Pedro de Faria dismissed him, having first granted whatsoever the King his Master had demanded, and some∣thing over and above, as fire-pots, darts, and murdering Pieces, wherewith the Embassador departed from the Fortress so contented, that he shed tears for joy, nay, it was observed, that passing by the great door of the Church, he turned himself towards it, with his hands and eyes lift up to Heaven, and then as it were praying to God; Almighty Lord, said he openly, that in rest and great joy livest there above seated on the Treasure of thy Riches, which are the spirits formed by thy Will, here I promise thee, if it may be thy good pleasure to give us the victory against this Tyrant of Achem, and to permit us to regain that from him, which with such notable treachery he hath taken from us in those places of Jacur and Lingua, we will al∣ways most faithfully and sincerely acknowledg thee according to the Law of the Portugals, and according to that holy Verity, wherein consists the Salvation of all that are born in the world: Furthermore, in our Country we will build fair Temples unto thee, perfumed with sweet odours, where all living Souls shall on their bended knees adore thee, as it hath been always used to be done unto this present in the Land of Portugal. And hear what besides I promise, and swear unto thee with all the assuredness of a good and faithful servant, that the King my Master shall never acknowledg any other King then the great Portugal, who is now Lord of Malaca.

Having made this protestation, he presently imbarqued himself in the same Lanchara, wherein he came thither, being accompanied with eleven or twelve Balons, which are small Page  17 Barques, and so went to the Isle of Vpa, distant not above half a league from the Port. There the Bandara of Malaca (who is as it were chief Justicer amongst the Mahometans) was pre∣sent in person by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria for to entertain him; And ac∣cordingly he made him a great Feast, which was celebrated with Hoboys, Drums, Trumpets, and Cymbals, together with an excellent consort of voyces framed to the tune of Harps, Lutes, and Viols after the Portugal manner. Whereat this Embassador did so wonder, that he would often put his finger on his mouth, an usual action with those of that Country when they mar∣vel at any thing. About twenty days after the d•parture of this Embassador, Pedro de Faria being informed, that if he would send some Commodities from the Indiaes to the Kingdom of Batas, he might make great profit thereof, and much more of those which should be returned from thence, he to that effect set forth a Iurupango, of the bigness of a small Carvel, wherein he ventured a matter of some ten thousand duckets; In this Vessel he sent, as his Factor, a cer∣tain Mahometan, born at Malaca, and was desirous to have me to accompany him, telling me that thereby I should not only much oblige him, but that also under pretext of being sent as Embassador thither, I might both see the King of Batas, and going along with him in his jour∣ney against the Tyrant of Achem, which some way or other would questionless redound to my benefit. Now to the end that upon my return out of those Countries I might make him a true relation of all that I had seen, he prayed me carefully to observe whatsoever should pass there, and especially to learn whether the Isle of Gold, so much talked of, was in those parts, for that he was minded, if any discovery of it should be made, to write unto the King of Portugal about it. To speak the truth, I would fain have excused my self from this Voyage, by reason those Countries were unknown to me, and for that the inhabitants were by every one account∣ed faithless and treacherous, having small hope besides to make any gain by it, in regard that all my stock amounted not to above an hundred duckets; But because I durst not oppose the Cap∣tains desire I imbarqued my self, though very unwillingly, with that Infidel who had the charge of the Merchandise. Our Pilot steered his course from Malaca to the Port of Sorotilau, which is in the Kingdom of Aaru, always coasting the Isle of Samatra towards the Mediterranean Sea, till at length we arrived at a certain River, called Hicandure; After we had continued five days sailing in this manner we came to an Harbor, named Minhatoley, distant some ten leagues from the Kingdom of Peedir. In the end finding our selves on the other side of the Ocean we sailed on four days together, and then cast anchor in a little river, called Gaateamgim, that was not above seven fathom deep, up the which we past some seven or eight leagues. Now all the while we sailed in this River with a fair wind, we saw athwart a Wood, which grew on the bank of it, such a many Adders, and other crawling creatures, no less prodigious for their length, then for the strangeness of their forms, that I shall not marvel if they that read this History will not be∣leeve my report of them; especially such as have not travelled, for they that have seen little beleeve not much, whereas they that have seen much beleeve the more. All along this River, that was not very broad, there were a number of Lizards, which might more properly be called Serpents, because some of them were as big as an Almadia, with scales upon their backs, and mouths two foot wide. Those of the Country assured us, that these creatures are so hardy, as there be of them that sometimes will set upon an Almadia, chiefly when they perceive there is not above four or five persons in her, and overturn it with their tails, swallowing up the men whole, without dismembering of them. In this place also we saw strange kind of crea∣tures, which they call Caquesseitan; They are of the bigness of a great Goose, very black, and scaly on their backs, with a row of sharp pricks on their chins, as long as a writing pen: Moreover, they have wings like unto those of Bats, long necks, and a little bone growing on their heads resembling a Cocks spur, with a very long tail spotted black and green, like unto the Lizards of that Country; These creatures hop and fly together, like Grashoppers, and in that manner they hunt Apes, and such other beasts, whom they pursue even to the tops of the highest Trees. Also we saw Adders, that were copped on the crowns of their heads, as big as a mans thigh, and so venomous, as the Negroes of the Country informed us, that if any living thing came within the reach of their breath, it dyed presently, there being no remedy nor antidote against it. We likewise saw others, that were not copped on the crowns, nor so venomous as the former, but far greater and longer, with an head as big as a Calves. We were told that they hunt their prey in this manner: They get up into a tree, and winding their tails about some branch of it, let their bodies hang down to the foot of the tree, and then laying one of their ears close to the ground, they harken whether they can hear any thing stir during the still∣ness Page  18 of the night, so that if an Ox, a Boar, or any other beast doth chance to pass by, they pre∣sently seize on it, and so carries it up into the tree where he devours it. In like sort we de∣scryed a number of Baboons, both grey and black, as big as a great Mastiff, of whom the Ne∣groes of the Country are more afraid, then of all the other beasts, because they will set upon them with that hardiness, as they have much ado to resist them.

CHAP. VII. What happened to me at Penaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem; and what he did after his Victory over him.

*BY that time we had sailed seven or eight leagues up the River, at the end we arrived at a little Town, named Botterrendan, not above a quarter of a mile distant from Panaiu, where the King of Batas was at that time making preparation for the War he had undertaken against the Tyrant of Achem. This King understanding that I had brought him a Letter and a Present from the Captain of Malaca, caused me to be entertained by the Xabandar, who is he that with absolute power governs all the affairs of the Army: This General, accompanied with five Lanchares, and twelve Ballons, came to me to the Port where I rode at anchor; Then with a great noise of Drums, Bells, and popular acclamations, he brought me to a certain Key of the Town, called Campalator; There the Bendara, Governor of the Kingdom, stayed for me in great solemnity, attended by many Our•balons and Amborraias, which are the noblest persons of his Court, the most part of whom, for all that, were but poor and base, both in their habit, and manner of living, whereby I knew that the Country was not so rich as it was thought to be in Malaca. When I was come to the Kings Palace, and had past through the first Court, at the entrance of the second I found an old woman, accompanied with other per∣sons far nobler, and better apparelled then those that marched before me, who beckoning m• with her hand, as if she had commanded me to enter:

Man of Malaca, said she unto me, Thy arrival in the King my Masters Land, is as agreeable unto him, as a s•owre of rain is to a crop of Rice in dry and hot weather; Wherefore enter boldly, and be afraid of nothing, for the people, which by the goodness of God thou seest here, are no other then those of thine own Country, since the hope which we have in the same God makes us believe that he will maintain us all together unto the end of the world. Having said so, she carried me where the King was, unto whom I did obeysance according to the man-of the Country, then I delivered him the Letter and the Present I had brought him, which he graciously accepted of, and asked me what occasion drew me thither. Whereunto I answered, as I had in commission, that I was come to serve his Highness in the Wars, where I hoped to 〈◊〉 the honor to attend on him, and not to leave him till such time as he returned Conqueror of his Enemies: Hereunto I likewise added, that I desired to see the City of Achem, as also the scituation and fortifications of it, and what depth the River was of, whereby I might know whether it would bear great Vessels and Gallions, because the Captain of Malaca had a design to come and succor his Higness, as soon as his men were returned from the Indiaes, and to d•liver his mortal Enemy, the Tyrant of Achem, into his hands. This poor King presently believed all that I said to be true, and so much the rather, for that it was conformable to his desire, in such sort, that rising out of his Th•one where he was set, I saw him go and fall on his knees before the carcass of a Cows head, set up against the wall, whose horns were guilt, and crowned with flowers; Then lifting up his hands and eyes, O thou, said he, that not con∣strained by any material love, where•nto Nature hath obliged thee, dost continually make glad all those that desire thy milk, as the own mother doth him whom she hath brought into the world, without participating either of the miseries, or pains, which ordinarily she suffers from whom we take our Being, be favorable unto the prayer which now with all my heart I offer up unto thee: and it is no other but this, that in the meadows of the Sun, where with the payment and recompence which thou receivest, thou art contented with the good that thou dost here below, thou wilt be pleased to conserve me in the new amity of this good Captain, to the end he may put in execution all that this man here hath told me. At these words all the Courtiers, which were likewise on their knees, said three times as it were in answer, How happy were he that could see that, and then dye incontinently? Whereupon the King arose, and wiping his eyes, which were all beblubbered with the tears that proceeded from the zeal of the prayer he had made, he questioned me about many particular things of the Indiaes, and Page  19Malaca. Having spent some time therein, he very courteously dismissed me, with a promise to cause the Merchandise, which the Mahometan had brought in the Captain of Mala•a's name, to be well and profitably put off, which indeed was the thing I most desired. Now for as much as the King at my arrival was making his preparations for to march against the Ty∣rant of Achem, and had taken order for all things necessary for that his Voyage, after I had re∣mained nine days in Panaiu, the Capital City of the Kingdom of Batas, he departed with some Troops towards a place, named Turban, some five leagues of, where he arrived an hour before Sun-set, without any manner of reception, or shew of joy, in regard of the grief he was in for the death of his children, which was such as he never appeared in publique, but with great demonstrations of sorrow.

The next morning the King of Batas marched from Turban towards the Kingdom of A∣chem,* being eighteen leagues thither: He carried with him fifteen thousand men of War, whereof eight thousand were Bataes, and the rest Menancabes, Lusons, Andraguires, Iambes, and Bournees, whom the Princes his neighbors had assisted him with, as also forty Elephants, and twelve Carts with small Ordnance, namely, Faulcons, Bases, and other field Pieces, amongst the which there were three that had the Arms of France, and were taken in the year 1526. at such time as Lopo Vaz d• Sampayo governed the State of the Indiaes. Now the King of Batas marching five leagues a day came to a River, called Quilem; There by some of the Tyrants Spies, which he had taken, he learnt that his Enemy waited for him at Tonda∣cur, two leagues from Achem, with a purpose to fight with him, and that he had great store of strangers in his Army, namely Turks, Cambayans, and Malabars: Whereupon the King of Batas assembling his Councel of War, and falling into consultation of this affair, it was con∣cluded as most expedient to set upon the Enemy before he grew more strong. With this reso∣lution having quit the River he marched somewhat faster then ordinary, and arrived about ten of the clock in the night at the foot of a Mountain, half a league from the Enemies Camp, where, after he had reposed himself a matter of three hours, he marched on in very good order, for which effect having divided his Army into four Squadrons, and passing along by a little hill, when he came to the end thereof he discovered a great Plain sowed with Rice, where the Ene∣my stood ranged in two Battalions. As soon as the two Armies descryed one another, and that at the sound of their Trumpets, Drums, and Bells the Soldiers had set up a terrible cry, they encountred very valiantly together, and after the discharge of their shot on both sides, they came to fight hand to hand with such courage, that I trembled with fear to behold their fury. The Battel continued in this manner above an hour, and yet could it not possibly be discerned which party had the better. At last the Tyrant foreseeing, that if he persisted in the fight, he should lose the day, because he perceived his men to grow faint and weary, he retreated to a rising ground, that lay South of the Bataes, and about a Faulcons shot distant from them. There his intention was to fortifie himself in certain Trenches which before he had caused to be cast up against a Rock in form of a garden, or tilth of Rice; But a brother to the King of An∣draguire interrupted his design, for stepping before him with two thousand men, he cut off his way, and stopt him from passing further, in so much that the medly grew to be the same it was before, and the fight was renewed between them with such fury, as cruelly wounding one another, they testified sufficiently how they came but little short of other Nations in courage. By this means the Tyrant, before he could recover his Trenches, lost fifteen hundred of his men, of which number were the hundred and threescore Turks, that a little before were come to him from the Straight of Mecqua, with two hundred Sarrazins, Malabars, and some Abissins, which were the best men he had; Now because it was about mid-day, and therefore very hot, the King of Batas retired towards the Mountain, where he spent the rest of the day in causing those that were wounded to be looked unto, and the dead to be buried. Hereupon, not being well resolved what to do, in regard he was altogether ignorant of the Enemies design, he took care to have good watch kept all that night in every part. The next morning no sooner began the Sun to appear but he perceived the Valley, wherein the Achems had been the day before, to be quite abandoned, and not one of them to be seen there, which made him think the Enemy was defeated: In this opinion, the better to pursue the first point of his Victory, he dismissed all the hurt men, as being unfit for service, and followed the Tyrant to the City, where arriving two hours before Sun-set, to shew that he had strength and courage enough to combat his Ene∣mies, he resolved to give them proof of it by some remarkable action before he would encamp himself; To which effect he fired two of the Suburbs of the Town, as also four Ships, and Page  20 two Gallions, which were drawn on Land, and were those that had brought the Turks from the Straight of Mecqua: And indeed the fire took with such violence on those six Vessels, as they were quite consumed in a very little time, the Enemy not daring to issue forth for to quench it. After this, the King of Batas seeing himself favored by Fortune, to lose no opportunity began to assault a Fort, called Penacao, which with twelve Pieces of Ordnance defended the entry of the River, to the Scalado of this he went in person, his whole Army looking on, and having caused some seventy or eighty ladders to be planted, he behaved himself so well, that with the loss only of seven and thirty men he entred the place, and put all to the sword that he found in it, to the number of seven hundred persons, without sparing so much as one of them. Thus did he on the day of his arrival perform three memorable things, whereby his Soldiers were so heartned, as they would fain have assaulted the City the very same night if he would have permitted them, but in regard it was very dark, and his men weary, he gave thanks to God, and contented himself with that which he had done.

*The King of Batas held the City besieged by the space of three and twenty days, during the which two sallies were made, wherein nothing past of any reckoning, for there were but ten men slain on either part; Now as victories and good success in War do ordinarily encourage the victorious, so oftentimes it happens that the weak become strong, and cowards so hardy, as laying aside all fear they dare undertake most difficile and dangerous things▪ whence also it as often falls out, that the one prospers, and the other is ruined, which appeared but too evident∣ly in that which I observed of these two Princes; For the King of Batas, seeing that the Ty∣rant had shut himself up in his City, thereby as it were confessing that he was vanquished, grew to such an height of confidence, that both he and his people beleeving it was impossible for them to be resisted, and trusting in this vain opinion, that blinded them, were twice in ha∣zard to be lost by the rash and inconsiderate actions which they entred into. In the third sally, made by the inhabitants, the King of Batas people encountred them very lustily in two places, which those of Achem perceiving▪ they made as though they were the weaker, and so retreat∣ed to the same Fort, that was taken from them by the Bataes the first day of their arrival, be∣ing closely followed by one of the Kings Captains, who taking hold of the opportunity, entred pell-mell with the Achems, being perswaded that the Victory was sure his own; But when they were all together in the Trenches the Achems turned about, and making head afresh de∣fended themselves very couragiously▪ At length in the heat of their medley, the one side en∣deavoring to go on, and the other to withstand them, those of Achem gave fire to a Myne they had made, which wrought so effectually, as it blew up the Captain of the Bataes, and above three hundred of his Soldiers, with so great a noise, and so thick a smoak, as the place seemed to be the very portraiture of Hell: In the mean time the Enemies giving a great shout, the Tyrant sallied forth in person, accompanied with five thousand resolute men, and charged the Bataes very furiously; Now for that neither of them could see one another by reason of the smoak pro∣ceeding from the Myne, there was a most confused and cruel conflict between them, but to speak the truth I am not able to deliver the manner of it, sufficeth it that in a quarter of an hours space, the time this fight endured, four thousand were slain in the place on both sides, whereof the King of Batas lost the better part, which made him retire with the remainder of his Army to a Rock, called Minacaleu, where causing his hurt men to be drest, he found them to be two thousand in number, besides those that were killed, which because they could not be so suddenly buried were thrown into the current of the River. Hereupon the two Kings con∣tinued quiet for four days after, at the end whereof one morning, when nothing was less thought of, there appeared in the midst of the River on Penaticans side a Fleet of fourscore and six Sails, with a great noise of musick, and acclamations of joy: At first this object much ama∣zed the Bataes, because they knew not what it was, howbeit the night before their scouts had taken five fishermen, who put to torture confessed, that this was the Army which the Tyrant had sent some two months before to Tevassery, in regard he had War with the Sornau, King of Siam, and it was said that this Army was composed of five thousand Lussons and Sornes, all choyce men, having to their General a Turk▪ named Hametecam, Nephew to the Bassa of Cairo. Whereupon the King of Batas making use of these fishermens confession, resolved to retire himself in any sort whatsoever, well considering that the time would not permit him to make an hours stay, as well because his Enemies Forces were far greater then his, as for that every minute they expected succors from Pedir and Pazen, whence, as it was reported for certain, there were twelve ships full of strangers coming. No sooner was the King fortified Page  21 in this resolution, but the night ensuing he departed very sad, and ill contented for the bad su•∣cess of his enterprize, wherein he had lost above three thousand and five hundred men, not comprising the wounded, which were more in number, nor those that were burnt with the fire of the Myn•. Five days after his departure he arrived at Panaiu, where he dismissed all his Forces, both his own subjects and strangers; That done, he imbarqued himself in a small Lanchara, and went up the River without any other company then two or three of his Favo∣rites: With this small retinue he betook himself to a place, called Pachissaru, where he shu• himself up for fourteen days, by way of pennance, in a Pagod of an Idol, named Gi•nasser•d, which signifies the God of Sadness. At his return to Panaiu he sent for me, and the Mahome∣tan that brought Pedro de Faria's Merchandise; The first thing that he did was to enquire particularly of him whether he made a good sale of it, adding withall, that if any thing were still owing to him he would command it to be presently satisfied; Hereunto the Mahometan and I answered, that through his Highness favor all our business had received a very good dis∣patch, and that we were well payd for that we had sold, in regard whereof the Captain of Malaca would not fail to acknowledg that courtesie, by sending him succor for to be revenged on his Enemy the Tyrant of Achem, whom he would inforce to restore all the places, which he had unjustly usurped upon him. The King hearing me speak in this manner stood a while musing with himself, and then in answer to my speech, A• Portugal, said he, since thou con∣strainest me to tell thee freely what I think, beleeve me not hereafter to be so ignorant, as that thou mayst be able to perswade me, or that I can be capable to imagine, that he, which in thirty years space could not revenge himself, is of power to succor me at this present in so short a time; or if yet thou thinkest I deceive my self, tell me I pre thee now whence comes it that thy King and his Governors could not hinder this cruel King of Achem from gaining from you the Fort of Pazem, and the Galley which went to the Molu•quaes, as also three Ships in Queda, and the Gallion of Malaca, at such time as Garcia was Captain there, besides the four Foists that were taken since at Salengor, with the two Ships that came from Bengal•, or Lop• Chanoc•'s Iounk and Ship, as likewise many other Vessels, which I cannot now remember, 〈◊〉 the which, as I have been assured, this Inhumane h•th put to death above a thousand Portu∣gals, and gotten an extream rich bo•ty. Wherefore if this Tyrant should happen to come once more against me, how canst thou have me rely upon their word which have been so often over∣come? I must of necessity then continue as I am with three of my children murdered, and the greatest part of my Kingdom destroyed, seeing you your selves are not much more assured in your Fortress of Malaca. I must needs confess that this answer, made with so much resent∣ment, rendred me so ashamed, knowing he spake nothing but truth, that I durst not talk to him afterwards of any succor, nor for our honor reiterate the promises which I had formerly made him.

CHAP. VIII. What past between the King of Batas and me, until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca; my Arrival in the Kingdom of Queda, and my return from thence to Malaca.

THe Mahometan and I returning to our lodging, departed not in four days after,* employ∣ing that time in shipping an hundred Bars of Tin, and thirty of Benjamin, which were still on Land. Then being fully satisfied by our Merchants, and ready to go, I went to wait upon the King at his Passeiran, which was a great place before the Palace, where those of the Country kept their most solemn Fairs; There I gave him to understand, that now we had no∣thing more to do but to depart if it would please his Majesty to permit us: The entertainment that he gave me then was very gracious, and for answer he said to me, I am very glad for that Hermon Xabandar (who was chief General of the Wars) assured me yesterday that your Cap∣tains commodities were well sold, but it may be that that which he told me was not so, and that he delivered not the truth for to please me, and to accommodate himself to the desire he knew I had to have it so, wherefore, continued he, I pre-thee declare unto me freely whether he dealt truly with me, and whether the Mahometan that brought them be fully satisfied, for I would not that to my dishonor those of Malaca should have cause to complain of the Mer∣chants of Panaiu, saying, that they are not men of their word, and that there is not a King there who can constrain them to pay their debts; and I swear to thee by the faith of Pagan, Page  22 that this affront would be no less insupportable to my condition, then if I should chance to make peace with that Tyrant, and perjured Enemy of mine, the King of Achem. Whereunto having replyed, that we had dispatched all our affairs, and that there was nothing due to us in his Country; Verily, said he, I am very well pleased to hear that it is so, wherefore since thou hast nothing else to do here, I hold it requisite, that without any further delay thou shouldst go, for the ••me is now fit to set sail, and to avoyd the great heats that ordinarily are endured in passing the Gulph, which is the cause that ships are many times cast upon Pazem by foul weather at Sea, from which I pray God deliver thee, for I assure thee that if thy ill fortune should carry thee thither, the men of Achem would eat thee alive, and the Tyrant himself would have the first bite at thee, there being nothing in the world these Inhumanes so much vaunt of, as to car•y on the crest of their Arms the device of Drinkers of the troubled blood of miserable Ca•∣sers, who they say are come from the end of the world, calling them Tyrannical men, and Vsurpers in a soveraign degree of other mens Kingdoms in the Indiaes, and Isles of the Sea. This is the title wherein they glory most, and which they attribute particularly to themselves, as being sent them from Mecqua in recompence of the golden Lamps, which they offered to the Alcoran of their Mahomet, as they use to do every year. Furthermore, although heretofore I 〈◊〉 often advised thy Captain of Malaca to take careful heed of this Tyrant of Achem, yet do not thou omit to advertise him of it once more from me; for know that he never had, nor shall have other thoughts then to labor by all means to expel him out of the Indiaes, and make the Turk Master of them, who to that end promiseth to send him great succors; but I hope that God will so order it, as all the malice and cunning of this disloyal wretch shall have a contrary success to his intentions. After he had used this language to me, he gave me a Letter in answer to my Embassage, together with a present, which he desired me to deliver from him to Captain de Faria; this was six small Javelins headed with Gold, twelve Cates of Calambuca Wood, every one of them weighing twenty ounces, and a box of exceeding value, made of a Tortoise sh•ll, beautified with Gold, and full of great seed pearl, amongst the which there were sixteen fair pearls of rich account: For my self, he gave me two Cates of Gold, and a little Courte∣l••• garnished with the same. Then he dismissed me with as much demonstration of honor as he had always used to me before, protesting to me in particular, that the amity which he had con∣tracted with our Nation should ever continue inviolable on his part. Thus I imbarqued my self with Aquarem Dab•lay, his Brother-in-law, who was the same he had sent Embassador to Malaca, as I have related before. Being departed from the Port of Panaiu, we arrived about two hours in the •ight at a little Island, called Apofingua, distant some league and an half from the mouth of the River, and inhabited by poor people, who lived by the fishing of Shad•.

*The next morning, leaving that Island of Apofingua, we ran along by the coast of the Ocean Sea for the space of five and twenty leagues, until such time as at length we entered into the Straight of Minhagaruu, by which we came; then passing by the contrary coast of this other Mediterranean Sea, we continued our course along by it, and at last arrived near to Pullo Bugay: There we crost over to the firm Land, and passing by the Port of Iunçalan, we sailed two days and an half with a favorable wind, by means whereof we got to the River of Parles in the Kingdom of Queda, there we rode five days at anchor in expectation of a fit wind to carry us on. During that time, the Mahometan and my self, by the counsel of certain Mer∣chants of the Country, went to visit the King with an Odiaa, or Present of divers things, that we thought were convenient for our design, which was received with much demonstration of being very well pleased therewith. When we came to his Court we found, that with a great deal of pomp, excellent musick, dancing, and largess to the poor, he was solemnizing the fune∣rals of his Father, whom he himself had poynarded, of purpose for to marry his own mother, after he had gotten her with child: Wherewithall not being contented, to decline the murmur, which so wicked and horrible an act might provoke unto, he had made proclamation, that on pain of a most rigorous death no person whatsoever should be so daring, as to speak a word of that which had past, and it was told us there, how for that cause he had most tyrannically put the principal Personages of his Kingdom, and a number of Merchants already to death, whose goods he had confiscated to his own use, and thereby enriched his Coffers with two millions of Gold; So that upon our arrival we perceived such a general fear to be amongst the people, as not the most hardy of them all durst so much as make the least mention in the world of it. Now in regard the Mahometan, my companion, named Coia Ale, was a man liberal of his tongue, Page  23 and that would say any thing which came into his head, he perswaded himself, in regard he was a stranger, and the Captain of Malaca's Factor, that he might with more liberty then those of the Country talk what he listed, and the King not punish him for it, as he did his Subjects; But he found himself far short of his account, and this presumption cost him his life: For being invited to a feast by another Mahometan like himself, a Merchant stranger, born at Patana, when as they were both of them high with wine and meat, as I learned since, they began to talk boldly, and without any respect of the Kings Brutality and Parracide, whereof the King, being incontinently advertised by Spies, which he had in every corner for that purpose, he caused the house to be presently invested, and all the guests to be apprehended, to the number of seventeen persons; These poor wretches were no sooner brought bound before him, but immediately, without observing any form of Justice, or hearing what they could say for them∣selves either good or bad, he commanded them to be put to a most cruel kind of death, called by them Gregoge, which is, to saw off the feet, hands, and heads of them that are condemned to it, as I beheld afterwards my self. This execution done, the King, fea•ing lest the Captain of Malaca should be offended for that he had executed his Factor thus with the rest, and there∣fore might arrest some goods that he had at Malaca, sent the night following for me to the Iurupango, where I was sleeping, and altogether ignorant of that which had past: understand∣ing the Kings pleasure away I went, and coming about midnight to the Palace I perceived in the outward Court a great many men in arms; the sight whereof I must confess put me into a migh∣ty amazement and mistrust, because I could not imagine what should be the cause of it, and doubting lest it might be some such Treason as at other times they had practised against us, I would fain have returned, but they that accompanied me, judging that my fear proceeded from the Soldiers which I beheld there, bid me be afraid of nothing, for these men were only going forth to apprehend an offendor by the Kings commandment; Having said thus with an intent to confirm me, I could not for all that be satisfied, but was seized with so terrible a fear, as I was not able to utter a word, howbeit at length recollecting my self a little, I signified to them the best I could, how if they would permit me to return to my Skiff for to fetch a thing which I had forgotten, I would give them forty Crowns in Gold; whereunto they answered, that if I would give them all the Silver in Malaca they would not let me go, for if they should, they were sure to lose their heads: This speech of theirs redoubled my fear, which yet increased when I saw my self invironned with twenty more of those armed men, who guarded me all that night. The next morning the King being advertised that I was there, commanded me to be brought unto him, into the next Court, where I found him mounted on an Elephant, and accompanied with an hundred persons besides those of his guard, which were far more in num∣ber; When he saw me coming towards him, much troubled, and indeed more dead then alive, he said twice to me, Be not afraid, but come nearer to me, and thou shalt know the cause why I sent for thee. Thereupon having made a sign to me with his hand that I should look that way he pointed me to, I turned me about and beheld a great many bodies extended on the place, and weltring in their own blood, amongst the which I presently knew the Mahometan, Coia Ale, with whom I came, which I no sooner perceived, but like a man distraught of his wits I cast my self at the feet of the Elephant whereupon the King rode, and with tears in my eyes cryed out, O Sir, have pity on me, and take me for thy slave, rather then cause me to end my days with the torments which have taken those out of the world whom I see here; I swear unto thee by the faith of a Christian, that I have not deserved death, as having no way offend∣ed thee; Consider likewise, I beseech thee, that I am Nephew to the Captain of Malaca, who will give thee any ransom for me thou wil• desire, as also that thou hast the Iurupango, where∣in I came, in thy Port, full of goods, all which thou mayst take it if thou pleasest. Hearing me speak in this sort, God forbid, said he, that ever I should do any such thing, no, no, be not afraid, but stand up, and recollect thy self, for I see well thou art much troubled, and when thou art in better case to hear me I will tell thee wherefore I caused the Moor, that came with thee, to be executed; and in good faith if he had been either a Portugal, or a Christian, I would not have put him to death, no, though he had killed mine own son. Howbeit perceiving, that all which he could say would not rid me of my fear, he commanded a pot of fresh water to be brought me, whereof I drunk a pretty quantity, and withall made one of his followers to fan me with a ventilow for to refresh me: A quarter of an hour, or thereabouts, was spent in this action, at the end thereof finding that I was so well recovered, as I was able with good sence to answer unto the questions he should ask me; Portugal, said he unto me, I know that Page  24 thou hast bern told, since thy coming hither, how I killed my Father, as indeed I did, because I was sure he would have killed me, incited thereunto by the false reports of some of his slaves, would have made him believe that I had gotten my mother with child, whereof I had never so much as the least thought, whereby thou mayst see what ill tongues can do. Indeed it is true, that being most assured he had without all reason given such credit to those slanderous reports, as he was fully resolved to have taken away my life, to decline that imminent peril I prevented him, and caught him in the same snare he had layd for me; But God knows how much against my mind this fell out, and how I always made it my chiefest glory to render him the dutiful of∣fices of a most obedient son, as it may well appear now at this present: for to keep my mother from being a sad and desolate widow, as many others are, seeing my self to be the cause of her misery, and obliged to comfort her, I have taken her to wife; judg then whether I have been wrongfully blamed, or no, since that for her I have refused many great parties, that have been propounded unto me from Patacia, Berdio, Tanauçarin, Siaca, Iamba, and Andragia, who were no less then Sisters and Daughters of Kings, and offered unto me with very rich dowries. Now being informed that such false reports had been dispersed abroad of me, for to arrest the tongues of Detractors, which are so audacious as to talk of any thing comes in their heads, I caused it to be proclaimed, that none should dare to speak of that affair; But for as much as without any regard at all of this my Injunction, this fellow of thine, which lies there in the company of those other Dogs, like unto himself, spoke yesterday of me most reproach∣fully in publique, saying, I was an Hog, or worse then a very Hog, and my mother a salt Bitch; as well to punish his slanders, as to preserve my honor, I was constrained to put him to death, together with these other Dogs, who were no less slanderous then he: Wherefore I am to de∣sire thee, that as my friend thou wilt not think this procedure of mine any way strange. Now if thou shouldst happen to think, that I have done it on purpose to seize upon the Captain of Malaca's goods, be confident that I never meant it, & thou mayst truly certifie him so much; For I swear unto thee by my Law, that I have ever been a great friend to the Portugals, and so will continue all my life. Hereupon being somewhat recovered from the fear I was in a little before, I answered him, How his Highness had much obliged his very good friend, and brother, the Captain of Malaca, by the execution of that Mahometan, who had imbezelled away a great part of the goods committed to his charge, and understanding that I had discovered his knavery he had twice gone about to poyson me; whereunto also I added, how this Dog when he was drunk would bark at every one, and speak his pleasure at large. This answer made upon the sudden, and not knowing well what I said, very much pleased the King, who commanding me to come nearer to him, Verily, continued he, by this speech of thine I perceive thou art an ho∣nest man, and my friend, and being so I doubt not but thou wilt give a good interpretation to my actions, contrary to those mastiff Dogs that lie there weltring in their own blood. Having said so, he took a purse from his girdle trimmed with gold, and gave it me, as also a Letter di∣rected to Pedro de Faria, whereupon I took my leave of him, with a promise that I would stay there a week longer; howbeit getting speedily aboard my Iurupango, I made not a minutes stay, but instantly caused the Mariners to hoist sail, and away, still imagining that some were following to apprehend me, by reason of the extream fear I was in, having so lately escaped, as I thought, the danger of a most cruel death.

*Being departed from the River of Parles on a Saturday about Sun-set, I made all the speed that possibly I could, and continued my course until the Tuesday following, when it pleased God that I reached to the Isles of Pullo Sambalin, the first Land on the Coast of Mallayo. There by good fortune I met with three Portugal ships (whereof two came from Bengala, and the other from Pegu) commanded by Tristan de Gaa, who had sometimes been Gover∣nor of the person of Don Lorenzo, son to the Vice-roy Don Francesco d' Almeda, that was afterward put to death by Miroocem in Chaul Roade, as is at large delivered in the History of the Discovery of the Indiaes. This same Tristan furnished me with many things that I had great need of, as tackle, and Mariners, together with two Soldiers, and a Pilot; moreover, both himself and the other to ships had always a care of me until our arrival at Malaca▪ where dis-imbarquing my self, the first thing I did was to go to the Fortress for to salute the Captain, and to render him an account of the whole success of my Voyage, where I discoursed unto him at large what Rivers, Ports, and Havens I had newly discovered in the Isle of Samatra, as well on the Mediterranean, as on the Ocean Seas side, as also what commerce the inhabitants of the Country used; Then I declared unto him the manner of all that Coast, of all those Ports, Page  25 and of all those Rivers; whereunto I added the scituations, the heights, the degrees, the names, and the depths of the Ports, according to the direction he had given me at my departure. There∣withall I made him a description of the Rode wherein Rosado, the Captain of a French ship, was lost, and another, named Matelote de Brigas, as also the Commander of another ship, who by a storm at Sea was cast into the Port of Diu in the year 1529. during the raign of Sultan Bandur, King of Cambaya. This Prince having taken them all, made fourscore and two of them abjure their •aith, who served him in his Wars against the great Mogor, and were every one of them miserably slain in that expedition. Moreover I brought him the description of a place fit for anchorage in Pullo Botum Roade, where the Bisquayn Ship suffered shipwrack, which was said to be the very same, wherein Mag•llan compassed the World, and was called the Vittoria, which traversing the Isle of Iooa was cast a way at the mouth of the River of Sonda. I made him a recital likewise of many different Nations, which inhabit all along this Ocean, and the River of Lampon, from whence the Gold of Menancabo is transported to the Kingdom of Campar, upon the waters of Iambes and Broteo. For the inhabitants affirm out of their Chro∣nicles, how in this very Town of Lampon there was anciently a Factory of Merchants, esta∣blished by the Queen of Sheba, whereof one, named Nausem, sent her a great quantity of Gold, which she carried to the Temple of Ierusalem, at such time as she went to visit the wise King Solomon; From whence, some say, she returned with child of a son, that afterwards succeeded to the Empire of Aethiopia, whom now we call Prester-Iohn, of whose race the Abissins vaunt they are descended. Further, I told him what course was usually held for the fishing of seed pearl betwixt Pullo Tiquos and Pullo Quenim, which in times past were car∣ried by the Bataes to Pazem and Pedir, and exchanged with the Turks of the Straight of Mecqua, and the Ships of Iud•a, for such Merchandise as they brought from Grand Cairo, and the Ports of Arabia Foelix. Divers other things I recounted unto him, having learnt them of the King of Batas, and of the Merchants of Pan•i•: And for conclusion, I gave him an in∣formation in writing, as he had formerly desi•ed me, concerning the Island of Gold: I told him, how this Island is beyond the River of Calandor five degrees to the Southward, inviron∣ed with many shelfs of sand, and currents of water, as also that it was distant some hundred and threescore leagues from the point of the Isle of Samatra. With all which reports Pedro de Faria remained so well satisfied, that he made present relation thereof to the King Don Iovan the Third of happy memory, who the year after ordained Francesco d' Almeida for Captain to discover the Isle of Gold, a Gentleman of merit, and very capable of that charge, who indeed had long before petitioned the King for it in recompence of the services by him performed in the Islands of Banda, of the Molucques, of Ternate, and Geilolo: But by ill fortune this Francesco d' Almeida, being gone from the India•s to discover that place, dyed of a feaver in the Isles of Nicubar; Whereof the King of Portugal being advertised, he honored one Diego Cabral, born at the Maderaes, with that Command, but the Court of Justice deprived him of it by express order from Martinez Alphonso de Sousa, who was at that time Governor, which partly proceeded, according to report, for that he had murmured against him; Where∣upon he gave it to Ieronimo Figuereydo, a Gentleman belonging to the Duke of Braganca, who in the year 1542. departed from Goa with two Foists, and one Carvel, wherein there were fourscore men, as well Soldiers, as Mariners; But it is said, that his Voyage was without effect, for that, according to the apparances that he gave of it afterward, it seemed that he desired to enrich himself too suddenly: To which end he passed to the Coast of Tanassery, where he took certain Ships, that came from Mecqua, Adem, Alcosser, Iudaa, and other places upon the Coast of Persia. And verily this booty was the occasion of his undoing, for upon an unequal partition thereof falling at difference with his Soldiers, they mutined in such fort against him, as after many affronts done him they bound him hand and foot, and so carried him to the Isle of Ceilan, where they set him on Land; and the Carvel, with the two Foists, they returned to the Governor Don Ioano de Castra, who in regard of the necessity of the time pardoned them the fault, and took them along with him in the Army, which he led to Diu for the succor of Don Ioana Mascarenhas, that was then straitly besieged by the King of Cambaya's Forces. Since that time there hath been no talk of the discovery of this Island of Gold, although it seems very much to import the common good of our Kingdom of Portugal, if it would please God it might be brought to pass.

Page  26

CHAP. IX. The Arrival of an Embassador at Malaca from the King of Aaru to the Captain thereof; his sending me to the said King, my coming to Aaru, and that which happend to me after my departing from thence.

*FIve and twenty days after my coming to Malaca, Dom Stephano de Gama being still Cap∣tain of the Fortress, an Embassador arrived there from the King of Aaru, for to demand succor of men from him, and some munitions of War, as Powder, and Bullets, for to defend himself from a great Fleet that the King of Achem was setting forth against him, with an in∣tention to deprive him of his Kingdom, and so be a nearer neighbor unto us, to the end that having gained that passage, he might afterwards send his forces the more easily against our For∣tress of Malaca: whereof Pedro de Faria was no sooner advertised, but representing unto himself how important this affair was for the service of the King, and preservation of the For∣tress, he acquainted Dom Stephano de Gama with it, in regard his Command of the place was to continue yet six weeks longer; howbeit he excused himself from giving the succor, which was required, saying, that the time of his Government was now expiring, and that his being shortly to come in the duty of his charge did oblige him to take care of this business, and to think of the danger that menaced him. Hereunto Pedro de Faria made answer, that if he would relinquish his Government for the time he had yet to come in it, or give him full power to dis∣pose of the publique Magazins, he would provide for the succor that he thought was necessary. In a word, and not to stand long on that which past betwixt them, it shall suffice to say, that this Embassador was utterly denyed his demand by these two Captains, whereof the one alledg∣ed for excuse, that he was not yet entered upon his Charge, and the other that he was upon the finishing of his: whereupon he returned very ill satisfied with this refusal, and so far resented injustice, which he thought was done unto his King, as the very morning wherein he imbarqued himself, having met by chance with the two Captains at the gate of the Fortress, he said aloud before them publiquely with the tears in his eyes; O God! that with a soveraign Power and Majesty raignest in the highest of the Heavens, even with deep sighs fetch'd from the bottom of my heart, I take thee for Iudg of my cause, and for witness of the just occasion I have to make this request to these Captains here, and that in the name of my King, the faithful Vassal of the great King of Portugal, upon homage sworn by his Ancestors to the famous Albu∣que•que, who promised us, that if the Kings of our Kingdom did always continue true and loyal Subjects to his Master, that then both he and his successors would oblige themselves to defend them against all their enemies, as belonged to their soveraign Lord to do; wherefore since we have continued still loyal to this day, what reason have you, my Masters, not to ac∣complish this obligation, wherein your King and you are so deeply engaged, especially seeing you know that only in respect of you this perfidious Tyrant of Achem takes our Country from us; For there is nothing he so much reproacheth us withall, as that my King is as good a Por∣tugal, and Christian, as if he had been born in Portugal; and yet now that he desires you to suc∣cor him in his need, as allyes and true friends ought to do, you excuse your selves with reasons that are of no validity. The succor we require of you for to secure us, and to keep this faithless wretch from seizing on our Kingdom, is a very small matter, namely, forty or fifty Portugals, that may instruct us in the military art, together with four barrels of Powder, and two hun∣dred Bullets for field Pieces; a poor thing in comparison of that you have. Now if you can yet be perswaded to grant us this little ayd, you shall thereby so much oblige our King, as he will ever remain a faithful slave to the mighty Prince of Portugal, your Master and ours, in whose name I beseech you, once, twice, nay an hundred times, that you will perform that ap∣pertains unto your duty to do, for this which I thus publikely demand of you is of so great importance, that therein consists, not so much the preservation of the Kingdom of Aaru, as the safety of this your Fortress of Malaca, which that Tyrant of Achem our enemy so extreamly desires to possess, and to that purpose he hath gotten the assistance of divers strange Nations; but because he finds that our Kingdom is a let to the execution of his design, he en∣deavors to usurp it upon us, and then he intends to guard this Straight in such sort, as he will quite exclude you from all Commerce with the Spices of Banda and the Molucques, and from all the Trade and Navigation of the Seas of China, Sunda, Borneo, Timor, and Jappon, and this his own people stick not to boast of even already, being also further manifested by the accord, Page  27 which he hath lately made with the Turk, through the interpos•ure of the Bassa of grand Cairo, who in consideration thereof hath promised to ay• him with great Forces: Wherefore at length give ear unto the request which I have made unto you in the name of my King, and that so much concerns the service of yours, for since you may yet give a remedy to the mischief, which you see is ready to fall, I desire you to do it speedily; And let not one of you excuse himself by alledging that the time of his Government is almost at an end, nor the other, that he is not as yet entered upon his Charge, for it is sufficient that you know you are both of you equally ob∣liged thereunto.

Having finished this speech in form of a request, which availed him nothing, he stooped down to the ground, from whence taking up two stones, he knocked with them upon a Piece of Ordnance, and then the tears standing in his eyes he said, The Lord, who hath created us, will defend us if he please, and so imbarquing himself he departed greatly discontented for the bad answer he carried back. Five days after his departure Pedro de Faria was told how all the Town murmured at the small respect, that both he and Dom Stephano had carried to that poor King, who had ever been a friend both to them, and the whole Portugal Nation, and conti∣nually done very good offices to the Fort, for which cause his Kingdom was now like to be taken from him: This advice causing him to see his fault, and to be ashamed of his proceeding, he labored to have palliated it with certain excuses, but at last he sent this King by way of succor fifteen quintals of fine Powder, an hundred pots of Wild-fire, an hundred and fifty Bullets for great Ordnance, twelve Harquebuzes, forty sacks of stones, threescore Headpieces, and a Coat of guilt Mail, lined with Crimson Sattin for his own person, together with many other garments of divers sorts, as also twenty pieces of Caracas, which are stained linnen, or Cotten Tapestry, that come from the Indiaes, and cloth of Malaya, wherewith they usually apparel themselves in that Country, as well for his wife, as his daughters. All these things being laden aboard a Lanchara with oars, he desired me to conduct and present them from him to the King of Aaru, adding withall, that this business greatly concerned the King of Portugals service, and that at my return, besides the recompence I should receive from him, he would give me an extraordinary pay, and upon all occasions employ me in such Voyages, as might redound to my profit; whereupon I undertook it, in an ill hour as I may say, and for a punishment of my sins, in regard of what arrived unto me thereupon, as shall be seen hereafter. So then I imbarqued my self on Tuesday morning, the fifth of October, 1539. and used such speed, that on Sunday following I arrived at the River of Panetican, upon which the City of Aaru is scitu∣ated.

I no sooner got to the River of Panetican, but presently landing I went directly to a Trench,* which the King in person was causing to be made at the mouth of the River for to impeach the Enemies dis-imbarquing; Presenting my self unto him, he received me with great demonstra∣tion of joy, whereupon I delivered him Pedro de Faria's Letter, which gave him some hope of his coming in person to succor him, if need required, with many other complements, that cost little the saying, wherewith the King was wonderfully contented, because he already imagined that the effect thereof would infallibly ensue; But after he saw the Present I brought him, con∣sisting of Powder, and Ammunitions, he was so glad, that taking me in his arms, My good friend, said be unto me, I assure thee that the last night I dreamt how all these things, which I behold here before me, came unto me from the King of Portugal, my Masters Fortress, by m•ans whereof, with Gods assistance, I hope to defend my Kingdom, and to serve him, in the manner I have always hitherto done, that is, most faithfully, as all the Captains can very well testifie, which have heretofore commanded in Malaca. Hereupon questioning me about certain matters, that he desired to know, as well concerning the Indiaes, as the Kingdom of Portugal, he recommended the finishing of the Trench to his people, who wrought very ear∣nestly and chearfully in it, and taking me by the hand, on foot as he was, attended only by five or six Gentlemen, •e led me directly to the City, that was about some quarter of a league from the Trench, where in his Palace he entertained me most magnificently, yea and made me to sa∣lute his wife, a matter very rarely practised in that Country, and held for a special honor, which when I had done with abundance of tears he said unto me, Portugal, here is the cause that makes me so much to redoubt the coming of mine Enemies, for were I not withheld by my wife I swear unto thee by the Law of a good and true Moor, that I would prevent them in their de∣signs without any other ayd then of my own Subjects; for it is not now that I begin to know what manner of man the per•idious Achem is, or how far his power extends; Alas! it is the Page  28 great store of Gold, which he possesseth, that covers his weakness, and by means whereof he wageth such forces of strangers, wherewith he is continually served: But now that thou mayst on the other side understand how vile and odious poverty is, and how hurtful to a poor King, such as I may be, come thee along with me, and by that little which I will presently let thee see thou shalt perceive, whether it be not too true, that Fortune hath been exceeding niggardly to me of her goods; Saying so, he carried me to his Orsenal, which was covered with thatch, and shewed me all that he had within it, whereof he might say with reason, that it was no∣thing in comparison of what he needed for to withstand the attempts of two hundred and thir∣ty Vessels, replenished with such warlike people, as the Achems and Mulabar Turks were; Moreover, with a sad countenance, and as one that desired to discharge his mind of the grief he was in for the danger was threatened him, he recounted unto me, that he had in all but six thou∣sand men Aaruns, without any other forraign succor, forty Pieces of small Ordnance, as Fal∣conets, and Bases, and one cast Piece, which he had formerly bought of a Portugal, named Antonio de Garcia, sometimes Receiver of the Toll and Customs of the Ports of the Fortress of Pacem, whom Georgio •' Albuqurque caused since to be hanged and quartered at Malaca, for that he treated by Letters with the King of Bintham about a plot of Treason, which they had contrived together; He told me besides, that he had also forty Muskets, six and twenty Elephants, fifty Horsemen for the guard of the place, eleven or twelve thousand staves hardened in the fire, called Salignes, whose points were poysoned, and for the defence of the Trench fifty Lances, good store of Targets, a thousand pots of unslack'd Lime made into Powder, and to be used in stead of pots of Wild-fire, and three or four Barques full laden with great flints; In a word, by the view of these, and such other of his miseries, I easily perceived he was so unpro∣vided of things necessary for his defence, that I presently concluded the Enemy would have no great ado to seize on this Kingdom: Nevertheless he having demanded of me what I thought of all this Ammunition in his Magazin, and whether there were not enough to receive the guests he expected, I answered him, that it would serve to entertain them; but he understand∣ing my meaning stood musing a pretty while, and then shaking his head, Verily, said he unto me, if your King of Portugal did but know what a loss it would be to him, that the Tyrant of Achem should take my Kingdom from me, doubtless he would chastise the little care of his Captains, who, blinded as they are, and wallowing in their avarice, have suffered my Enemy to grow so strong, that I am much afraid they shall not be able to restrain him when they would, or if they could, that then it must be with an infinite expence. I labored to answer this which he had said unto me with such resentment, but he confuted all my reasons with so much truth, as I had not the heart to make any farther reply; withall he represented divers foul and enormous actions unto me, wherewithall he charged some particulars amongst us, which I am contented to pass by in silence, both in regard they are nothing pertinent to my discourse, and that I desire not to discover other mens faults; For a conclusion of his speech, he related unto me the little punishment which was ordained for such as were culpable of these matters, and the great re∣wards that he had seen conferred on those which had not deserved them; whereunto he added, that if the King desired throughly to perform the duty of his Charge, and by Arms to conquer people so far distant from his Kingdom, and to preserve them, it was as necessary for him to punish the wicked, as to recompence the good. This said, he sent me to lodg in a Merchants house, who for five days together, that I remained there, entertained me bravely, though to speak truth I had rather have been at that time in some other place with any poor victuals, for here I was always in fear, by reason of the Enemies continual alarms, and the certain news that came to the King the next day after my arrival, how the Achems were already marching towards Aa∣ru, and would be there within eight days at the farthest, which made him in all haste to give directions for such things as he had not taken order for before, and to send the women, and all that were unfit for War, out of the City five or six leagues into the Wood, amongst the which the Queen her self made one, mounted on an Elephant. Five days after my arrival, the King sent for me, and asked me when I would be gone, whereunto I replyed, at such time as it would please his Greatness to command me, though I should be glad it might be with the soon∣est, for that I was to be employed by my Captain with his Merchandise to China: Thou hast reason, answered he; then taking two Bracelets of massy Gold off from his wrists, worth some thirty Crowns, I pre-thee now, said he, giving them to me, do not impute it to miser∣ableness that I bestow so little on thee, for thou mayst be assured, that it hath been always my desire for to have much for to give much; withall I must desire thee to present this Letter, and Page  29 this Diamond from me to thy Captain, to whom thou shalt say, that whatsoever I am further engaged to him in for the pleasure he hath done me by succoring me with those Ammunitions he hath sent me by thee, I will bring it to him my self hereafter, when I shall be at more liberty then now I am.

Having taken leave of the King of Aaru, I presently imbarqued my self,* and departed about Sun-set, rowing down the River to an Hamlet, that is at the entrance thereof, composed of ten or eleven houses covered with •traw: This place is inhabited with very poor people, that get their living by killing of Lezards, of whose livers they make a poyson, wherewith they anoint the heads of their arrows; For the poyson of this place, chiefly that, which is called Pocausilim, is held by them the best of those Countries, because there is no remedy for him that is hurt with it. The next day, having left this small Village, we sailed along the coast with a land wind until evening, that we doubled the Islands of Anchepisan, then the day and part of the night following we put forth somewhat farther to Sea: But about the first watch the wind changed to the North-east, for such winds are ordinary about the Isle of Samatra, and grew to be so tempestuous, that it blew our mast over board, tore our sails in pieces, and so shattered our Vessel, that the water came in that abundance into her at two several places, as she sunk in∣continently to the bottom, so that of eight & twenty persons, which were in her, three and twen∣ty were drowned in less then a quarter of an hour. For as five that escaped by the mercy of God, we passed the rest of the night upon a Rock, where the waves of the Sea had cast us. There all that we could do was with tears to lament our sad fortune, not knowing what counsel or course to take, by reason the Country was so moorish, and invironned with so thick a Wood, that a bird, were she never so little, could hardly make way through the branches of it, for that the trees grew so close together; We sat crouching for the space of three whole days upon this Rock, where for all our sustenance we had nothing but Snails, and such filth, as the •oam of the Sea produced there. After this time, which we spent in great misery and pain, we walked a whole day along by the Isle of Samatra, in the owze up to the girdle-stead, and about Sun-set we came to the mouth of a little River, some Crossbow-shot broad, which we durst not un∣dertake to swim over, for that it was deep, and we very weak and weary; so that we were forced to pass all that night, standing up to the chin in the water. To this misery was there adjoyned the great affliction which the Flies and Gnats brought us, that coming out of the neighboring Woods, bit and stung us in such sort, as not one of us but was gore blood. The next morning as soon as we perceived day, which we much desired to see, though we had lit∣tle hope of life, I demanded of my four companions, all Mariners, whether they knew the Country, or whether there was any habitation thereabout; Whereupon the eldest of them, who had a wife at Malaca, not able to contain his tears, Alas! answered he, the place that now is most proper for you, and me, is the house of death, where ere it be long we must give an account of our sins, it therefore behoves us to prepare our selves for it without any further delay, and patiently to attend that which is sent us from the hand of God: For my part, let me intreat thee to be of a good courage whatsoever thou seest, and not be terrified with the fear of dying, since, every thing well considered, it matters not whether it be to day, or to morrow. This spoken, he embraced me, and with tears in his eyes desired me to make him a Christian, because he beleeved, as he said, that to be so was sufficient to save his Soul, which could not otherwise be done in the cursed sect of Mahomet, wherein he had lived till then, and for which he craved pardon of God. Having finished these last words, he remained dead in mine arms, for he was so weak, as he was not able to subsist any longer, as well for that he had not eaten ought in three or four days before, as in regard of a great wound the wrack of the Lanchara had given him in his head, through which one might see his brains all putrefied and corrupted, occasioned both for want of looking unto, as by salt water and flies that were gotten into it. Verily this accident grieved me very much, but for my self I was in little better case, for I was likewise so weak, that every step I made in the water I was ready to swoon, by reason of cer∣tain hurts on my head and body, out of which I had lost a great deal of blood. Having buried him in the owze the best we could, the other three Mariners and my self resolved to cross the River, for to go and sleep on certain great Trees, that we saw on the other side, for fear of the Tygers and Crocodiles, whereof that Country is full, besides many other venomous creatures, as an infinite of those copped Adders I have spoken of before in the sixth Chapter, and divers sorts of Serpents with black and green scales, whose venom is so contagious, as they kill men with their very breath. This resolution being thus taken by us, I desired two of them to swim Page  30 over first, and the other to stay with me for to hold me up in the water, for that in regard of my great weakness I could hardly stand upon my legs: whereupon they two cast themselves presently into the water, exhorting us to follow them, and not be afraid; But alas! they were scarce in the midst of this River, when as we saw them caught by two great L•zards, that before our faces, and in an instant tearing them in pieces, dragged them to the bottom, leaving the water all bloody, which was so dreadful a spectacle to us, as we had not the power to cry out; and for my self, I knew not who drew me out of the water, nor how I escaped thence, for I was gone before into the River as deep as my waste, with that other Mariner which h•ld me by the hand.

CHAP. X. By what means I was carried to the Town of Ciaca, and that which befell me there; my going to Malaca with a Mahometan Merchant; and the Tyrant of Achems Army marching against the King of Aaru.

FInding my self reduced to that extremity I have spoken of, I was above three hours so be∣sides my self,* as I could neither speak, nor weep; At length the other Mariner and I went into the Sea again, where we continued the rest of that day. The next morning having disco∣vered a Ba•que, that was seeking the mouth of the River, as soon as it was near we got out of the water, and falling on our knees with our hands lift up we desired them to come and take us up; whereupon they gave over rowing, and considering the miserable state we were in they judged immediately that we had suffered shipwrack, so that coming somewhat nearer they asked us what we desired of them; we answered, that we were Christians, dwelling at Ma∣laca, and that in our return from Aaru we were cast away by a storm about nine days before, and therefore prayed them for Gods sake to take us away with them whithersoever they pleased. Thereupon one amongst them, whom we guessed to be the chiefest of them, spake to us thus, By that which I see, you are not in case to do us any service, and gain your meat, if we should receive you into our Barque, wherefore if you have any mony hidden, you shall do well to give it us aforehand, and then we will use towards you that charity you require of us, for otherwise it is in vain for you to hope for any help from us: Saying so, they made shew as though they would be gone; whereupon we besought them again weeping, that they would take us for slaves, and go sell us where they pleased; hereunto I added, how they might have any ran∣som for me they would require, as having the honor to appertain very nearly unto the Captain of Malaca. Well, answered he then, we are contented to accept of thy offer, upon condition, that if that which thou sayst be not true, we will cast thee, bound hand and foot, alive into the Sea. Having replyed, that they might do so if they found it otherwise, four of them got pre∣sently to us, and carried us into their Barque, for we were so weak at that time, as we were not able to stir of our selves. When they had us aboard, imagining that by whipping they might make us confess where we had hid our mony, for still they were perswaded that we had som•, they tyed us both to the foot of the Mast, and then with two double coards they whipped us till we were nothing but blood all over. Now because that with this beating I was almost dead, they gave not to me, as they did to my companion, a certain drink, made of a kind of Lime, ••eep•d in Urine, which he having taken it, made him fall into such a furious vomiting, as he cast up both his lungs and his liver, so as he dyed within an hour after. And for that they found no gold come up in his vomit, as they hoped, it pleased God that that was the cause why they deal• not so with me, but only they washed the stripes they had given me with the said liquor, to keep them from festering, which notwithstanding put me to such pain, as I was even at the point of death. Being departed from this River, which was called Arissumhea, we went the next day after dinner ashore at a place, where the houses were covered with straw, named Ciaca, in the Kingdom of Iambes, there they kept me seven and twenty days, in which time by the assistance of Heaven I got my self throughly cured of all my hurts. Then they that had a share in my person, who were seven in number, seeing me unfit for their Trade, which was fishing, exposed me to sale three several times, and yet could meet with no body that would buy me; whereupon being out of hope of selling me, they turned me out of doors, be∣cause they would not be at the charge of feeding me. I had been six and thirty days thus aban∣doned by these Inhumanes, and put a grasing like a cast Horse, having no other means to live but what I got by begging from door to door, which God knows was very little, in regard Page  31 those of the Country were extream poor, when as one day, as I was lying in the Sun upon the sand by the Sea side, and lamenting my ill fortune with my self, it pleased God that a Maho∣metan, born in the Isle of Palimban, came accidentally by: This man, having been sometimes at Malaca in the company of Portugals, beholding me lie naked on the ground, asked me if I were not a Portugal, and willed me to tell him the truth; whereunto I answered, that indeed I was one, and descended of very rich parents, who would give him for my ransom whatsoever he would demand, if he would carry me to Malaca, where I was Nephew to the Captain of the Fortress, as being the son of his sister. The Mahometan hearing me say thus, If it be true, replyed he, that thou art such as thou deliverest thy self to be, what so great sin hast thou com∣mitted that could reduce thee to this miserable estate wherein I now see thee? Then I recount∣ed to him from point to point how I was cast away, and in what sort the fishermen had first brought me thither in their Barque, and afterwards had turned me out to the wide world, be∣cause they could not find any body that would buy me. Hereat he seemed to be much astonish∣ed, so that musing a pretty while by himself, Know stranger, said he unto me, that I am but a poor Merchant, all whose wealth amounts not to above an hundred Pardains (which are worth two shillings a piece of our mony) with which I trade for the rows of Shads, thereby hoping to get my living; Now I am assured that I might gain something at Malaca, if so be the Cap∣tain, and the Officers of the Custom-house there, would not do me the wrong, which I have heard say they do to many Merchants that come thither to traffique; wherefore if thou thinkst that for thy sake I should be well used there, I could be contented to redeem thee from the fishermen, and go thither with thee. Thereunto I answered him, with tears in mine eyes, that considering the state I was in at the present, it was not likely he could give credit to any thing I said, because it was probable that to free my self out of my miserable captivity I would prize my person at a far higher value then it would be esteemed for at Malaca; howbeit if he would lend any belief to my oaths, since I had no other assurance to give him, I would swear to him, and also set it under my hand, that if he would carry me to Malaca, the Captain should do him a great deal of honor for my sake, and besides the exempting of his Merchandise from paying of custom, he should receive ten times as much as he should disburse for me. Well, re∣plyed the Mahometan, I am contented to redeem, and reconduct thee to Malaca, but thou must take heed that thou speakest not a word of that we have concluded on, for fear thy Ma∣sters hold thee at so dear a rate, as I shall not be able to draw thee out of their hands though I would never so fain; whereupon I gave him my faith to do nothing but what he would have me do, especially in that particular, which I held to be most necessary for the better effecting of our desire.

Four days after this agreement, the Mahometan Merchant,* that he might the more easily redeem me, used the interposure of a man born in the Country, who under hand went to the fishermen, and carried the business so cunningly with them, as they quickly consented to my redemption, for they were already very weary of me, as well in regard that I was sickly, as for that I could no way stand them in any stead, and therefore, as I delivered before, they had turned me out of doors, where I had continued a month and better; so by the means of this third person, whom the Mahometan had employed, the fishermen sold me to the Merchant for the sum of seven mazes of gold, which amounts in our mony to seventeen shillings and six pence. The Mahometan as soon as he had redeemed me, brought me to his house, where I was five days out of the tyranny of these fishermen, and in a far better captivity then the for∣mer; At the end whereof my new Master went five leagues off to a place, named Sorobaya, where he got his Merchandise aboard, which, as I said before, was nothing but the rows of Shads; For there is such great abundance of them in that River, as the Inhabitants do there∣with every year lade above two thousand Vessels, which carry at least an hundred and fifty, or two hundred Barrels, whereof each one contains a thousand rows, the rest of the fish not yield∣ing them a peny. After that the Mahometan had laden a Lanchara with this commodity, he presently set sail for Malaca, where within a while he safely arrived, and carrying me to the Fortress presented me to the Captain, relating unto him what agreement we had made together. Pedro de Faria was so amazed to see me in such a lamentable plight, as the tears stood in his eyes, whereupon he bade me speak out aloud, that he might know whether it was I that he beheld, for that I did not seem to be my self, in regard of the strange deformity of my face. Now because that in three months space there had been no news of me, and that every one thought me to be dead, there came so manyfolks to see me, as the Fortress could scarce hold them: Page  32 Here being demanded the occasion of my mis-fortune, and who had brought me into that mi∣serable case, I recounted the adventures of my Voyage, just in the same manner as I have al∣ready delivered them, whereat the whole company were so astonished, that I saw some go a∣way without speaking a word, and others shrink up their shoulders, and bless themselves in admiration of that which they had heard from me; but in conclusion their compassion towards me was such, that with the very alms they bestowed on me I became far richer then I was be∣fore I undertook that unlucky Voyage. As for Pedro de Faria, he caused threescore duckets to be given to the Mahometan Merchant that brought me, besides two pieces of good China Damask; moreover he freed him of all the duties he was to pay for the custom of his Merchan∣dise, which amounted to very near a like sum, so as he remained exceeding well satisfied of the bargain he had made with me. After this, to the end I might be the better used and looked unto, the Captain commanded me to be lodged in the Registers house of the Kings Customs, where for that he was married there he thought I might be better accommodated then in any other place, as indeed I was very well entreated by him and his wife, so that having kept my bed about the space of a month, it pleased God to restore me unto my perfect health.

*When I had recovered my health, Pedro de Faria sent for me to the Fortress, where he questioned me about that which had past betwixt me and the King of Aaru, as also how and in what place I was cast away, whereupon I made him an ample relation thereof. But before I proceed any further, it is requisite I should here report what was the success of the War be∣tween the Kings of Aaru and Achem, to the end, that the desolation, which I have so often foretold, of our Fortress of Malaca, may the more evidently appear, it being a matter of too much importance for to be so neglected as it is by those, who ought to have more care of it. For this is certain, that either the power of the King of Achem is utterly to be ruined, or by it we shall be miserably expelled out of all the Countries we have conquered all along the South∣ern Coast, as Malaca, Banda, Maluco, Sunda, Borneo, and Timor, and Northwards, China, Iapan, and the L•qmos, as also many other parts and Ports, where the Portugals are very much interessed by reason of the Traffique which they dayly use there, and where they reap more profit then in any other place, that is yet discovered, beyond the Cape of good hope, the extent thereof being so great, that it contains along the Coast above three thousand leagues, as may easily be seen by the cards and globes of the world, if so be their graduation be true. Besides, if this loss should happen, which God of his infinite mercy forbid, though we have but two much deserved it for our carelessness and sins, we are in danger in like manner to lose the Customs of Mandorim of the City of Goa, which is the best thing the King of Portugal hath in the Indiaes, for they are Ports and Islands, mentioned heretofore, whereon depends the greatest part of his Revenue, not comprehending the Spices, namely, the Nutmegs, Cloves, and Maces, which are brought into this Kingdom from those Countries. Now to return to my discourse, I say, that the Tyrant of Achem was advised by his Councel how there was no way in the world to take Malaca, if he would assail it by Sea, as he had done divers times be∣fore, when as Dom Stephano de Gama and his Predecessors were Captains of the Fortress, but first to make himself Master of the Kingdom of Aaru, to the end he might afterwards fortifie himself on the River of Panetican, where his Forces might more commodiously and nearly maintain the War he intended to make: For then he might have means with less charge to shut up the Straights of Cincapura, and Sabaon, and so stop our Ships from passing to the Seas of China, Sunda, Banda, and the Molucques, whereby he might have the profit of all the Drugs which came from that great Archipelague; And verily this counsel was so approved by the Ty∣rant, that he prepared a Navy of an hundred and threescore Sails, whereof the most part were Lanchares with oars, Galiots, Calabuzes of Iaoa, and fifteen Ships high built, furnished with Munition and Victual. In these Vessels he imbarqued seventeen thousand men, namely twelve thousand Soldiers, the rest Sailers and Pioners. Amongst these were four thousand Strangers, Turks, Abissins, Malabares, Gusurates, and Lusons of the Isle of Borneo. Their General was one, named Heredin Mahomet, Brother-in-law to the Tyrant, by marriage with a Sister of his, and Governor of the Kingdom of Baarros. This Fleet arrived safely at the Ri∣ver of Panetican, where the King of Aaru attended them with six thousand of his own natural Subjects, and not a forraigner amongst them, both in regard he wanted mony for to entertain Soldiers, and that also he had a Country unprovided of victual to feed them. At their arrival the Enemies found them fortifying of the Trench, whereof I spake heretofore; Whereupon Page  33 without any further delay they began to play with their Ordnance, and to batter the Town on the Sea side with great fury, which lasted six whole days together. In the mean time the be∣sieged defended themselves very valiantly, so as there was much blood spilt on either side: The General of the Achems, perceiving he advanced but little, caused his Forces to Land, and mounting twelve great Pieces he renewed the battery three several times with such impetuosity, that it demolished one of the two Forts that commanded the River, by means whereof, and under the shelter of certain packs of Cotton which the Achems carried before them, they one morning assaulted the principal Fortress: In this assault an Abissin commanded, called Ma∣medecan, who a month, or thereabout, before was come from Iuda, to confirm the new League made by the Bassa of Caire on the behalf of the grand Signior with the Tyrant of A∣chem, whereby he granted him a Custom-house in the Port of Pazem. This Abissin rendered himself Master of the Bulwark, with threescore Turks, forty Ianizaries, and some Malabar Moo•s, who instantly planted five Ensigns on the walls; In the mean time the King of Aaru, encouraging his people with promises, and such words as the time required, wrought so effectu∣ally, that with a valorous resolution they set upon the Enemy, and recovered the Bulwark which they had so lately lost, so as the Abissin Captain was slain on the place, and all those that were there with him. The King following his good fortune, at the same instant caused the gates of the Trench to be opened, and sallying out with a good part of his Forces, he combated his Enemies so valiantly, as he quite routed them; In like manner he took eight of their twelve Pieces of Ordnance, and so retreating in safety he fortified himself the best he could for to su∣stain his Enemies future assaults.

CHAP. XI. The Death of the King of Aaru, and the cruel Iustice that was executed on him by his Enemies; the going of his Queen to Malaca, and her reception there.

THe General of Achem, seeing the bad success which he received in this incounter,* was more grieved for the death of the Abissin Captain, and the loss of those eight Pieces of Ordnance, then for all them that were slain besides; whereupon he assembled his Councel of War, who were all of opinion that the commenced siege was to be continued, and the Trench assailed on every side, which was so speed•ly put in execution, that in seventeen days it was as∣saulted nine several times, in so much as by divers sorts of fire-works, continually invented by a Turkish Engineer, that was in their Camp, they demolished the greater part of the Trench; Moreover they overthrew two of the principal Forts on the South side, together with a great Platform, which in the manner of a false-bray defended the entry of the River, notwithstand∣ing all the resistance the King of Aaru could make with his people, though they behaved them∣selves so valiantly, as the Achems lost above two thousand and five hundred men, besides those that were hurt, which were far more then the slain, whereof the most part dyed shortly after for want of looking to. As for the King of Aaru, he lost not above four hundred men, how∣beit for that his people were but few, and his Enemies many, as also better ordered, and better armed, in the last assault, that was given on the thirteenth day of the Moon, the business ended unfortunately by the utter defeat of the King of Aaru's Forces; For it was his ill hap, that having made a salley forth by the advice of a Cacis of his, whom he greatly trusted, it fell out that this Traytor suffering himself to be corrupted with a bar of gold, weighing about forty thousand duckets, which the Achem gave him, whereof the King of Aaru being ignorant, set couragiously on his Enemies, and fought a bloody battel with them, wherein the advantage re∣mained on his side in all mens judgment, but that Dog, the perfidious Cacis, whom he had left Commander of the Trench, sallied forth with five hundred men, under colour of seconding the King in his pursuit of so prosperous a beginning, and left the Trench without any manner of defence, which perceived by one of the Enemies Captains, a Mahometan Malabar, named Cutiale Marcaa, he presently with six hundred Gusarates and Malabars, whom he had led thither for that purpose, made himself Master of the Trench, which the traytrous Cacis for the bar of gold he had received had left unguarded, and forthwith put all the sick and hurt men that he found there to the sword, amounting to the number of about fifteen hundred, whereof he would not spare so much as one. In the mean time the unhappy King of Aaru, who thought of nothing less then the treachery of his Cacis, seeing his Trench taken, ran to the succoring of it, being a matter that most imported him: But finding himself the weaker, he was constrained Page  34 to quit the place, so that as he was making his retreat to the Town ditch, it was his ill fortune to be killed by a shot of an Ha•quebuse from a Turk his enemy. Upon this death of his ensued the loss of all the rest, by reason of the great disorder it brought amongst them. Whereat the Enemies exceedingly rejoycing, took up the Corps of that wretched King, which they found amongst the other dead bodies, and having imbowelled and salted him they put him up in a Case, and so sent him as a Present to the Tyrant, who, after many ceremonies of Justice, caused him to be publiquely sawed into sundry pieces, and then boiled in a great Cauldron full of Oyl and Pitch, with a dreadful Publication, the tenor whereof was this:

See here the Iustice, which Sultan Laradin, King of the Land of the two Seas, hath caused to be executed, whose will and pleasure it is, that as the body of this miserable Mahometan hath been sawed in sunder, and boiled here on Earth, so his Soul shall suffer worse torments in Hell, and that most worthily, for his transgressing of the Law of Mahomet, and of the per∣fect belief of the Musselmans of the House of M••qua: For this execution is very just, and con∣formable to the holy Doctrine of the Book of Flowers, in regard this Miscreant hath shewed himself in all his works to be so far without the fear of God, as he hath incessantly from time to time betrayed the most secret and important affairs of this Kingdom to those accursed Dogs of the other end of the world, who for our sins, and through our negligence, have with notorious Tyranny made themselves Lords of Malaca. This Publication ended, a fearful noise arose a∣mongst the people, who cryed out, This punishment is but too little for so execrable a crime. Behold truly the manner of this passage, and how the loss of the Kingdom of Aaru was joyned with the death of that poor King, who lived in such good correspondence with us, and that in my opinion might have been succored by us with very small charge and pains, if at the be∣ginning of the War he had been assisted with that little he demanded by his Embassador; Now who was in the fault hereof, I will leave to the judgment of them which most it concerns to know it.

*After that this infortunate King of Aaru had miserably ended his days, as I have before re∣lated, and that his whole Army was utterly defeated, both the Town and the rest of the King∣dom were easily and quickly taken in. Thereupon the General of the Achems repaired the Trenches, and fortified them in such manner as he thought requisite for the conservation and security of all that he had gained: which done, he left there a Garison of eight hundred of the most couragious men of his Army, who were commanded by a certain Lusan Mahometan, named Sapetù de Raia, and incontinently after departed with the rest of his Forces. The common report was that he went to the Tyrant of Achem, who received him with very much honor for the good success of this enterprize; For, as I have already delivered, being before but Governor and Mandara of the Kingdom of Baarros, he gave him the title of King, so that ever after he was called Sultan of Baarros, which is the proper denomination of such as are Kings amongst the Mahometans. Now whilest things passed in this sort, the desolate Queen remained some seven leagues from Aaru, where being advertised and assured of the death of the King her husband, and of the lamentable issue of the War, she presently resolved to cast her self into the fire, for so she had promised her husband in his life time, confirming it with many and great oaths; But her friends and servants, to divert her from putting so de∣sperate a design in execution, used many reasons unto her, so that at length, overcome by their perswasions, Verily, said she unto them, although I yield to your request, yet I would have you know, that neither the considerations you have propounded, nor the zeal you seem to sh•w of good and faithful Subjects, were of power to turn me from so generous a determination, as that is which I promised to my King, my Husband, and my Master, if God had not inspired me with this thought, that living I may better revenge his death, as by his dear blood I vow unto you to labor as long as I live to do, and to that end I will undergo any extremi•y whatso∣ever, nay if need be turn Christian a thousand times over, if by that means I may be able to compass this my desire. Saying so, she immediately got up on an Elephant, and accompanied with a matter of seven hundred men, she marched towards the Town with a purpose to set it on fire, where incountring some four hundred Achems, that were busie about pillaging of such goods as were yet remaining, she so encouraged her people with her words and tears, that they cut them all presently in pieces; This execution done, knowing her self too weak for to hold the Town, she returned into the Wood, where she sojourned twenty days, during which time she made War upon the Townsmen, surprising and pillaging them as often as they issued forth to get water, wood, or other necessaries, so as they durst not stir out of the Town to provide Page  35 themselves such things as they needed, in which regard if she could possibly have continued this War other twenty days longer, she had so famished them, as they would have been constrained to render the Town: But because at that time it rained continually by reason of the Climate, and that the place was boggy and full of bushes, as also the fruits, wherewithall they nourished themselves in the Wood, were all rotten, so that the most part of her people fell sick, and no means there to relieve them, the Queen was constrained to depart to a River, named Minha∣çumbaa, some five leagues from thence, where she imbarqued her self in sixteen Vessels, such as she could get, which were fishermens Paroos, and in them she went to Malaca, with a belief that at her Arrival there she should not be denyed any thing she would ask.

Pedro de Faria, being advertised of the Queens coming, sent Alvaro de Faria, his son,* and General of the Sea-forces, to receive her with a Galley, five Foists, two Catures, twenty Balons, and three hundred men, besides divers persons of the Country. So she was brought to the Fortress, where she was saluted with an honorable peal of Ordnance, which lasted the space of a good hour. Being landed, and having seen certain things, which Pedro de Faria desired to shew her, as the Custom-house, the River, the Army, the Manufactures, stores of Powder, and other particulars, prepared before for that purpose, she was lodged in a fair house, and her people, to the number of six hundred, in a field, called Ilher, in Tents and Cabbins, where they were accommodated the best that might be. During all the time of her abode, which was about a matter of five months, she continued soliciting for succor, and means to revenge the death of her husband. But at length perceiving the small assistance she was likely to have from us, and that all we did was but a meer entertainment of good words, she determined to speak freely unto Pedro de Faria, that so she might know how far she might trust to his prom ses; To which end, attending him one Sunday at the gate of the Fortress, at such time as the place was full of people, and that he was going forth to hear Mass, she went to him, and after some complements between them, she said unto him; Noble and valiant Captain, I bese•ch you by the generosity of your race, to give me the hearing in a few things I have to re∣present unto you. Consider, I pray you, that albeit I am a Mahometan, and that for the greatness of my sins I am altogether ignorant in the knowledg of your holy Law, yet in regard I am a woman, and have been a Queen, you ought to carry some respect to me, and to behold my misery with the eyes of a Christian. Hereunto at first Pedro de Faria knew not what to answer, in the end putting off his cap, he made her a low reverence, and after they had both continued a good while without speaking, the Queen bowed to the Church gate, that was just before them, and then spake again to Pedro de Faria. Truly, said she, the desire I have al∣ways had to revenge the death of my husband, hath been, and still is, so great, that I have resolved to seek out all the means that possibly I may to effect it, since by reason of the weakness of my sex Fortune will not permit me to bear arms; Being perswaded then that this here, which is the first I have tryed, was the most assured, and that I more relyed upon then any other, as trusting in the ancient amity which hath always been betwixt us and you Portugals, and the obligation wherein this Fortress is engaged to us, passing by many other considerations well known to you, I am now to desire you with tears in mine eyes, that for the honor of the high and mighty King of Portugal, my soveraign Lord, and unto whom my husband was ever a loyal Subject and Vassal, you will ayd and succor me in this my great adversity, which in the presence of many noble Personages you have promised me to do; howbeit now I see that in stead of performing the promises which you have so often made me, you alledg for an excuse that you have written unto the Vice-roy about it, whereas I have no need of such great Forces as you speak of, for that with an hundred men only, and such of my own people as are flying up and down in hope and expectation of my return, I should be able enough, though I be but a woman, in a short space to recover my Country, and revenge the death of my husband, through the help of Almighty God, in whose Name I beseech and require you, that for the service of the King of Portugal, my Master, and the only refuge of my widowhood, you will, since you can, assist me speedily, because expedition is that which in this affair imports the most, and so doing you shall prevent the plot which the wicked enemy hath upon this Fortress, as too well you may perceive by the means he hath used to effect it. If you will be pleased to give me the succor I demand of you, say so; if not, deal clearly with me, for that you will prejudice me as much in making me lose time, as if you refused me that which so earnestly I desire, and which as a Chri∣stian you are obliged to grant me, as the Almighty Lord of Heaven and Earth doth well know▪ whom I take to witness of this my request.

Page  36

CHAP. XII. The Queen of Aaru's departure from Malaca; her going to the King of Jantana; his summoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the Kingdom of A•ru, and that which past between them thereupon.

PEdro de Faria, having heard what this desolate Queen said openly unto him, convinced by his own conscience,* and even ashamed of having delayed her in that fashion, answered her, that in truth, and by the faith of a Christian, he had recommended this affair unto the Vice∣roy, and that doubtless there would some succor come for her ere it were long, if so be there were no trouble in the Indiaes that might hinder it, wherefore he advised and prayed her to stay still in Malaca, and that shortly she should see the verity of his speeches. Thereunto this Princess having replyed upon the uncertainty of such succor, Pedro de Faria grew into choller, because he thought she did not believe him, so that in the heat of his passion he lashed out some words that were more rude then was fit. Whereupon the desolate Queen, with tears in her eyes, and beholding the Church gate, which was just against her, and sobbing in such manner as she could scarcely speak; The clear Fountain, said she, is the God which is adored in that house, out of whose mouth proceeds all truth, but the men of the Earth are sinks of troubled water, wherein change and faults are by nature continually remaining, wherefore accursed is he that trusts to the opening of their lips; For I assure you, Captain, that •ver since I knew my self to this present I have neither heard, nor seen ought, but that the more such unhappy wretches, as my late husband was, and my self now am, do for you Portugals, the less you re∣gard them, and the more you are obliged, the less you acknowledg, whence I may well conclude that the recompence of the Portugal Nation consists more in favor, then in the merits of per∣sons; And would to God, my deceased husband had nine and twenty years ago but known what now for my sins I perceive too well, for then he had not been so deceived by you as he was: But since it is so, I have this only left to comfort me in my misery, that I see many others scandalized with your amity as well as my self; For if you had neither the power nor the will to succor me, why would you so far engage your self to me, a poor desolate widow, concerning that which I hoped to obtain from you, and so beguile me with your large promises? Having spoken thus, she turned her back to the Captain, and without harkening to what he might say she instantly returned to her lodging, then caused her Vess•ls, wherein she came thither, to be made ready, and the next day set sail for Bi•tan, where the King of Iantana was at that time, who, according to the report was made of it to us afterward, received her with great honor at her arrival. To him she recounted all that had past betwixt her and Pedro de Faria, and how she had lost all hope of our friendship; Unto whom, it is said, the King made this answer, That he did not marvel at the little faith she had found in us, for that we had shewed it but too much upon sundry occasions unto all the world. Now the better to confirm his saying, he re∣cited some particular examples of matters, which he said had befallen us, conformable to his purpose; and like a Mahometan, and our Enemy, he made them appear more enormous then they were: So after he had recounted many things of us very ill done, amongst the which he interlaced divers Treacheries, Robberies, and Tyrannies, at length he told her, that as a good King, and a good Mahometan, he would promise her, that ere it were long she should see her self by his means restored again to every foot of her Kingdom; and to the end she might be the more assured of his promise, he told her that he was content to take her for his wife, if so she pleased, for that thereby he should have the greater cause to become the King of Achems Enemy, upon whom for her sake he should be constrained to make War, if he would not by fair means be perswaded to abandon that which he had unjustly taken from her. Whereunto she made answer, that albeit the honor he did her was very great, yet she would never accept of it, unless he would first promise, as in way of a dowry, to revenge the death of her former husband, saying, it was a thing she so much desired, as without it she would not accept of the Soveraignty of the whole world. The King condescended to her request, and by a so∣lemn Oath taken on a Book of their Sect confirmed the promise which to that effect he made her.

*After that the King of Iantana had taken that Oath before a great Cacis of his, called Raia Moulana, upon a festival day when as they solemnized their Ramadan, he went to the Isle of Compar, where immediately upon the celebration of their Nuptials he called a Councel for to Page  37 advise of the course he was to hold for the performance of that whereunto he had engaged him∣self, for he knew it was a matter of great difficulty, and wherein he should be forced to hazard much of his Estate. The resolution that he took hereupon was before he enterprized any thing to send to summon the Tyrant of Achem to surrender the Kingdom of Aaru, which in the right of his new wife belonged now unto him▪ and then according to the answer he should receive to govern himself. This Councel seemed so good to the King, that he presently dispatched an Em∣bassador to the Tyrant, with a rich Present of Jewels, and Silks, together with a Letter con∣taining these words. Sibri Laya quendou, pracama de Raia, lawful King by a long succession of Malaca, which by strong hand, and the injustice of the faithless Kings of Jantana and Bintan hath been usurped from me, To thee Siry Sultan Aaradin, King of Achem, and of all the Land of the two Seas, my true Brother by the ancient Amity of our forefathers. I, thine Ally in flesh and in blood, do give thee to understand by my Embassador, that about the seventh Moon of this present year the noble Widow Anchesiny, Queen of Aaru, came to me full of grief and tears, and prostrating her self on the ground before me, she told me that thy Captains had taken her Kingdom from her, as also the two Rivers of Lava and Panetican, and slain Alibon∣car her husband, together with five thousand Amborraias and Ouroballons, all men of mark, that were with him, and made three thousand children slaves, which had never offended, tying their hands behind them, and scourging them continually without pity, as if they had been the sons of unbelieving mothers. Wherefore being moved with compassion I have received her under the protection of my faith, to the end that I might with more certainty inform my self of the reason and right thou hadst so to do, and perceiving by her oaths that thou hadst none, I have taken her to my wife, that I might the more freely before God demand that which is hers. I desire thee then, as being thy true Brother, that thou wilt render that thou hast taken from her, and thereof make her a good and full restitution; And touching the proceeding that is to be held in this restitution which I demand of thee, it is to be done according to the manner that Syribican my Embassador will shew thee. And not doing thus conformable to what in justice I require of thee, I declare my self thine Enemy in the behalf of this Lady, unto whom I am obliged by a solemn Oath to defend her in her affliction. This Embassador being come to A∣che•, the Tyrant received him very honorably, and took his Letter; But after he had opened it, and read the contents, he would presently have put him to death, had he not been diverted by his Councel, who told him, that in so doing he would incur great infamy: Whereupon he in∣stantly dismissed the Embassador with his Present, which in contempt of him he would not ac∣cept of, and in answer of that he brought him he returned him a Letter, wherein it was thus written. I Sultan Aaradin, King of Achem, Baarros, Pedir, Paacem, and of the Signories of Dayaa, and Batas, Prince of all the Land of the two Seas, both Mediterranean and Ocean, and of the Mynes of Menencabo, and of the Kingdom of Aaru newly conquered upon just cause, To thee King, replenished with joy, and desirous of a doubtful heritage: I have seen thy Let∣ter, written at the table of thy Nuptials, and by the inconsiderate words thereof have dis∣cerned the drunkenness of thy Councellors and Secretaries, whereunto I would not have vouchsafed an answer, had it not been for the humble prayers of my servants. As touching the Kingdom of Aaru, do not thou dare to speak of it if thou desirest to live, sufficeth it that I have caused it to be taken in, and that it is mine, as thine also shall be ere long, if thou hast married Anchesiny with a purpose upon that occasion to make claim to a Kingdom, that now is none of hers; wherefore live with her as other husbands do with their wives, that tilling the ground are contented with the labor of their hands. Recover first thy Malaca, since it was once thine, and then thou mayst think of that which never belonged to thee. I will favor thee as a Vassal, and not as a Brother, as thou qualifiest thy self. From my great and Royal House of rich Achem, the very day of this thy Embassadors arrival, whom I have presently sent away without further seeing or hearing of him, as he may tell thee upon his return to thy pre∣sence.

The King of Iantana's Embassador,* being dismissed with this Answer the very same day that he arrived, which amongst them they hold for a mighty affront, carried back the Present, which the Tyrant would not accept of in the greater contempt both of him that sent, and he that brought it, and arrived at Compar, where the King of Iantana was at that instant, who upon the understanding of all that had past grew by report so sad and vext, that his servants have vowed they have divers times seen him weep for very grief that the Tyrant should make so little reckoning of him; Howbeit he held a Councel there upon the second time, where it was con∣cluded, Page  38 that at any hand he should make War upon him, as on his mortal Enemy, and that the first thing he should undertake, should be the recovery of the Kingdom of Aaru, and the Fort of Panetican, before it was further fortified▪ The King accordingly set forth a Fleet of two hundred Sails, whereof the most part were Lanchares, Calaluses, and fifteen tall Juncks, fur∣nished with Munition necessary for the enterprize; And of this Navy he made General the great Laque Xemena, his Admiral, of whose valor the History of the Indiaes hath spoken in divers places. To him he gave two thousand Soldiers, as also four thousand Mariners and gally slaves, all choyce and trained men. This General departed immediately with his Fleet, and arrived at the River of Panetican close by the Enemies Fort, which he assaulted five several times, both with scaling ladders, and divers artificial fires, but perceiving he could not prevail that way, he began to batter it with four hundred great Pieces of Ordnance▪ which shot continually for the space of seven whole days together, at the end whereof the most part of the Fort was ruined, and overthrown to the ground, whereupon he presently caused his men to give an assault to it, who performed it so valiantly, that they entered it, and slew fourteen hundred Achems, the most of which came thither but the day before the Fleet arrived under the conduct of a Turkish Captain, Nephew to the Bassa of Caire, named Mora do Arraiz, who was also sl•i•• there with four hundred Turks he had brought along with him, whereof Laque Xemena would not spare so much as one. After this he used such diligence in repairing that which was fallen, wherein most of the Soldiers labored, that in twelve days the Fort was rebuilt, and made as strong as before, with the augmentation of two Bulwarks. The news of this Fleet, which the King of Iantana prepared in the Ports of Bintan and Compar, came to the Tyrants ears, who fearing to lose that which he had gotten, put instantly to Sea another Fleet of fourteen hundred and twenty Sails, Foists, Lanchares, Galiots, and fifteen Galleys of five and twenty banks of oa•s a piece, wherein he caused fifteen thousand men to be imbarqued, namely, twelve thou∣sand Soldiers, and the rest Mariners, and such as were for the service of the Sea; Of this Army he made the same Heredin Mahomet General, who had before (as I have already declared) conquered the Kingdom of Aaru, in regard he knew him to be a man of a great spirit, and fortunate in War, who departing with this Army arrived at a place, called Aapessumhee, with∣in four leagues of the River of Panetican, where he learnt of certain fishermen, whom he took and put to torture, all that had past concerning the Fort and the Kingdom, and how Laque Xe∣mena had made himself Master both of the Land and Sea in expectation of him. At this news, it is said, that Heredin Mahomet was much perplexed, because intruth he did not b•lieve the Enemy could do so much in so little time; By reason whereof he assembled his Councel, where it was concluded, that since both the Fort and Kingdom were regained, and all the men he had left there cut in pieces, as likewise for that the Enemy was very strong, both at Sea and Land, and the season very unfit for their design, therefore they were to return back: Neverth•less He∣redin Mahomet was of a contrary opinion, saying, that he would rather dye like a man of cou∣rage, then live in dishonor, and that seeing the King had made choyce of him for that purpose, by the help of God he would not lose one jot of the reputation he had gotten; wherefore he vowed and swore by the bones of Mahomet, and all the Lamps that perpetually burn in his Chappel, to put all those to death as Traytors that should go about to oppose this intent of his, and that they should be boiled alive in a Cauldron of Pitch, in such manner as he meant to deal with Laque Xemena himself; and with this boiling resolution he parted from the place where he rode at anchor, with great cries, and noise of Drums, and Bells, as they are accustomed to do upon like occasions. In this sort by force of oars and sails they got into the entry of the Ri∣ver, and coming in sight of Laque Xemena's Navy, who was ready waiting for him, and well reinforced with a great number of Soldiers, that were newly come to him from P•ra, Bintan, Siaca▪ and many other places thereabout, he made towards him, and after the discharging of their O•dnance afar off, they joyned together with as much violence as might be. The fight was such, that during the space of an hour and an half there could no advantage be discerned on either part, until such time as Heredin Mahomet, General of the Achems, was slain with a great shot, that hit him just in the brest, and battered him to pieces. The death of this Chief∣tain discouraged his people in such manner, as laboring to return unto a Point, named Baroqui∣rin, with a purpose there to unite and fortifie themselves until night, and then by the favor thereof to fly away, they could not execute their design, in regard of the great currant of the water, wh•ch separated and dispersed them sundry ways, by which means the Tyrants Army •ell into the power of Laque Xemena, who defeated it, so that but fourteen Sails of them Page  39 escaped, and the other hundred threescore and six were taken, and in them were thirteen thou∣sand and five hundred men killed, besides the fourteen hundred that were slain in the Trench. These fourteen Sails that so escaped returned to Achem, where they gave the Tyrant to un∣derstand how all had past, at which, it is reported, he took such grief, as he shut up himself for twenty days without seeing any body, at the end whereof he struck off the heads of all the Captains of the fourteen Sails, and commanded all the Soldiers beards that were in them to be shaved off, enjoyning them expresly upon pain of being sawed asunder alive, to go ever after attired in womens apparel, playing upon Timbrels in all places where they went, and that whensoever they made any protestation, it should be in saying, So may God bring me back my husband again, as this is true, or, So may I have joy of the children I have brought into the world. Most of these men seeing themselves inforced to undergo a chastisement so scandalous to them, fled their Country, and many made themselves away, some with poyson, some with halters, and some with the sword. A relation altogether true, without any addition of mine. Thus was the Kingdom of Aaru recovered from the Tyrant of Achem, and remained in the hands of the King of Iantana until the year 1574. At which time the said Tyrant with a Fleet of two hundred Sails, feigning as though he would go to take in Patava, fell cunningly one night on Iantana, where the King was at that time, whom, together with his wife, children, and many others, he took prisoners, and carried into his Country, where he put them all to most cruel deaths, and for the King himself he caused his brains to be beaten out of his head with a great club. After these bloody executions he possest the Kingdom of Aaru, whereof he presently made his eldest son King, the same that was afterward slain at Malaca, coming to besiege it in the time of Don Lionis P•reyra, son to the Earl of Feyra, Captain of the Fortress, who defended it so valiantly, that it seemed to be rather a miracle then any natural work, by reason the power of that Enemy was so great, and ours so little in comparison of theirs, as it may be truly spoken how they were two hundred Mahometans against one Christian.

CHAP. XIII. My departure from Malaca to go to Pan; that which fortuned after my arrival there; with the murther of the King of Pan, and the cause thereof.

TO return unto the Discourse where I left, I say,* that when I was recovered of the sickness which I got in my Captivity at Siaca, Pedro de Faria, desiring to find out some occasion to advance and benefit me, sent me in a Lanchara to the Kingdom of Pan with goods of his, to the value of ten thousand duckets, for to consign them into the hands of a Factor of his, that recided there, named Tome Lobo, and from thence to go to Patava, which is an hundred leagues beyond that. To that purpose he gave me a Letter and a Present for the King, and an ample Commission to treat with him about the redemption of five Portugals, who in the Kingdom of Siam were Slaves to Monteo de Bancha his Brother-in-law. I parted then from Malaca upon this employment, and the seventh day of our Voyage, just as we were opposite to the Island of Pullo Timano, which may be distant from Malaca some ninety leagues, and ten or twelve from the mouth of the River of Pan, a little before day we heard at two several times great lamentations at Sea, and being not able in regard of the darkness of the night to know what it was, we were all suspended into divers opinions, for that we could not imagine what it should be, in so much that to learn the certainty thereof I caused them to hoist up sail, and row towards that part where we heard the lamentation, every one looking down round about close to the water, the better to discern and hear that of which we were in such doubt. After we had continued a pretty while in this manner, we perceived far from us a black thing that floated on the Sea, and unable at first to discover what it was, we advised together about it. Now there being but four Portugals of us in the Lanchara, we were all of different minds, so that I was told how I was to go directly to the place whither Pedro de Faria had sent me, that losing but an hours time I might endanger the Voyage, and hazard the goods, and so for want of performing the duty of my charge I might very much wrong him. Whereunto I an∣swered, that happen what might, I would not leave off laboring to know what it was, and that if in so doing I committed any fault, the Lanchara appertained to none but Pedro de Fa∣ria, unto whom my self was to render an account of the goods in it, and not they, that had nothing else in the Vessel but their persons, which were in no more danger then mine: During this debate it pleased God that the day appeared, by the light whereof we perceived p•ople that Page  40 were cast away, who floated pell-mell together upon planks, and other pieces of wood: Whereupon without further fear we turned our prow towards them, and with force of sails and oars we made to them, hearing them cry six or seven times, without using any other speech, Lord have mercy upon us. At the sight of this strange and pitiful spectacle we remained so a∣mazed, that we were almost besides our selves, and causing some of the Mariners to get with all speed into the Cock-boat, they fetcht three and twenty persons of them into the Lanchara, namely fourteen Portugals, and nine Slaves, which were all so dis-figured in the face, as they made us afraid to look on them, and so weak as they could neither speak nor stand. After they had been thus taken up by us, and entreated in the best manner we could, we demanded of them the cause of their mis-fortune, whereunto one of the company we•ping answered, My Masters, I am named Fernand Gil Porcal•o, and the eye, which you behold I want, was strucken out by the Achems at the siege of Malaca, when as the second time they came to sur∣prize Dom Est•vano de Gama, who desiring to do something for me, because he saw me poor, as I was at that time, gave me leave to go to the Molucques, where would to God I had ne∣ver been, since my Voyage was to have so bad a success: for after I departed from the Port of Talagame, which is the Roade of our Fort at Ternate, having sailed three and twenty days with a favorable gale in a Junck that carried a thousand bars of Cloves, worth above an hundred thousand duckets, my ill fortune would, that at the point of Surabaya in the Isle of Iaoa, there arose so impetuous a North-wind, that our Junck brake in the prow, which constrained us to lighten the hatches; So we passed that night by the shoar, without bearing so much as a rag of sail, by reason the Sea was exceedingly moved, and the waves most insupportable. The next day we perceived that our Junk sank, so that of an hundred forty and seven persons that were in her there were saved but six and twenty, and now it is fourtain days that we have been upon these planks, having during all that time eaten nothing but a slave of mine that dyed, with whom we have sustained our selves eight days, and the very last night two Portugals more dyed, on whom we would not feed, although we were very much prest to it by our hunger, because we hoped that this or the next day would give an end both to our lives and misery.

*The relation, which this man made us, having rendred us all very pensive, and full of amaze∣ment to see him and his companions reduced to so deplorable an estate, we greatly wondered at the means, whereby God had so miraculously delivered them, wherefore we gave him most humble thanks for it, and comforted our new guests, in representing unto them all those things which the duty of true Christians and our poor captivity obliged us to tell them. After that we bestowed part of our clothes on them, and layd them in our ordinary beds, then we apply∣ed those remedies to them, which we thought necessary for their recovery; for not having slept of a long time, they were so exceeding dizzy in the head, that they would fall down stunn•d in such sort, as they continued without any knowledg for an hour together. This done, we went to seek out the Port of Pan, where we arrived near about midnight, casting anchor in the Roade, just against a little inhabited place, called Campalaru. The next morning by break of day we rowed up the River about some league to the Town, where we found Tome Lobo, who, as I have already declared, resided there, as Factor for the Captain of Malaca, into whose hands I consigned all the Merchandise that I brought along with me. The same day three of the fourteen Portugals, which we took up at Sea, dyed, whereof the afore-named Fernando Gil Porcalho was one, as also five young men that were Christians, whom we cast all into the Sea, with great stones tyed to their feet and about their necks for to make them sink to the bottom, in regard we could not be permitted to bury them in the Town, although Tome Lobo offered them forty duckets for that purpose, the reason they alledged was, that if they should suffer it, their Country would remain accursed, and incapable of nourishing any thing, because the deceased were not purged from the Hogs flesh they had eaten, it being the most de∣testable and enormous sin of all others; As for those which rested alive, Tome Lobo gave them very good entertainment, and furnished them with all things that they wanted, until such time as they recovered and returned to Malaca. Not long after, preparing my self for my Voyage to Patana, Tome Lobo very earnestly desired me not to go thither, and told me that he held not himself safe in that Town, by reason he was advertised that one Taan N•rrafa, a man of reputation, and of the chiefest of the Town, had sworn to burn him in his house, with all the goods that were in it, saying, that at Malaca the Captains Factor had taken from him the va∣lue of five thousand duckets in Benjamin, Silk, and wood of Aloes, at a far lower rate then it was worth, and that he had payd him at his own pleasure, and therewith not contented had Page  41 in part of payment given him rotten stuffs, which he could make nothing of; moreover, that for all his five thousand duckets worth of Commodities, that in Malaca would have yielded him ten thousand, and by exchange of vendible wares, he might easily have returned, would have made him ten thousand more, he never could get above seven hundred duckets; and there∣fore to be revenged of this wrong, he had picked quarrels of purpose to tole him forth to kill him, in regard whereof he instantly desired me to stay, and not abandon him and the Captains stock to such apparant danger: Whereupon having used all the reasons I could to facilitate my voyage, he would by no means approve of them, but contradicted me in all my propositions. For conclusion, I remonstrated unto him, that if it were his ill fortune, as he said he feared, to be killed for that which he had, I should be in no better case, and therefore I marvelled why he would let those eleven Portugals go, with whom rather he should have imbarqued himself for Malaca. Hereunto after a little pause he made answer, that he was very sorry he had not done so, but since it was now too late, he intreated me not to forsake him in this extremity, and that for the Captains sake, who he knew would not take it well I should leave him so alone with his goods, which were no less worth then thirty thousand duckets, besides those belonging to him∣self, that amounted to almost as much more. This request of his made to me with such instance on the one side, somewhat perplexed me, and on the other considering the extream hazard I ran if I stay'd, I knew not what to resolve; At length after I had well thought of the matter, I was constrained to come to this accord with him, that in case he did not within fifteen days imbarque himself with me in my Lanchara for Patana, with all his Commodities reduced into gold, or stones, whereof there was great plenty in the Town, that then I might go where I pleased without him; an offer that he was forced to accept of, and so we remained agreed.

The fear Tome Lobo was in, left that wherewithall he was threatened should befall him,* made him use such diligence in selling away of his commodities, that by means of the good peny-worths he afforded them at, in less then eight days he cleared his Warehouse, and the other places wherein they lay; so that utterly refusing Pepper; Cloves, and such other Drugs, which took up too much room, he trucked all away for gold of Menencabo, for Diamonds of Lavo and Taucampura, and Pearls of Borneo. Now having made a full dispatch of all, and that we were resolved to imbarque the next day, by ill fortune a most terrible accident happened the night ensuing, which was, that one, named Coin Geinal, the King of Borneo's Embassador, who had been three or four years resident in the King of Pan's Court, and a marvelous rich man, killed the King upon finding him in bed with his wife, which caused such a commotion in the Town, that it seemed to be a Tumult of Hell rather then any humane business; Whereupon certain rogues and vagabonds, that wished for nothing more then such like occasions, to the end they might do what before for fear of the King they durst not enterprize, made a Troop of five or six hundred, which separated into three bands, went directly to the house, where Tome Lobo dwelt. Having assaulted it in six or seven places, they entred by force, notwithstanding all the resistance we could make, and that in defending it we lost eleven men, whereof the Por∣tugals, which came with me from Malaca, were three. During this violence, all that Tome Lobo could do was to escape away with six great blows of a sword, one of the which had cut his right cheek almost away, so as he was like to dye of that hurt. We were both of us then constrained to abandon the house to them, together with all the goods that were in it, and re∣tire to the Lanchara, where we remained with five Boys and eight Mariners, not having so much as the worth of a peny left of all our merchandize, which amounted to fifty thousand crowns in gold and stone only. In this Lanchara we past away all the night very much afflict∣ed, and still harkening what might be the end of this mutiny, which was risen among the peo∣ple, as I have before related. At length perceiving the matters grew worse and worse, and that there was no hope for us to recover any part of our goods, we thought it a far safer course to go away to Patana, then by staying to run a hazard of being killed, as above four thousand persons were. With this resolution we parted from this place, and in six days arrived at Patana, where we were very well received by the Portugals which were in that Country, unto whom we recounted all that had past at Pan▪ and the pitious estate wherein we had left that miserable Town. This accident very much afflicted them, so that desiring to give some remedy there∣unto, with a true affection of charitable Christians they went all to the Palace of the King, and complained to him of the wrong that had been done to the Captain of Malaca, beseeching him thereupon they might be permitted to recover, if it were possible, the loss they had sustain∣ed, and have leave granted to right themselves upon any merchants goods belonging to the Page  42 Kingdom of Pan, to the value of the sum they had been despoyled of. The King having heard their complaint, and presently granting what they demanded; It is reasonable, said he, that you should do as you have been done unto, and that you should spoyl them that first have spoyled you, especially in a matter that concerns the Captain of Malaca, unto whom all of you are so much obliged. The Portugals, having rendred him very humble thanks for this grace, re∣turned to their houses, where they concluded to seize upon all the goods they could meet with belonging to the Kingdom of Pan, until such time as they had fully recovered their loss. It hapned then about nine days after they being advertised, that some ten leagues off, in the river of Calantan, were three Junks of China, very rich, and appertaining to Mahometan Merchants, Natives of the Kingdom of Pan, that by foul weather at Sea were constrained to put in there, our people resolved to fall upon them: To which effect, out of three hundred Portugals, that were then in the Country, we chose out fourscore, with whom we imbarqued our selves in two Foysts, and one round ship, well provided of all things we thought to be necessary for this en∣terprize. So we departed three days after with all speed, for fear lest the Mahometans of the Country, having discovered our design, should advertise them of it whom we went to seek; Of these three vessels one Ioano Fernandez Dabrea, born in the Isle of Madera, was General, who with forty Soldiers went in the round ship, and the other two Foysts were commanded by Laurenco de Goes, and Vasco Sermento, both of them of the City of Braganea in Portugal, and very well experienced in Sea-service. The next day we arrived at the river of Calentan, where as soon as we decryed the three Junks riding at anchor, which we had been told of, we set very valiantly upon them, and albeit those that were in them did at first do their best endevor to defend themselves, yet at length all their resistance was in vain, for in less then an hour we reduced them all under our power, so as seventy and four of theirs were slain, and but three of ours, though we had many men hurt. I will not hold you here with any particular discourse of what was done on either side, let it suffice, that after the three Junks had rendred themselves, we presently set sail, and carryed them away with us in all haste, because the whole Country thereabout was in an uproar, directing our course towards Patana, where by the favor of a fair wind we arrived the next day in the afternoon: Having then cast anchor, we saluted the Town with a peal of Ordnance in sign of joy, which put the Mahometans of the Country out of all patience; for though we stood in the terms of good friends with them, yet they left not to use all possible means, both of Presents which they gave to the Governors and the Kings Favorites, and otherwise, for to make our prizes voyd, and that the King would expel us out of his dominions, whereunto he would at no hand consent, saying, that he would not for any thing in the world break the peace, which his Ancestors had made with the Christians of Ma∣laca,•nd that all that he could do therein was to become a third betwixt them: Whereupon he de•••ed us, that the three Necodas of the Junks, so are the Commanders of them called in that Country, restoring unto us what had been taken from the Captain of Malaca, we would like∣wise render unto them as well their vessels free, as the overplus, a matter which Ioano Fer∣nandez Dabrea, and the rest of the Portugals very willingly agreed unto, to testifie the desire they had to content him; As indeed he was exceedingly well pleased with them for it, which he expressed both in courteous language, and many promises of his future favor. Thus were the fifty thousand duckets recovered, that Pedro de Faria and Tome Lobo had lost, and the Portugals were in great esteem over all that Country, so that their valor rendred them very formidable to the Mahometans. A little after the Soldiers assured us, that in the three Junks we had taken, there was only in lingo•s of silver, besides the other merchandize wherewithall they were laden, to the value of two hundred Taieis, which in our mony amounts to an hun∣dred thousand duckets.

CHAP. XIV. The Misfortune that befell us at the entry into the River of Lugor; our hiding our selves in a Wood, with that which happened unto us afterwards; and our return unto Malaca.

*HAving sojourned six and twenty days at Patana for to sell away some few commodities of China that I had, there arrived a Foyst from Malaca, commanded by one Antonio de Faria, who came thither by the express commandment of Pedro de Faria to treat with the King about some accord, as also to confirm the ancient league anew which he had with Ma∣laca,Page  43 and withall to give him thanks for the good entertainment he gave in his Kingdom to those of the Portugal Nation. This business was carryed with a fair shew of an Embassie, ac∣companyed with a Letter and a Present of Jewels, sent in the name of the King of Portugal our Master, and taken out o• his Coffers, as all the Captains of that place used to do. Now for as much as the said Antonio de Faria had brought along with him some ten or twelve thou∣sand crowns worth of Indian woolen and linnen cloth, which he had taken up on his credit at Malaca, and that he saw there was so little utterance of that commodity, as he could not meet with any Merchant that would deal for it, he was fain to resolve for to spend the winter there until such time as he might meet with some opportunity to put it off; Howbeit he was ad∣vised by some of the best experienced of the Country to send it unto Lugor, which is a great Town in the Kingdom of Siam, an hundred leagues lower towards the North, for they alledg∣ed that this Port was very rich, and of great vent, by reason of a world of Junks that arrived there dayly from the Isle of Iaoa, from Lava, Taniampura, Iapara, Demaa, Panaruca Sy∣dayo, Passarvan, Solor, and Borneo, whose Merchants were used to give a good rate for such like commodities, in exchange of gold, or stone. This advice was well approved of by Anto∣nio de Faria, who instantly went about to put it in execution; To which end he took order for the providing of a vessel, by reason the Foyst wherein he came was altogether unfit for a further voyage: Matters thus disposed of, he deputed one, named Christovano Borhalho, for his Factor, a man exceeding well vers'd in business of Traffique, with whom there imbarqued some sixteen men, as well Soldiers as Merchants, with a hope that one crown would yield them six or seven, what in the commodities they should carry, as in those they should return. Here∣upon▪ wretched I being one of the sixteen, we parted from the Port on a Saturday, and sailed with a favorable wind along the coast till Thursday next in the morning, that we arrived at Lu∣gor Road, and anchored at the mouth of the River; There it was thought fit to pass the rest of the day, to the end we might inform our selves of what was behoveful for us to do, as well for the sale of our commodities, as for the safety of our persons: And to say truth, we learnt such good news, that we were confident of gaining above six times double, and to be sure of freedom and liberty during all the month of September, according to the Ordinance of the King of Siam, because it was the month of the Kings Sumbayas. Now the better to clear this, you must know, that all along this coast of Malaya, and within the Land, a great King commands, who for a more famous and recommendable Title above all other Kings, causeth himself to be called Prechau Saleu, Emperor of all Sornau, which is a Country wherein there are thirteen Kingdoms, by us commonly called Siam, to the which fourteen petty Kings are subject, and yield homage, that were anciently obliged to make their personal repair unto Odiaa, the Capi∣tal City of this Empire, as well to bring their Tribute thither, as to do the Sumbaya to their Emperor, which was indeed to kiss the Courtelas that he ware by his side; Now because this City was seated fifty leagues within the Land, and the Currents of the Rivers so strong, as these Kings were oftentimes forced to abide the whole winter there to their great charge, they petitioned the Prechau, King of Siam, that the place of doing this their homage might be al∣tered, whereupon he was pleased to ordain, that for the future there should be a Viceroy resi∣dent in the Town of Lugor, which in their language is called Poyho, unto whom every three years those fourteen Kings should render that duty and obedience they were accustomed to do unto himself, and that during that time they spent there in performing the same, being the whole month of September, both their own merchandize, and that of all others, as well natives as strangers, that either came in, or went out of the Country, should be free from all manner of imposts whatsoever: So that we arriving in the time of this freedom, there was such a multi∣tude of Merchants that flocked thither from all parts, as we were assured there was no less then fifteen hundred Vessels in the Port, all laden with an infinity of Commodities of very great value: And this was the good news we learnt at such time as we arrived at the mouth of the River; wherewith we were so well pleased, that we presently resolved to put in as soon as the wind would permit us. But alass! we were so unfortunate, that we could never come to see what we so much desired; for about ten of the clock, just as we had dined, and were preparing to set sail, we saw a great Junk coming upon us, which perceiving us to be Portugals, few in number, and our Vessel small fell close with our prow on the larboard side, and then those that were in her threw into us great Cramp-irons, fastened unto two long chains, wherewithall they grappled us fast unto them, which they had no sooner done, but straightway some seventy or eighty Mahometans came flying out from under their hatches, that till then had lien lurking Page  44 there, who with a mighty cry cast so many stones, darts, and lances, which •ell as thick as hail upon us, that of us sixteen Portugals twelve rested dead in the place, together with six and thirty others, as well Boys as Mariners. Now for us four remaining Portugals, after we had escaped so dreadful •n incounter, we leapt all of us into the Sea, where one was drowned, and we three that were left getting to land as well as we could, being dangerously hurt, and wading up to the wast in mud, went and hid our selves in the next adjoyning wood. In the mean time the Mahometans of the Junk, entring into our Frigot, not contented with the slaughter they had made of our men, like mad dogs they killed six or seven Boys out-right, whom they found wounded on the D•ck, not sparing so much as one of them: That done, they imbarqued all the goods of our Vessel into their Junk, then made a great hole in her, and so sunk her: Im∣mediately whereupon, leaving their anchor in the Sea, and the Cramp-irons wherewithall they had grappled us unto them, they set sail, and made away as fast as ever they could for fear of be∣ing discovered.

*After this our escape, seeing our selves all sore hurt, and without any hope of help, we did nothing but weep and complain, for in this disaster we knew not what to resolve on, so much were we amazed with that which had befaln us within the space of half an hour. In this de∣solation we spent the rest of that sad day, but considering with our selves, that the place was moorish, and full of Adders and Lizards, we thought it our safest course to continue there all the night too, as accordingly we did, standing up to the middle in the Owze: The next morn∣ing as soon as it was day we went along by the Rivers side, until we came unto a little channel, which we durst not pass, as well for that it was very deep, as for fear of a great number of Lizards that we saw in it, so that in great pain we stayd not only that night there, but five days a•ter, being not able either to go forward, or turn aside, by reason of the bogs round about us, all covered over with rushes: In the mean time one of our companions dyed, whose name was Bastian Anriques, a rich man, and that had lost eight thousand crown• in the Lanchara, in so much that of all the company we were before there remained none but Christovano Bor∣ralho and my self, that with tears sat lamenting over the poor dead mans body, which we had covered with a little earth as well as we could, for we were then so weak, that we could hard∣ly stir, or almost speak, so as we had set up our rest to make an end of those few hours we hoped to live in that place. The next day, being the seventh of our disaster, about Sun-set we espyed a great Barque coming rowing up the River, whereupon as soon as it was near us, we prostrated our selves on the ground, beseeching those that were aboard her to take us in; They wondering at us, presently made a stand, seeming much amazed to see us so on our knees, and our hands lift up to Heaven, as though we were at our prayers; nevertheless without speaking at all to us, they made as if they would go on, which constrained us afresh to cry aloud to them with tears that they would not suffer us for want of succor to dye miserably there. Upon thos• our cries and lamentations an ancient woman came forth from under the hatches, whose grave countenance represented her to be such as afterwards we found her to be; she seeing us in so pitiful a plight, moved with our misfortune, and our wounds that we shewed her, she took up a stick, and therewith struck three or four of the Mariners because they would not take us in, whereupon approaching to the bank, five or six of them leapt on shore, and by her command∣ment took us upon their shoulders, and carryed us into the Barque. This honorable woman, much grieved to behold us so hurt, and our shirts and linnen drawers all bloody and mired, caused them straightway to be washed, and having given each of us, a linnen cloth to cover us withall, she would needs have us to sit down by her, where commanding meat to be brought us, she her self presenting it to us with her own hand, Eat, eat, said she, poor strangers, and be not afflicted to see y•ur selves reduced unto the estate you are in; for I, whom now you look upon, and that am but a woman, not having as yet attained to the age of fifty years, have seen my self a slave, and despoyled of above an hundred thousand duckets worth of goods: Nor is that all, for to this misfortune was the death of three of my sons adjoyned, and that of my husband, whom I held far more dearer then these eyes of mine, these eyes, alass! wherewith I beheld both the father and the sons torn in pieces by the King of Siams Elephants, together with two brothers, and a son-in-law I had; Ever since I have had a languishing life, and to all these miseries have many others far greater succeeded, for so implacable hath fortune been unto me, that I have seen three daughters of mine ready to be marryed, as also my father, mother, and two and thirty of my kinsmen, nephews, and cousins, thrown into burning fur∣naces, where their cries and lamentations could not chuse but reach unto Heaven, for God to Page  45 succor them in the violence of that insupportable torment; but alass! the enormity of my sins no doubt so stopped the ears of the clemency of the Lord of Lords, that he would not hea• our request, which seemed very just to me; nevertheless I deceived my self, since nothing is just but what it pleaseth his divine Majesty to ordain. Hereunto we answered, that the sins which we also had committed against him were the cause of our calamities. Seeing it is so, re∣plyed she, mingling her tears with ours, it is always good in your adversities to acknowledg, that the touches of the hand of God are evermore righteous, for both in that, as also in a con∣fession of the mouth, in a sorrow for having offended, and in a firm resolution to do so no more, consisteth all the remedy of your sufferings and mine. Having entertained us thus with the discourse of her misfortune, she enquired of us the occasion of ours, and by what means we came to be in that miserable estate, whereupon we recounted unto her all that had past, and that we neither knew who it was that had so ill intreated us, nor wherefore he did it; Her people, hearing us, said, that the great Junk, whereof we spake, belonged to a Mahometan, a Guzarat by Nation, named Coia Acem, who the same morning went out of the River laden with Brazil, and was bound for the Isle of Ainan: Hereat the good woman smote her brest, and seeming to be much moved, Let me not live, said she, if it be not so, for I have heard that Mahometan, of whom you speak, vaunt publiquely before all that would give ear unto him, that he had s•ain a great number of the race of those of Malaca, and that he hated them in such sort, as he had promised to his Mahomet to kill more of them in time. Being amazed hereat, we desired her to declare unto us who that man was, and why he was so much our enemy, whereunto she answered, that she knew no other reason, but for that a great Captain of our Nation, named Hector de Sylv•ira, had killed his father and two of his brothers in a ship, which he took from them in the straight of M•cqua, that was going from Iudas to Dabul. Thus much did this good Matron tell us, and many other things afterwards concerning the great hatred this Mahometan bore us, as also what lyes he devised to render us infamous.

This honorable woman, departing from the place where she found us,* went some two leagues up the River, till she came to a little Village, where she lay that night; The next morn∣ing parting from thence, she made directly to the Town of Lugor, which was above five leagues further. Arriving there about noon, she landed, and went to her house, whither she carryed us with her, and kept us there three and twenty days, during which time we were very well looked unto, and plentifully accommodated with all that was necessary for us▪ This woman was a widow, and of an honorable family, as afterwards we learnt, and that had been marryed to the Captain General, which they call Xabandar of Prevedim, whom the Pata of Lasapara King of Quaijuan had put to death in the Isle of Iaoa the year 1538. At the time she met with us, as I have related, she came from a Junk of hers, that lay at the Road laden with Salt; and because it was great, and could not pass up by reason of the shelves, she caused it to be unladen by little and little with tha• Barque. By that time the three and twenty days, I spake of, were expired, it pleased God to restore us to our perfect health, so that this virtuous D•me seeing us able to travel, recommended us to a Merchant, her kinsman, that was bound for Patana, with whom, after we had taken our leave of that noble Matron, unto whom we were so much obliged, we imbarqued our selves in a Cataluz with Oars, and sail∣ing on a River, called Sumh•chitano, we arrived seven days after at Patana. Now for as much as Antonio de Faria looked every day for our return, with a hope of good success in his business, as soon as he saw us, and understood what had past, he remained so sad and discontent∣ed, that he continued above an hour without speaking a word; in the mean time such a number of Portugals came in, as the house was scarce able to contain them, by reason the greatest part of them had ventu•ed goods in the Lanchara, whose lading in that regard amounted to seven∣ty thousand duckets and better, the most of it being in silver coyn, of purpose with it to re∣turn gold. Antonio de Faria seeing himself stripped of the twelve thousand duckets he had borrowed at Malaca, resolved not to return thither, because he had no means to pay his Cre∣ditors, but rather thought it fitter to pursue those that had robbed him of his goods; so that he took a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelists to part incontinently from that place for to go in quest of those Pyrats, for to revenge upon them the death of those fourteen Portugals, and thirty six Christians, Boys and Mariners, killed by them as aforesaid; Adding withall, that if such a course were not taken, they should every day be used so, •ay far worse. All the Assistants very much commended him valorous resolution, and for the execution thereof there were many young Soldiers amongst them that offered to accompany him in that voyage; some Page  46 likewise presented him with mony, and others furnished him with divers necessaries: Having accepted these offers and presents of his friends, he used such diligence, that within eighteen days he made all his preparations, and got together five and fifty Soldiers, amongst whom poor unfortunate I was fain to be one; for I saw my self in that case, as I had not so much as a single token, nor knew any one that would either give or lend me one, being indebted besides at Malaca above five hundred duckets, that I had borrowed there of some of my friends, which, with as much more, that dog had •obbed me of amongst others, as I have related be∣fo•e, having been able to save nothing but my miserable carcass, wounded in three places with a Javelin, and my skull crackt with a stone, whereby I was three or four times at the point of death; But my companion Christovan Borralho was yet •ar worse entreated then my self, and that with more hurts, which he received in satisfaction of five and twenty hundred duckets that he was robbed of as the rest.

CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan, his arrival at the River of Tinacoren; and that which befell us in this Voyage.

*AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready, he departed from Patana on a Saturday the ninth of May, 1540. and steered North North-west, towards the Kingdom of Champaa, with an intent to discover the Ports and Havens thereof, as also by the means of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he wanted; for his haste to part from Patana was such, as he had not time to furnish himself with that which was necessary for him, no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough. After we had sailed three days we had sight of an Island, called Pullo Condor, at the height of eight degrees and three quarters, on the North Coast, and almost North-west towards the mouth of the River of Camboia, so that having rounded all the Coast, we discovered a good Haven Eastward, where in the Island of Camboia, distant some six leagues from the firm Land, we met with a Junk of Lequios, that was going to the Kingdom of Siam with an Embassador from the Nautauquim of Lindau, who was Prince of the Island of Tosa, and that had no sooner discovered us but he sent a message by a Chinese Pilot to Antonio de Faria, full of complements, whereunto was added these words from them all: That the time would come when as they should communicate with us in the true love of the Law of God, and of his in•inite clemency, who by his death had given life to all men, and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good, and that they beleeved this should be so, after the half of the half time was past. With this complement they sent him a Courtelas of great value, whose handle and scabbard was of gold, as also six and twenty Pearls in a little Box likewise of gold, made after the fashion of a Salt-seller, whereat Antonio de Faria was very much grieved, by reason he was not able to render the like unto this Prince, as he was obliged to do, for wh•n the Chinese arrived with this message they were distant above a league at Sea from us. Hereupon we went ashore, where we spent three days in taking in fresh water, and fishing. Then we put to Sea again, laboring to get to the firm Land, there to seek out a River, named Pullo Cambim, which divides the State of Camboia from the Kingdom of Champaa, in the height of nine degrees, where arriving on a Sunday the last of May, we went up three leagues in this River, and anchored just against a great Town, called Catimparu, there we re∣mained twelve days in peace, during the which we made our provision of all things necessary. Now b•cause Antonio de Faria was naturally curious, he endevored to understand from the people of the Country what Nation inhabited beyond them, and whence that mighty River took its sou•ce; whereunto he was answered, that it was derived from a lake, named Pinator, d•stant from them Eastward two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan, and that it was invironed with high mountains, at the foot whereof, upon the brink of the water, were eight and thirty villages, of which thirteen were very great, and the rest small, and that only in one of the great on•s, called Xincaleu, there was such a huge myne of gold, as by the re∣p••t of those that lived thereabout, there was every day a bar and a half drawn out of it, which, according to the value of our mony, makes two and twenty millions in a year, and that four Lords had share in it, who continually were in war together, each one striving to make himself master of it; I, and that one of them, named Raiahitau, had in an inner yard of his house, in pots under ground, that were full to the very brims, above six hundred bars of gold in powder, like to that of Mexancabo of the Island of Samatra; And th•• if three hundred Page  47 Harquebusiers of our Nation should go and assault it, without doubt they would carry it: Moreover that in another of those Villages, called Buaquirim, there was a quarry, where out of an old Rock they digged a great quantity of Diamonds, that were very fine, and of greater value then those of Lava and Taniampura in the Isle of Iaoa. Whereupon Antonio de Fa∣ria having questioned them about many other particularities, they made him a relation of the fertility of the Country, which was further up this River, no less fit to be desired, then easie to be conquered, and that with little charge.

Being departed from this River of Pullo Cambim,* we sailed along the Coast of the Kingdom of Champaa, till we came to an Haven, called Saleyzacau, seventeen leagues farther on to∣wards the North, whereinto we entred. Now because there was nothing to be gotten there, we went out of this place about sun-setting, and the next morning we came to a River, named Toobasoy, without the which Antonio de Faria cast anchor, because the Pilot would not ven∣ture to enter into it, for that he had never been there before, and therefore knew not the depth of it. As we were contesting hereabout, some for to enter, and others gainsaying it, we dis∣cerned a great sail making towards this Port from the main Sea. Hereupon, without stirring from the place where we were, we prepared to receive them in a peaceable manner, so that as soon as they came neer us, we saluted them, and hung up the flag of the Country, called Cha∣rachina, which is a sign of friendship, used among them in such like occasions. They of the ship, in stead of answering us in the same manner, as in reason it seemed they should have done, and knowing that we were Portugals, to whom they wished not well, gave us very vile and base words, and from the top of their poup made a capher slave hold up his arse bare to us with a mighty noise and din of Trumpets, Drums, and Bells, by way of scorn and derision of us. Whereat Antonio de Faria was so offended, that he gave them a whole broad side, to see if that would make them more courteous; To this sho• of ours they returned us an answer of five pieces of Ordnance, namely three Faulcons, and two little field-pieces; whereupon consulting together what we should do, we resolved to abide where we were, for we held it not fit to undertake so doubtful an enterprize, until such time as the next days light might discover the forces of this Vessel unto us, that so we might afterwards either set upon her with the more se∣curity, or let her pass by: This counsel was approved both by Antonio de Faria, and us all, so that keeping good watch, and giving order for all that was necssary, we continued in that place expecting day; now about two of the clock in the morning we perceived three black things close to the water coming towards us, which we could not well discern, whereupon we wakened Antonio de Faria, who was then asleep on the hatches, and shewed him what we had discovered, being by that time not far from us; He fearing, as we did, lest they were Enemies, cryed out presently, Arm, Arm, Arm, wherein he was straightway obeyed; for now plainly perceiving that they were Vessels rowing towards us, we betook us to our Arms, and were bestowed by our Captain in places most necessary to defend our selves. We conceived by their silent approaching to us, that they were the Enemies we had seen over night, so that Antonio de Faria said unto us, My masters, this is some Pyrat coming to set upon us, who thinks we are not above six or seven at the most, as the manner is in such kinde of Vessels; wherefore let every man stoop down, so as they may not see any of us, and then we shall soon know their design; in the mean time let the pots of powder be made ready, with which, and our swo•ds, I hope we shall give a good end to this adventure: Let every one also hide his match in such sort, as they may not be discovered, whereby they may be perswaded that we are asleep: all which, as he had prudently ordained, was incontinently executed. These three Vessels, being come within a •light shoot of our•, went round about her, and after they had viewed her well, they joyned all close together, as if they had entred into some new consulta∣tion, continuing so about a quarter of an hour; that done, they separated themselves into two parts, namely the two lesser went together to our poup, and the third, that was greater, and better armed, made to the starboard of us; Hereupon they entred our Lorch where most con∣veniently they could, so that in less then half a quarter of an hour above forty men were got∣ten in, which seen by Antonio de Faria, he issued out from under the hatches with some forty Soldiers, and invoking Saint Iames our Patron, he fell so couragiously upon them, that in a short time he killed them almost all; Then with ayd of the pots of powder, that he caused to be cast in amongst those that were remaining in the three Vessels which he presently took, he made an end of defeating them, the most of them being constrained to leap into the Sea, where they were all drowned but five, whom we took up alive, whereof one was the capher slave that Page  48 shewed us his tail, and the other four were one Turk, two A•hems, and the Captain of the Junk, named Similau, a notorious Pyrat, and our mortal Enemy. Antonio de Faria com∣manded them instantly to be put to torture, for to draw out of them who they were, from whence they came, and what they would have had of us, whereunto the two Achems an∣swered most brutishly; and when as we were going about to torment the slave in like maner, he began with tears to beseech us to spare him, for that he was a Christian as we were, and that without torture he would answer truly to all our demands; whereupon Antonio de Faria caused him to be unbound, and setting him by him, gave him a piece of Bisket, and a glass of wine, then with fair words he perswaded him to declare the truth of every thing to him, since he was a Christian, as he affirmed; To which he replyed in this sort, If I do not speak the truth unto you▪ then take me not for such as I am; my name is Sebastian, and I was slave to Gaspar de Mello, whom this dog Simila•, here present, slew about two years ago in Liampao, with five and twenty other Portugals that were in his ship. Antonio de Faria hear∣ing this, cryed out, like a man amazed, and said, Nay now I care not for knowing any more; is this then that dog Similau, that slew thy master? Yes, answered he, it is he, and that meant likewise to have done as much to you, thinking that ye were not above six or seven, for which effect he came away in haste with a purpose, as he said, to take you alive, for to make your brains fly out of your heads with a frontal of cord, as he did to my Master, but God I hope will pay him for all the mischief he hath committed. Antonio de Faria being also advertised by this slave, that this dog Similau had brought all his men of war along with him, and left none in his Junk but some Chinese Mariners, he resolved to make use of this good fortune, after he had put Similau and his companions to death, by making their brains fly out of their heads with a cord, as Similau had done to Gaspar de Mello, and the other Portugals in Liampao: Where∣fore he presently imbarqued himself with thirty Soldiers in his Boat, and the three Machna•, wherein the Enemies came, and by means of the •lood and a favorable wind, he arrived with∣less then an hour, where the Junk rode at anchor within the River about a league from us, whereupon he presently boarded her, and made himself master of the poup, from whence, with only four pots of powder, which he cast in among the Rascals that were asleep upon the hatches, he made them all leap into the Sea, where nine or ten of them were drowned, the rest crying out for help were taken up and saved, because we stood in need of them for the navi∣gation of the Junk, that was a great tall Vessel. Thus you see how it pleased God out of his divine justice to make the arrogant confidence of this cursed dog a means to chastise him for his cruelties, and to give him by the hands of Portugals a just punishment for that which he had done unto them. The next morning, taking an inventory of this prize, we found six and thir∣ty thousand Ta•is in silver of Iapan, which amounts in our mony to fifty four thousand duckets, besides divers other good commodities, that were not then praised for want of time, because the Country was all in an uproar, and fires every where kindled, whereby they use to give warning one to another upon any alarm or doubt of Enemies, which constrained us to make a∣way with all speed.

*Antonio de Faria parted from this River of Toobasoy on a Wednesday morning, being Corpus Christi Eve, in the year 1540. and sailed along by the Coast of the Kingdom of Champaa, fearing to abandon it, the wind being Easterly, which in that place is oftentimes very impetuous, especially in the conjunction of the new and full Moons. The Friday follow∣ing we found our selves just against a River, called by the inhabitants of the Country Tinaco∣reu, and by us Varella, whereinto we thought fit to enter, as well to be informed of certain things Antonio de Faria desired to know, as also to see whether he could learn any news of Coia Acem whom he sought for, in regard that all the Junks of Siam, and of all the Coast of Malaya, that sail to China, use to trade in this River, where many times they sell their com∣modities well in exchange of gold, Calembouc wood, and Ivory, whereof there is abundance in that Kingdom; and having cast anchor a little within the mouth of the River, over against a Village, named Taquilleu, there came a number of Paroos, and many other small Boats with fishermen, full of refreshments, who having never seen men made like unto us, said one to another; Lo, this is a strange novelty wherewithall God doth visit us, let us beseech him he will be pleased, that these bearded men may not be such as for their particular profit do spy Countries like Merchants, and afterwards rob them like Theeves. Let us get to the woods for fear lest the sparks of these firebrands do not burn up our houses, and reduce the fields of our labors into ashes, as they use to do unto the Lands of other men. Whereunto some of them Page  49 made answer, God forbid it should be so; but if by misfortune they should come amongst us, let us carry our selves in such sort, as they may not perceive we fear them as Enemies, for so they would set upon us with the more confidence; wherefore the best course for us will be, in a fair way, and with gentle words, to endevor to learn of th•m what they would have of us, that upon knowledg thereof we may certifie it unto Hoyaa Paquir, who is now at Congrau. Antonio de Faria, making as though he did not understand them, although all that they said was delivered to him by an Interpreter, received them very courteously, and bought the re∣freshments, which they brought, of them at their own price, wherewithall they were very well satisfied; And they demanding of him from whence he came, and what he would have, he answered them, that he was of the Kingdom of Siam, and as a Merchant was going to traf∣fique in the Isle of Lequios, being come into that place only to learn some news of a friend of his named Coia Acem, that was also bound thither: whereupon he enquired of them whether he were past by, or no; howsoever he intended to depart thence suddenly, both for to lose no time, as for that he knew he could not sell his commodities there. To which they replyed, You say true, for in this village of ours there is nothing but nets and fisher Boats, wherewith we get our living, and that poorly enough God knows. Howbeit, added they, if thou wilt go up the River to the Town of Pilaucacem, where the King is, thou wilt sell not only the com∣modities which are in thy ships, be they never so rich, but likewise more then ten such ships as thine could carry, by reason that there are Merchants in that place so wealthy, and that drive so great a trade, as they go with whole Troops of Elephants, Oxen, and Camels, whom they send laden with goods to the Lands of the Lauhos, Pafuaas, and Gueos, which are inhabited by very rich people. Antonio de Faria seeing a good occasion offered to inform himself of that he desired to know, questioned them at large concerning many things, whereunto some of them, that seemed to be of more authority then the rest, answered very aptly, how the River, where we rode at anchor, was called Tinacoreu, and that it extended to Moncalor, a moun∣tain dist•nt from thence some fourscore leagues, and that further upwards it was far broader, but not so deep, where in many places there was great shelves of sand, and a world of land overflown with water, in the which wer• such a multitude of fowls, as they covered all the Country thereabout; And how beyond that it was all mountainous and rocky, and so full of Elephants, Rhinoceroses, Lions, wilde Boars, Buffles, and such other wilde bea•ts, as men could not possibly live there for them; And moreover, how in the midst of that continent there was a great Lake, which the inhabitants thereof called Cunebetea, and others Chiammay, from whence this River took its beginning, as also three others, that watered a good part of this Country; And that the said Lake, according to the report of those who have written of it, was threescore Jaos about, each Jao containing three Leagues, all along the which there were many Mynes of Silver, Copper, Tin, and Lead, from whence great quantities thereof were conti∣nually drawn, which the Merchants carryed away with Troops of Elephants and Rhinoceroses, for to transport it into the Kingdoms of Sornau, by us called Siam, Passiloco, Sarady, Tangu, Prom, Calamniham, and other Provinces, that are very far within land, and distant from these Coasts two or three months journey. Further, they told us, that these Countries were divided into Kingdoms, and Regions inhabited with people, that were white, tawny, and others somewhat blacker; and that in exchange of those commodities they returned Gold, Diamonds, and Rubies. Having thereupon demanded of them whether those people had Arms, they an∣swered none, but staves hardened in the fire, and daggers with blades two spans long; They also assured us that from hence one could not go thither by the River in less then half two months, or two months and an half, by reason of the impetuosity of the waters descending with a great and •trong current the most part of the year, and that one might return in eight or ten days at the most. After these demands Antonio de Faria made them divers others, wherein they also gave him good satisfaction▪ and reported many other particulars unto him, whereby it may be gathered, that if the Country could be taken, it would, without so much labor and loss of blood, be of greater profit, and less charge, then the Indiaes.

The Friday following we left this River of Tinacoreu,* and by our Pilots advice we went to find out Pullo Champeiloo, which is an inhabited Island, scituate in the entrance to the Bay of Cauchenchina in forty degrees and a third to the Northward; Being come to it, we cast anchor in an Haven, where there was good and safe riding, and there we remained three days, accommodating our artillery in the best manner we could; That done, we set sail towards the Isle of Ainan, hoping to meet with the Pyrat Coia Acem there whom we sought for, and ar∣riving Page  50 at Pullo Capas, which was the first land that we saw of it, we sailed close to the shoar, the better to discover the Ports and Rivers on that side, and the entries into them. Now because the Lorch, wherein Antonio de Faria came from Pa•ana, leaked very much, •e commanded all his Soldiers to pass into another better Vessel, which was immediately performed, and ar∣riving at a River, that about evening we found towards the East, he cast anchor a league out at Sea, by reason his Junk was great, and drew much water, so that fearing the sands, which he had often met withall in this Voyage, he sent Christovano B•rralho with fourteen Soldiers in the Lorch up the River to discover what fires those might be that he saw. Being gone then about a league in the River, he incountred a Fleet of forty very great Junks, whereupon fearing le•t it was the Mandarims Army, whereof we had heard much talk, he kept aloof off from them, and anchored close by the shoar; now about midnight the tyde began to come in, which B•r∣ralho no sooner perceived, but he presently without noise weighed •nchor, and declining the Junks he went on to that part where he had seen the fires, that by this time were almost all out, there being not above two or three that gave any light, and which served to guide him. So continuing his course very discreetly, he came to a place where he beheld a mighty company of great and small Ships, to the number as he guessed of thousand Sails, passing through the which very stilly he arrived at a Town of above ten thousand housholds, enclosed with a strong wall of Brick, with Towers and Bulwarks after our manner, and with Curtains full of water. Here five of the fourteen Soldiers, that were in the Lorch, went on shoar with two of those Chinese•es, that were saved out of Similaus Junk, who had left their wives as hostages with us for their return; These having spent three hours in viewing and surveying the Town on the outside, reimbarqued themselves without any notice taken of them at all, and so went back very quietly as they came to the mouth of the River, where they found a Junk riding at anchor, that was come thither since their departure in the evening. Being returned to Antonio de Faria, they related unto him what they had seen, particularly the great Army that lay up in the Ri∣ver, as also the Junk, which they had left rid••g at anchor at the entrance into it, telling him that it might well be the Dog Coia Acem whom he sought for. These news so rejoyced him, that instantly he weighed anchor, and set sail, saying, his mind gave him that it was undoubt∣edly he; and if it proved so, he assured us all that he was contented to lose his life in fighting with him, for to be revenged of such a Rogue as had done him so much wrong. Approaching within sight of the Junk, he commanded the Lorch to pass unto the other side of her, to the end they might board her both together at once, and charged that not a Piece should be shot off, for fear they should be heard of the Army that lay up in the River, who might thereupon come to discover them. As soon as we were come to the Junk, she was presently invested by us, and twenty of our Soldiers leaping in made themselves Masters of her without any resist∣ance, for the most of her men threw themselves into the Sea, the rest that were more couragi∣ous valiantly made head against our people; but Antonio de Faria presently getting in with twenty Soldiers more made an end of defeating them, killing above thirty of theirs, so as there remained none alive but those which voluntarily cast themselves into the Sea, whom he caused to be drawn up to serve for the Navigation of his Vessels, and for to learn who they were, and from whence they came, to which purpose he commanded four of them to be put to torture, whereof two chose rather to dye so then to confe•• any thing; and as they were about to do the like to a little boy, an old man, his father, that was layd on the deck, cryed out with tears in his eyes for to give him the hearing before they did any hurt to the child; Antonio de Faria made the Executioner stay, and bade the old man say what he would, provided he spake truth, for otherwise he vowed, that both he and the boy should be thrown alive into the Sea, whereas on the contrary, if he dealt truly, he promised to set them both at liberty on shoar, and restore unto him whatsoever he would take his oath did appertain unto him: Whereunto the old Ma∣hometan answered, I accept of the promise which thou makest me, and I very much thank thee for sparing the life of this child, for as for mine, as a thing unprofitable, I make no reckoning of it, and I will rely on thy word, although the course thou h•ldest may well divert me from it, in regard it is no way conformable to the Christian Law, which thou hast profest in thy Bap∣tism▪ An answer, that rendred Antonio de Faria so confounded and amazed, as he knew not wha••o reply; Howbeit he caused him to come ne•rer to him, and questioned him gently with∣out any further threat•ning.

*This old man then sat him down by Antonio de Faria, who seeing him white like unto us, asked him whether he were a Turk, or a Persian? whereunto he answered, that he was nei∣ther, Page  51 but that he was a Christian, born at Mount Sinai. Antonio de Faria thereupon replyed, how he wondred much, being a Christian, as he said, that he lived not amongst Christians. To which the old man answered, that he was a Merchant of a good family, named Tome Mo∣stanguo, and that riding one day at anchor in a Ship of his in the Port of Iudaa, in the year one thousand five hundred thirty and eight, Soliman the Bassa, Vice-roy of Cairo, took his, and sev•n others Ships, to carry Victual and Munition for his Army of threescore Galleys, where∣with he went by the Command of the grand Signior to restore Sultan Bandur to his Kingdom of Cambaya, which the great Mogul had deprived him of; And that at the end of the Voyage going to demand the freight which they had promised him, the Turks, that were ever cruel and faithless, took his wife, and a young daughter he had; and forced them before his face, and because his son wept at the sight of this injury they threw him bound hand and foot into the Sea; as for himself, they layd him in Irons, and continually scourging him they stript him of all his goods, to the value of six thousand duckets and better, saying, that it was not lawful for any to enjoy the blessings of God, but the holy and just Mouss•limans, such as they were: And that his wife and daughter dying not long after, he found means one night to cast himself into the Sea with that little boy, which was his son, at the mouth of the River of Diu, from whence he went by Land to Surrat, and so to Malaca in a ship of Garcia de Saas, Captain of Bacaim; then how by the commandment of Estevano de Gama, going to China with Chri∣stovano Sardinha, which had been Factor at the Molucques, one night as they rode at anchor in Cincaapura, Quiay Taijano, Master of the Junk, surprized them, and killed the said Sar∣dinha, together with six and twenty Portugals more; as for him, because he was a Gunner they saved his life. At this report Antonio de Faria striking himself on the brest, as a man amazed at this discourse, Lord, Lord, said he, this seems to be a dream that I hear; then turning himself to his Soldiers that stood about him, he related the life of this Quiay unto them, and further affirmed, that he had slain at times in strayed Vessels above an hundred Portugals, and despoyled them of an hundred thousand duckets at least; And though his name was such, as this Armenian delivered, to wit, Quiay Taijano, yet after he had killed Christovano Sar∣dinha in Cincaapura, in a vain-glory of that which he had done he caused himself to be called Captain Sardinha. Whereupon having demanded of the Armenian where he was, he told us, that he was very sore hurt, and hidden in the hold of the Junk amongst the Cables with five or six others. Hereat Antonio de Faria arose, and went directly to the place where this Dog was hidden, followed by the greatest part of his Soldiers, which opened the scuttle where the Cables lay to see whether the Armenian spake true or no; in the mean time the Dog, and the six others that were with him, got out at another scuttle, and most desperately fell upon our men, who were above thirty in number, besides fourteen boys. Then began there so furious and bloody a fight, that in less then a quarter of an hour we made a clean dispatch of them all, but in the mean while two Portugals, and seven boys were slain, besides I know not how many hurt, whereof Antonio de Faria received two downright blows on his head, and one on his arm, which put him to very much pain. After this defeat, and that the wounded men were drest, he set sail, for fear of the forty Junks that were in the River: So getting far from Land, about evening we went and anchored on the other side of Cauchenchina, where Antonio de Faria causing an Inventory to be taken of all that was in this Pyrats Junk, there was found in her five hundred Bars of Pepper, after fifty quintals to the Bar, forty of Nutmegs and Mace, four∣score of Tin, thirty of Ivory, twelve of Wax, and five of Wood of fine Aloes, which might be worth according to the rate of the Country seventy thousand duckets; besides a little field Piece, four Faulcons, and thirty Bases of Brass, the greatest part of which Artillery had been ours, for this Mahometan had taken them in the ships of Sardinha, Oliveyra, and Bartole∣meu de Matos: There were also found three Coffers covered with Leather, full of Silk quilts, and the apparel of Portugals, with a great Bason and Ewer silver and guilt, and a Salt-seller of the same, two and twenty Spoons, three Candlesticks, five guilt Cups, eight and fifty Har∣quebuzes, twelve hundred twenty and two pieces of Bengala Cloth, all which were Portu∣gals goods, eighteen quintals of Powder, and nine Children about seven or eight years of age, chained together by the hands and the feet, most lamentable to behold, for that they were so weak and lean, that one might easily through their skins have counted all the bones in their bodies.

Page  52

CHAP. XVI. Antonio de Faria's Arrival at the Bay of Camoy, where was the fishing of Pearls for the King of China; the Relation made to him of the Isle of Ainan; with that which happened to him by the means of a renegado Pyrat, and otherwise.

*THe next day after noon, Antonio de Faria parted from the place where he rode at anchor, and returned towards the Coast of Ainan, by the which he kept all the rest of that day, and the next night with five and twenty or thirty fathom water. In the morning he came to a Bay, where there were many great Boats fishing for Pearls, and being unresolved what course to take, he bestowed all the forenoon in counsel with his company thereabout, whereof some were of the opinion that he should seize upon the Boats that were fishing for Pearls, and others opposed it, saying, it was a safer way to treat with them as Merchants, for that in exchange of the great store of Pearls, which were in that place, they might easily put off the most part of their Commodities. This appearing to be the best and safest advice, Antonio de Faria caused the Flag of Trade to be hung out, according to the Custom of China, so that instantly there came two Lanteaas from Land to us, which are Vessels like to Foists, with great abundance of refreshments, and those that were in them, having saluted us after their manner, went aboard the great Junk wherein Antonio de Faria was; but when they beheld men, such as we were, having never seen the like before, they were much amazed, and demanded what people we were, and wherefore we came into their Country. Whereunto we answered by an Interpre∣ter, that we were Merchants born in the Kingdom of Siam, and were come thither to sell or barter our Commodities with them, if so be they would permit us. To this, an old man, much respected of all the rest, replyed, that here was no Traffique used, but in another place •urther forward, called Guamboy, where all strangers that came from Cantan, Chincheo, La∣mau, Comhay, Sumbor, Liampau, and other Sea-coast Towns, did ordinarily trade: Wherefore he counselled him to get him suddenly from thence, in regard this was a place de∣stined only to the fishing of Pearls for the Treasure of the house of the son of the Sun, to the which, by the Ordinance of the Tutan of Comhay, who was the soveraign Governor of all the Country of Cauchenchina, no Vessel was permitted to come, but only such as were ap∣pointed for that service, and that all other ships, which were found there, were by the Law to be burnt, and all that were in them; but since he, as a stranger, and ignorant of the Laws of the Country, had transgressed the same, not out of contempt, but want of knowledg, he thought fit to advertise him of it, to the end he might be gone from thence before the arrival of the Mandarim of the Army, which we call General, to whom the Government of that fishing appertained, and that would be within three or four days at the most, being gone not above six or seven leagues from thence to a Village, named Buhaquirim, for to take in Victual. Antonio de Faria thanking him for his good advice, asked him how many Sails, and what Forces the Mandarim had with him: Whereunto the old man answered, that he was accom∣panied with forty great Junks, and twenty five Vancans with oars, wherein there were seven thousand men, namely, five thousand Soldiers, and the rest Slaves and Mariners; and that he was there every year six Months, during the which time was the fishing for Pearls, that is to say, from the first of March to the last of August. Our Captain desiring to know what du∣ties were payd out of this fishing, and what revenue it yielded in those six Months, the old man told him, that of Pearls which weighed above five Carats they gave two thirds, of the worser sort h•lf less, and of seed Pearl the third part; and that this Revenue was not always alike, be∣cause the fishing was sometimes better in one year, then in another, but that one with another he thought it might yield annually four hundred thousand Ta•is. Antonio de Faria made very much of the old man, and gave him two cakes of Wax, a bag of Pepper, and a tooth of Ivory, wherewith both he and the rest were exceedingly well pleased. He also demanded of them, of what bigness this Isle of Ainan might be, whereof so many wonders were spoken. Tell us first, replyed they, who you are, and wherefore you are come hither, then will we satisfie you in that you desire of us; for we vow unto you, that in all our lives we never saw so many young fellows together in any Merchants ships, as we now see in this of yours, nor so spruce and ne•t; and it seems that in their Country China Silks are so cheap as they are of no esteem, or else that they have had them at so easie a rate, as they have given nothing near the worth for them, for we see them play away a piece of Damask at one cast at Dice, as those that come Page  53 lightly by them: A speech that made Antonio de Faria secretly to smile, for that thereby he well perceived how these fishermen had a shrewd guess that the same were stollen, which made him tell them, that they did this like young men, who were the sons of very rich Merchants, and in that regard valued things far under that they were worth, and had cost their fathers; dissembling then what they thought, they answered in this manner, It may very well be as you say. Whereupon Antonio de Faria gave a sign to the Soldiers to leave off their play, and to hide the pieces of Silk that they were playing for, to the end they might not be suspected for Rob∣bers by these folks, which immediately they did, and the better to assure these Chineses that we were honest men, and Merchants, our Captain commanded the scuttles of the Junk to be opened, that we had taken the night before from Captain Sardinha, which was laden with Pepper, whereby they were somewhat restored to a better opinion then they had of us before, saying one to another, Since now we find that they are Merchants indeed, let us freely answer to their demand, so as they may not think, though we be rude, that we know nothing but how to catch fish and Oysters.

The old man desiring to satisfie Antonio de Faria's demand, Sir, said he,*since now I know what you are, and that only out of curiosity you fairly require to learn this particular of me, I will clearly tell you all that I know thereof, and what I have heard others deliver concerning it, that have been elder then my self, and which have a long time governed this Archipelague; They said then, that this Island was an absolute State under a very rich and mighty King, who, for an higher and more transcendent title then other Monarchs his Contemporaries car∣ried, caused himself to be stiled Prechau Gam•u; He dying without heirs, so great a discord arose amongst the people about the succession to the Crown, as encreasing by little and little it caused such effusion of blood, that the Chronicles of those times affirm, how only in four years and an half sixteen Lacazaas of men were slain, every Lacazaa containing an hundred thousand, by means wheroof the Country remained so deserted of people, that unable to defend it self the King of Cauchin conquered it, only with seven thousand Mogores, which the King of Tartarie sent him from the City of Tuymican, that then was Metrapolitan of all his Empires. This Island of Ainan being conquered, the King of Cauchin returned into his Country, and for Governor thereof left behind him a Commander of his, named Hoyha Paguarol, who revolted from him for certain just causes, as he pretended, that invited him thereunto. Now to have the assistance and support of the King of China, he became his Tributary for four hundred thousand Taeis by the year, which amount to six hundred thousand duckets, in consideration whereof the King of China obliged himself to defend him against all his enemies, whensoever he should have need: This accord continued be•ween them the space of thirteen years, during the which the King of Cauchin was five several times defeated in open Battel; At length this Hoyha Paguarol coming to dye without issue, in regard of the good offices that in his life time he had received from the King of China, he by his testament declared him for his Successor and lawful Heir, so that ever since, being now two hundred thirty and five years ago, to this present, this Isle of Ainan hath remained annexed to the Scepter of the great Chinese. And touching that you have further demanded of me concerning the Treasures, and Revenue of this Island, I am able to say no more then what I have learnt of some ancient Personages, who, as I have related before, have governed it in quality of Teutons, and Chaems, and I remember they said, that all the Revenues thereof, as well in Mynes of Silver, Customs, and otherways, amounted unto two Millions and an half Taeis yearly; And perceiving that our Captain was amazed to hear him speak of so mighty a riches, continuing his discourse, Truly, my Masters, said he laughing, if you make such a matter of that little I have spoken of, what would you do if you saw the great City of Pequin, where the son of the Sun (the name they give to their King) with his Court is always resident, and where the Revenues of two and thirty Kingdoms, that depend on this Monarchy, are received, of which out of fourscore and six Mynes of Gold and Silver only is annually drawn above fifteen thousand Picos, which according to our weight comes to twenty thousand quintals? After Antonio de Faria had given him many thanks for satisfying him so fully in his demands, he d•sired him to tell him in what Port he would advise him to go and sell his Commodities, seeing the season was not proper to set sail for Liampoo. Whereunto he answered, that we were not to go into any Port of that Country, nor to put trust in any Chinese whatsoever; for I assure you, said he, there is not one of them will speak truth in any thing he says to you, and believe me, for I am rich, and will not lye to you like a poor man; besides, I would wish you to go in this Straight always with the plummet in your Page  54 hand for to sound your way, because there are very many dangerous shelvs all along till you come to a River called Tanauquir, and there is a Port where is very good anchoring, and where you may be as safe as you can desire, as also you may there, in less then two days, put off all your commodities, and much more if you had them. Nevertheless I will not counsel you to dis∣imbarque your goods on land, but to sell them in your Vessels, in regard that many times the sight causeth desire, and desire disorder amongst peaceable persons, much more with them that are mutinous and of an evil conscience, whose wicked inclination carries them rather to take away another mans goods from him, then give of their own to the needy for Gods sake. This said, both he that spake, and those that accompanyed him, took leave of our Captain, and us, with many complements and promises, whereof they are not ordinarily very sparing in those parts, bestowing on Antonio de Faria, in return of that he had given them, a little Box made of a Tortoise shell, full of seed-pearl, and twelve pearls of a pretty bigness, craving his par∣don for that they durst not traffique with him in this place, for fear lest if they should do so, to be all put to death, conformably to the Law of the rigorous justice of the Country; and they again intreated him to make haste away before the Mandarims arrival with his Army, for if he found him there, he would burn both his Vessel, and him and all his company. Antonio de Faria unwilling to neglect the counsel of this man, lest that which he told him should prove true, he set sail immediately, and passed to the other side towards the South, and in two days with a Westerly wind he arrived at the River of Tanauquir, where just over against a little village, called Neytor, he cast anchor.

*We remained all that day, and the next night, at the mouth of the River of Tanauquir, in∣tending the next morning to sail up to the Town, which was some five leagues from thence in the River, to see if by any means we might put off our commodities there, for our Vessels were so heavy laden with them, as there was scarce a day wherein we ran not twice or thrice on some shelve or other, which in divers places were four or five leagues long, wherefore it was con∣cluded that before we did any thing else we were to sell away our commodities, so that we la∣bored with all our might to get into the River, whose current was so strong, that though we had all our sails up, yet could we prevail but very little against it; As we were in this pain we perceived two great Junks in warlike manner come out of the River upon us, which chaining themselves together for the more strength, attaqued us so lively, as we had scarce the leasure to defend our selves, so that we were constrained to throw into the Sea all that stood in our way to make room for our artillery, being that we had then most need of: The first salutation we had from them was a peal of six and twenty pieces of Ordnance, whereof nine were Falconets, and field-pieces: Antonio de Faria, as a man verst in such affairs, seeing them chained one to another, perceived their drift, and therefore made as though he fled, as well to win time to prepare himself, as to make them beleeve that they were no Christians; whereupon they, like cunning thieves, desi•ing that the prey, which they held to be surely their own, should not escape out of their hands, loosed themselves the one from the other the better to set upon us, and approaching very near to us, they shot so many arrows and darts into our Junk, as no man was able to appear upon the deck: Antonio de Faria, to avoyd this storm, retired under the half deck, with five and twenty Soldiers, and some ten or twelve others, Slaves and Mariners; there he entertained the Enemy with Harquebuse shot the space of half an hour, in which time, having used all their munitions of war, some forty of them, that seemed to be more va∣liant then the rest, longing to finish their enterprize, leaped into our Junk, with a purpose to make themselves master of the prow; but to hinder them from it, our Captain was constrained to go and receive them, so that there began a most bloody fight, wherein it pleased God with∣in an hour to give us the upper hand by the sl•ughter of four and twenty of their forty in the place: Thereupon twenty of ours, pursuing this good success, boarded the Enemies Junk, where finding but small resistance, by reason the principals were already slain, all that were in her quickly rendred themselves unto us. That done, Antonio de Faria went with all speed to succor Christovano Borral•o, who was boarded by the other Junk, and very doubtful of the victory, in regard the greatest part of his men were hurt, but at our approach the Enemies threw themselves all into the Sea, where most of them were drowned, and so both the Junks remained in our power. After this we took a survey of our company, the b•tter to understand what this victory had cost us, and we found there was one Portugal, five Boys, and nine Mariners killed, besides those that were hurt: and on the Enemies part fourscore were slain, and almost as many taken. Having given order then for the dressing and accommodating of our Page  55 wounded men in the best manner that could be, Antonio de Faria caused as many Mariners to be taken up as could be saved, and commanding them to be brought into the great Junk where he was, he demanded of them what those Junks were, how the Captain of them was named, and whether he were alive or dead, whereunto not one of them would make any answer, but chose rather to dye in torments like mad dogs, when as Christovano Borralho cryed out from the Junk where he was, Signior, Signior, come hither quickly, for we have more to do then we think of; whereat Antonio de Faria, accompanyed with fifteen or sixteen of his men, leapt into his Junk, asking what the matter was? I hear a many talking together, said he, towards the prow, which I doubt are hidden there; hereupon opening the scuttle, they heard divers cry out, Lord Iesus have mercy upon us; and that in such a woful manner, as struck u• all with pity: Antonio de Faria approaching to the scuttle, and looking down, could perceive some persons there shut up, but not able to discern what they might be▪ he made two of his boys to go down, who a little after brought up seventeen Christians, namely two Portugals, five small children, two girls, and eight boys, which were in such a lamentable case, as would have grieved any heart to have beheld them; The first thing he did was to cause their Irons to be strucken off, and then he enquired of one of the Portugals (for the other was like a man dead) unto whom those children appertained, and how they fell into the hands of this Pyrat, as also what his name was. Whereunto he answered, that the Pyrat had two names, the one Christian, the other Pagan, and that his Pagan name, wherewith he used to be called of late, was Necoda Nicau∣lem, and his Christian name Francisco d• Saa, being Christned at Malaca, at such time as Garcia de Saa was Captain of the Fortress, and for that he was his godfather, and had caused him to be baptized, he gave him that name, and marryed him to an orphan maid, a very hand∣som wench, the daughter of an honorable Portugal, to oblige him the more to our Religion and Country; but in the year 1534. setting sail for China in a great Junk of his, wherein there accompanyed him twenty of the wealthiest Portugals of Malaca, as also his wife, and arriving at the Island of Pullo Cat•n, they stayd two days to take in fresh water, during which time he and his Company, who were all Chineses like himself, and no better Christians, con∣spired the death of the poor Portugals for to despoyl them of their goods, so that one night whil'st the Portugals were asleep, and little dream'd of such Treason, they killed them all with their little hatchets, and their servants likewise, not sparing the life of any one that bore the name of a Christian; after which, he perswaded, with his wife, to turn Pagan, and adore an Idol, that Tucan, Captain of the Junk, had concealed in his chest, and that then being free from the Christian Religion he would marry her to Tucan, who in exchang• would give him a sister of hi•to wife, that was a Chinese, and there with him. But in regard she would nei∣ther adore the Idol, nor consent to the rest, the dog struck her over the head with his hatchet till her brains fl•w out, and then departing from thence went to the Port of Liampoo, where the same year before he had traded; and not daring to go to Patana, for fear of the Portugals that resided there, he wintered at Siam, and the year following he returned to the Port of Chincheo, where he took a little Junk that came from Su•da, with ten Portugals in her, all which he slew; And because the wickedness that he had done us was known over all the Coun∣try, doubting to encounter some Portugal forces, he had retired himself into this straight of Cauche•china, where as a Merchant he traded, and as a Pyrat robbed those he met withall that were weaker then himself. It being now three years since he had taken this River for a refuge of his Robberies, thinking himself secure here from us Portugals, by reason we have not used to traffique in the Ports of this straight, and Island of Ainan. Antonio de Faria asked of him whether those children belonged to the Portugals he had mentioned before; whereunto he answered, that they did not, but that both they, and the boys and girls, were the children of Nuno Preto, Gian de Diaz, and of Pero B•rges, whom he had killed at Mompollacota, near the mouth of the River of Siam in Ioano Oliveyra's Junk, where he also put sixteen Portu∣gals more to death, only he saved their two lives, because one was a shipwright, and the other a Caulker, and had carryed them along with him in this manner, continually whipping, and almost famishing of them; further he said, that when he set upon us, he did not think we had been Portugal•, but some Chinese Merchant, like such as he had accustomed to rob when he found them at advantage, as he thought to have found us. Antonio de Faria demanded of him, whether he could know the Pyrat amongst those other dead bodies? Having replyed that he could, the Captain presently arose, and taking him by the hand, went with him into the other Junk, that was fastned to his, and having made him view all that lay dead upon the hatches, he Page  56 said that it was none of them. Whereupon he commanded a Manchuas, which is a little boat, to be made ready, wherein he and this man went and sought for him amongst the other dead bodies that floated on the water, where they found him with a great cut over his head, and a thrust quite through the body; so causing him to be taken up, and layd upon the hatches, he demanded of that man again, if he were sure that this was he, who answered, how without doubt it was he. Whereunto Antonio de Faria gave the more credit, by reason of a great chain of gold he had about his neck, to which was fastned an Idol of gold with two heads, made in the form of a Lizard, having the tail and paws enammelled with green and black, and com∣manding him to be drawn towards the prow, he caused his head to be chopt off, and the rest of the body to be cut in pieces, which were cast into the Sea.

*Having obtained this victory in the manner I have before declared, caused our hurt men to be drest, and provided for the guard of our Captains, we took an Inventory of the goods that were in these two Junks, and found that our prize was worth forty thousand Taeis, which was immediately committed to the charge of Antonio Borges, who was Factor for the Prizes. Both the Junks were great and good, yet were we constrained to burn one of them for want of Mariners to man it: There was in them besides seventeen pieces of brass Ordnance, namely four Faulconets, and thirteen small pieces, the most part whereof had the Royal Arms of Portugal upon them, for the Pyrat had taken them in the three ships where he killed the forty Portugals. The next day Antonio de Faria went about once more to get into the River, but he was advised by fishermen, which he took a little before, that he should beware of going to the Town, because they were advised there of all that had passed betwixt him and the renegado Pyrat, for whose death the people were in an uproar, in so much that if he would let them have his commodities for nothing, yet would they not take them, in regard that Chileu, the Governor of that Province, had contracted with him, to give him the third part of all the prizes he took, in lieu whereof he would render him a safe retreat in his Country; so that his loss now being great by the death of the Pyrat, he should be but badly welcomed by him, and to that purpose had already commanded two great Rafts, covered with dry wood, barrels of pitch, and other combustible stuff, to be placed at the entering into the Port, that were to be kindled and sent down upon us, as soon as we had cast anchor, for to fire us, besides two hun∣dred Paraos, full of shot, and men of war were also in readiness to assault us. These news made Antonio de Faria conclude to make away unto another Port, named Mutipinan, distant from thence above •orty leagues towards the East, for that there were many rich Merchants, as well Natives as Strangers, which came in great Troops from the Countries of Laubos, Pafuaas, and Gu•os, with great sums of mony. So we set sail with the three Junks, and the Lor•h, wherein we came from Patana, coasting the Land from one side to the other, by reason of a contrary wind, until we arrived at a place called Tilaumera, where we anchored, for that the current of the water ran very strong against us. After we had continued so three days together, with a contrary wind, and in great want of victual, our good fortune about Evening brought four Lanteaas unto us, that are like unto Foysts, in one of the which was a Bride, that was go∣ing to a Village, named Pandurea: Now because they were all in jollity, they had so many Drums beating aboard them, as it was almost impossible to hear one another for the noise they made. Whereupon we were in great doubt what this might be, and wherefore there was such triumphing; some thought that they were spies sent from the Captain of Tanauquir's Army, who insulting, for that we were already in their power, gave this testimony thereof. Antonio de Faria left his anchors in the Sea, and preparing himself to sustain all that might happen unto him, he displayed all his Banners and Flags, and with demonstration of joy attended the arri∣val of these Lanteaas, who when they perceived us to be all together, imagining it was the Bridegroom that stay'd to receive them, they came joyfully towards us. So after we had salu∣ted one another after the manner of the Country, they went and anchored by the shore. And because we could not comprehend the mystery of this affair, all our Captains concluded that they were spies from the Enemies Army, which forbore assaulting us in expectation of some other Vessels that were also to come; In this suspicion we spent the little remainder of that Evening, and almost two hours of the night: But then the Bride, seeing that her Spouse sent not to visit her, as was his part to do, to shew the love she bore him she sent her Uncle in one of the Lanteaas with a Letter to him, containing these words. If the feeble sex of a woman would permit me to go from the place where I am for to see thy face, without reproach to mine honor, assure thy self that to kiss thy tardy feet my body would fly as doth the hungry Faulcon Page  57 after the fearful Heron; But since I am parted from my fathers house, for to seek thee out here, come thy self hither to me, where indeed I am not, for I cannot see my self, but in see∣ing thee; Now if thou dost not come to see me in the obscurity of this night, making it bright for me, I fear that to morrow morning when thou arrivest here, thou shalt not find me living. My Vncle Licorpinau will more particularly acquaint thee with what I keep concealed in my heart, for I am not able to say any more, such is my grief to be so long deprived of thy so much desired sight; Wherefore I pray thee come unto me, or permit me to come unto thee, as the greatness of my love to thee doth deserve, and as thou art obliged to do unto her, whom now thou art to possess in marriage until death, from which Almighty God of his infinite good∣ness keep thee as many years, as the Sun and Moon have made turns about the World since the beginning of their birth. This Lanteaa being arrived with the Brides Uncle and Letter, Antonio de Faria caused all the Portugals to hide themselves, suffering none to appear but our Chinese Mariners, to the end they might not be afraid of us; To our Junk then they ap∣proached with confidence, and three of them coming aboard us, asked where the Bridegroom was? All the answer we made them was to lay hold of them, and clap them presently under hatches; now because the most part of them were drunk, those that were in the Lanteaa ne∣ver heard our bustling with them, nor if they had, could they have had time to escape, for sud∣denly from the top of our poup we fastned a cable to their mast, whereby they were so arrest∣ed, as it was impossible for them to get loose of us; whereupon casting in some pots of pow∣der amongst them, the most of them leapt into the Sea, by which time six or seven of our Sol∣diers, and as many Mariners, got into the Lanteaa, and straight rendred themselves masters of her, where the next thing they did was to take up the poor wretches, who cryed out that they drowned: Having made them sure, Antonio de Faria went towards the other three Lanteaas, that anchored some quarter of a league from thence, and coming to the first, wherein was the Bride, he entred her without any resistance, in regard there were none other in her but a few Mariners, and six or seven men, that seemed to be of good reckoning, all of kin to the Bride, being there only to accompany her, together with two little boys her brothers, that were very white, and certain ancient women, of such as in China are hired for mony to dance, sing, and play of instruments upon like festival occasions. The other two Lanteaas beholding this sad success, left their anchors in the Sea, and fled in such haste, as if the Devil had been in them, but for all that we took one of them, so that we had three of the four: This done, we re∣turned aboard our Junk, and by reason it was now midnight, we did nothing for the present but take our prisoners, and shut them up under the hatches, where they remained until day, that Antonio de Faria came to view them, and seeing they were most of them aged, full of sorrow, and fit for nothing, he caused them to be set a shore, retaining only the Bride, and her two brothers, because they were young, white, and well-favored, and some twenty Mariners, which afterwards were of great use to us for the navigation of our Junks. This Bride, as since we learned, was daughter to the A•chary of Colem (which signifies Governor) and betroth∣ed to a youth, the son of the Chifuu, Captain of Pandurea, who had written unto her that he would attend her in this place with three or four Junks of his fathers, who was very rich, but alass! we shamefully cozened him. After dinner, being departed from thence, the Bride∣groom arrived, seeking for his Bride with five sail full of Flags, Streamers, and Banners; Passing by us, he saluted us with great store of musick, and shews of gladness, ignorant of his misfortune, and that we carryed away his wife. In this jollity he doubled the Cape of Ti∣la•mera, where the day before we took this prize, and there anchored attending his Bride, according as he had written to her, whil'st we sailing on arrived three days after at the Port of Muti•iman, which was the place we aymed at, in regard of the advice that Antonio de Fa∣ria had, that there he might sell off his commodities.

Page  58

CHAP. XVII. Antonio de Faria's Arrival at the Port: The Information that Antonio de Faria had of the Country; some passages between him and the Nautarel of the Town; his going to the River of Madel; with his incountring a Pyrat there, and that which passed betwixt them.

*BEing arrived at this Port we anchored in a Rode, which the Land makes near to a little Island on the South side of the mouth of the River, at the entry whereinto we remained without saluting the Port, or making any noise, intending as soon as it was night to send for to sound the River, and to be informed of that we desired to know. Upon the appearing of the Moon, which was about eleven of the clock, Antonio de Faria sent away one of his Lanteaas, well furnished, and twelve Soldiers in her, besides the Captain, named Valentino Martins Dalpoem, a discreet man, and of great courage, that at other times had given good proof of himself in like occasions, who departing went always sounding the depth of the River, until he arrived where divers Vessels rode at anchor; There he took two men that were sleeping in a Barque laden with earthen ware, and returning aboard undiscovered he rendred Antonio de Faria an accompt of what he had found touching the greatness of the place, and the fewness of the Ships that were in the Port, wherefore his opinion was, that he might boldly enter into it, and if it happened he could not trade there as he desired, no body could hinder him from issuing forth whensoever he pleased, by reason the River was very large, clean, and without any shelves, sands, or other things that might endanger him. Having consulted then with his company, he concluded by their advice, not to put the two Mahometans, that were taken, to torture, as was before ordained, because there was no need of it; Day being come, Anto∣nio de Faria desiring, before he stirred, to be informed from those two Mahometans of some particulars he would fain know, and thinking he might sooner prevail with them by fair mean•, then by menaces and torment, he made very much of them, and then declared his mind: Whereupon both of them with one accord said, that touching the entrance of the River there was nothing to be feared, in regard it was one of the best in all that Bay, and that ordinarily far greater Vessels then his went in and out there, for that the shallowest place was fifteen fathom at the least, and as for the people of the Country he was not to stand in any doubt of them, by reason they were naturally weak, and without arms; And that the strangers, which were at that instant there, arrived some nine days before from the Kingdom of Benan in two Companies of fifty Oxen a piece, laden with store of Silver, Wood of Aloes, Cloth, Silk, Linnen, Ivory, Wax, Lacre, Benjamin, Camphire, and Gold in Powder, like to that of the Isl•nd of Sama∣tra, who were come with th•• Merchandise to buy Pepper, Drugs, and Pearls of the Isle of Ainan. Being demanded whether there was any Army in those parts, they answered No, because most of the Wars, which the Prechau, that is, the Emperor of the Ca•chins, made, or were made against him, were by Land; and that when any was made upon the Rivers it was always with little Vessels, and not with such great Ships as his, for that they were not deep enough for them: Further being asked, whether the Prechau was near to that place, they replyed, that he was twelve days journey from thence, at the City of Quangepaar•, where most commonly he with his Court resided, governing his Kingdom in Peace and Justice, and that the Mynes, reserved for his Crown, rendred him in yearly •ent fifteen thousand Pic•s of Silver, every Pico weighing five quintals, the moy••y whereof by the divine Law, inviolably observed in his Countries, was for the poor Laborers, that tilled the ground, to sustain their families withall, but that all his people by a general consent h•d freely relinquished that right unto him, upon condition, that from thence-forward he should not constrain them to pay tri∣bute, or any other thing that might concern them, and that the ancient Prechaus had protested to accomplish it as long as the Sun should give light to the Earth. Antonio de Faria further demanded of them, what belief they were of, whereunto they answered, that they hold the very verity of all verities, and that they believed there was but one God Almighty, who as he had created all, so he preserved all; howbeit if at any time our understandings were intangled with the disorder and discord of our desires, that no way proceeded from the soveraign Crea∣tor, in whom was no imperfection, but only from the sinner himself, that out of his impati∣ence judged according to the wicked inclination of his heart. Moreover asking of them, whe∣ther in their Law they believed, that the great God, which governeth this All, came at any time Page  59 into the world, clothed with a humane form, they said No, because there could be nothing that might oblige him to so great an extremity, in regard he was through the excellency of the divine Nature delivered from our miseries, and far esloigned from the Treasures of the Earth, all things being more then base in the presence of his splendor. By these answers of theirs, we perceived that these people had never attained to any knowledg of our truth, more then their eyes made them to see in the picture of Heaven, and in the beauty of the day, for continually in their Com∣bayes, which are their prayers, lifting up their hands they say, By thy works, Lord, we confess thy greatness. After this Antonio de Faria set them at liberty, and having given them certain presents, wherewith they were very well pleased, he caused them to be conveyed to Land; that done, the wind beginning a little to rise he set sail, having all his Vessels ado•ned with di∣vers coloured Silks, their Banners, Flags and Streamers displayed, and a Standart of Trade hung out after the manner of the Country, to the end they might be taken for Merchants, and not for Pyrats, and so an hour after he anchored just against the Key of the Town, which he saluted with a little peal of Ordnance, whereupon ten or eleven Almadiaes came presently to us with good store of refreshments; Howbeit finding us to be strangers, and discerning by our habits that we were neither Siams, Iaos, nor Malayos, nor yet of any other Nation that ever they had seen, they said one to another, Please Heaven, that the dew of the fresh morning may be as profitable to us all, as this evening seems fair with the presence of these whom our eyes be∣hold. Having said thus, one of the Almadiaes asked leave to come aboard us, which they were told they might do, because we were all their brothers, so that three of nine, which were in that Almadia, entred into our Junk, whom Antonio de Faria received very kindly, and causing them to sit down upon a Turky Carpet by him, he told them, that he was a Mer∣chant of the Kingdom of Siam, and going with his goods towards the Isle of Ainan he had been advertised, that he might better and more securely sell off his Commodities in this Town, then in any other place, because the Merchants thereof were juster and truer of their word, then the Chineses of the Coast of Ainan; Whereunto they thus answered, Thou art not deceived in that which thou sayst, for if thou be a Merchant, as thou affirmest, beleeve it, that in every thing and every where thou shalt be honored in this place, wherefore thou mayst sleep without fear.

Antonio de Faria mistrusting some intelligence might come over Land concerning that which he had done to the Pyrat upon the River of Tanauquir,* and so might work him some prejudice, would not dis-imbarque his goods, as the Officers of the Custom-house would have had him, which was the cause of much displeasure and vexation to him afterward, so that his business was twice interrupted by that means, wherefore perceiving that good words would not serve to make them consent to his Propositions, he sent them word by a Merchant, who dealt between them, that he knew well enough they had a great deal of reason to require the landing of his goods, because it was the usual course for every one so to do; But he assured them, that he could not possibly do it, in regard the season was almost past, and therefore he was of necessity to hasten his departure as soon as might be, the rather too for the accommo∣dating of the Junk wherein he came, for as much as she took in so much water, that threescore Mariners were always laboring at three pumps to clear her, whereby he ran a great hazard of losing all his goods; And that touching the Kings Customs he was contented to pay them, not after thirty in the hundred, as they demanded, but after ten, as they did in other Kingdoms, and so much he would pay presently and willingly. To this offer they rendred no answer, but detained him that carried the message prisoner; Antonio de Faria, seeing that his messenger re∣turned not, set s•il immediately, hanging forth a number of flags, as one that cared not whe∣ther he sold or no; Whereupon the Merchants strangers, that were come thither to trade, per∣ceiving the Commodities, of which they hoped to make some profit, to be going out of the Port, through the perversness and obstinacy of the Nautarel of the Town, they went all to him, and desired him to recall Antonio de Faria, otherwise they protested to complain to the King of the injustice he did them, in being the cause of hindring their Traffique. The Nau∣tarel, that is the Governor, with all the Officers of the Custom-house, fearing left they might upon this occasion be turned out of their places, condescended to their request, upon condition, since we would pay but ten in the hundred, that they should pay five more, whereunto they agreed, and instantly sent away the Merchant, whom they had detained prisoner, with a Letter full of complements, wherein they declared the agreement they had made. Antonio de Faria answered them, that since he was out of the Port, he would not re-enter it upon any terms, Page  60 by reason he had not leasure to make any stay, howbeit if they would buy his Commodities in gross, bringing lingots of silver with them for that purpose, he would sell them to them, and in no other manner would deal, for he was much distasted with the little respect the Nautarel of the Town had carried towards him, by despising his messages; and if they were contented to accept thereof, that then they should let him know so much within an hour at the farthest, otherwise he would sail away to Ainan, where he might put off his Commodities far better then there. They finding him so resolved, and doubting to lose so fair an occasion, as this was, for them to return into their Country, embarqued themselves in five great Lighters with forty chests full of lingots of silver, and a many sacks to bring away the Pepper, and arriving at An∣tonio de Faria's Junk, they were very well received by him, unto whom they represented anew the agreement they had made with the Nautarel of the Town, greatly complaining of his ill Government, and of some wrongs, which without all reason he had done them; but since they had pacified him by consenting to give him fifteen in the hundred, whereof they would pay five, they desired him to pay the ten, as he had promised, for otherways they could not buy his Commodities. Whereunto Antonio de Faria answered, that he was contented so to do, more for the love of them, then for any profit he hoped to reap thereby, for which they gave him many thanks, and so being on all sides agreed they used such diligence in discharging the goods, as in three days the most of it was weighed and consigned into the hands of the owners thereof; whereupon the accompts were made up, and the lingots of silver received, amounting in all to an hundred and thirty thousand Taeis, after the rate of seven shillings and six pence the Taei, as I have said elsewhere. And though all possible speed was used herein, yet before all was finished, news came of that which we had done to the Pyrat in the River of Tananquir, in so much that not one of the inhabitants would come near us afterward, by reason whereof Antonio de Faria was constrained to set sail in all haste.

*After we had quit the River of Mutepinan, directing our course Northward, Antonio de Faria thought good to make to the Coast of the Island of Ainan, for to seek out a River, named Madel, with a purpose there to accommodate the great Junk, wherein he was, because it took in much water, or provide himself of a better in exchange upon any terms whatsoever; So having sailed for the space of twelve days with a contrary wind, at length he arrived at the Cape of Pullo Hinhor, which is the Island of Cocos; There hearing no news of the Pyrat he sought for, he returned towards the South Coast, where he took certain Prizes, which were of good value, and well gotten as we thought. For it was the main intention of this Captain to deal with the Pyrat, which frequented this Coast of Ainan, as they before had done with divers Christians in depriving them of their lives and goods; For as God doth ordinarily draw good out of evil, so it pleased him out of his divine Justice to permit, that Antonio de Faria in revenge of the Robbery, committed by Coia Acem upon us in the Port of Lugor, should in the pursuit of him chastise other Theeves, that deserved to be punished by the hands of the Por∣tugals. Now having for certain days together with much labor continued our Navigation within this Bay of Cauchenchina, as we were newly entred into a Port, called Madel, upon the day of the nativity of our Lady, being the eight of September, for the fear that we were in of the new Moon, during the which there oftentimes happens in this Climate such a terrible storm of wind and rain, as it is not possible for ships to withstand it, which by the Chineses is named Tufan, and that the Sky charged full with Clouds had four days together threatened that which we feared, it pleased God amongst many other Junks that fled into this Port for shelter, there came in one belonging to a notorious Chinese Pyrat, named Hinimilau, who of a Gentile, that he had been, was not long before become a Mahometan, induced thereunto (as it was said) by a Cacis of that accursed Sect, who had made him such an Enemy to the Christian name, as he vaunted publiquely, that God did owe Heaven unto him for the great service he had done him upon Earth, in depopulating it by little and little of the Portugal Na∣tion, who from their mothers wombs delighted in their offences, as the very Inhabitants of the smoaky House, a name which they give to Hell; And thus did he with such sayings, and other like blasphemies, speak as villanously and abominably of us as could be imagined. This Pyrat, entring into the River in a very great and tall Junk, came up to us where we rode at anchor, and saluted us after the custom of the Country, whereunto we returned the like, as it is the manner there to do at the entry into any of the Ports, they neither knowing us to be Portugals, nor we what they were; for we thought they had been Chineses, and that they came into the Port to shrewd themselves from the storm as others did, whereupon, behold, Page  61 five young men, that were Christians, whom this Robber held as Slaves in his Junk, guessing us to be Portugals, fell a crying out three or four times together, Lord, have mercy upon us. At these words we all stood up to see who they were, and perceiving them to be Christians, we called aloud to the Mariners for to stay their course, which they would not do, but con∣trarily beating up a Drum, as it were in contempt of us, they gave three great shouts, and withall brandished their naked Scymitars in the ayr in a way of threatening us, and then cast an∣chor some quarter of a league beyond us. Antonio de Faria desiring to learn the reason hereof, sent a Balon to them, which no sooner arrived near them, but the barbarous Rogues pelted them with so many stones, that the Vessel was almost overwhelmed, so that they were glad to return, both Mariners and Soldiers being very sore hurt; Antonio de Faria seeing them come back all bloody, demanded the cause of it: Sir, answered they, we are not able to tell you, only you behold in what plight we are; saying so, and shewing him the hurts on their heads, they declared unto him in what manner they had been entertained. At first this accident much troubled Antonio de Faria, so that he stood musing a good while upon it, but at length turn∣ing himself to them that were present, Let every one here, said he, prepare himself, for I cannot be perswaded but this is that Dog Coia Acem, who I hope this day shall pay for all the wrong he hath done us. Whereupon he commanded presently to weigh anchor, and with all the speed that might be he set sail with the three Junks and Lanteas. Being come within a Mus∣ket shot of them, he saluted them with six and thirty Pieces of Ordnance, whereof twelve were Faulconets, and other Field-pieces, amongst the which was one of Battery, that carried cast Bullets, wherewith the Enemies were so amated, as all the resolution they could take for the instant was to leave their anchors in the Sea, not having leasure to weigh them, and to make to the shoar, wherein also they failed of their desire; for Antonio de Faria perceiving their design got before them, and boarded their Junk with all the Forces of his Vessels; hereupon began a most furious Combat both with Pikes, Darts, and pots full of Powder thrown from either side, so that for half an hour it could not be discerned who had the better: But at length it pleased God to favor us so much, that the Enemies, finding themselves weary, wounded, and hurt, threw themselves into the Sea. Antonio de Faria, seeing these wretches ready to sink by reason of the impetuousness and strength of the current, he imbarqued himself with some Soldiers in two Balons, and with much ado saved sixteen men, whereunto he was induced by the great need he stood in of them for the maning of his Lanteas, because he had lost a great many of his people in the former fights.

CHAP. XVIII. What Antonio de Faria did with the Captain of the Pyrats Iunk; that which past be∣tween him and the people of the Country; with our casting away upon the Island of Theeves.

ANtonio de Faria having obtained this Victory in the manner I have related,* the first thing he did was to see his hurt men drest, as that which chiefly imported him; then being given to understand that the Pyrat Hinimilau, the Captain of the Junk he had taken, was one of the sixteen he had saved, he commanded him to be brought before him, and after he had caused him to be drest of two wounds that he had received, he demanded of him what was become of the young Portugals which he held as Slaves? Whereunto the Pyrat, being mad with rage, having answered that he could not tell, upon the second demand that was made him with menaces, he said, that if first they would give him a little water, in regard he was so dry as he was not able to speak, that then he would consider what answer to make. Thereupon having water brought him, which he drunk so greedily as he spilt the most part of it without quenching his thirst, he desired to have some more given him, protesting, that if they would let him drink his fill, he would oblige himself by the Law of Mahomets Alcoran voluntarily to confess all that they desired to know of him. Antonio de Faria, having given him as much as he would drink, questioned him again about the young Christians, whereto he replyed, that he should find them in the chamber of the prow; thereupon he commanded three Soldiers to go thither and fetch them, who had no sooner opened the scuttle to bid them come up, but they saw them lie dead in the place with their throats cut, which made them cry out, Iesus, Iesus, come hither we beseech you, Sir, and behold a most lamentable spectacle; hereat Antonio de Faria, and those that were with him, ran thither, and beholding those youths lying so o•e Page  62 upon another, he could not forbear shedding of tears; having caused them then to be brought upon the deck, together with a woman and two pretty children, about seven or eight years old, that had their throats also cut, he demanded of the Pyrat why he had used such cruelty to those poor innocents: Whereunto he answered, that it was because they were Traytors, in discover∣ing themselves to those, which were such great Enemies to him as the Portugals were, and also for that having heard them call upon their Christ for help, he desired to see whether he would deliver them; as for the two infants, there was cause enough to kill them, for that they were the childr•n of Portugals, whom he ever hated: with the like extravagancy he an∣swered to many other questions, which were propounded to him, and that with so much obstinacy as if he had been a very Devil. Afterwards being asked whether▪ he were a Christian, he answered, no, but that he had been one at such time as Don Paulo de Ga∣ma was Captain of Malaca. Whereupon Antonio de Faria demanded of him, what moved him, since he had been a Christian, to forsake the Law of Iesus Christ, wherein he was assured of his salvation, for to embrace that of the false Prophet Mahomet, from whence he could hope for nothing but the loss of his Soul. Thereunto he answered, that he was induced so to do, for that so long as he was a Christian, the Portugals had al∣ways contemned him, whereas before when he was a Gentile they called him Quiay Ne∣coda, that is to say, Signior Captain, but that respect immediately upon his Baptism for∣sook him, which he verily believed did arrive to him by Mahomets express permission, to the end it should open his eyes to turn Mahometan, as after he did at Bintan, where the King of Iantana was in person present at the ceremony, and that ever since he had much honored him, and that all the Mandarins called him brother, in regard of the vow he had made upon the holy Book of Flowers, that as long as he lived he would be a sworn Enemy to the Portugals, and of all others that profest the Name of Christ, for which both the King and the Cacis Moulana had exceedingly cōmended him, promising that his Soul should be most blessed if he performed that vow. Being likewise demanded how long ago it was since he revolted, what Portugal Ves∣sels he had taken, how many men he had put to death, and what Merchandize he had despoyled them of? He answered, that it was seven years since he became a Mahometan; that the first Vessel he took was Luiso de Pavia's Junk, which he surprized in the River of Liamp•o with four hundred Bars of Pepper only, and no other spice, whereof having made himself master, that he had put to death eighteen Portugals, besides their slaves, of whom he made no reckon∣ing, because they were not such as could satisfie the Oath he had made; That after this prize he had taken four ships, and in them put to death above an hundred persons, amongst whom there was some threescore and ten Portugals, and that he thought the Merchandize in them amount∣ed to fifteen or sixteen hundred Bars of Pepper, whereof the King of Pan had the better moity for to give him a safe retrait in his Ports, and to secure him from the Portugals, giving him to that purpose an hundred men, with commandment to obey him as their King. Being further demanded, whether he had not killed any Portugals, or lent an hand for the doing thereof, he said no, but that some two years before, being in the River of Choaboquec on the Coast of China, a great Junk arrived there with a great many Portugals in her, whereof an intimate friend of his, named Ruy Lobo, was Captain, whom Don Estevan de Gama, then Governor of the Fortress of Malaca, had sent thither in the way of commerce, and that upon the sale of his commodities going out of the Port, his Junk about five days after took so great a leak, as not being able to clear her, he was constrained to return towards the same Port from whence he parted, but that by ill fortune clapping on all his sails to get the sooner to Land, she was overset by the violence of the wind, so as all were cast away saving Ruy Lobo, seventeen Portu∣gals, and some slaves, who in their skiff made for the Island of Laman, without sail, without wa∣ter, or •ny manner of victual; That in this extremity Ruy Lobo, relying on the ancient friendship that was between them, came with tears in his eyes, and pray'd him on his knees to receive him and his into his Junk, which was then ready to set sail for Patana, whereunto he agreed upon condition that therefore he should give him two thousand duckets, for the performance where∣of he bound himself by his Oath of a Christian. But that after he had taken them in, he was counselled by the Mahometans not to trust unto the friendship of Christians, lest he might en∣danger his own life, for when they had recovered strength, they would without doubt seize upon his Junk, and all the goods that were in her, it being their usual custom so to do in all places where they found themselves the strongest: wherefore fearing lest that which the Maho∣metans suggested should befall him, he slew them all on a night as they slept, for the which not∣withstanding Page  63 he was sorry afterwards. This declaration so much incensed Antonio de Faria, and all that were about him, as indeed the enormity of so wicked a fact did require, that pre∣sently, without questioning or hearing of him further, he commanded him to be put to death with four more of his company, and so they were all thrown into the Sea.

This justice being executed on the Pyrat and his four companions,*Antonio de Faria caused an Inventory to be taken of all that was in the Junk, which was adjudged to amount unto forty thousand Taeis•o raw and twisted Silk, pieces of Sattin, Damask, Musk, fine Pource∣lains, and other less valuable commodities, which with the Junk we were constrained to burn, because we wanted Mariners for our navigation. With these valorous exploits the Chineses were so amazed, as they stood in dread of the very mention of the name of the Portugals, in so much that the Necodae•, or Masters, of the Junks, that were in the Port, fearing the like might be done to them, assembled all together in councel; and there making Election of two of the principal amongst them, whom they held most capable of performing their charge, they sent them as Embassadors unto Antonio de Faria, desiring him, that as King of the Sea he would protect them upon the assurance of his word, so as they might pass safely out of the pl•ce where they were, for to make their voyage whil'st the season served; in consideration whereof, as his Tributar•es, subjects, and slaves, they would give him twenty thousand Taeis in Ingots of Silver, wherof payment should be made out of hand by way of acknowledging him to be their Lord. Antonio de Faria received them very courteously, and granting their request, protested and sware to perform the same, and upon his word to protect them for the future from having any of their goods taken from them by any Pyrat. Whereupon one of the Embassadors remained as surety for the twenty thousand Taeis, and the other went to fetch the Ingots, which he brought an hour after, together with a rich present of many several things sent him over and above by the Necodaes. This done, Antonio de Faria desiring to ad∣vance a servant of his, named Cost•▪ made him Clark of the Patents that were to be granted to the Necodaes, whereof he presently set a rate, namely five Taeis for a Junk, and two Ta•is for a Vaneo, Lanta•, and small Barq•e, which proved so beneficial to him, that in the space of thirteen days, wherein these Patents were dispatched, he got (according the report of those that envyed him) above four thousand Taeis in silver, besides many good gratuities that were given him for expedition: The form of these Patents was thus, I give assurance up∣on my word to Necoda such a one, that he shall sail safely all about the Coast of China with∣out any disturbance of any that belongs to me, upon condition that wheresoever he meets with any Portugals he shall •••reat them as brethren; and underneath he signed, Antonio de Faria: All which Pa•ents were most exactly observed, and by that means he was so redoubted all a∣long this Coast, as the Ch••m himself of the Island of Ainan, who is the Viceroy thereof, up∣on the report which he heard of him, sent to visit him by his Embassador, with a rich present of Pearls and Jewels, as also a Letter, whereby he desired him to take entertainment from the son of the Sun, a name which they give to the Emperor of this Monarchy, for to serve him as Commander General of all the Coast from Lamau to Liampoo, with ten thousand Taeis Pension yearly, and that if he carryed himself well, according to the renown went of him, he assured him that upon the expiration of his three years charge he should be advanced into the rank of the Chaems of the State, and that such men as he, if they were faithful, might at∣tain to be one of the twelve Futoens of the Empire, whom the soveraign son of the Sun, be∣ing the Lion crowned on the Throne of the World, admitted to his bed and board, as mem∣bers united to his person by means of the honor, power, and command that he gave them, with an annual Pension of an hundred thousand Taeis. Antonio de Faria gave him many thanks for this offer, and excused himself with complements after their manner; saying, that he was not capable of so great f•vor as he would honor him withall, but that without any re∣gard at all of mony he would be ready to serve him as often as the Tutoens of Pequin would be pleased to command him. After this going out of the Port of Mad•l, where he had been fourteen days, he ran all along the Coast of that Country for to find out Coia Acem, it being the main design of all his voyage, as I have declared before: Imagining then that he might meet with him in some of these places, he stayd there above six months, with much pain and h•zard of his person; At length he arrived at a very fair Town, named Quangiparu, wherein were goodly buildings and Temples: In this Port he abode all that day and the night follow∣ing, under colour of being a Merchant, peaceably buying that which was brought him aboard; And because it was a Town of fifteen hundred fires, as we guessed, the next morning by break Page  64 of day we set sail without any great notice taken of us. So returning to Sea, although it were with a contrary wind, in twelve days with a troublesom navigation he visited the shores both of the South and North Coasts, without incountring any thing worthy the observation, al∣though they were replenished with a many of little Villages, whereof divers were inclosed with walls of brick, but not strong enough to withstand the force of thirty good Soldiers, the people of themselves being very weak, and having no other Arms but staves hardned in the fire; howsoever the scituation of this Country was under one of the best and fertilest Climates on the Earth, abounding with great store of cattel, and many goodly large fields, sowed with Wheat, Rice, Barly, Millet, and sundry other kinds of grain; as also replenished with many great groves of Pine, and Angeline trees, as in the Indiaes, able to furnish a world of ship∣ing: Moreover, by the relation of certain Merchants, Antonio de Faria was informed, that in this Land there were many Mynes of Copper, Silver, Tin, Saltpeter, Sulphur, and an infi∣nite deal of untilled, but excellently good ground, altogether neglected by this weak Nation, which were it in our power, we might in all probability be more advanced in the Indiaes, then now we are through the unhappiness of our sins.

*After we had been seven months and an half in this Country, sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, from River to River, and on both Coasts, North and South, as also in the Isle of Ainan, without hearing any news of Coia Acem, the Soldiers, weary of so long and tedious travel, assembled all together, and desired Antonio de Faria to make a partition of that which had been gotten, according to a promise before made to them by a note under his hand, saying that thereupon they would return unto the Indiaes, or where else they thought good, whereby a great deal of stir arose amongst us; At length it was agreed, that we should go and winter in Siam, where all the goods which were in the Junk should be sold, and being reduced into gold, division should be made of it, as was desired. With this accord, sworn and signed by all, we went and anchored in an Island, called the Island of Thieves, in regard it was the outermost Island of all that Bay, to the end that from thence we might make our voyage with the first fair wind that should blow. So having continued there twelve days with an earnest desire to effect the agreement we had made together, it fortuned, that by the conjunction of the new Moon in October, which we had always feared, there arose such a tempest of rain and wind, as seemed to be no natural thing, in so much that lying open to the South wind, as we traverst the Coast, the waves went so high, that though we used all means possible to save our selves, cutting down our Masts, and all the dead works from poop to prow, as also casting into the Sea even the most part of our merchandize, reducing our great Ordnance into their places again, out of which they had been toss'd, and strengthening our Cables, that were half rotten, with ropes; But all this was not able to preserve us, for the night was so dark, the weather so cold, the sea so rough, the wind so high, and the storm so horrible, that in these extremities nothing could deliver us but the meer mercy of God, whom with continual cries and tears we called upon for help: But for as much as in regard of our sins we did not de∣serve to receive this grace at his hands, his divine justice ordained, that about two hours after midnight there came such a fearful gust of wind, as drove our four vessels foul one of another upon the shore, where they were all broken to pieces, so that four hundred and fourscore men were drowned, amongst which were eight Portugals, and it pleased God that the remainder, being fifty three persons, were saved, whereof three and twenty were Portugals, the rest slaves and Mariners. After this lamentable shipwrack we got half naked, and most of us hurt, into a Marish hard by, where we stay'd till the next morning, and as soon as it was day we return∣ed to the Sea side, which we found all strewed with dead bodies, a spectacle of that dread and horror as scarce any one of us could forbear swooning to behold it; over them we stood lamenting a great while, till such time an Antonio de Faria, who by the mercy of God was one of those that remained alive, whereof we were all very glad, concealing the grief which we could not dissemble, came where we were, having on a scarlet coat, that he had taken from one of the dead, and with a joyful countenance, his eyes dry and voyd of tears, he made a short speech unto us, wherein he remonstrated how variable and uncertain the things of this world were, and therefore he desired us as Brethren, that we would endevor to forget them, seeing the remembrance of them was but a means to grieve us; for considering the time and •i•erable estate whereunto we were reduced, we saw how necessary his counsel was: And •ow he hoped that God would in this desolate place present us with some good opportunity to •ame our selves, and how we might be assured that he never permitted any evil but for a greater Page  65 good; moreover how he firmly believed, that though we had now lost five hundred thousand crowns, we should ere it were long get above six hundred thousand for them. This brief ex∣hortation was heard by us all with tears and discomfort enough, so we spent two days and an half there in burying the dead, during which time we recovered some wet victuals and provi∣sions to sustain us withall, but they lasted not above five days of fifteen that we stayed there, for by reason of their wetness they corrupted presently, and did us little good. After these fif∣teen days it pleased God, who never forsakes them that truly put their trust in him, miracu∣lously to send us a remedy, whereby we escaped out of that misery we were in, as I will de∣clare hereafter.

CHAP. XIX. In what sort we escaped miraculously out of this Island; our passage from thence to the River of Xingrau; our incountring with a Chinese Pyrat, and the agreement we made with him.

BEing escaped from this miserable shipwrack,* it was a lamentable thing to see how we walked up and down almost naked, enduring such cruel cold and hunger, that many of us talking one to another fell down suddenly dead with very weakness, which proceeded not so much from want of victuals, as from the eating of such things as were hurtful to us, by reason they were all rotten, and stunk so vilely, that no man could endure the taste of them in his mouth; But as our God is an infinite good, there is no place so remote, or desert, where the misery of sinners can be hid from the assistance of his infinite mercy, which I speak, in regard that on the day when as the feast of S. Michael is celebrated, as we were drowned in tears, and without hope of any humane help, according as it seemed to the weakness of our little faith, a Kite came unexpectedly flying over our heads from behind a point, which the Island made towards the South, and by chance let fall a fish, called a Mullet, about a foot long. This fish falling close by Antonio de Faria, it somewhat amazed him till he perceived what it was, so that having considered a little he fell on his knees, and with tears pronounced these words from the bottom of his heart. O Lord Iesus Christ, the eternal Son of God, I humbly beseech thee by the sorrows of thy sacred Passion, that thou wilt not suffer us to be overwhelmed with the unbelief, whereinto the misery of our weakness hath cast us; for I hope, and am almost assured, that the same succor which thou didst send unto Daniel in the Lions den by the hand of thy Pro∣phet Abacuc, thou wilt grant us at this present out of thy infinite goodness, and not only here, but in every other place, where a sinner shall invoke thy ayd with a firm and true faith; Wherefore, my Lord, and my God, I pray thee, not for mine, but thine own sake, that thou wilt not cast thine eyes on that we have merited from thee, but on that thou hast merited for us, to the end it •ay please thee to accord us the succor which we hope to receive from thee, and out of thy blessed mercy to send us the means whereby we may get from hence into some Christian Country, where still persevering in the holy Worship of thee, we may for ever continue thy faithful servants. This said, he took the Mullet and caused it to be broiled upon coals, and given to such of the sick as had most need of it; Then looking towards the point of the Island from whence the Kite came, we perceived divers others, that in their flying made many stoopings, whence we concluded that there was some kind of prey there whereon these fowls fed; now all of us being most desirous of relief, we went thither in all haste, and com∣ing to the top of the higher ground we discovered a low valley full of divers fruit trees, and in the middle a river of fresh water, whereupon by good fortune before we went down we saw a Stag newly killed, and a Tyger beginning to eat him, therewith we made a great cry, which frighted him away into the Wood, leaving us the Stag as he was; Then descended we to the River, and by the bank of it stayd all that night, making a feast, as well with the Stag, as with divers Mullets that we took there, for there were a great number of Kites, that from the water catched a many of those fishes, and oftentimes let them fall being scared with our cries: Thus continued we by this River till Saturday following, when about the break of day we discerned a Sail making as we thought towards the Island where we were, the better to be assured where∣of we returned to the shoar where we were wracked, and there staying about half an hour, we found it to be so indeed, in which regard we got us presently into the Wood to decline disco∣very from those in the V•ssel, which arriving in the Port we perceived it to be a Lantea, and that those that were in her fastened her to the shoar with two cables, at the beak and the stern, Page  66 the better to accommodate a plank for to pass in and out of her. Being all dis-imbarqued out of her to about the number of thirty persons, more or less, they went presently some to making provision of water and wood, some to washing of their linnen, and dressing of meat, and others to wrastling, and such like pastimes, little thinking to find any body in that place which could any way annoy them. Antonio de Faria seeing them altogether without fear and order, and that there was none remaining in the Vessel able to resist us; My Masters, said he unto us, you behold the wretched estate whereinto our mis-fortune hath reduced us, whereof I confess my sins are the cause, but the mercy of God is so infinite, as I am verily perswaded he will not suffer us to perish thus miserably here, and therefore hath as it were miraculously sent this Vessel hither, by seizing whereupon we may escape from hence, which before to humane reason seemed almost impossible; wherefore I exhort you all to joyn with me in making our selves Masters suddenly of her ere ever we be heard or seen, and having so done, let our only care be to possess our selves of the Arms we shall find in her, that therewith we may defend our selves, and make good our possession, upon which, next under God, our safety depends; and as soon as you shall hear me say three times, Jesus, do as you shall see me do: Whereunto we answered, that we would diligently perform what he had enjoyned us; so that we standing all prepared to execute his design, Antonio de Faria gave the signal which he had spoken of, and withall ran as fast as over he could, and we along with him, till he arrived at the Lantea, whereinto we suddenly entred without any contradiction; then unloosing the two cables with which she was fastened, we put out to Sea about a Crossbow shot from Land. The Chineses surprized in this manner, ran all to the Sea side upon the noise that they heard, and seeing their Vessel taken, were much amazed, but knew not how to help it, for we shot at them with an Iron Base that was in the Lantea, which made them fly into the Wood, where no doubt they passed the rest of that day in lamenting the sad success of their ill fortune, as we had done ours be∣fore.

*After we were gotten into the Lantea, and that we were sure the deceived Chineses could no way hurt us, we sat us down to eat that at leasure which they had caused to be made ready for their dinner by an old man, that we found there, and it was a great Skillet full of Rice with hached Lard, whereunto we fell with good stomacks, as being not a little hungry: Dinner done, and thanks rendred to God for his gracious mercy to us, an Inventory was taken of the goods that were in the Lantea, which was raw Silks, Damasks, Sattins, together with three great pots of Musk, amounting in all to the value of four thousand Crowns, besides good store of Rice, Sugar, Gammons of Bacon, and two Coups full of Poultry, whereof we had more need then of all the rest for the recovery of our sick men, which were not a few amongst us. Hereupon we all began without fear to cut out pieces of Silk, therewith to accommodate every one with clothes. Antonio de Faria, having found a pretty boy in the Lantea, about some twelve or thirteen years old, demanded of him from whence she came, and what she did in this place, as also to whom she belonged, and whither she was bound. Alas! answered the boy, she not long since belonged to my unfortunate Father, whose ill hap it is to have that taken from him by you in less then an hour, which he hath been above thirty years in getting: He came from a place, called Quoaman, where in exchange of lingots of Silver he bought all th•se Commodities, that you have, with a purpose to have gone and sold them to the Iunks of Siam, which are in the Port of Comhay; And wanting fresh water, it was his ill hap to come hither for to take in some, where you have robbed him of all that he hath without any fear at all of the divine Iustice. Whereupon Antonio de Faria bade him leave weeping, and making much of him promised to use him as his own son, and that he would always account him so; Here•• smiling as it were in disdain, he answered, Think not though I am but a child, that I am so foolish to beleeve, that having robbed my Father, thou canst ever use me like thy son: But if thou wilt do as thou sayst, I beseech thee for the love of thy God suffer me to swim unto that sad Land where he remains that begot me, who indeed is my true father, with whom I had rather dye where I see him lamenting, then live with such wicked people as you are. Then some of them that were present reprehending and telling him that it was not well spoken; Would you know, replyed he, why I said so? it was because I saw you after you had filled your bellies praise God with lifted up hands, and yet for all that like hypocrites never care for ma∣king restitution of that you have stollen; but he assured, that after death you shall feel the ri∣gorous chastisement of the Lord Almighty for so unjustly taking mens goods from them•. Antonio de Faria admiring the childs speech, asked him whether he would become a Christian? Page  67 Whereunto, earnestly beholding him, he answered, I understand not what you say, nor that you propound; declare it first unto me, and then you shall know my mind further. Then An∣tonio de Faria began to instruct him therein after the best manner he could, but the boy would not answer him a word, only lifting up his hands and eyes to Heaven he said weeping, Blessed be thy Power, O Lord, that permits such people to live on the Earth▪ that speak so well of thee, and yet so ill observe thy Law, as these blinded Miscreants do, who think that robbing and preaching are things that can be acceptable to thee. Having said so, he got him into a corner, and there remained weeping for three days together without eating any thing that was presented unto him. Hereupon falling to consult whether were the best course for us to hold from this place, either Northward, or Southward, much dispute arose thereabout, at length it was concluded that we should go to Liampoo, a Port distant from thence Northwards two hundred and threescore leagues, for we hoped that along this Coast we might happen to in∣counter and seize on some other greater and more commodious Vessel then that we had, which was too little for so long a Voyage, in regard of the dangerous storms that are ordinarily caused by the new Moons on the Coast of China, where dayly many Ships are cast away. With this design we put to Sea about Sun-set, and so went on this night with a South-west wind, and before day we discovered a little Island, named Quintoo, where we surprized a fisher-boat full of fresh fish, of which we took as much as we had need of, as also eight of twelve men that were in her for the service of our Lantea, by reason our own were so feeble as they were not able to hold out any longer. These eight fishermen, being demanded what Ports there were on this Coast to Chincheo, where we thought we might meet with some Ship of Malaca, an∣swered, that about eighteen leagues from thence there was a good River and a good Rode, called Xingrau, much frequented with Junks, where we might be easily and through∣ly accommodated with all that we stood in need of; that at the entring into it, there was a little Village, named Xamoy, inhabited with poor fishermen, and three leagues beyond that the Town, where there was great store of Silks, Musk, Pourcelains, and many other sorts of Commodities, which were transported into divers parts. Upon this advice we steered our course towards that River, where we arrived the next day immediately after dinner, and cast anchor just against it about a league in the Sea, for fear lest our ill fortune should run us into the same mischief we were in before. The night following we took a Paroo of fishermen, of whom we demanded what Junks there were in this River, and how they were man'd, with divers other questions proper for our design. Whereunto they answered, that at the Town up the River there was not above two hundred Junks, by reason the greatest part were already gone to Ainan, Sumb•r, Lailo•, and other Ports of Cauchenchina; moreover, that we might ride in safety at Xamoy, and that there we might buy any thing we wanted; Whereupon we entred into the River, and anchored close to the Village, where we continued the space of half an hour, being much about midnight. But Antonio de Faria seeing that the Lantea wherein we sailed could not carry us to Liampoo, where we purposed to lie all the Winter, he concluded by the advice of his company to furnish himself with a better Vessel, and although we were not then in case to enterprise any thing, yet necessity constrained us to undertake more then our Forces would permit; Now there being at that instant a little Junk riding at anchor fast by us alone, and no other near her, having but few men in her, and those asleep, Antonio de Faria thought he had a good opportunity to effect his purpose, wherefore leaving his anchor in the Sea, he got up close to this Junk, and with seven and twenty Soldiers and eight Boys boarded her on a sudden unespyed, where finding seven or eight Chinese Mariners fast asleep, he caused them to be taken, and bound hand and foot, threatening if they cryed out never so little to kill them all, which put them in such a fear as they durst not so much as quetch. Then cutting her cables, he got him straight out of the River, and sailing away with all the speed he could; The next day we arrived at an Island, named Pullo Quirim▪ distant from Xamoy not above nine leagues, there meeting with a little favorable gale within three days we went and anchored at another Island, called Luxitay, where, in regard the ayr was wholesom, and the water good, we thought fit to stay some fifteen days for the recovery of our sick men: In this place we visit∣ed the Junk, but found no other commodity in her then Rice, the greatest part whereof we cast into the Sea, to make her the lighter and securer for our Voyage; Then we unladed all her furniture into the Lantea, and set her on ground for to caulk her, so that in doing thereof, and making our provision of water, we spent (as I said before) fifteen days in this Island, by which time our sick men fully recovered their health; whereupon we departed for Liampoo, being Page  68 given to understand, that many Portugals were come thither from Malaca, Sunda, Siam, and Patana, as they used ordinarily to do about that time for to winter there.

*We had sailed two days together along the Coast of Lama• with a favorable wind, when it pleased God to make us incounter with a Junk of Patana, that came from Lequio, which was commanded by a Chinese Pyrat, named Quiay Panian, a great friend of the Portugal N•t•on, and much addicted to our fashions and manner of life, with him there were thirty Portugals, choyce and proper men, whom he kept in pay, and advantaged more then the rest with gifts and presents, so that they were all very rich. This Pyrat had no sooner discovered us but he resolved to attaque us, thinking nothing less then that we were Portugals, so that endeavoring to invest us, like an old Soldier as he was, and ver•t in the trade of Pyrat, he got the wind of us; that done, falling down within a Musket shot of us, he saluted us with fifteen Pieces of Ordnance, wherewith we were much affrighted, because the most of them were Faulcone•s; but Antonio de Faria encouraging his men, like a valiant Captain, and a good Christian, dis∣posed them on the hatches in places most convenient, as well in the prow as the poop, reserving some to be afterwards fitted as need should require. Being thus resolved to see the end of that which Fortune should present us, it pleased God that we descryed a Cross in our Enemies Flag, and on the foredeck a number of red Caps, which our men were wont to wear at Sea in those times, whereby we were perswaded that they might be Portugals, that were going from Liampoo to Malaca; Whereupon we made them a sign for to make our selves known to them, who no sooner perceived that we were Portugals, but in token of joy they gave a great shout, and withall vailing their two top sails in shew of obedience, they sent their long boat, called a B•lon, with two Portugals in her, for to learn what we were, and from whence we came: At length having well observed and considered us, they approached with some more confidence to our Junk, and having saluted us, and we them, they came aboard her, where Antonio de Faria received them very courteously; And for that they were known to some of our Soldier•, they continued there a good while, during the which they recounted divers particulars unto us necessary for our design. That done, Antonio de Faria sent Christovano Borralho to accom∣pany them back, and to visit Quiay Panian from him, as also to deliver him a Letter, full of complements, and many other offers of friendship, wherewith this Pyrat Panian was so con∣tented and proud, that he seemed not to be himself, such was his vanity, and passing close by our Junk he took in all his sails; then accompanied with twenty Portugals, he came and vi∣sited Antonio de Faria with a goodly rich Present, worth above two thousand duckets, as well in Ambergreece and Pearls, as Jewels of Gold and Silver. Antonio de Faria, and the rest of us, received him with great demonstrations of love and honor: After that he and all his company were set, Antonio de Faria fell to discourse with them of divers things according to the time and occasion, and then recited unto them his unhappy Voyage, and the loss he had sustained, acquainting them with his determination to go unto Liampoo, for to reinforce him∣self with men, and make provision of Vessels with oars, to the end he might return again, to pass once more into the Streight of Cauchenchina, and so get to the Mynes of Quoaniaparu, where he had been told there were •ix large houses full of lingots of Silver, besides a far greater quantity that was continually melted all along the River, and that without any peril one might be wonderfully enriched. Whereunto the Pyrat Panian made this answer, For mine own part, Signior Captain, I am not so rich as many think, though it is true I have been so heretofore, but having been beaten with the same misfortune, which thou sayst hath befallen thee, my riches have been taken from me; Now to return to Patana, where I have a wife and children, I dare not, by reason I am assured that the King will despoil me of all that I should bring thi∣ther,, because I departed from thence without his permission, which he would make a most haynous crime, to the end he might seize upon my estate, as he hath done to others f•r far lesser occasions then that wherewith he may charge me. Wherefore if thou canst be contented that I shall accompany thee in the Voyage thou meanest to undertaken, with an hundred men that I have in my Iunk, fifteen Pieces of Ordnance, thirty Muskets, and forty Harquebuses, which these Signiors, the Portugals that are with me, do carry, I shall most willingly do it, upon con∣dition that thou wilt impart unto me a third part of that which shall be gotten, and to that effect I desire thee to give me an assurance und•r thy hand, as also to swear unto me by thy Law to perform it accordingly. Antonio de Faria accepted of this offer very gladly, and after he had rendred him many thanks for it, he swore unto him upon the holy Evangelists fully and without all fail to accomplish what he required, and thereof likewise made him a promise under Page  69 his hand, to which divers of their company subscribed their names as witnesses. This accord past between them, they went both together into a River, called Anay, some five leagues from thence, where they furnished themselves with all that they stood in need of, by means of a Present of an hundred duckets, which they gave to the Mandarin, Captain of the Town.

CHAP. XX. Our Encounter at Sea with a little Fisher-boat, wherein were eight Portugals very sore hurt; and Antonio de Faria's meeting and fighting with Coia Acem the Pyrat.

BEing parted from this River of Anay,* and well provided of all things necessary for the Voyage we had undertaken, Antonio de Faria resolv•d by the advice and counsel of Quiay Panian, whom he much respected, to go and anchor in the Port of Chincheo, there to be in∣formed by such Portugals as were come from Sunda, Malaca, Timor, and Patana, of cer∣tain matters requisite for his design, and whether they had any news from Liampoo, in regard the report went in the Country, that the King of China had sent thither a Fleet of four hun∣dred Junks, wherein there were an hundred thousand men, for to take the Portugals that re∣•ided there, and to burn their houses, for that he would not endure them to be any longer in his dominions, because he had been lately advertised, that they were not a people so faithful and peaceable as he had been formerly given to understand. Arriving then in the Port of Chincheo, we found five Portugal ships that were come thither about a month before from the places above mentioned. These ships received us with great joy, and after they had given us intelligence of the Country, Traffique, and Tranquillity of the Ports, they told us they had no other news from Liampoo, but that it was said a great number of Portugals were come thither from many parts to winter there; and how that great Army, which we so much feared, was not thereabout; but that it was suspected to be gone for the Islands of Go•o, to the succor of Sucan de Pontir, from whom the brute went a Brother-in-law of his had taken his Kingdom, and that in regard Sucan had lately made himself subject to the King of China, and his Tributary for an hundred thousand Taeis by the year, he had in contemplation thereof given him this great Army of four hundred Junks, with the forces aforesaid, for to restore him to his Crown and Signiories, whereof he had been despoyled. Being very glad of this news, after we had remained in this Port of Chincheo the space of nine days, we departed from thence for Liampoo, taking along with us five and thirty Soldiers more out of the five ships we found there, to whom Antonio de Faria gave very good pay; and after we had sailed five days with a contrary wind, coasting from one side to another, without advancing any whit at all, it happened that one night about the first watch we met with a little Fisher-boat, or Paroo, wherein there were eight Portugals, very sore hurt, two of the which were named M•m Taborda, and Antonio A•riques, men of honor, and very much renowned in those quarters, the cause why in particular I name them; These and the other six were in such a piti∣ful estate, and so hideous to see to, as they moved every one to compassion. This Paroo coming close to Antonio de Faria, he caused them to be taken up into his Junk, where they presently cast themselves at his feet, from whence he raised them up, weeping for pity to be∣hold them so naked, and all bathed in their own blood with the wounds they had received, and then demanded of them the occasion of their misfortune: Whereunto one of the two made answer, that about seventeen days before they set sail from Liampoo for Malaca, and that being advanced as far as the Isle of Sumbor they had been set upon by a Pyrat, a Guzarat by Nation, called Coia Acem, who had three Junks, and four Lanteaas, wherein were fifteen hundred men, namely an hundred and fifty Mahometans, the rest Luzzons, Iaoas, and Champaas, people of the other side of Malaya, and that after they had fought with them from one to four in the afternon, they had been taken with the death of fourscore and two men, whereof eighteen were Portugals, and as many made slaves; And that in their Junk, what of his and of others, there was lost in merchandize above an hundred thousand Taeis. Anto∣nio de Faria remaining a good while pensive at that which these men related unto him, at length said unto them, I pray tell me how was it possible for you to escape more then the rest, the fight passing as you deliver? After we had been fought withall about an hour and an half, •he three great Iunks boarded us five times, and with the force of their s•ot they so tore the Prow of our Vessel, that we were ready to sink; wherefore to keep out the water, and lighten Page  70 our ship, we were constrained to cast the most part of our goods into the Sea, and whil'st our men were laboring to do so, our Enemies layd so close at us, as every one was fain to leave that he was about for to defend himself on the hatches: But whil'st we were thus troubled, most of our company being hurt, and many slain, it pleased God that one of the Enemies Iunks came to be so furiously fired, as it caught hold likewise of another that was fastned unto it, which made the Pyrats Soldiers leave the fight for to go and save their Vessels, yet that they could not do so speedily, but that one of them was burnt down even to the very water, so that they of the Iunk were compelled to leap into the Sea to save themselves from burning, where most of them were drowned: In the m•an time we made shift to get our Iunk close to a stock of Piles, which Fishermen had plant•d there against a rock, hard by the mouth of the river, where at this present is the Temple of the Siams, but the dog Coia Acem was instantly with us, and having fast grappled us, h• leapt into our Vessel, being followed by a great number of Mahometans, all armed with Coats of Mail, and Buff Ierkins, who straightway killed above an hundred and fifty of ours, whereof eighteen were Portugals; which we no sooner perceived, but all wounded as we were, and spoyled with the fire, as you see, we sought for some way to save our selves, and to that end we sped us into a Manchu•, that was fastened to the stern of our Iunk, wherein it pleased God that fifteen of us escaped, whereof two dyed yesterday, and of the thirteen, that remain yet miraculously alive, there are eight Portugals, and five servants. In this sort we got us with all speed between this Pallisade and the land amongst the rocks, the better to preserve us from being boarded by their Iunk, but they were otherwise employed in seeking to save the men of their burnt Vessel; and afterwards they entred all into our Iunk, where they were so carryed away with covetousness of the booty, as they never thought of pursuing us; so that the Sun being almost set, and they wonderful glad of their victory over us, they retired into the River with great acclamations. Antonio de Faria, very joyful at this news, though he was as sad again on the other side for the bad success of those that had made him this relation▪ rendred thanks unto God for that he had found his Enemy, it being a matter so much desired of him and his: Certainly, said he unto them then, by your report they must needs be now in great disorder, and much spoiled in the River where they are, for I am perswaded, that neither your Junk, nor that of theirs, which was fastned to the burnt one, can do them any longer service, and that in the great Junk, which assaulted you, it is not possible but that you have hurt and killed a good many. Where∣unto they answered, that without doubt they had killed and hurt a great number. Then An∣tonio de Faria, putting off his cap, fell down on his knees, and with his hands and eyes lifted up to Heaven he said weeping, O Lord Iesus Christ, my God and Saviour, even as thou art the true hope of those that put their trust in thee, I, that am the greatest sinner of all men, do most humbly beseech thee in the name of thy servants, that are here present, whose Souls thou hast bought with thy precious blood, that thou wilt give us strength and victory against this cruel Enemy, the murtherer of so many Portugals, whom with thy favor and ayd, and for the honor of thy holy Name I have resolved to seek out, as hitherto I have done, to the end he may pay to thy Soldiers and faithful servants what he hath so long owed them. Whereunto all that were by answered with one cry, To them, to them, in the Name of Iesus Christ, that this dog may now render us that, which for so long together he hath taken, as well from us, as from our poor miserable companions. Hereupon with marvelous ardor and great acclamations we set sail for the Port of Lailoo, which we had left eight leagues behind us, whither by the advice of some of his company Antonio de Faria went to furnish himself with all that was necessary for the fight he hoped to make with the Pyrat, in the quest of whom (as I have al∣ready delivered) he had spent so much time, and yet could never till then hear any news of him in all the Ports and places where he had been.

*The next morning we arrived at the Port of Lailoo, where Quiay Panian had much kinred, and many friends, so that he wanted no credit in that place; wherefore he intreated the Man∣darin (who is the Captain of the Town) to permit us to buy for our mony such things as we stood in need of, which he instantly granted, as well for fear lest some displeasure might be done him, as for the sum of a thousand duckets, presented unto him by Antonio de Faria, wherewith he rested very well satisfied. Hereupon some of our Company went ashore, who with all diligence bought whatsoever we wanted, as Saltpeter and Sulphur to make powder, Lead, Bullets, Victual, Cordage, Oyl, Pitch, Rosin, Ockam, Timber, Planks, Arms, Darts, Staves hardened in the fire, Masts, Sails, Sail-yards, Targets, Flints, Pullies, and Anchors; that done, we Page  71 took in fresh water, and furnished our Vessels with Mariners. Now although that this place contained not above three or four hundred houses, yet was there both there, and in the villages adjoyning, such a quantity of the aforesaid things, that in truth it were hard to express it; for China i• excellent in this, that it may vaunt to be the Country in the world most abounding in all things that may be desired. Besides for that Antonio de Faria was exceeding liberal, in re∣gard he spent out of the general booty, before the partitions were made, he payd for all that he bought at the price the sellers would set, by means whereof he had more brought him by far then he had use for, so that within thirteen days he went out of this Port wonderfully well accommodated, with two other new great Junks, which he had exchanged for two little ones that he had, and two Lanteaas with Oars, as also an hundred and sixty Mariners, both for rowing, and for governing the sails. After all these preparations were made, and we ready to weigh anchor, a general muster was taken of all that were in our Army, which in number was found to be five hundred persons, as well for fight, as for the service and navigation of our Vessels, amongst whom were fourscore and fifteen Portugals, young and resolute, the rest were Boys, and Mariners, and men of the other Coast, which Quiay Panian kept in pay, and were well practised in Sea-fight, as they that had been five years Pyrats. Moreover we had an hundred and sixty Harquebuses, forty pieces of brass Ordnance, whereof twenty were field-pieces, that carryed stone-bullets, threescore quintals of powder, namely fifty four for the great Ordnance, and six for the Harquebuses, besides what the Harquebusiers had already delivered to them, nine hundred pots of artificial fire, whereof four hundred were of powder, and five hundred of uns•aked Lime after the Chinese manner, a great number of stones, Arrows, Half-pikes, four thousand small Javelings, store of Hatchets to serve at boarding, six Boats full of Flints, wherewith the Sailers fought, twelve Cramp-irons with their hooks fastned to great Iron chains for to grapple Vessels together, and many sorts of fire-works, which an En∣gineer of the Levant made for us. With all this equipage we departed from this Port of Lai∣l••, and within three days after it pleased God that we arrived at the fishing place, where Coia Acem took the Portugals Junk: There as soon as it was night Antonio de Faria sent spies into the River, for to l••rn whereabout he was, who took a Paroo, with six Fishermen in her, that gave us to understand how this Pyrat was some two leagues from thence in a River, called Tinlau, and that he was accommodating the Junk he had taken from the Portugals, for to go in her, with two others that he had, unto Siam, where he was born, and that he was to depart within two days. Upon this news Antonio de Faria called some of his company to councel, where it was concluded, that first of all the places and forces of our Enemy was to be visited and seen, because in a matter of so much hazard, it was not safe to run as it were blind∣fold unto it, but to advise on it well beforehand, and that upon the certainty of that which should be known, such resolution might afterwards be taken, as should seem good to all; Then drawing the fishermen out of the Paroo, he put some of Quiay Panians Mariners into her, and sending her away only with two of those fishermen, keeping the rest as hostages, he committed the charge of her to a valiant Soldier, named Vincentio Morosa, attired after the Chinese fashion, for fear of discovery; who arriving at the place where the Enemy rode, made shew of fishing as others did, and by that means espyed all that he came for, whereupon re∣•ur•ing, he gave an account of what he had seen, and assured us that the Enemies were so weak, •s upon •oarding of them they might easily be taken. Antonio de Faria caused the most expe∣rienced men of his company to be assembled, to advise thereon, and that in Quiay Panians Junk, to honor him the more, as also to maintain his friendship, which he much esteemed: At this meeting it was resolved, that as soon as it was night they should go and anchor at the mouth of the River, where the Enemy lay, for to set upon him the next morning before day. This agreed unto by all, Antonio de F•ria set down what order and course should be held at the entring into the River, and how the Enemy should be assaulted: Then dividing his men, he placed thirty Portugals in Quiay Panians Junk, such as he pleased to choose, because he would be sure to give him no distaste; Likewise he disposed six Portugals into each of the Lant••as, and into Christovano Borralho's Junk twenty; the rest of the Portugals, being three and thirty, he retained with himself, besides slaves and divers Christians, all valiant and trusty men. Thus accommodated and ordered for the execution of his enterprize, he set sail towards the River of Tinlau, where he arrived about Sun-set, and there keeping good watch he past the night till three of the clock in the morning, at which time he made to the Enemy, who rode some half a league up in the River.

Page  72*It pleased God that the Sea was calm, and the wind so favorable, as our Fleet, sailing up the River, arrived in less then an hour close to the Enemy, unperceived of any; But because they were Thieves, and feared the people of the Country, in regard of the great mischiefs and robberies which they dayly committed, they stood so upon their guard, and kept so good watch, that as soon as they discerned us, in all haste they rung an alarum with a Bell, the sound whereof caused such a rumor and disorder, as well amongst them that were ashore, as those aboard, that one could hardly hear one another, by reason of the great noise they made. Whereupon Antonio de Faria, seeing we were discovered, cryed out to his company, To them, my Masters, to them in the name of God before they be succored by their Lorches, wherewith discharging all his Ordnance, it pleased Heaven, that the shot lighted to such purpose, as it overthrew and tore in pieces the most part of the valiantest, that then were mounted and ap∣peared on the deck, even right as we could have wished: In the neck hereof our Harquebu∣siers, which might be some hundred and threescore, failed not to shoot upon the signal, that had formerly been ordained for it, so that the hatches of the Junk were cleared of all those that were upon them, and that with such a slaughter as not an Enemy durst appear there after∣wards; At which very instant our two Junks boarded their two in the case they were in, where the fight grew so hot on either side, as I confess I am not able to relate in particular what passed therein, though I was present at it, for when it began it was scarce day. Now that which rendred the conflict betwixt us and our Enemies most dreadful was the noise of Drums, Basins, and Bells, accompanyed with the report of the great Ordnance, wherewith the valleys and rocks thereabouts resounded again. This fight continuing in this manner some quarter of an hour, their Lorches and Lanteaas came from the shore to assist them with fresh men, which one, named Diego Meyrelez, in Quiay Panians Junk, perceiving, and that a Gunner employed not his shot to any purpose, in regard he was so beside himself with fear, that he knew not what he did, as he was ready to give fire to a Piece, he thrust him away so rudely, as he threw him down into the scuttle, saying to him, Away villain, thou canst do nothing, this business belongs to men, such as I am, not to thee: whereupon pointing the Gun with its wedges of level, as he knew very well how to do, he gave fire to the Piece, which was charged with bullets and stones, and hitting the Lorch that came foremost, carryed away all the upper part of her from Poup to Prow, so that she presently sank, and all that were in her, not a man saved: The shot then having past so through the first Lorch, fell on the hatches of another Lorch, that came a little behind, and killed the Captain of her, with six or seven more that were by him, wherewith the two other Lorches were so terrified, that going about to fly back to Land, they fell foul one of another, so as they could not clear themselves, but remained entangled together, and not able to go forward or backward, which perceived by the Cap∣tains of our two Lorches, called Gasparo d' Oliveyra, and Vincentio Morosa, they presently set upon them, casting a great many artificial pots into them, wherewith they were so fired, that they burnt down to the very water, which made the most of those that were in them to leap into the Sea, where our men killed them all with their Pikes, so that in those three Lorches alone there dyed above two hundred persons; and in the other, whereof the Captain was slain, there was not one escaped, for Quiay Panian pursued them in a Champana, which was the Boat of his Junk, and dispatched most of them as they were getting to Land, the rest were all battered against the rocks that were by the shore: which the Enemies in the Junks percei∣ving, being some hundred and fifty Mahometans, Luzzons, Borneos, and Iaos, they began to be so discouraged, that many of them threw themselves into the Sea; whereupon the dog Coia Acem, who yet was not known, ran to this disorder, for to animate his men. He had on a Coat of Mail lined with Crimson Sattin, edged with gold fringe, that had formerly belong∣ed to some Portugal, and crying out with a loud voyce, that every one might hear him, he said three times, Lah hilah, hilah la Mahumed, rocol halah, Massulmens, and true Believers in the holy Law of Mahomet, will you suffer your selves to be vanquished by such feeble slaves, as these Christian Dogs, who have no more heart then white Pullets, or bearded women? To them, to them, for we are assured by the Book of Flowers, wherein the Prophet Noby doth promise eternal delights to the Daroezes of the House of Mecqua, that he will keep his word both with you and me, provided that we bathe our selves in the blood of these dogs without Law: With these cursed words the Devil so encouraged them, that rallying all into one body, they re-inforced the fight, and so valiantly made head against us, as it was a dreadful thing to see how desperately they ran amongst our weapons. In the mean time Antonio de Faria thus Page  73 exhorted his men: Courage valiant Christians, and whilest those wicked Miscreants fortifie themselves in their devilish Sect, let us trust in our Lord Iesus Christ, nailed on the Cross for us, who will never forsake us, how great sinners soever we be, for after all we are his, which these Dogs here are not. With this ferver and zeal of faith flying upon Coia Acem, to whom he had most spleen, he discharged so great a blow on his head with a two-handed sword, that cutting through a Cap of Mail he wore, he layd him at his feet, then redoubling with another reverse stroke he lamed him of both his legs, so as he could not rise, which his followers be∣holding they gave a mighty cry, and assaulted Antonio de Faria with such fury and hardiness, as they made no reckoning of a many of Portugals, by whom they were invironned, but gave him divers blows that had almost overthrown him to the ground; Our men seeing this ran pre∣sently to his ayd, and behave••hemselves so well, that in half a quarter of an hour forty eight of our enemies lay slaughtered on the dead body of Coia Acem, and but fourteen of ours, whereof there were not above five Portugals, the rest were servants and slaves, good and faith∣ful Christians. The remainder of them, beginning to faint, retired in disorder towards the foredeck, with an intent to fortifie themselves there, for prevention whereof twenty Soldiers, of thirty that were in Quiay Panians Junk, ran instantly and got before them, so that ere they could render themselves Masters of what they pretended unto, they were inforced to leap into the Sea, where they fell one upon another, and were by our men qu•te made an end of, so that of all their number there remained but only five, whom they took alive, and cast into the Hold bound hand and foot, to the end they might afterwards be forced by torments to confess cer∣tain matters that should be demanded of them, but they fairly tore out one anothers throats with their teeth, for fear of the death they expected, which yet could not keep them from be∣ing dismembered by our servants, and after thrown into the Se•, in the company of the Dog Coia Acem their Captain, great Cacis of the King of Bintan, the Shedder and Drinker of the blood of Portugals, Titles which he ordinarily gave himself in his Letters, and which he pub∣lished openly to all Mahometans, by reason whereof, and for the superstition of his cursed Sect, he was greatly honored by them.

CHAP. XXI. What Antonio de Faria did after his Victory; his departure from the River of Tinlau, with his ill success thereupon, and the succor we met withall.

THis bloody Battel finished with the honor of the Victory, before-mentioned,* in the de∣scription whereof I have not used many words; for if I should undertake to recount the particularies of it, and set forth all that was performed by ours, as also the valor wherewith the Enemies defended themselves, besides that I am unable to do it, I should then be forced to make a far larger discourse, and more ample History then this is: but it being my intention to declare things •n passant, I have labored to speak succinctly in divers places, where possibly better wits then mine would amplifie matters in a more accomplished manner, and this is the reason that I have now delivered nothing but what was needful to be written. Returning then to my former discourse, I say, that the first thing Antonio de Faria did after this Victory was to see his hurt men looked unto, whereof there were about fourscore and twelve, the most part Portugals, our servants being included; As for the number of the dead, there were on our side forty two, amongst which eight were Portugals, the loss of whom afflicted An∣tonio de Faria more then all the rest, and of the Enemies three hundred and eighty, whereof an hundred and fifty fell by fire and sword, the remainder were drowned. Now albeit this Victory brought a great deal of content to us all, yet were there many tears shed both in gene∣ral and particular for the slaughter of our companions, the most part of whose heads were cleft asunder with the Enemies hatchets. After this Antonio de Faria, notwithstanding he was hurt in two or three places, went presently ashoar with those that were in case to accompany him, where the first thing he did was to give order for the burial of the dead; thereupon he surrounded the Island for to see what he could discover: Compassing of it then in this sort he lighted upon a very pleasant Valley, wherein were many gardens, replenished with sundry kinds of fruits; there also was a Village of about forty or fifty very low houses, which the in∣famous Coia Acem had sacked, and in them slain many of the inhabitants, that had not the means to escape his hands. Further, in the said Valley, and by a delicate River of fresh water, wherein were a number of Mullets and Trouts, he met with a very fair house, which seemed Page  74 to be the Pagod of the Village, that was full of sick and hurt persons, whom Coia Acem had put there to be cured; amongst these were divers Mahometans of his kinred, and others of his best Soldiers, to the number of ninety six, who as soon as they perceived Antonio de Faria afar off cryed out to him for mercy and forgiveness, but he would by no means harken unto them, alledging that he could not spare those that had killed so many Christians; Saying so, he caused the house to be fired in six or seven places, which in regard it was of wood, bepitched; and covered with dry Palm tree leaves, burned in such •ort as it was dreadful to behold; In the mean time it would have moved any man to pity to hear the lamentable cries made by these wretches within, and to see them cast themselves headlong out of the windows, where ou• men, provoked with a desire of •evenge, received them upon their Pikes and H•lberds. This cruelty performed, Antonio de Faria returned to the Sea side, where the Junk lay, that Coia Acem had taken a month b•fore from the Portugals of Liampoo, and caused it to be lanched into the Sea, having been forme•ly repaired and caulked, which being done, and he aboard again, he restored it to Mem Taborda, and Antonio Anriques, to whom it belonged, as I have already declared; But first, causing them to lay their hands on the Book of Prayers, Worthy Friends, said he unto them, for all those my companions sakes, as well living as dead, who for your Iunk here have lost so much blood, and so many lives, I present you with her, and all the goods that were in her, as a free gift, to the end that thereby our Lord may receive us into his everlasting Kingdom; and besides, be pleased to grant us an abolition of all our sins in this world, and in the other everlasting life, as I trust he hath given to our brethren, that this day dyed like good Christians for the holy Catholique Faith; Howbeit, I pray and expresly enjoyn you, nay I conjure you by the oath you are now to make, that you take no other goods but such only as appertain unto you, and that you brought from Liampoo, both for your selves, and those other Merchants that were Venturers with you: For more I do not give you, nor were i• reasonable I should, in regard it would be much against the duty of either of our con∣sciences, for me to give, and you to receive it. Having spoken in this manner, Mem Taborda and Antonio Anriques, who little looked for any such favor, fell down at his feet, and with tears of joy rendred him a world of thanks, and then presently went ashoar for to seek out their goods, taking with them about fifty or threescore servants, whom their Masters had lent them for to help gather up the Silks that were wet, and hanged up by the Enemies on Trees a drying, besides two great rooms full of such as had never been wet, all which amounted, as it was said, to an hundred thousand Taeis, wherein above an hundred Merchants had a share, as well of them that dwelt at Liampoo, as at Malaca, to whom they were consigned; The rest of their Commodities, being a third part thereof, were lost, and could never be heard of. The next morning, as soon as it was light, he went to the great Junk that he had taken, which was full of the bodies of them that were slain in her the day before, whom without further ado he caused to be thrown into the Sea; howbeit for Coia Acems, in regard he was of a more eminent con∣dition then the rest, and consequently deserving a greater honor in his funerals, he commanded him clothed and armed as he was to be cut into four quarters, and so cast also into the Sea, where for the merit of his works his body was intombed in the bellies of the hungry Lizards, whereof there was a great company all about our Junk, that shewed themselves above water, allured by the appast of those formerly thrown over-board; and in precipitating him so dis∣membered into the Sea, Antonio de Faria in stead of a prayer, Go wicked wretch, said he, to the bottom of Hell, where thy damned Soul doth now enjoy the promised delights of thy Maho∣met, as thou didst yesterday publish to these other Dogs such as thy self. Thereupon he com∣manded all the Slaves and Captives of his company, together with their Masters, before him, unto whom he made a speech like a true Christian, as indeed he was, whereby he prayed them in the Name of God to manumit these Slaves, according to the promise he had made them be∣fore the fight, engaging himself to satisfie them for it out of his own Estate: Whereunto they answered all with one consent, that since it was his desire they were wel contented, and that they did even then set them at full liberty, whereof he caused a writing to be presently made with all their hands unto it, being as much as could be done for the instant, but afterwards each of them had in particular Letters of manumission granted unto them. This done, an Inventory was taken of such Commodities as were found to be good and merchantable, over and above those which were given to the Portugals, and all was praised at an hundred and thirty thousand Taeis in Silver Lingots of Iapan, consisting of Sattin, Damask, raw Silk, Taffety, Musk, and very fine Porcelain, for as touching the rest they were not put in writing; And all these Robberies Page  75 the Pyrats had committed on the Coasts between Sumbor and Fucheo, where for above a year together they had coursed up and down.

After that Antonio de Faria had remained four and twenty days in this River of Tinlau,* during which time all his hurt men were cured, he set sail directly for Liampoo, where he purposed to pass the Winter, to the end that with the beginning of the Spring he might set forth on his Voyage to the Mynes of Quoaniaparu, as he had resolved with Quiay Panian, the Chinese Pyrat that was in his company, but being advanced even to the point of Micuy, which is at the height of six and twenty degrees, so great a Tempest arose towards the North-west, that we were fain to strike our top-sails, for fear we should be forced back again from our course; but after dinner it increased with such a terrible storm of rain, and the Sea went so high, that the two Lanteas were not able to brook it, so that about evening they made to Land, with an intent to recover the River of Xilendau, which was about a league and an half from thence, whereupon Antonio de Faria doubting some misfortune, carried as little sail as possibly he could, as well for that he would not outgo the Lanteas, as in regard of the violence of the wind, which was such, as they durst not carry more: Now by reason the night was so dark, and the billows so great, they could not discern a shelf of sand, that lay betwixt an Island and the point of a Rock, so that passing over it our Junk struck her self so rudely on it, as her upper keel cleft in two or three places, and her under keel a little, whereupon the Gunner would have given fire to a Falconet, for to have warned the other Junks to come in to succor us in this extremity, but Antonio de Faria would by no means permit him, saying, that since it pleased God he should be cast away in that place, there was no reason that others should be lost there also for his cause; But he desired every one to assist him, both with manual labor, and secret prayers unto God to pardon their sins: Having said so, he caused the main Mast to be cut down, whereby the Junk came to be in somewhat a better case then she was before; but alas! the fall of it cost three Mariners and one of our servants their lives, who chancing to be under it when it fell were battered all to pieces; In like manner he made all the other Masts from poop to prow to be hewed down, together with all the dead works, as the cabins and galleries with∣out, so that all was taken away close to the hatches. And though all this was done with incre∣dible diligence, yet it stood us in little stead, for that the weather was so foul, the sea so swoln, the night so dark, the waves so furious, the rain so great, and the violence of the storm so in∣tolerable, that no man was able to withstand it: In the mean time the other four Junks made a sign to us, as if they also were cast away; Whereupon Antonio de Faria lifting up his eyes and hands to Heaven, Lord, said he before them all, as through thy infinite mercy thou wast fast∣ened upon the Cross for the Redemption of sinners, so I beseech thee, who art all mercy, that for the satisfaction of thy Iustice I alone may suffer for the offences which these men have com∣mitted, since I am the principal cause of their trespassing against thy divine goodness; permit not then, O Lord, that in this woful night they may fall into that danger wherein I see my self as this present by reason of my sins; but with a repentant Soul I most humbly beseech thee, and that in the name of all the rest, though I am most unworthy to be heard, that in stead of having regard to our sins, thou wilt behold us with the eyes of that pity and infinite clemency wherewith thou art replenished. Upon these words we all fell a crying out so lamentably, Lord have mercy upon us, that it would have grieved any heart in the world to have heard us; And as all men, that find themselves in the like extremity, are naturally carried to the preserva∣tion of their lives, without any regard at all of ought else, there was not one amongst us that sought not the means to safe his, so that all of us together employed our selves in discharging our Vessel, by casting our goods into the Sea; To which effect about an hundred men of us, as well Portugals, as Slaves and Mariners, leapt down into the Ship, and in less then an hour heav'd all over-board, without any respect in so eminent a danger of that which we did, for amongst the rest we threw twelve great chests full of lingots of Silver into the Sea, which in the last incounter we had taken from Coia Acem, besides many other things of great value, whereby our Junk was somewhat lightened.

Having past the night in that miserable state we were in, at length,* as the day began to break, it pleased God that the wind also began to slack, whereby our Junk remained a little more at rest, though she was still in great peril, by reason of the water sh• had taken in, it be∣ing almost four yards deep in her, so that to avoyd the eminent danger we were threatened with, we all of us got forth, and catching hold by the tackle we hung on the out-side of the Junk, because the waves beat with such violence against her, that we feared to be drowned, Page  76 or cast against the Rocks, which had already happened to eleven or twelve of our company for want of taking heed: Now when the day began perfectly to appear, it pleased God that Mem Taborda's and Antonio Anriquez Junks discovered us, and presently coming up close to us, they that were in her threw us a great many staves tyed to cords, to the end we might fasten our selves to them, as we presently did, and therein an hour was spent with much ado, by rea∣son of the extream disorder amongst us, every man desiring and striving to be first saved, by which occasion twenty men were drowned, whereof five were Portugals, for whom Anto∣nio de Faria was more grieved, then for the loss of the Junk, and all the goods that were in her, although the value thereof was not so small, but that it amounted to above an hundred thou∣sand Ta•is, and that in Silver alone; for the greatest part of the booty, taken from Coia A∣cem, had been put into Antonio de Faria's Junk, as that which was held to be freer from dan∣ger then all the rest: Thus after we had with much peril and pain gotten into Taborda's Junk, we past all that day in continual lamentation for our ill success without hearing any news of our consorts; Nevertheless it pleased God, that about evening we discovered two Sails, which made so many short turnings from one side to another, as one might well guess they did it of purpose to spend time, whereby we were perswaded that they were of our company. Now because it was almost night, we thought it not fit to go to them for some reasons given there∣upon, but having made them a sign they answered us presently with the like according to our desire, and about the end of the last watch they approached so near unto us, that after they had sadly saluted us they demanded how the Captain General and the rest did; whereunto we re∣plyed, that as soon as it was day we would tell them, and that in the mean time they should retire from thence till the next morning that it was light, for that the waves then went so high, as some disaster might otherwise ensue thereupon. The next day as soon as the Sun began to appeared two Portugals came to us from Quiay Panians Junk, who seeing Antonio de Faria in the case he was in aboard Mem Taborda's Junk, and understanding the bad success of his fortune, they recounted theirs unto us, which seemed to be little better then ours; for they declared that a gust of wind had caught up and thrown three of their men a stones cast from the Vessel into the Sea, a thing never seen nor heard of before: Withall they delivered, how the little Junk was cast away, with fifty men in her, almost all Christians, amongst the which were seven Portugals, and the Captain, named Nuno Preto, an honorable man, and of great cou∣rage and wisdom, whereof he had given good proof in the former adversities: A• this relation Antonio de Faria was very much grieved, but much more when a little after one of the two Lanteas, of whom no news had been heard of till then, arriving, told us what dangers they had ran, and that the other having broken their cables, and left their anchors in the Sea, was in their sight battered all to pieces on the Sea shoar, all that were in her being drowned, saving thirteen persons, whereof there were five Portugals, and three servants Christians, whom those of the Country had made Slaves, and carried to a place, called Nouday; so that by this unlucky Tempest two Junks, and one Lantea, or Lorch, were cast away, wherein above an hundred men were lost, besides Slaves, Apparel, Commodities, Silver, Jewels, Ordnance, Arms, Victual, and Munition, worth in all above two hundred thousand Duckets, in so much tha• both our General, and every one of us Soldiers, found our selves destitute of all manner of relief, having nothing left us but what was upon our backs. We learnt afterwards, that such-like fortunes at Sea do ordinarily happen on this Coast of China, more then in any other part, so that it is impossible to sail there a whole year together without shipwrack, unless upon the Conjunction of the new Moons one fly into the Ports for shelter, which are there so many, and so good, that without fear of any thing one may enter them easily, because they are all very clear, except those of Lamau and Sumbor, which have certain Rocks lying some half a league South∣ward from the mouth of the River.

CHAP. XXII. Antonio de Faria hath news of the five Portugals that were made Captives; his Letter to the Mandarin of Nouday about them; and his assaulting the said Town.

*AFter this furious Tempest was wholly asswaged, Antonio de Faria incontinently im∣barqued himself in the other great Junk, that he had taken from Coia Acem, whereof Pedro de Silva was Captain, and setting sail he departed with the rest of his Company, which Page  77 consisted of three Junks, and one Lorch, or Lantea, as the Chineses term them. The first thing he did then was to go and anchor in the Haven of Nouday, to the end he might learn some news of the thirteen Captives, that were carried thither; being arrived there about night he sent two small Barques, called Baloes, well man'd, to spy the Port, and sound the depth of the River, as also to observe the scituation of the Country, and to learn by some means what Ships were riding there, together with divers other matters answerable to his design; For which effect he commanded the Mariners to endeavor all they could for to surprize some of the Inhabitants of the Town, that by them he might be truly informed what was become of the Portugals, by reason he was afraid they were already carried further up into the Country. These Baloes went away about two hours after midnight, and arrived at a little Village seated at the mouth of the River on a little stream of water, called Nipaphau; There it pleased God that they behaved themselves so well, as they returned before day aboard our Junk, bringing along with them a Barque laden with earthen vessel, and Sugar canes, which they had found lying at anchor in the midst of the River: In this Barque there were eight men, and two wo∣men, together with a little child some six or seven years old, who seeing themselves thus in our power, became so transported with the fear of death, that they were in a manner besides them∣selves, which Antonio de Faria perceiving labored all he could to comfort them, and began to speak them very fair, but to all his questions, he could draw no other answer from them then these words following, Do not kill us without cause, for God will require an account of our blood from you, because we are poor folks; and saying thus, they wept and trembled in such sort, as they could scarce pronounce a word; Whereupon Antonio de Faria, pitying their misery and simplicity, would importune them no further: Howbeit, the better to compass his intent, he intreated a Chinese woman, that was a Christian, and came along with the Pilot, to make much of them, and to assure them they should have no hurt, to the end, that being more confirmed by this means, they might answer to that should be demanded of them; Wherein the Chinese so well acquitted her self, and made them so tractable, as about an hour after they told her, that if the Captain would let them freely return in their boat to the place from whence they were taken, they would willingly confess all that either they had heard or seen. Antonio de Faria having promised them to do so, and that with many words and pro∣testations one amongst them, that was ancienter, and that seemed to be of more authority then the rest, addressing himself to him: Truly, said he, I do not rely much on thy words, because that by amplifying of them in such manner thou makest me afeard, that the affect will not be conformable to thy steech; Wherefore I beseech thee to swear unto me by this Element that bears thee, that thou wilt not fail to perform that which thou hast promised unto me: for otherwise perjuring thy self, be assured that the Lord, whose hand is Almighty, will be incensed against thee with such indignat••n, as the winds from above, and the Seas from below, will never cease to oppose thy desires during thy Voyages; for I vow unto thee by the beauty of these Stars, that lying is no less odious and abominable in the sight of that Soveraign Lord, then the pride of those Iudges on Earth, that with scorn and contempt do answer those which de∣mand Iustice of them. Antonio de Faria obliging himself by oath, as the old man required, to perform his word, the Chinese said he was satisfied, and then he continued in this sort: A∣bout two days since I saw those men, whom thou enquirest after, layd in prison at Nouday with great irons on their legs, because it was beleeved they were notorious Theeves, that made a trade of robbing such as they met upon the Seas. This relation very much enraged and disqui∣eted Antonio de Faria, who was perswaded that it might well be as the old man delivered, so that desiring to take some course for their deliverance as soon as might be, he sent them a Letter by one of the Chineses, retaining all the rest in hostage for him, who departed the next morning by break of day, and because it much imported the Chineses to be delivered out of captivity, he that carried the Letter, and that was husband to one of the two women, which had been taken in the boat of earthen vessel, and were now aboard in our Junk, made such speed, that he returned about noon with an answer, endorsed on the Letter we sent, and sign∣ed by all the five Portugals; Thereby they gave Antonio de Faria to understand, that they were cruelly detained in prison, out of which they did not think they should ever get, unless it were to go to execution, and therefore they besought him for the passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would not suffer them to perish there for want of succor, according as he had promised them at their setting forth in that Voyage, and the rather in regard it was only for his sake that they were reduced to that miserable estate; Hereunto they added many other very Page  78 pitiful entreaties, as might well come from such poor wretches, that were Captives under the Tyranny of such fell and cruel people, as the Chineses were. Antonio de Faria, having re∣ceiv•d this Letter, read it in the presence of all his Company, of whom he asked counsel there∣upon; but as they were many, so were their opinions many and different, which was the oc∣casion of much contention amongst them; whereby perceiving that nothing would be conclu∣ded concerning this affair, he said to them as it were in choller; My Masters and Friends, I promised to God by a solemn oath that I have taken, never to part from hence, till by some means or other I have recovered these poor Soldiers, my companions, though I should therefore venture my life a thousand times, yea and all my estate, which I make little reckoning of in regard of them; wherefore, my Masters, I earnestly desire you, that no man go about to oppose this resolution of mine, upon the execution whereof mine honor wholly depends, for whosoever shall contrary me therein I must take him for mine enemy, as one that would seek the prejudice of my Soul. To this speech all made answer, that he was in the right, and that for the discharge of his conscience nothing should stay him from performing the same; adding moreover, that all of them would stand to him in that behalf to the death. The Captain hereupon giving them many thanks, and with tears in his eyes and his hat in his hand embracing them, protested that he would when time should serve acknowledg this good-will of theirs in such real manner as it deserved, wherewith they all remained very well satisfied.

*This resolution being taken, they fell to councel concerning the carriage of this affair, where∣upon they concluded to treat with the Mandarin in a gentle manner, and for that end to send unto him to demand these Prisoners, with promise to give him for their ransom whatsoever should be thought reasonable, and that according to his answer such further course should be taken therein as should seem requisite: A Petition then was presently drawn answerable to the form, that was usually presented to the Judges, which Antonio de Faria sent to the Manda∣rin by two of the chiefest of the Chineses he had taken, who also carried him a present worth two hundred duckets, whereby he hoped to induce him to restore the poor prisoners; but it fell out far otherwise then he expected: For as soon as the Chineses had delivered the Petition and the Present, they returned the next day with an answer written on the back of the Petition, the tenor whereof was this: Let thy mouth come and present it self at my feet, and after I have heard thee I will do thee justice. Antonio de Faria seeing what high words the Manda∣rin gave was exceedingly troubled, because he well perceived by this beginning, that he should have much ado to deliver his companions, wherefore having communicated this affair in parti∣cular to some few, whom for that end he had called unto him, they were of several opinions; nevertheless after good deliberation it was at length concluded to send another Messenger, that should more effectually demand the Prisoners of him, and for their ransom offer the sum of two thousand Tacis in lingots of Silver and Commodities, declaring unto him, that he would not part from that place till he had returned them; for he made account that it might be this reso∣lution would oblige him to do that which he had refused him another way, or that he would be carried to it by the consideration of his own gain and interest. So the two Chineses went again the second time with a Letter sealed up, as from one person to another, without any kind of ceremony or complement, which these Gentiles so much use amongst themselves; And this Antonio de Faria did of purpose, to the end that by the sharpness of this Letter the Mandarin might know he was displeased, and resolved to execute what he had written. But before I proceed any further I will only relate the two main points of the contents of the Letter, which were the cause of the utter ruine of this business. The first was, where Antonio de Faria said, that he was a Merchant stranger, a Portugal by Nation, that was going by way of Traffique towards the Port of Liampoo, where there were also many other Merchants strangers like him∣self, who duly payd the usual Customs, without committing any manner of ill or injustice. The second point was, where he said, that the King of Portugal his Master was allyed in a brotherly amity with the King of China, by reason whereof they traded in his Country, as the Chineses used to do at Malaca, where they were entertained with all favor and justice duly ministred unto them. Now though both these points were distastful to the Mandarin, yet the last, wherein he mentioned the King of Portugal to be brother to the King of China, was that which put him so out of patience, that without any regard at all he commanded them that brought the Letter, not only to be cruelly scourged, but to have their noses cut off, and in that pickle he sent them back to Antonio de Faria with an answer written on a scurvy piece of torn p•p•r, where these words were written: Stinking carrion, begotten of vile flies in the filthiest Page  79 sink that •ver was in any dungeon of a lothsom prison, what hath made thy baseness so bold, as that thou darest undertake to meddle with heavenly things? Having caused thy Petition to be read, whereby like a Lord, as I am, thou prayest me to have pity on thee, which art but a poor wr•tch, my greatness, out of its generosity, was even deigning to accept of that little thou pre∣sentedst me withall, and was also inclining to grant thy request, when as my ears were touched with the horrible blasphemy of thy arrogance, which made thee t•rm thy King Brother to the son of the Sun, the Lion crowned by an incredible Power in the Throne of the World, under whose feet all the Diad•ms of those that govern the Vniverse are subjected, nay all Scepters do ••rve but as latches to his most rich sandals, as the Writers of the golden Temple do certifie under the Law of their Verities, and that through the whole habitable Earth: Know then, that for the great Heresie thou hast uttered, I have caused thy Paper to be burnt, thereby re∣presenting the vile effigies of thy person, which I desire to use in like manner for the enormous •rime thou hast committed; wherefore I command thee to be speedily packing, that the River which bears thee may not be accursed. So soon as the Interpreter had read the Letter, and ex∣pounded the contents thereof, all that heard it were much vexed therewith, but no man was so sensible of it as Antonio de Faria, who was exceedingly grieved to see himself thus wholly deprived of all hope of recovering his Prisoners, wherefore after they had well considered the insolent words of the Mandarins Letter, and his great discourtesie, they in the end concluded to go ashoar, and attaque the Town, in hope that God would assist them, seeing their inten∣tions were good; For this effect they instantly prepared Vessels to land with, which were the •our fishermens great Barques they had taken the night before: Whereupon taking a muster of the Forces he could make for this enterprize, he found the number to be three hundred, where∣of forty were Portugals, the rest were Slaves and Mariners, besides Quiay Panians men, amongst whom were an hundred and threescore Harquebusiers, the others were armed with Pikes and Lance•; he had also some Pieces of Ordnance, and other things necessary for his de∣sign.

The next morning a little before day Antonio de Faria sailed up the River with three Junks,* the Lorches, and the four Barques he had taken, and so went and anchored at six fathom and an half of water close by the walls of the Town; Then causing the sails to be taken down without any noise, or discharge of Ordnance, he displayed the Banner of Trade according to the fashion of China, to the end that by this demonstration of peace no complement should rest unper∣formed, although he was perswaded that nothing would prevail with the Mandarin: Here∣upon he sent another Messenger unto him, never making shew that he had received any ill usage from him, by whom with a great deal of complement he demanded the Prisoners, and offered him a round sum of mony for their ransom, with a promise of perpetual correspondence and amity; But so far was this Dog the Mandarin from harkening thereunto, that contrariwise he made the poor Chinese, that carried the Letter, to be hewed in pieces, and so shewed him from the top of the wall to the whole Fleet, the more to despight us. This tragical act wholly de∣prived Antonio de Faria of that little hope, which some had given him for the deliverance of the Prisoners; hereupon the Soldiers, being more incensed then before, said unto him, that since he had resolved to land, he should no longer defer it, because further delay would but give his Enemies leasure to gather more strength: This counsel seeming good to him, he presently im∣barqued with them he had chosen for the action, having first given order to his Junks to shoot continually at the Town, and the Enemy, wheresoever they perceived any •tore of people as∣sembled, howbeit with this caution, to forbear till they saw them together by the ears with them. Having landed then about a Faulcon shot below the Rode, he marched without any le• along the shoars side directly to the Town: In the mean time a number of people appeared upon the walls, with divers ensigns of different colours, where these Barbarous made a mighty nois• Fifes, Drums, and Bells, and withall hooting at us, made us signs with their caps to approach, thereby intimating the little reckoning they made of us: Now by that time we were come within a Musket shot of the walls, we discerned some thousand, or twelve hundred men, as we guessed, sally out at two several gates, of which some sixscore were mounted on horses, or to say better, on lean carrion Tits that were nothing but skin and bone, wherewith they began to course up and down the field in a skirmishing manner, wherein they shewed themselves so untoward, as they often ran one upon another, and tumbled down together; which when Antonio de Faria saw he was exceeding glad, and encouraging his men to the fight he stood firm attending the Enemy, who continued still wheeling about us, being perswaded, it seems, Page  80 that that would suffice to skare us, and make us retire to our vessels; But when they perceived us remain unmoved, without turning our backs as they beleeved, and as it may be, they desired we would doe, they closed themselves into one body, and so in very ill order they made a stand without advancing on. But then our Captain, see∣ing them in this posture, caused all his Muskettiers to discharge at one instant, who till that time had not stirred, which succeeded with such effect, as it pleased God that he most part of this goodly Cavalry fell to the ground with feare; we taking this for a good presage ran and lustily pursued them, invoking to our aid the name of Jesus, whose good pleasure it was though his divine mercy, to make our enemies slye before us so amazed, and in such disorder, as they tumbled pell mell one upon another, in which manner arriving at a bridge that crost the town ditch, they were so pestered together, as they could neither go forward nor backward; in the mean time our forces coming up to them discharged their shot to such purpose amongst them, that we laid three hundred of them on the earth, which in truth was a pittifull sight to behold, because there was not one of them that had the heart so much as to draw a sword: whereupon hotly pursuing the first point of this victory, we ran to the g•te, where we found the Manda∣rin in the front of six hundred men, mounted upon a good Horse, having on • cuirasse lined with purple Velvet, which had belonged, as we knew afterwards, to a Portugal, named Tome Perez, whom King Don Emanoel of glorious memory had sent as Am∣bassador to China, in Fernando Perez his ship, at such time as Lopo Suarez d' Alber∣garia governed the Indies. At the entrance into the gate the Mandarin and his people made head against us, so that there was a shrewd bickering between us, this enemy shew∣ing another manner of courage then we had met with on the bridge; but by good hap it fortuned that one of our servant hit the Mandarin just in the breast with an Harque∣busse shot, and overthrew him dead from his Horse, wherewith all the Chinesses were so terrified, as they presently turned their backs, and in great disorder retired within the gate, not one of them having the wit to shut it after them, so that we chased them before us with our Lances, as if they had been a drove of cattell: In this sort they fled pell mell to∣gether quite through a great street, and issued out at another gate, which was on the lands from whence they got all away, not so much as one remaining behind. There∣upon Antonio de Faria, assembling his men into one body, for fear of some disorder, marched with them directly to the prison, where our companions lay, who seeing us coming, gave a great cry, saying, Lord have mercy upon us, straightway the doors and iron grates were broken up, and our poor fellows irons knocked off their legs, which being done, and they set at liberty, all our company had leave to make what purchase they could, to the end that without speaking afterwards of partition, every one might be Ma∣ster of what he had gotten. Howbeit Antonio de Faria desired them to perform it sud∣denly, and therefore he gave them but half an houres time for it, whereunto they all con∣descended very willingly, and so •ell to ransacking the houses. In the mean space Anto∣nio de Faria went to that of the Mandarin, which he took for his part, where he met with eight thousand Taeis in silver, together with eight great vessels full of Muske, and that he caused to be reserved for himself; the rest he left to the servants that were with him, who moreover found there a great deal of raw Silke, Sattin, Damask, and fine Pourcellain, whereof every one took as much as he could carry, so as the four Barques, and the three Champanaes, that brought our men on shore, were four several times la∣den and unladen aboard the Juncks, insomuch that the meanest Marriner amongst us spake not of this booty but by whole cases, besides what each one concealed in his particular.

But when Antonio de Faria perceived that an hour and half had been spent in pil∣laging, he commanded a surcease thereof, but his company were so hot upon the spoil, that by no means they would be drawn from it, wherein the persons of qualitie were most saul∣ty, in which regard our Captain fearing least some disaster might happen by reason the night approached, he caused the Town to be set on fire in eleven or twelve places; Now for that most of it was built of Firr, and other wood, it was in such a flame within a quarter of an hour, as to see it burn so, one would have taken it for a pourtraiture of Hell. This done, and all our company retired, Antonio de Faria embarqued without any im∣pediment, every man being well satisfied and contented, onely it was great pittie to behold a number of handsome maids lead away, tied four and four and five and five together Page  81 with the matches of their Muskets, weeping and lamenting, whilst our people did no∣thing but laugh and sing.

CHAP. XXIII. Antonio de Faria's Navigation till he came to the Port of Liampoo; his arrival and gallant reception there by the Portugals.

AFter that Antonio de Faria had embarqued his men, the first thing he did was •o give order for the dressing of those that were hurt,* which were in number fif∣tie, whereof eight of them were Portugals, and the rest slaves and Mariners: He also took care for the burial of the dead, that were not above nine, of which onely one was a Portugal. All that night we kept good watch, and placed Sentinels in sundry parts, for fear of the Junks that were upon the River; The next morning as soon as it was day, our Captain went to a little Town that was on the other side of the water, where he met not with any Inhabitant, they being all fled, howbeit he found a great deal of Merchan∣dise in their houses, together with good store of Victuals, wherewith he had laded the Junks, fearing lea•t that which he had done in this place, should be the occasion of barring him from being furnished with any in the Ports where he should happen to arrive. Fur∣thermore, by the advice of his company, he resolved to go and winter, during the three moneths he had yet to make his voyage in, at a certain desart Island, distant some fifteen leagues from the Sea of Liampoo, called Pullo Hinhor, where there was a good road, and good water; whereunto he was chiefly induced, because he thought that going directly to Liampoo, his voyage thither might bring some prejudice to the traffique of the Portugals, who wintered there peaceably with their goods: And indeed this advice was so approved of every one, as it was generally applauded. Being departed then from Nouday▪ after we had sailed five dayes between the Isles of Comolem, and the continent, we were set upon on Saturday about noon by a Pirate, named Premata Gundel, a sworn enemy to the Portugals, unto whom he had oftentimes done much damage, as well at Patana, as at Sunda, Siam, and many other places, when he found himself the stronger. This Ro∣ver beleeving that we were Chineses came and assailed us with two great Juncks, where∣in there were two hundred fighting men, besides Mariners; One of them being grappled to Mem Taborda's Junk had almost made her self Master of it, which Quiay Panian per∣ceiving, who was a little before, he turned upon her, and with full sails running her on the Sta•board side gave her so terrible a shock, that they sank both together, whereby Mem Taborda was delivered from the danger he was in, howbeit Quia Panian was instantly, and so opportunely succoured by three Lorches, which Antonio de Faria had taken a lit∣tle before at Nouday, that all his men in a manner were saved, but every one of the ene∣mies were drowned: In the mean time the Pyrate Premata Gundel, setting upon the great Junk, wherein Antonio de Faria was, the first thing he did was to grapple her poop to prow with two great cramp-irons, fastened to long chains, whereupon began such a fight betwixt them, as deserved to be seen, which for half an hour was so coura∣giously maintained by the Enemie, that Antonio de Faria and most of his men were hurt, and himself besides in danger twice to have been taken; neverthelesse it was his good hap to be relieved in time by three Lorches, and a small Junck, commanded by Pedro de Sylva, by which means it pleased God that ours not onely recovered what they had lo•t, but pressed the Enemie in such sort, as the fight ended with the death of fourscore and six Mahometans, which were in Antonio de Faria's Junk, and had held him up so strait, that our men had nothing left them but the fore-deck in her: After this we entred into the Pirates Junck, and put all those to the edge of the Sword that we found there, not sparing so much as one, all the Mariners having cast themselves before into the Sea. Howbeit we got not this victorie so cheap, but that it cost seventeen mens lives, where∣of five were Portugals, and of the best Souldiers we had, besides three and fourty were hurt▪ Antonio de Faria being one of them, who had one wound with a dart, and two with a sword. The fight being ended in this sort, an Inventorie was taken of all that was in the enemies Junck, and this prize was estimated at fourscore thousand Ta•is, the better part whereof consisted in Lingots of silver of Iapan, which the Pirate had taken in three Merchants Ships, that from Firando were bound for Chincheo, so that the Pirate had in Page  82 this onely vessel to the value of sixscore thousand crowns, and it was thought that the other Junck which was sunk was worth •s much, to the extream grief of all our com∣pany. With this prize Antonio de Faria retired to a little Island, called Buncalou, which was three or four Leagues Westward from thence, and much commended for good wa∣ter, and safe riding: Having landed in this place, we spent eighteen dayes there, lodging in Cabbins, that were made for the accommodation of our hurt men. From this Island we sailed towards that part, whither we had resolved before to go, namely, Antonio de Faria in the great Junk, Mem Taborda, and Antonio Anriquez in theirs, Pedro de Sylva in the lit∣tle Junk, that was taken at Nouday, and Quiay Panian with all his followers in the Pyrats, last taken, which was given him in recompence of his that he had lost, together with twen∣ty thousand Taeis out of the general booty, wherewith he rested very well contented, being done with the consent of the whole company at the request of Antonio de Faria. Sail∣ing in this manner we arrived six dayes after at the Ports of Liampoo, which are two Islands, one just against another, distant three Leagues from the place, where at that time the Portugals used their commerce; There they had built above a thousand houses, that were governed by Sheriffs, Auditors, Consuls, Judges, and six or seven other kinde of Officers, where the Notaries underneath the publique Acts, which they made, wrote thus, I▪ such a one, publique Notarie of this Town of Liampoo for the King our Soveraign Lord. And this they did with as much confidence and assurance, as if this place had been scitu∣ated between Santarem and Lisbon; so that there were houses there which cost three or four thousand Duckats the building, but both they and all the rest were afterwards de∣molished for our sins by the Chineses, as I hope to relate more amply hereafter: Whereby one may see how uncertain our •ffairs are in China, whereof the Portugals▪ discourse with so much curiosity, and abused by apparances make such account, never considering what hazard they hourly run, and how they are exposed to infinite disasters.

*Between these two Islands, which the Inhabitants of the Country, and they that sail in those Seas, call the Ports of Liampoo, there is a channel, some two Harquebuse shot o∣ver, and five and twenty fathom deep, where in certain places is very good anchoring, as also a pleasant River of fresh water, which takes his beginning from the top of a mountain, and passeth by thick woods of Cedar, Oak, and Firr trees, whereof many Ships make their provision for Sail-yards, Masts and Planks, never costing them a penny. At these Islands Antonio de Faria cast anchor on Wednesday morning, and there Mem Taborda, and Antonio Anriquez desired him to give them leave to go and advertise the Town of his Arrival, as likewise to understand the news of the Country, and whether there was any speech of that which he had done at Nouday; For in case his coming should prove ne∣ver so lit•le prejudiciall to them, he was resolved (as I have formerly related) to winter in the Isle of Pullo Hinhor, concerning the which they promised with all diligence to advertize him so much as they could learn: To this request of theirs, Antonio de Faria condescended very willingly, and withall sent certain Letters by them, directed to the Principal Governours of the Town, whereby he made them a brief Recitall of the successe of his Voyage, and instantly desired them to advise him what they would have him to do, being ready to obey them accordingly, with many other complements of kindnesse, from whence oftentimes much profit arises, without any charge at all. An∣tonio Anriquez and Mem Taborda departed about evening, and within two hours of night, they arrived at the Town, where as soon as the Inhabitants heard the effect of their Message, they presently assembled upon the ringing of a Bell, at the Church of the concep∣tion of our Lady, being the Cathedral of six or seven others in the Town, there they de∣liberated upon the Letters which Antonio Anrqiuez and Mem Taborda had delivered, and in the end having considered the great liberalitie that Antonio de Faria had used, as well to them as to all the rest that had part in the Junk, they concluded to acknowledge it un∣to him by all demonstrations of affection; For which purpose they returned him a Letter, signed by them all, as the Resolution of a General Assembly, and sent it him together with two Lantea•• full of divers refreshments, and that by an ancient Gentleman, named Ie∣ronimo de Rego, a Personage of great wisdome and authoritie amongst them: In this Let∣ter they g•ve him thanks in very courteous termes, both for the exceeding favour he had done them by rescuing their goods out of the enemies hands, and for the noble T•stimo∣nie he had given them of his aff•ction by his extraordinary liberality towards them, for Page  83 which they hoped that God would throughly requite him: As for the fear he was in touch∣ing his wintering there, by reason of what had past at Nouday, he might be confident that way, because the Country was so full of trouble, by occasion of a mighty uprore that was then amongst the people thereof, as if he had razed the very Citie of Canton it self, they would not much regard it, wherefore he might well thinke they would care much lesse for that which he had done at Nouday, which in China, compared with many others, was no greater then Oeyras in Portugal is, being equally with Lisbon: And concerning the good news he had sent them of his arrivall in their Port, they earnestly desired him to continue still at anchor there six dayes longer, that they might in the mean while make some fit preparation for his entertaiment, seeing that thereby onely they should be able to testifie their good will unto him, having not the power other wayes to acquit so many obligations, wherein they stood ingaged unto him. These words of kindness were accom∣panied with many other complements, whereunto Antonio de Faria returned them a most curteous Answer, and condescending to their desire, he sent all his sick men on shore in the two Lanteaas, which brought the refreshments, whom those of Liampoo received with great shew of affection and charity, for presently they were lodged in the richest houses of the Town, and plentifully accommodated with all things necessary for them, want∣ing nothing. Now during the six dayes Antonio de Faria remained in that place, there was not a man of any qualitie in all the Town, but came and visited him with ma∣ny presents, and divers sorts of provisions, refreshments, and fruits, and that in such abun∣dance, that we were amazed to behold them, the more too for the good order and mag∣nificence wherewith every thing was accompanied.

During the six dayes,* that Antonio de Faria continued in the Port according to his pro∣mise to them of Liampoo, he never budgd from his Ships▪ At length on Sunday morning before day, which was the time limited for our going to the Town, an excellent consort of Musick was heard, both of Instruments and Voyces, the harmony whereof was won∣derfully pleasing, and after that a Triumph of Drums and Trumpets together, according to the manner of our own country: Then some two houres before Sun-rising, the night be∣ing very quiet, and the Moon exceeding bright, Antonio de Faria set sail with his whole Fleet, having all his Ships decked with Silken Flaggs, and streamers of sundry Colours, and every scuttle both of the greater and lesser masts hung round about with cloth of Silver, and many brave Standards of the same: After these Vessels followed a number of row-Barges, wherein were a great many of Trumpets, Hoboyes, Flutes, Fifes, Drums, and other such Instruments, each one of a several Invention.

When it was broad day the winde began to calm, as we were within half a League of the Town, whereupon there came presently to us some twenty Lanteaas, very well set forth, and full of Musicians, that played on divers Instruments; So in lesse then an hour we arrived at the Road, but first there came aboard Antonio de Faria about threescore Boats and Manchaas, adorned with Pavilions and Banners of Silke, as also with Turkie Carpets of great value; In these Boats were about three hundred men, all richly apparrel∣led, with chains of Gold, and guilt Swords, hanging in Belts after the fashion of Affrick, every thing so well accommodated, that we which beheld this Equipage, were no lesse con∣tented then astonished therewith. With this train Antonio de Faria came to the Town, where there stood ranged in excellent order twenty six ships, and fourscore Junks, besides a great sort of Vancons and Barcasses, all in File one after another, so making as it were a fair long street, every where beautified with Pines, Laurels, and green Canes, with many Triumphal Arches, beset with Cherries, Pears, Lemons, Oranges, and sundry odoriferous green Herbs, wherewith the Masts and Cordage were covered all over. As soon as Anto∣nio de Faria came neer the place, which was prepared for his landing, he saluted the Town with a great pe•l of Ordnance, which was instantly answered with the like by all the Ships, Junks and Barques before mentioned, in order, a matter very pleasing, and wherewith the Chinese Merchants were so taken, as they demanded of us, Whether this man, unto whom we did so much honour, was either the brother or kinsman of our King? whereunto certain chief me• of the Town answered, That his Father shod the Horses, whereon the King of Portugal rode, and that in that regard all this honour was done him; adding withall, That they thought themselves scarce worthy to be his slaves, much lesse his servants; The Chineses beleeving all this to be true, said one to another, as it were in admiration; Verily, there be great Kings Page  84 in the world, whereof our ancient Historians for want of knowledge of them have made no men∣tion in their Writings, and it seems that above them all, the King of these Portugals is to be most esteemed, for by that which is delivered to us of his greatnesse, he must needs be richer, more mighty, and greater then either the Tartar, or the Cauchin, as is most apparent, since be that shooes his horses, which is but an ordinary and contemptible trade in every Country, is so respected by those of his Nation; Whereupon another that heard his Companion say thus, Certainly, said he, this Prince is so great, that if it were not a blasphemy, one might almost compare him to the Son of the Sun; The rest that were about him added, It well ap∣pears to be so by the great riches which this bearded Nation get in every place where they come by the power of their armes, wherewith they affront all the People of the world. This salutation being ended on either part, a Lanteaa came aboard Antonio de Faria's Junk, gallantly equipped, and covered all over with boughs of Chesnut trees, full of their bristled •ruit just as they grew, and intermingled with delicate small green trees, which those of the Country call Lechias, stuck every where with most fragrant Roses and Violets, all plash∣ed so close together, that we could not see the Rowers; now upon the upper end of the Deck of this Vessel, there was a kinde of State set up, made of Tynsell, under the which stood a silver chair, and about it six girles of about some ten or eleven yeares of age a piece, wonderful beautiful, and that very harmoniously accorded their voyces, to certain Instru∣ments of Musick whereon they playd: In this Lanteaa then Antonio de Faria embar∣qued himself, and so arrived at the Key with a great noyse of Hoyboys, Trumpets, Drums, Fifes, and other such like, after the manner of the Chineses, Malayoes, Champaas, Siamites, Borneos, Lequios, and other people, that were then in the Haven under the protection of th•Portugals, for fear of the Pi•ates, which in great numbers over-ran all that Sea. Being landed he found a chair of State provided for him, like unto one of those wherein the principall Cha•ms of the Empire are usually carried; In this, but with much refusall first on his side, was he placed, and it being supported by eight silver pillars, it was taken up by eight of the chiefest persons amongst them, apparrelled in gowns of cloth of Gold richly imbroidered, and so was he carried on their shoulders into the Town, environed with threescore Halberdeers, bravely set forth, and their Halberds Damasked with •old and Silver, before him also marched eight Sergeants at Armes, carrying great guilt Maces, clo∣thed in Hongarlines of Crimson-Velvet embroidered with Gold; In the head of them rode eight Knights mounted on gallant white Steeds, and attired in Sattin of the same colour, with white Damask Ensigns, and brave plumes of white Feathers, and fore∣most of all were eight other men likewise on Horseback, wearing Crimson, and green Velvet Caps, which ever and anon cryed out after the manner of China for people to make way. In this sort was Antonio de Faria carried along till alighting out of his chair he went to visit the Governours of the Town, who in way of complement prostrated them∣selves at his feet, wherein some small time being spent, two ancient Gentlemen, who had lived long in that place, the one named Tristan de Gaa, and the other Ieronimo de Rego, made an eloquent Oration in the commendation of him: That done, he was led from thence to the Church through a long street, adorned on both sides with Laurel and Firr Trees, below strewed with Rushes, and above hung with Sattin and Damask, amongst the which divers court-cupboards were placed, whereon stood very curious perfuming pans of Silver, from whence most pleasing and delicious odours breathed forth: Neer to the end of this street was a Tower of Deal Boards erected, painted all over, as if it had been stone, on the top whereof, under a Banner of white Damask, the Royal Arms of Portu∣gal were limned in Gold; and in a window of the same Tower, certain little Boyes were drawn, attired after the Portugal fashion, as al•o an old Woman, that seemed to weep, and hold a man lying dis-membred at her feet, whom some eleven or twelve armed Castillians were a killing, having their Halberds and Partizans dyed with his bloud; All which Fi∣gures were done so to the life, that one would have thought them to have been the very persons they represented. Now this was to signifie how Nimo Gonçalles de Faria, chief of that Noble Family, gave for his armes his own body, at such time as he was slain in the Wars, that had been anciently between Castile and Portugal. Presently hereupon as soon as a clock, that was on the top of the said Tower, had struck thrice, and that the peo∣ple upon this signal were all silent, there came a venerable old man out of the principall gate, apparrelled in a robe of Crimson Damask, accompanied with four Beadles, vvhich Page  85 carried silver Maces before him: Having made a lovv reverence to Antonio de Faria, he told him in termes full of respect, how much all the Inhabitants were obliged unto him, as well for the great liberality he had used towards them, as for the favour he had done them, by having been the onely cause of the recovery of their goods, in acknovv∣ledgement whereof they all offered themselves to be his Vassals for the time to come, and to do him the Homage of Tributaries as long as he lived: And further, if he pleased to cast his eye upon that Table before him, he should behold there as in a clear Mirror, with how much fidelity his Ancestors had gained the honourable name of his Family, as it was ma∣nifest to all the people of Spain, whereby he might well perceive how much it was for his honour that he had performed such generous actions, in regard whereof he most earnestly besought him, and that in the Name of them all, that for a beginning of the Tribute, which they offered to give him by way of Vassallage, he would be pleased to accept of a small Present, they now had brought him, onely for to defray the charge of Match for his Soul∣diers, and that for the rest wherein they stood so far ingaged to him, they promised to dis-ob∣lige themselves in time and place convenient; whereupon they presented him with five C•ses full of Lingots of Silver, to the value of ten thousand Taeis. Antonio de Faria ha∣ving very courteously thanked the good old man for this many Honours had hitherto been done him, as also for the present they now offered unto him, excused himself from recei∣ving of it, though he were very much importuned thereunto.

Antonio de Faria setting forward then to go to the Church, whither he was to have been conducted under a rich Canopie,* which six of the chiefest and honourablest Inhabitants of Liampoo were there ready with for him, he would by no means accept of it, telling them that he vvas not born to have so much honour as they would do him, and so he pro∣ceeded on without other pompe then ordinary, being ac•mpanied with a world of peo∣ple, as well Portugals as others of divers Nations, who for commerce sake wete come to that Port, as the best and richest that was then in that Country. In the mean space whereso∣ever he cast his eye he saw nothing but publique rejoycings, which consisted in daunces, Masks, and Playes of several kindes, invented by those of the Country that lived amongst us; all which became more splendidious by the Trumpets, Cornets, Hoboys, Flutes, Harps, Vials, Fifes, and Drums, that were heard in every corner, and confounded together in a Labyrinth of Voyces after the manner of China, which so amazed the sense, that one knew not whether it were a dream or no, so extraordinary it seemed: Being arrived at the Church door, eight Priests came forth to receive him covered vvith Copes all embroidered vvith Gold and Silver, vvho going in Procession began to sing Te Deum, whereunto many excellent voyces tuned to the Organs answered, which made up as harmonious Mu∣sick as could be heard in the Chappel of any great Prince: In this sort he was carried up to the High Altar, where there was a State of White Damask, and under it a Chair of Carnation Velvet, and at the foot of it a Cushion of the same; In this Chair he sate him down and heard Masse, which was celebrated vvith a great deal of Ceremonie, and a mar∣vellous consort both of Voyces and Instruments. Masse being ended, the Sermon follow∣ed, that was made by Estevano Nogueyra, an ancient man, and Curate of the place, vvho, to speak the truth through discontinuance of preaching, was but little verst in Pul∣pit matters, and illiterate vvithall, howbeit desiring to shew himself that day a learned man in so remarkable a solemnity, he laboured to make demonstration of his best Rhe∣torick; To which effect he grounded all his Sermon on the Prayses of Antonio de Faria, and that in words so ill placed, and so far from his Text, as our Captain was much asha∣med at it, wherefore some of his friends pluckt him three or four times by the Surplis for to make him give over, wherewith being ne•led, he turned him about to those that would have had him leave off, I will not, said he unto them, but will rather say more, for I speake nothing but that which is as true as Gospel, in regard whereof, let me alone I pray you, for I have made a vow to God never to desist from commending this noble Captain, as he more then deserves at my hands, for saving me seven thousand Duckats venture, that Mem Taborda had of mine in his Iunk, and was taken from him by that dog Coia Acem, for which let the soul of so cursed a rogue and wicked Devil be tormented in Hell for ever and ever, whereunto say all with me, Amen. This Conclusion provoked all the Assembly so to laugh, that we could not hear one another in the Church for the noise that was made there. This tumult over, there came out of the Vestry six little Boyes, attired like Angels, with Instruments of Mu∣sick Page  86 in their hands guilt all over, and then the same Priest falling on his knees before the Al∣tar of our Lady, and lifting up his hands, began to sing aloud these words, Virgin, you are a Rose, wh•reunto the little Boyes answered very melodiously with their Instruments, all being performed with such harmony and devotion, as it drew tears from most of the As∣sistants.

*Masse being finished, the four principal Governours of the Town, namely, Mateus de Brito, Lançarote Pereyra, Ieronimo de Rego, and Tristan de Gaa, came unto Antonio de Fa∣ria, and b•ing accompanied with all the Portugals, which were above a thousand in num∣ber, they conducted him into a great place before the Town Hall, that was compassed a∣bout with a small thick wood of Chesnut Trees, all full of Fruit just as they grew, ador∣ned above with Standards and Banners of Silk, and strewed below with Flower de luces, and Red and White Roses, whereof there is great abundance in China. In this Wood were three long Tables set, under a goodly spacious Arbor, that was covered over with Myrtle, and round about were divers Conduits of Water, which ran from one to the other by certain Inventions of the Chineses, that were so subtile, as one could not possibly discern the secret; For by the means of a kinde of Bellows like unto that of an Organ, that was joyned to the principall Conduit, the water rebounded up so high, that when it came to descend again it fell as small as dew, so that with one onely pot full of water, they could gently moisten that great place; before these three Tables were three Court-cup-boards placed, upon the which was a great deal of very fine Pourcelain, and six huge Vessels of Gold, that the Chinese Merchants had borrowed of the Mandarins of the Town of Liam∣poo; For in that Country Persons of quality are served all in Gold, Silver being for those of meaner condition: They brought likewise divers other pieces all of Gold, as great Ba∣sons, Saltsellers and Cups. After they were dismissed which were not for the Banquet, there onely remained those that were invited, being fourscore in number, besides fiftie of Antonio de Faria's Souldiers: These being set at Table were served by young Wenches, very beautiful, and finely apparrelled, according to the manner of the Mandarins; At eve∣ry course that was served up they sung very melodiously to the tune of certain Instruments vvhereon some of their companions played: As for Antonio de Faria he was served by eight Maidens, the Daughters of worthy Merchants, exceeding fair and comely, whom their Fa∣thers had brought thither for that purpose at the request of Mateus de Brito, and Tristan de Gaa; They were attired like Mermaids, and carried the meat to the Table, dancing to the sound of divers Instruments, a marvellous thing to behold, and vvherewithal the Por∣tugals vvere so mightily taken, as they could not sufficiently commend the excellent Order and Gentilenesse of these Magnificencies, by which their eyes and eares were so charmed; Remarkable it was also, that at every health, the Trumpets, Hoboys, and Drums plaid their parts. In this sort the Banquet continued two hours, during vvhich there vvas al∣vvayes one device or other after the Portugal or Chinese fashion. I vvill not stand here to recount the delicacy or abundance of the meats, that vvere served up in it, for it would be a matter not onely superfluous, but even infinite to recite every thing in particular. Af∣ter they were risen from Table, they went all to another great place, that vvas invironed vvith Scaffolds, all hung with Silk, and full of People, where ten Bulls and five vvild Hor∣ses were baited, being accompanied with the sound of Trumpets, Fifes, and Drums; in se∣quel vvhereof, divers Mumme•ies of several Inventions were represented. Now because it was late Antonio de Faria vvould have imbarqued himself again for to have returned unto his Ships, but they of the Town would by no means suffer him, for they had prepa∣red the Houses of Tristan de Gaa, and Mateus de Brito for his lodging, having caused a Gallerie to be built from the one to the other for that purpose; There was he lodged ve∣ry commodiously during the space of five Months that he abode in that place, alwaies en∣tertained with new sports and delights of Fishing, Hunting, Hawking, Comedies, and Masques, as also with sumptuous Feasts, as vvell on Sundayes and Holydayes, as other Dayes of the Week, so that we passed these five Months in such pleasure, as at our depar∣ture we did not thinke vve had been there five dayes. This term expired Antonio de Faria made preparation of Vessels and Men, for his Voyage to the Mines of Quoaniapar•, for in re∣gard the season was then proper for it, he resolved to be gone as soon as possibly he could, but in the mean time it happened that Quiay Panian fell into a dangerous sickness, whereof not long after he died, to the extream grief of Antonio de Faria, vvho exceedingly affected him Page  87 for many good qualities that were in him, worthy of his friendship, and therefore he cau∣sed him to be honourably buried, as the last dutie that he could do to his Friend. After the the death of Quiay Pa•ia• he was counselled not to hazard himself in that Voyage, be∣cause it was reported for a certainty, how all that Country was up in arms by reason of the Wars which the Prechau Muan had with the Kings of Chamay, and Champaa; And withall he had Information given him of a famous Pirate, named Similau, whom he went presently to seek out, and having found him, the said Similau related strange wonders un∣to him of an Island, called Calempluy, where he assured him there were seventeen Kings of China interred in Tombes of Gold, as also a great number of Idols of the same Met•al, and such other immense treasures, as I dare not deliver, for fear of not being credited. Now Antonio de Faria, being naturally curious, and carried with that ambition, whereunto Souldiers are for the most part inclined, lent so good ear to this Chineses report, as looking for no other assurance of it then what he gave him, he presently resolved to undertake this Voyage, and expose himself to danger, without taking further counsel of any man, where∣at many of his friends were with reason offended.

CHAP. XXIV. Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to seek out the Island of Calempluy, the strange things that we saw, and the hazard we ran in our voyage thither.

THe season being now fit for Navigation,* and Antonio de Faria furnished with all that was necessary for this new Voyage, which he had undertaken to make on Munday the fourteenth of May, in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two, he departed from this Port to go to the Island of Calempluy▪ For which purpose he imbarqued in two Pa∣•oures, resembling small Gallies, but that they were a little higher, by reason he was coun∣selled not to use Junks, as well to avoid discovery, as in regard of the great curran•• of wa∣ter that descended from the Bay of Nanquin, which great Vessels with all their sails were not able to stem, especially at the time wherein he set forth, for then the snows of Tar∣taria and Nixihu•fla• dissolving ran all the Months of May, Iune, and Iuly, into these Seas with a most violent impetuosity. In these two Vessels were fiftie Portugals, one Priest to say Masse, and fortie eight Marriners, all Natives of Patana, as also two and fortie slaves, so that the whole number of our company amounted to an hundred forty and one persons, for the Pirate Simila•, who was our Pilot, would have no more men, nor Vessels, for fear of being known, because he was to traverse the streight of Nanquin, and to enter into Rivers that were much frequented, whereby we might probably be subject to great haz•rd. That day and al the night following we imployed in getting out from amongst the Islands of An∣gitur, and pursued our course through Seas, which the Portugals had neither seen nor sailed on till then. The first five dayes we had the wind favourable enough, being still within sight of land till we came to the mouth of the River of the Fishings of Nanquin; There we cro•t over a Gulf of forty leagues, and discovered a very high Mountain, called Nangafo, to∣wards the which bending Northerly, we sailed fiftie dayes; at length the wind abated somewhat, and because in that place the Tides were very great, Similau put into a little Ri∣ver, where was good anchoring and riding, inhabited by men that were white and hand∣some, having very little eyes, like to the Chineses, but much different from them, both in language and attire. Now during the space of three dayes, that we continued there, the In∣habitants would have no manner of communication with us, but contrariwise they came in troopes to the shore, by which we anchored, and running up and down like mad-men they howled in a most hideous fashion, and shot at us with slings and cross-bows. As soon as the weather and the sea would permit us, Similau, by whom all vvas then governed, be∣gan to set sail, directing his course East Northeast, and so proceeded seven dayes in sight of land; then traversing another Gulfe, and turning more directly to the East, he past through a straight, ten le•gues over, called Sileupaquin; There he sailed five dayes more, still in view of many goodly Cities and Towns, this River being frequented with an infinite company of Vessels; whereupon Antonio de Faria, knowing that if he hapned to be discovered he should never escape with life, resolved to get from thence▪ and continue this course no lon∣ger, which Similau perceiving, and opposing the advice that every one gave him; Signior, said unto him, I do not think that any of your company can accuse me for mis-performing my Page  88 duty hitherto, you know how at Liampoo I told you publiquely in the General Councel that was held in the Church before an hundred Portugals at the least, that we were to expose our selves to great dangers, and chiefly my self, because I was a Chinese and a Pilot, for all you could be made to endure but one death, wheras I should be made to endure two thousand if it were possible, whereby you may well conclude, that setting apart all treason, I must of necessity be faithful unto you, •s I am, and ever will be, not only this Voyage, but in all other enterprizes, in despight of those that murmur, and make false reports unto you of me; howbeit if you fear this danger so much as you say, and are therefore pleased that we shall take some other way lesse frequented with men and vessels, and where we may sail without dread of any thing, then you must be contented to bestow a far longer time in this voyage, wherefore resolve with your company upon it without any further delay, or let us return back, for lo I am ready to do what∣soever you will. Antonio de Faria, embracing, and giving him many thanks, fell to dis∣course with him about that other safer way of which he spake: Whereupon Similau told him, that some hundred and forty leagues further forwards to the North, there was a River somewhat larger by half a league, called Sumhepadano, where he should meet with no Obstacle, for that it was not peopled like the streight of Nanquin, wherein they now were, but that then they should be retarded a month longer, by the exceeding much wind∣ing of this River. Antonio de Faria thinking it far better to expose himself to a length of time, then to hazard his life for abridgement of way, followed the counsel that Similau gave him; so that going out of the streight of Nanquin, he coasted the land five dayes, at the end whereof we discovered a very high Mountain towards the East, which Similau told us was called Fanius; approaching somewhat neer unto it we entred into a very fair Port, forty fathom deep, that extending it self in the form of a Crescent was shel∣tred from all sorts of winds, so spacious withall, as two thousand Vessels how great soever might ride there at ease. Antonio de Faria went ashore with some ten or eleven Souldiers, and rounded this haven, but could not meet with any one body, that could instruct him in the way he pretended to make, whereat he was very much vext, and greatly repented him for that without any kinde of consideration, or taking advice of any one, he had rashly, and out of a capacious humour, undertaken this Voyage: Howbeit he dissembled this displea∣sure of his the best he could for fear lest his company should tax him with want of courage. In this Haven he discoursed again with Similau before every one concerning this our Na∣vigation, which he told him was made but by guesse; whereunto the Chinese answered, Signior Captain, If I had any thing I could engage to you of more value then my head, I pro∣test unto you I would most willingly do it, for I am so sure of the course I hold, that I would not fear to give you my very children in Hostage of the promise I made you at Liampoo: Never∣thelesse I advertise you again, that if repenting the undertaking of this enterprise you fear to proceed any further, in regard of the tales your people are ever tatling in your ear, as I have often observed, do but command, and you shall finde how ready I am to obey your pleasure: And whereas they would make you believe that I spin out this Voyage longer then I promised you at Liampoo, the reason thereof you know well enough, which seemed not amisse when I pro∣pounded it unto you, seeing then you once allowed of it, let me intreat you to set your heart at rest for that matter, and not to break off this design by returning back, whereby at length you shall finde how profitable this patience of yours will prove. This speech somewhat quieted Antonio de Faria's minde, so that he bid him go on as he thought best, and never trouble himself with the murmuring of the Souldiers, whereof he complained, saying, that it was ever the manner of such as were idle, to finde fault with other mens actions, but if they did not mend their error the sooner, he would take a course with them to make them to do it; wherewith Similau rested very well satisfied and contented.

*After we were gone from this Haven, we sailed along the coast above thirteen dayes together, alwaies in sight of land, and at length arrived at a Port, called Buxipalem, in the height of fortie nine degrees. We found this Climate somewhat colder then the rest, here we saw an infinite company of Fishes and Serpents, of such strange forms, as I cannot speak of them without fear; Similau told Antonio de Faria incredible things concerning them, as well of what he had seen himself, having been there before, as of that had been re∣ported unto him, especially in the full Moons of the months of November, December, and Ianuary, when the storms raign there most, as indeed this Chinese made it appear to our own eyes, whereby he justified unto us the most of that which he had af∣firmed. Page  89 For in this place we saw Fishes in the shape of Thornbacks that were four fathoms about, and had a Muzzle like an Oxe; likewise we saw others resembling great Lizards, spotted all over with green and black, having three rows of prickles on their backs, that were very sharp, and of the bignesse of an arrow; their bodies also were full of the like, but they were neither so long, nor so great as the others: These Fishes would ever and anon bristle up themselves like Porcupines, which made them very dreadful to be∣hold, they had Snouts that were very sharp and black, with two crooked teeth out of each jawbone, two spans long, like the tusks of a wild Boar. We also saw Fishes whose bo∣dies were exceeding black, so prodigious and great, that their heads onely were above six spans broad. I will passe over in silence many other Fishes of sundry sorts, which we be∣held in this place, because I hold it not fit to stand upon things that are out of my discourse, let it suffice me to say, that during two nights we stayed here we did not thinke our selves safe, by reason of the Lizards, Whales, Fishes and Serpents, which in great numbers shew∣ed themselves to us. Having left this Haven of Buxipalem, by us called the River of Ser∣pents, which in great numbers shewed themselves to us, Similau sailed fifteen leagues fur∣ther to another Bay named Calindano, which was in form of a Crescent, six leagues in cir∣cuit, and invironed with high Mountains, and very thick woods, amidst whereof divers Brooks of fresh waters descended, which made up four great Rivers that fell all into this Bay. There Similau told us, that all those prodigious creatures we had both seen and heard of, as well in this Bay, as in that where we were before, came thither to feed upon such Ordure and Carrion, as the overflowing of these Rivers brought to this place. Antonio de Faria demanding of him thereupon, whence those Rivers should proceed, he answered that he knew not, but it was said that the Annals of China affirmed, how two of those Ri∣vers took their beginnings from a great L•ke, called Moscombia, and the other two from a Province, named Alimania, where there are high Mountains, that all the year long are cove∣red with Snow, so that the Snow coming to dissolve, these Rivers swelled in that manner as we then beheld them, for now they were bigger, then at any other time of the year. Hereunto he added, that entring into the mouth of the River, before the which we rode at anchor, we should continue our course, steering Eastward, for to finde out the Port of Nan∣quin again, which we had left two hundred and threescore leagues behinde us, by reason that in all this distance we had multiplied a greater height then that of the Island was, which we were in quest of. Now although this was exceeding grievous unto us, yet Simi∣lau desired Antonio de Faria to think the time we had past well spent, because it was done for the best, and for the better securing of our lives; being asked then by Antonio de Faria how long vve should be in passing through this River, he answered that vve should be out of it in fourteen or fifteen dayes, and that in five dayes after he would promise to land him and his Souldiers in the Island of Calempluy, vvhere he hoped fully to content his desire, and to make him think his pains vvell bestowed, vvhereof he now so complained. Antonio de Faria, having embraced him very lovingly thereupon; vowed to be his friend for ever, and reconciled him to his Souldiers, vvho were very much out vvith him before. Being thus reconfirmed by Similau• speeches, and certified of this nevv course vve vvere to take, he in∣couraged his company, and put all things in order convenient for his design, to that end pre∣paring his Ordnance vvhich till then had never been charged; he caused also his Arms to be made ready, ordained Captains, and Sentinels to keep good vvatch, together vvith all be∣sides that he thought necessary for our defence, in case of any attempt upon us. That done, he spake unto Diego Lobato, who vvas the Priest that vve carried along with us, and one that we much respected as a man of the Church, to make a Sermon unto his company for to animate them against all dangers that might happen, which he worthily performed, and by the efficacy of his words, full of sweetnesse, and excellent examples, he so revived our spirits, that before were much dejected through the apprehension of the dangers that me∣naced us, as there vvas not one amongst us, but presently took fresh heart, boldly to execute the enterprise vve had undertaken: Whereupon with great devotion and zeal vve sung a Salvo, before an Image of our Lady, every man promising vvithout any future fear to fi∣nish the Voyage we had begun. That done, vve joyfully hoysed sail, and entring into the mouth of the River, steering directly East, and vvith tears in our eyes invoked from the bot∣tome of our hearts, the assistance of that Soveraign Lord vvhich sits at the right hand of the Father everlasting, to preserve us by his Almighty povver.

Page  90*Continuing on our course with the force of Oares and Sails, and steering divers wayes, by reason of the many turnings of the River, the next day we arrived at a very high moun∣tain called Botinafau, whence sundry Rivers of fresh water ran down. In this mountain were a number Tygers, Rhinocerots, Lyons, Ounces, and such other creatures of severall kinds, which running and roaring in their wilde manner, made cruell war upon other weak∣er Beasts, as Stags, Boars, Apes, Monkeys, Baboons, Wolves, and Foxes, wherein we took much delight, spending a great deal of time in beholding them; and ever and anon we cry∣ed out from our Ships to fright them, but they were little moved with it, in regard they were not used to be hunted: We were about six dayes in passing this Mountain, it being some forty or fifty leagues long. Within a pretty while after we had left this Mountain we came to another, named Gangitanon, no lesse wilde then the former, beyond the which all the Countrie was very stonie, and almost inaccessible; moreover it was full of such thick Woods, as the Sun could not possibly pierce them with his beams: Similau told us, that in this mountain there were ninety leagues of desert land, altogether unfit for Tillage, and the bottome thereof onely was inhabited by certain most deformed men, called Gi∣gauhos, who lived after a most brutish fashion, and fed on nothing but what they got in hunting, or some Rice, that the Merchants of China brought them to Catan in exchange of Fu••es; which the said Merchants carried from thence to Pocasser and Lantau, amounting yearly as by the Books of the Customes thereof appeared, to the number of twenty thousand Ca•es, each Ca•e, or pack, containing threescore skins, wherewith the people used in win∣ter to line their Gowns, hang their Houses, and make coverings for their Beds, to withstand the cold of the Climate, which is great there. Antonio de Faria wondring at the Relation this Chinese made of the deformity of these Gigauhos, desired him if it were possible to let him see one of them, whereby he said he should more content him then if he should give him the treasures of China; whereunto Similau made him this Answer, Signior Cap∣tain, since it it so much imports me, as well to maintain my credit with you, as to stop their mouthes that murmur against me, and that jogging one another scoffe at me, when I recount these things unto you, which they account as so many Fables, and to the end that by the truth of the one, they may be ascertained of the other, I will promise before Sun-setting yet to shew you a couple of these people, and that you shall also speak with them, upon condition you do not go a∣shore, as you have still used to do hitherto, for fear some mischance should happen to you, as ma∣ny times it doth to Merchants in like cases: For I assure you, that the Gigauhos are of so sa∣vage and brutish a nature, as they feed on nothing commonly but raw flesh and blood, like the wilde Beasts that live in this Forrest. So continuing our course all along the side of this Mountain, at length behinde a little point of land, we discovered a young youth, without ere an hair on his face, driving six or seven Cows before him, that pastured there by. Si∣milau making a sign to him with a napkin, he presently stayed, whereupon coming a little neerer to him, Similau shewed him a piece of green Taff••a, which he told us was a stuffe very acceptable to these brutish men, and withall by signs demanded of him whether he would buy it; this drew him to the banke of the River, were he answered with an hoarse voice, some words that we could not comprehend, because there was not one in all our Ves∣sels that understood this barbarous language, so that of necessity this commerce was to be made by signs: Antonio de Faria commanded three or four yards of the said piece of Taffeta to be given him, as also six Pourcelains, wherewith this Salvage seemed to be ve∣ry well pleased, for taking both the one and the other, transported with joy he said some∣thing to us, which we could understand no better then the former, then making a sign with his hand towards the place of his abode, he left his Cows, and ran away to the wood, clothed as he was with a Tigers skin, his arms and legs naked, bare-headed, and a staffe hardned at one end with the fi•e in his hand. For his person, he was well proportioned of his limbs, his hair red and curled hanging down on his shoulders; his stature by conjecture was above ten foot high, but we were amazed to see him return about a quarter of an hour to the very same place again, c•rrying a live Stag on his back, and having thirteen persons in his company, namely eight men and five women, leading three Cows •yed together, and dancing as they went at the sound of a kinde of Tabor, upon the which they beat five stroaks at a time, and as often clapped their hands together singing to it, with a very hoar•e voice in their language. Hereupon Antonio de Faria caused five or six pieces of silk stuffe, and a great many of Pourcelains to be shewed them, for to make them beleeve that we were Mer∣chants, Page  91 at the sight whereof they very much rejoyced. These persons, both men and wo∣men, were apparrelled all after one and the same fashion, without any kinde of difference, saving that the women wore great tinnen Bracelets about the middle of their armes, and their hair a great deal longer then the mens, stuck all about with flowers, resembling our Flower de luces; they had chains also of red Cockles about their necks, almost as big as Oyster-shels; as for the men they carried great staves in their hands, covered to the mid∣dest with the same skins wherewith they were clothed; moreover they had all of them fierce looks, great lips, flat noses, wide nosthrils, and were of stature very tall, but yet not so high as we thought they had been; for Antonio de Faria having caused them to be measured, he found that the tallest of them exceeded not ten spans and an half, except one old man that reached to eleven. The womens stature was not fully ten spans: Their ve∣ry countenances shewed them to be very rude and blockish, and lesse rational, then all the other people which we had seen in our Conquests. Now Antonio de Faria being glad that we had not altogether lost our labour, bestowed on them threescore Pourcelains, a piece of green Taffety, and a pannier full of Pepper, wherewith they seemed to be so contented, that prostrating themselves on the ground, and lifting up their hands to heaven, they fell to saying certain words which we took for a thanksgiving after their manner, because they fell down three several times on the earth, and gave us the three Cows and the Stag, as also a great many of Herbs: Having been talking about two houres with them by signs, and no lesse wondring at us, then we at them, they returned into the wood from whence they came, and we pursued our course up the River by the space of five dayes, during the which we saw more of them along by the water side; after we had past all this distance of land, which might be some forty leagues, or thereabouts, we navigated sixteen dayes more with the force of Oa•s and Sails, without seeing any person in that desert place, onely for two nights together we discerned certain fires a good way off at land: In the end it pleased God that we arrived at the Gulf of Nanquin, as Similau had told us, with a hope in five or six dayes to see our desires accomplished.

Being come into the gulf of Nanquin, Similau councelled Antonio de Faria,* that at any hand he should not suffer any Portugal to be seen, because if such a thing should happen he feared some uproar would follow amongst the Chineses, in regard no strangers had ever been seen in those quarters; adding withall, that it would be safer for them to keep still in the middle of the gulf, then by the shore, by reason of the great number of Lorches and Lanteaas, that incessantly sailed up and down; this advice was approved of every one, so that having continued our course some six dayes East and East Northeast, we discovered a great Town, called Sileupamor, whither we directly went, and entred the Haven about two houres within night, where we found an infinite company of Vessels riding at anchor, to the number, according to our thinking, of three thousand at the least, which gave us such an alarum, as not daring scarce to wag vve got out again vvith all the secrecy that might be; crossing over the vvhole breadth of the River then, which vvas some six or seven leagues, vve prosecuted our course all the rest of that day, and coacted along by a great plain, with a resolution to accommodate our selves vvith Victuals vvheresoever vve could first meet vvith any, for vve were in such scarcitie, as for thirteen dayes together, no man had more then three mouthfuls of boyled Rice allowance. Being in this extremity we arrived close to certain old buildings, there went ashore one morning before day, and fell upon a house, that stood a little vvay off from the rest, where vve found a great quantity of Ryce, some Beans, dive•s pots ful of Honey, poudred Geese, Onions, Garlick, and Sugar Canes, vvhere∣vvith vve throughly furnished our selves: Certain Chineses told us afterwards, that this vvas the storehouse of an Hospital, which vvas some two leagues off, where such were en∣tertained, as past that way in Pilgrimage to the Sepulchers of the Kings of China; Being re-imbarqued, and well provided of Victual, we continued on our voyage seven daies more, which made up two months and an half, since we put out of Li•mpoo; Then Antonio de Faria began to mistrust the truth of what Similau had said, so that he repented the under∣taking of this voyage, as he confessed publiquely before us all, neverthelesse in regard there was no other remedy for it but to recommend himself to God, and wisely to prepare for all that might happen, he couragiously performed it. Hereupon it fell out that Antonio de Faria having one morning demanded of Similau in what part he thought they were, he Page  92 answered him so far from the purpose, and like a man that had lost his judgement, or that knew not which way he had gone, as put Antonio de Faria into such choller, that he was going to st•b him with a Ponyard that he wore, which without doubt he had done▪ had he not been diverted from i• by some, that counselled him to forbear, lest it should be the cause of his utter ruine, whereupon moderating his anger he yeelded to the advice of his friends, neverthelesse he was not for all that so contained, but that taking him by the Beard he swore, that if within three dayes at the farthest, he did not let him see, either the truth or the falshood of what he had told him, he would Ponyard him infallibly, where∣with Similau was so exceedingly terrified, that the night following as we were abiding by the shore he slid down from the Vessel into the River, and that so closely, as he was never discovered by the Sentinels or any other untill the end of the first Watch, when as Antonio de Faria was thereof advertised: This news put him so far besides himself, as he lost all patience, the rather for that •e feared some revolt upon it from his Souldiers, who he saw were too much disposed thereunto. But he presently went ashore with a great ma∣ny of his company, and spent the most part of the night in seeking of Similau, without meet∣ing him, or any other living soul that was able to tell any news of him, but the worst of it yet was, that upon his return into his Junk, of forty six Chinese Mariners, that he had aboard him, he found six and thirty fled away to prevent the danger they were afraid of, whereat Antonio de Faria and all his company were so amazed, that lifting up their hands and eyes to heaven, they stood a long time mute, their tears supplying the defect of their speech, thereby testifying the secret sorrow of their hearts, for considering well what had hapned unto them, and the great peril they were in, the least that they could do in this confusion was to lose their courage and judgment, much more their speech. Howbeit falling at length to consult what we should do for the future, after much diversitie of opinion, it was in the •nd concluded, that we should pursue our design, and labour to take some body that might inform us how far it was from thence to the Island of Cal••pl•y, and this to be done as secretly as possible might be for fear the Country should rise; likewise that if upon the report should be made us we found it would be 〈◊〉 t•ke•▪ •s Similau had assured us, we should then proceed on, otherwise, that we should 〈◊〉 wi•h the current of the wa∣ter, which would bring •s directly to the Sea with its ordinary course. This resolution taken and approved of every one, we went on with no less confusion then fear, for in so manifest a danger we could not chuse but be very much perpl••ed; the night following about break of day we discovered a little B•rque • he•d of us riding at 〈◊〉 in the midst of the Ri∣ver; her we boarded with as little noise as might be, and took five men asleep in her, whom Antonio de Faria questioned each one apart by himself, to see how they would agree in that they said: To his demands they answered all of them, that the Country wherein we were, was called Temquil•m, from whence the Island of Cal•mpl•y was distant but ten leagues, and •o many other questions propounded 〈◊〉•he• for our common securitie, they answered likewise separately one from the other to very good purpose, wherewith Anto∣nio de Faria and his whole company, were exceedingly well satisfied, but yet it grieved us not a little, to think what an inconvenience the lack of Similau would prove to us in this attempt; however Antonio de Faria causing the five Chineses to be arrested, and chain∣ed to oares, continued his course two dayes and an half more, at the end whereof it pleas∣ed God that doubling a cape of land, called Guimai Tar••, we discovered this Island of Cal•mpluy, which we had been fourscore and three dayes seeking for with extream con∣fusion of pains and labour, as I have before related.

CHAP. XXV. Our Arrival at C•lempluy, and the description thereof; what hapned to Antonio de Faria in one of the Hermitages thereof, and how we were discovered.

*HAving doubled the Cape of Cuimai Tar••, two leagues beyond it, we discovered a goodly levell of ground, scituated in the midst of a River, which to our seeming was not above a league in circuit, whereunto Antonio de Faria approached with exceeding great joy, vvhich yet vvas int•rmingled vvith much f••r, because he knew not to vvhat danger he and his were exposed; about twelve of the clock at night he anchored vvith∣in a Canon shot of this Island, and the next morning as soon as it vvas day he sate in Coun∣cell Page  93 with such of his company as he had called to it, there it was concluded that it was not possible so great and magnificent a thing should be without some kind of guard, and there∣fore it was resolved that with the greatest silence that might be, it should be round∣ed all about, for to see what advenues it had, or what Obstacles we might meet with when there was question of landing, to the end that accordingly we might deliberate more amply on that we had to do: With this Resolution, which was approved by every one▪ Antonio de Faria weighed anchor, and without any noyse got close to the Island, and compassing it about exactly observed every particular that presented it self to his sight. This Island was all inclosed with a platform of Jasper, six and twenty spans high, the stones whereof were so neatly wrought, and joyned together, that the wall seemed to be all of one piece, at which every one greatly marvelled, as having never seen any thing till then, either in the Indiaes, or elsewhere, that merited comparison with it; this Wall was six and twenty spans deep from the bottome of the River to the Superficies of the water, so that the full height of it was two and fifty spans. Furthermore the top of the Plat∣form was bordered with the same stone, cut into great Tower-work; Upon this wall, which invironed the whole Island, was a Gallerie of Balisters of turn'd Copper, that from six to six fathom joyned to certain Pillars of the same Mettal, upon each of the which was the figure of a Woman holding a bowl in her hand; within this gallery were divers Monsters cast in mettal, standing all in a row, which holding one another by the hand in manner of a dance incompassed the whole Island, being as I have said, a league about: A∣midst these monstrous Idols there was likewise another row of very rich Arches, made of sundry coloured pieces; a sumptuous work, and wherewith the eye might well be en∣tertained and contented; Within was a little wood of Orange Trees, without any mix∣ture of other plants, and in the midst an hundred and threescore Hermitages dedicated to the gods of the year, of whom these Gentiles recount many pleasant Fables in their Chro∣nicles for the defence of their blindness in their f•l•• belief: A quarter of a league beyond these Hermitages, towards the East, divers goodly great Edifices were seen, separated the one from the other with seven fore-fronts of Houses, built after the manner of our Churches; from the top to the bottome as far as could be discerned, these buildings were guilt all over, and annexed to very high Towers, which in all likelihood were Steeples; their Edi∣fices were invironed with two great streets arched all along, like unto the Frontispieces of the Houses; these Arches were supported by very huge Pillars, on the top whereof, and be∣tween every arch was a dainty Prospective; now in regard these buildings, towers, pillars and their chapters, were so exceedingly guilt all over, as one could discern nothing but Gold, it perswaded us that this Temple must needs be wonderfull sumptuous and rich, since such cost had been bestowed on the very Walls. After we had surrounded this whole Island, and observed the adven•es and entries thereof, notwithstanding it was somewhat late, yet would Antonio de Faria needs go ashore to see if he could get any Intelligence in one of those Hermitages, to the end he might thereupon resolve, either to prosecute his design, or return back: So having left a guard sufficient for his two Vessels, and Diego Lo∣bato, his Chaplain, Captain of them, he landed with fourty Souldiers, and twenty slaves, as well Pikes, as Harquebuses; He also carried with him four of the Chineses, which we took a while before, both for that they knew the pla•e well, as having been there at other times, and likewise that they might serve us for truthmen and guides: Being got to the shore unespied of any one▪ and without noise, we entred the Island by one of the eight Advenues that it had, and marching through the middest of the little wood of Orange-trees we arrived at the gate of the first Hermitage, which might be some two Musket-shot from the place we dis-imbarqued, where that hapned unto us which I will deliver here∣after.

Antonio de Faria went directly to the next Hermitage he saw before him with the great∣est silence that might be, and vvith no little fear,* for that he knew not into what danger he was going to ingag• himself; which he found shut on the inside, he commanded one of the Chineses to knock at it, as he did two or three times, vvhen at last he heard one speak in this manner, Praysed be the Creator, who hath enameled the beauty of the skies, let him that knocks at the gate go about, and he shall finde it open on the other side, where let me know what he desires. The Chinese went presently about, and entring into the Hermitage by a back door, he opened the •orega•e to Antonio de Faria, and let him in with all his follovvers; Page  94 There he found an old man, that seemed to be an hundred years old; he was apparelled in a long violet coloured damask gown, and by his countenance appeared to be a man of quality, as we understood afterwards: Being amazed to see so many men, he fell to the ground, where he lay a good while without speaking a word, howbeit at length he began to be better confirmed, and beholding us with a serious look, he gravely demanded of us what we were, and what we would have; whereunto the Interpreter answered by the express commandment of Antonio de Faria, that he was a Captain stranger, a native of the Kingdom of Siam, and that sayling in a Junk of his, laden with merchandise, and bound for Liampoo, he had suffered shipwrack, whence he had miraculously escaped with all his company, and for that he had vowed to make a pilgrimage to this holy place, to praise God for preserving him from so great a peril, he was now come to perform his vow; also to crave somwhat of him by way of alms, whereby his poverty might be relieved, protesting within three years to render him twice as much as he should then take from him: whereupon the Hermit, named Hiticon, having mused a little on the mat∣ter, and fixing his eye on Antonio de Faria: Whoever thou art, said he unto him, know that I throughly understand what thou sayest, and that I perceive but too well thy damnable inten∣tion, wherewith out of the obscurity of thy blindness, like an infernal pilot, thou carriest both thy self, and these others, into the profound abism of the lake of night: for instead of rendring thanks to God for so great a favour, as thou confessest he hath shewed thee, thou comest hi∣ther to rob this holy house: But let me ask thee, if thou executest thy mischievous designe, what will the divine Iustice, thinkest thou, do with thee at the last gasp of thy life? Change then thy perverse inclination, and never suffer the imagination of so great a sin to enter thy thoughts; give credit unto me that tels thee nothing but the very truth, even as I hope to thrive by it all the rest of my life. Antonio de Faria seeming to approve of the counsel, which the old Hermit gave him, earnestly desired him not to be displeased, assuring him that he had no other means or way left to relieve him and his, but what he could find in that place: To which the Hermit wringing his hands, and lifting up his eyes, said weeping, Praised be thou, O Lord, that permittest men to live on the earth, who offend thee under pretext of seeking means to live, and that vouchsafe not to serve thee one hour, although they know how assured thy glory is. After he had uttered these words, he remained very pensive and much troubled to see the great disorder we used in breaking up the coffins, and flinging them out of their places; at length looking upon Antonio de Faria, who stood leaning upon his sword, he intreated him to sit down by him, which he did with a great deal of compliment, not desisting for all that from making signes to his souldiers to persist as they had begun, that was to take the silver which was min∣gled amongst the bones of the dead in the tombs, that they brake up; whereat the Hermit was so grieved as he fell down twice in a swoon from his seat, but being come to himself, he spake thus to Antonio de Faria, I will declare unto thee as to a man that seems discreet, the means whereby thou mayst obtain pardon for the sin, which thou and thy people now commit, to the end that thy soul may not perish eternally, when as the last breath of thy mouth shal go out of thy body: Seeing then, as thou sayest, that it is necessity constrains thee to offend in this grievous manner, and that thou hast a purpose to make restitution before thou dyest, of that thou takest away from hence; if thou hast time and power, thou mayst do these three things: First, thou must render again what thou now carriest away, that the Sovereign Lord may not turn his mercy from thee: Secondly, thou must with tears ask him forgiveness for thy fault, which is so odious unto him, never ceasing to chastise thy flesh both day and night: And thirdly, thou must distribute thy goods to the poor, as liberally as to thy self, giving them alms with prudence and discretion, to the end the servant of the night may have nothing to accuse thee of at the last day. Now, for recompence of this counsel, I desire thee to command thy follow∣ers to gather together the bones of the Saints, that they may not be despised on the earth. An∣tonio de Faria promised him very curteously to perform his request, wherewith the Hermit was a little better at quiet then before, but yet not fully satisfied, howbeit he spake him very fair, and assured him that after he had once seen him, he very much repented the undertaking of this enterprise, but his souldiers had threatned to kill him, if he returned without execu∣ting of it, and this he told him as a very great secret, God grant it be so, replyed the Hermit, for that thou shalt not be so blame-worthy as these other monst•rs of the night, which are so greedy, like to famished dogs, that it seems all the silver in the world is not able to satiate them.

*After we had gathered all the silver together, that was in the graves amongst the dead mens Page  95 bones, and carryed it abord our ships, we were all of opinion not to go any farther to the rest of the Hermitages, as well because we knew not the Countrey, as for that it was almost night, upon hope that the next day we might continue our enterprise more at leisure. Now before he re∣inba•qued himselfe, Antonio de Faria took leave of the Hermit, and giving him very good words, he desired him for Gods sake not to be offended with that his followers had done, being constrained thereunto by meer necessity: for as his for particular he exceedingly abhorred such like actions, adding withall, that at the first sight of him, he would have returned back, out of the remover of conscience, and true repentance; but that his company had hindered him, saying, that if he did so, they would surely kill him; so that for to have his life he was compelled to yeild and consent thereunto, though he plainly saw that it was a very great sin, in regard whereof he was resolved, as soon as he could rid his hands of them, to go up and down the world to perform such penance as was requisite for the purging of him from so enormous a crime. Hereunto the Hermit answered, Pleaseth the Lord, who living, reigneth above the beauty of the stars, that the knowledge, which by this discourse, thou shewest to have, be not prejudiciall unto thee; For I be assured, that he who knows these things, and doth them not, runs a far greater danger, than he that sins through ignorance. Then one of ours, named Nuno Coelho, who would needs have an oar in our talk, told him, that he was not to be angry for a matter of so small importance; whereunto the Hermit beholding him with so stern a countenance, answered, Certainly, the fear which thou hast of death is yet lesse, since thou imployest thy selfe in actions as infamous and black as the soul that is in thy body; and for my part, I cannot but be perswaded, that all thy ambition is wholly placed up∣on money, as but too well appears by the the thirst of thy insatiable avarice, whereby thou wilt make an end of heaping up the measure of thine infernal appetite: Continue then thy theeveries, for seeing then thou must go to hell for that which thou hast already taken out of this holy house, thou shalt also go thither for those things which thou shalt steal otherwise, so the heavier the burden shall be that thou bearest, the sooner shalt thou be precipitated into the bottom of hell, where already thy wicked works have prepared thee an everlasting abode. Hereupon Nuno de Coelho prayed him to take all things patiently, affirming that the Law of God commanded him so to do. Then the Hermit lift up his hand by way of admiration, and as it were smiling at what the souldier had said, Truly, answered he, I am come to see, that I never thought to see or hear, namely, evil actions disguised with a specious pretext of ver∣tue, which makes me believe that thy blindnesse is exceeding great, since trusting to good words, thou spendest thy life so wickedly, wherefore it is not possible thou shouldest ever come to Heaven, or give any account to God at the last day, as of necessity they must do. Saying so, he turned him to Antonio de Faria, without attending further answer from him, and earnestly desired him not to suffer his company to spit upon and prophane the altar, which he vowed was more grievous to him, then the induring of a thousand deaths; whereupon to satisfie him, he presently commanded the forbearance of it; wherewith the Hermit was somewhat comfor∣ted; Now because it grew late, Antonio de Faria resolved to leave the place, but before he departed he held it necessary to inform himself of certain other particulars, whereof he stood in some doubt, so that he deserved of the Hermit how many persons there might be in all those Hermitages: whereunto Hiticon answered, that there were about three hundred and threescore Talagrepos, besides forty Menigrepos, appointed to furnish them with things requisite for their maintenance, and to attend them when they were sick: moreover he asked him, whether the King of China came not somtimes thither; he told him, No, for, said he, the King cannot be condemned by any body, he is the son of the Sun, but contrarily he had power to absolve every one. Then he enquired of him if there were any arms in their Hermitages? O no, an∣swered the Hermit, for all such as pretend to go to heaven have more need of patience to in∣dure injuries, then of arms to revenge themselves: Being also desirous to know of him the cause why so much silver was mingled with the bones of the dead. This silver, replied the Her∣mit, comes of the alms that the deceased carry with them out of this into the other life, for to serve them at their need in the heaven of the Moon, where they live eternally: In con∣clusion, having demanded of him whither they had any women, he said, That they which would maintain the life of their souls, ought not to taste the pleasures of the flesh, seeing ex∣perience made it apparent, that the Bee which nourisheth her self in an hony-comb, d•th often sting such as offer to meddle with that sweetness. After Antonio de Faria had propounded all these questions, he took his leave of him, and so went directly to his ships, with an intenti∣on Page  96 to return again the next day, for to set upon the other Hermitages, where, as he had been told, was great abundance of silver, and certain Idols of gold, but our sins would not per∣mit us to see the effect of a business, which we had been two months and an halfe a purchasing with so much labor and danger of our lives, as I will deliver hereafter.

*At the clearing up of the day, Antonio de Faria, and all of us, being embarqued, we went and anchored on the other side of the Island, about a faulcon shot from it, with an intent, as I have before declared, to go a shore again the next morning, and set upon the Chappels where the Kings of China were interred, that so we might the more commodiously lade our two ves∣sels with such treasures, which peradventure might have succeeded according to our desires, if the business had been well carried, and that Antonio de Faria had followed the counsel was given him, which was, that since we had not been as yet discovered, that he should have car∣ried the Hermit away with him, to the end he might not acquaint the House of the Bonzos with what we had done; howbeit he would never hearken to it, saying, that we were to fear nothing that way, by reason the Hermit was so old, and his legs so swoln with the gout, as he was not able to stand, much less to go: But it fell out clean contrary to his expectation, for the Hermit no sooner saw us imbarqued, as we understood afterwards, but he presently crawled as well as he could to the next Hermitage, which was not above a flight shoot from his, and giving intelligence of all that had past, he bad his companion, because himself was not able, to go away with all speed to the Bonzo•s house to acquaint them with it, which the other instant∣ly performed; so that about midnight we saw a great many of fires lighted on the top of the wall of the Temple, where the Kings were buried, being kindled to serve for a signal to the Countrey about, of some extraordinary danger towards: This made us ask of our Chineses, what they might mean, who answered, that assuredly, we were discovered, in regard wher∣of they advised us without any longer stay to set sail immediatly; Herewith they acquainted Antonio de Faria, who was fast asleep, but he straightway arose, and leaving his anchor in the sea, rowed directly, afraid as he was, to the Island, for to learn what was done there: Being arrived near to the Key, he heard many bels ringing in each Hermitage, together with a noise of men talking, whereupon the Chineses that accompanied him, said, Sir, never stand to hear or see more, but retire, we beseech you, as fast as you may, and cause us not to be all miserably slain with your further stay; Howbeit little regarding, or afraid of their words, he went a∣shore only with six souldiers, having no other arms but swords and targots, and going up the stairs of the Key, whither it were that he was vext for having lost so fair an occasion, or carried thereunto by his courage, he entered into the gallery, that invironed the Island, and ran up and down in it like a mad man, without meeting any body; That done, and being returned a∣bord his vessel, much grieved and ashamed, he consulted with his company about what they should do, who were of opinion that the best course we could take, was to depart, and there∣fore they required him to put it accordingly in execution; Seeing them all so resolved, and fea∣ring some tumults among the souldiers, he was fain to answer, that he was also of their mind, but first he thought it fit to know for what cause they should fly away in that manner, and therefore he desired them to stay for him a little in that place, because he would trie whether he could learn by some means or other the truth of the matter, whereof they had but a bare sus∣pition; for which, he told them, he would ask but half an hour at the most, so that there would be time enough to take order for any thing before day; some would have alledged reasons a∣gainst this, but he would not hear them, wherefore having caused them all to take their oaths, upon the holy Evangelists, that they would stay for him, he returned to land with the same souldiers, that had accompanied him before, and entering into the little wood, he heard the sound of a bell, which addressed him to another Hermitage, far richer then that wherein we were the day before: There he met with two men, apparaled like Monks, with large hoods, which made him think they were Hermits, of whom he presently laid hold, wherewith one of them was so terrified, as he was not able to speak a good while after: Hereupon four of the six souldiers past into the Hermitage, and took an Idol of silver from the altar, having a crown of gold on its head, and a wheel in its hand; they also brought away three candlesticks of sil∣ver, with long chains of the same belonging to them: This performed, Antonio de Faria carrying the two Hermits along with him, went abord again, and sailing away, he propounded divers questions to him, of the two, that was least affraid, threatning to use him in a strange fashion if he did not tell the truth. This Hermit seeing himself so menaced, answered, That an holy man, named Pilau Angiroo came about midnight to the house of the Kings Sepultures, Page  97 where knocking in haste at the gate, he cryed out, saying; O miserable men, buried in the drunkenness of carnal sleep, who by a solemn vow, have profest your selves to the honour of the Goddess Amida, the rich reward of our labou•s, hear, hear, hear, O the most wretched men that ever were born, There are strangers come into our Island, from the further end of the World, which have long beards, and bodies of Iron, these wicked creatures have entred into the Holy House of the seven and twenty Pillars, of whose sacred Temple an holy man is keeper, that hath told it me, where after they had ransacked the rich treasures of the Saints, they con∣temptedly threw their bones to the ground, which they prophaned with their stinking and in∣fectious spitting, and made a mockerie of them like Devils, obstinate and hardned in their wretched sins, wherefore I advise you to look well to your selves, for it is said, that they have sworn to kill us all as soon as it is day: Fly away then, or call some people to your succour, since being Religious men you are not permitted to meddle with any thing that may shed the blood of man. Herewith they presently arose and ran to the gate, where they found the Hermite laid on the ground, and half dead with grief and wearinesse through the imbecilli∣ty of his age; whereupon the Grepos and Meingrepos made those fires that you saw, and withall sent in all haste to the Towns of Corpilem, and Fonbana, for to succour them spee∣dily with the Forces of the Country, so that you may be assured it will not be long before they fall upon this place with all the fury that may be. Now this is all that I am able to say concerning the truth of this affair, wherefore I desire you to return us both unto our Her∣mitage with our lives saved, for if you do not so you will commit a greater sin, then you did yesterday: Remember also that God, in regard of the continuall penance we perform, hath ta∣ken us so far into his protection, as he doth visit us almost every hour of the day, wherefore la∣bour to save your selves as much as you will, yet shall you hardly do it; For be sure, that the earth, the air, the winds, the waters, the beasts, the fishes, the fowls, the trees, the plants, and all things created will pursue and torment you so cruelly, as none but he that lives in heaven will be able to help you. Antonio de Faria being hereby certainly informed of the truth of the businesse sailed instantly away, tearing his hair and beard for very rage, to see that through his negligence and indiscretion he had lost the fairest occasion, that ever he should be able to meet withall.

CHAP. XXVI. Our casting away in the Gulf of Nanquin, with all that befell us after this lamentable Shipwrack.

WE had already sailed seven dayes in the Gulf of Nanquin, to the end that the force of the Current might carry us the more swiftly away,* as men whose safety consist∣ed wholly in flight, for we were so desolate and sad, that we scarce spake one to another; In the mean time we arrived at a Village, called Susequerim, where no news being come either of us, or what we had done, we furnished our selves with some Victual, and get∣ting Information very covertly of the course we were to hold, we departed within two hours after, and then with the greatest speed we could make we entred into a straight, na∣med Xalingau, much lesse frequented then the gulf, that we had past; here we naviga∣ted nine dayes more, in which time we ran an hundred and fourty leagues, then entring a∣gain into the said Gulf of Nanquin, which in that place was not above ten or eleven leagues broad, we sailed for the space of thirteen dayes from one side to another with a Westerly winde, exceedingly afflicted, both with the great labour we were fain to indure, and the cruel fear we were in, besides the want we began to feel of Victuals: In this case being come within sight of the mountains of Conxinacau, which are in the height of forty and one degrees, there arose so terrible a Southwind, called by the Chineses Tufaon, as it could not possibly be thought a natural thing, so that our Vessels being low built, weak, and with∣out Mariners, we were reduced to such extremity, that out of all hope to escape we suffer∣ed our selves to be driven along the coast, as the current of the water would carry us, for we held it more safeto venture our selves amongst the Rocks, then to let us be swallowed up in the midst of the Sea, and though we had chosen this design, as the better and lesse painful, yet did it not succeed, for after dinner the winde turned to the North-west, whereby the Waves became so high, that it was most dreadful to behold; Our fear then was so extream, as we began to cast all that we had into the Sea, even to the Chests full of Page  98 Silver: That done, we cut down our two Masts, and so without M•sts and Sails we float∣ed along all the rest of the day; at length about midnight we heard them in Antonio de Faria's Vessel cry, Lord have mercy upon us, which perswaded us that they were cast a∣way, the apprehension whereof put us in such a fright, as for an hour together no man spake a word. Having past all this sad night in so miserable a plight, about an hour before day our Vessel opened about the Keel, so that it was instantly full of water eight spans high, whereupon perceiving our selves to sinke, we verily beleeved, it was the good pleasure of God that in this place we should finish both our lives and labours: As soon then as it was day we looked out to Sea, as far as possibly we could discern, but could no way discover Antonio de Faria, which put us quite out of heart, and so continuing in this great affliction till about ten of the clock, with so much terror and amazement, as words are not able to expresse, at last we ran against the coast, and even drowned as we were, the Waves rouled us towards a point of Rocks, that stood out into the Sea, where we were no sooner arrived but that all went to pieces, insomuch that of five and twenty Portugals, which we were, there were but fourteen saved, the other eleven being drowned, together with eighteen Chri∣stian Servants, and seven Chinese Mariners. This miserable disaster hapned on a Munday, the fifth of August, in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two, for which the Lord be praysed everlastingly.

* We fourteen Portugals, having escaped out of this shipwrack by the meer mercy of God, spent all that day, and the night following, in bewailing our mis•fortune, and the wretched estate whereunto we were reduced, but in the end consulting together, what course to take for to give some remedy thereunto, we concluded to enter into the Country, hoping that far or neer we should not fail to meet with some body, that taking us for slaves, would relieve us with meat, till such time as it should please Heaven to terminate our travels with the end of our lives. With this Resolution we went some six or seven leagues over rocks and hills, and on the other side discovered a great Marsh, so large and void, as it past the reach of our sight, there being no appearance of any land beyond it, which made us turn back again, towards the same place where we were cast away; being arrived there the day after about Sun-set, we found upon the shore the bodies of our men, which the Sea had cast up, over whom we recomenced our sorrow and lamentations, and the next day we buried them in the sand, to keep them from being devoured by the Tygers, whereof that Country is full, which we performed with much labour and pain, in regard we had no o∣ther tools for that purpose but our hands and nails; After these poor bodies were interred we got us into a Marsh, where we spent all the night, as the safest place we could chuse to preserve us from the Tygers: From thence we continued our journey towards the North, and that by such Precipes and thick woods, as we had much adoe to pass through them. Having travelled in this manner three dayes, at length we arrived at a little straight, with∣out meeting any body, over the which resolving to swim, by ill fortune the four first that entred into it, being three Portugals and a young youth, were miserably drowned, for being very feeble, and the straight somewhat broad, and the current of the water very strong, they were not able to hold out any longer when they came to the midst; so we eleven with three servants that remained, seeing the infortunate successe of our companions, could do nothing but weep and lament, as men that hourly expected such or a worse end. Having spent all that dark night, exposed to the winde, cold, and rain, it pleased our Lord that the next morn∣ing before day we discovered a great fire towards the East, whereupon as soon as the day broke, we marched fair and softly that way, recomending our selves to that Almighty God from whom alone we could hope for a remedy to our miseries, and so continuing our jour∣ney all along the River, the most part of that day, at last we came to a little wood, where we found five men making of coals, whom on our knees we besought for Gods sake to direct us to some place where we might get some relief; I would, said one of them, beholding us with an eye of pitie, it lay in our power to help you, but alas! all the comfort we can give you is to bestow some part of our Supper on you, which is a little rice, where∣with you may passe this night here with us if you will, though I hold it better for you to pre∣ceed on your way, and recover the place you see a little below, where you shall finde an Hos∣pital that serves to lodge such Pilgrims, as chance to come into these quarters. Having thank∣ed him for his good addresse, we fell to the Rice they gave us, which came but to two mouthfuls a piece, and so took our leaves of them, going directly to the place they had shew∣ed us, as well as our weakness would permit.

Page  99About an hour within night, we arrived at the Hospital, where we met with four men,* that had the charge of it, who received us very charitably: The next morning as soon as it was day they demanded of us, what we were, and from whence we came? Thereunto we answe∣red, that we were strangers, natives of the Kingdom of Siam, and that coming from the Port of Liampoo to go to the fishing of Nanquin, we were cast away at sea by the violence of a storm, having saved nothing out of this shipwrack, but those our miserable and naked bodies. Whereupon demanding of us again, what we intended to do, and whither we would go; we replyed, that we purposed to go to the City of Nanquin, there to imbarque our selves as row∣ers in the first Lanteaa, that should put to sea, for to pass unto Cantan, where our countrey∣men by the permission of the Aito of Panquin, exercised their traffique under the protection of the son of the Sun, and Lyon crowned in the throne of the world, wherefore we desired them for Gods cause to let us stay in that Hospital, until we had recovered our healths, and to bestow any poor clothes of us to cover our nakednedness. After they had given good ear unto us; It was reason, answered they, to grant you that which you require with so much earnest∣ness, and tears; but in regard the House is now very poor, we cannot so easily discharge our du∣ties unto you as we should, howbeit we will do what we may with a very good will; Then quite naked, as we were, they lead us all about the Village, containing some forty or fifty fires, more or less; the inhabitants whereof were exceeding poor, having no other living but what they got by the labour of their hands, from whom they drew by way of alms some two Taeis in mony, half a Sack of rice, a little meal, aricot beans, onions, and a few old rags, wherewith we made the best shift we could; over and above this they bestowed two Taeis more on us out of the Stock of the Hospital: But whereas we desired that we might be permitted to stay there, they excused themselves, saying, that no poor might remain there above three days, or five at the most, unless it were sick people, or women with child, of whom special care was to be had, because in their extremities they could not travel without endangering their lives, where∣fore they could for no other persons whatsoever transgress that Ordinance, which had of anci∣ent time been instituted by the advice of very learned and religious men; nevertheless, that three leagues from thence, we should in a great Town, called Sileyiacau, find a very rich hospi∣tal, where all sorts of poor people were entertained, and that there we should be far better look∣ed unto then in their house, which was poor, and agreeable to the place of its scituation, to which end they would give us a letter of recommendation, by means whereof we should in∣continently be received. For these good offices we rendred them infinite thanks, and told them that God would reward them for it since they did it for his sake, whereupon an old man, one of those four, taking the Speech upon him, It is for that consideration alone we do it, answe∣red he, and not in regard of the world; for God and the World are greatly different in matters of works, and of the intention which one my have in the doing of them; For the world being poor and miserable as it is, can give nothing that is good, whereas God is infinitely rich, and a friend to the poor, that in the he•ghth of their afflictions praise him with patience and humi∣lity; The world is revengeful, but God is suffering; the world is wicked, God is all goodness; the world is gluttonous, God is a lover of abstinence; the world is mutinous and turbulent, God is quiet and peaceable; the world is a lyar and full of dissimulation to them that belong to it, God is always true, free, and merciful to them that invoke him by prayer; the world is sen∣sual and covetous, God is liberal, and purer then the light of the Sun, or stars, or then those other lamps which are far more excellent then they that appear to our eyes, and are always pre∣sent before his most resplendent face; the world is full of irresolution and falshood, wherewith it entertains it self in the smoak of its vain glory, whereas God is constant in his truth, to the end that thereby the humble may possess glory in all sincerity of heart; In a word, the world is full of folly and ignorance, contrarily God is the fountain of wisdom; wherefore my friends, although you be reduced to so pitiful an estate, do you not for all that distrust his promises; for be assured he will not fail you, if you do not render your selves unworthy of his favours, in regard it was never found that he was at any time wanting to his; albeit they, that are blinded by the world, are of another opinion, when as they see themselves oppressed with pover∣ty, and despised of every body. Having used this Speech to us, he gave us a letter of recommen∣dation to the Brotherhood of the other Hospital, whither we were to go, and so we departed about noon, and arrived at the town an hour or two before sun-set. The first thing we did, was to go to the house of the repose of the poor, for so the Chineses call the Hospitals; There we delivered our letters to the Masters of that Society, which they term Tanigories, whom Page  100 we found altogether in a chamber, where they were assembled about the affairs of the poor; After they had received the letter with a kind of compliment, that seemed very strange to us, they commanded the Register to read it, whereupon he stood up and read thus to them that were sitting at the Table: We the poorest of the poor, unworthy to serve that Sovereign Lord, whose works are so admirable, as the Sun, and the stars that twinckle in the skie, during the darkness of the night do testifie: Having been elected to the succession of this his house of Buatendoo, scituated in this Village of Catihorau, with all manner of respect and honour, do beseech your humble persons, admitted to the service of the Lord, that out of a zeal of chari∣ty, you will lodg and favour these fourteen strangers, whereof three are tawny, the other eleven somewhat whiter, whose poverty will manifestly appear to your eyes, whereby you may judg how much reason we have to present this request unto you, for that 〈◊〉 have been cast away with all their merchandise in the impetuous waters of the sea, that with their accustomed fury have laid the execution of the Almighty hand upon them, which for a just punishment doth often permit such like things to happen; for to shew us how dreadful his judgments are, from which may it please him to deliver us all at the day of death, to the end we may not see the in∣dignation of his face. This letter being read, they caused us presently to be lodged in a very neat chamber, accommodated with a Table, and divers Chairs, where after we had been served with good meat, we rested our selves that night: The next morning the Register came along with the rest of the officers, and demanded of us who we were, of what Nation, and where∣about we had suffered shipwrack, whereunto we answered as we had done before to those of the Village from whence we came, that we might not be found in two tales, and convinced of lying; whereupon having further enquired of us what we meant to do, we told them that our intention was to get our selves cured in that house, if it pleased them to permit us, in regard we were so weak and sickly as we could scarce stand upon our legs: To which they replyed, that they would very willingly see that performed for us, as a thing that was ordinarily done there for the service of God; for the which we thanked them weeping, with so much acknowledg∣ment of their goodness and charity, as the tears stood in their eyes, so that presently sending for a Physician, they bid him look carefully to us, for that we were poor flocks, and had no o∣ther means but what we had from the house; That done he took our names in writing, and set them down in a great book, whereunto we all of us set our hands, saying, it was ne∣cessary it should be so, that an accompt might be rendred of the expence was to be made for us.

Having spent eighteen days in this Hospital, where we were sufficiently provided for with all things necessary,* it pleased God that we throughly recovered our healths, so that feeling our selves strong enough to travel, we departed from thence for to go to a place, called Zuzoan∣gances, some five leagues from that Hospital, where we arrived about sun-set; Now in regard we were very weary, we sat us down upon the side of a fountain, that stood at the entrance of that Village, being much perplexed and unresolved what way to take: In the mean time, they which came to fetch water, seeing us set there in so sad an equipage, returned with their pitchers empty, and advertising the inhabitants of it, the most of them came presently forth to us; Then wondering much, because they had never seen men like unto us, they gathered alto∣gether, as if they would consult thereupon, and after they had a good while debated one with another, they sent an old woman to demand of us what people we were, and why we sat so about that fountain, from whence they drew all the water they used: Hereunto we answered, that we were poor strangers, natives of the Kingdom of Siam, who by a storm at sea were cast upon their Countrey, in that miserable plight wherein they beheld us. Tell me, replyed she, what course would you have us to take for you, and what resolve you to do, for here is no house for the repose of the poor whereinto you may be received? To these words one of our com∣pany answered with tears in his eyes, and a gesture conformable to our designe, that God, be∣ing that which he was, would never abandon us with his Almighty hand, but would touch their hearts to take compassion of us, and our poverty; and further, that we were resolved to travel in that miserable case we were in till we had the good fortune to arrive at the City of Nanquin, where we desired to put our selves into the Lanteaas, there to serve for rowers to the Merchants that ordinarily went from thence to Cantano, and so to get to Comhay, where great store of our Country Junks usually lay, in which we would imbarque our selves. There∣upon having somewhat a better opinion of us then before; Seeing you are, said she, such as you deliver, have a little patience till I come again, and tell you what these folks resolve to do with Page  101 you; wherewith she returned to those country people, which were about some hundred per∣sons, with whom she entred into a great contestation, but at length she came back with one of their Priests, attired in a long gown of red damask; which is an ornament of chiefest dig∣nity among them, in this equipage he came to us with an handful of ears of corn in his hand; Then having commanded us to approach unto him, we presently obeyed him with all kind of respect, but he little regarded it, seeing us so poor; whereupon after he had thrown the ears of corn into the fountain, he willed us to put our hands upon them, which we accordingly ha∣ving done: You are to confess, said he unto us, by this holy and solemn oath, that now you take in my presence upon these two substances of bread and water, which the high Creator of all things hath made by his holy will to sustain and nourish all that is born into the world, during the pilgrimage of this life, whether that which you told this woman but now be true, for upon that condition we will give you lodging in this village conformably to the charities we are bound to exercise towards Gods poor people; whereas contrarily, if it be not so, I com∣mand you in his Name that you presently get you gone, upon pain of being bitten and destroyed by the teeth of the gluttenous Serpent, that makes his abode in the bottom of the house of smoak. Hereunto we answered, that we had said nothing but what was most true, wh•re∣with the Priest remaining satisfied; since you are, said he, such as you say, come you along boldly with me, and rely on my word: Then returning with us to the inhabitants of the place, be told them that they might bestow their alms upon us without offence, and that he gave them permission so to do, whereupon we were presently conducted into the Village, and lodg∣ed in the porch of their Pagode, or Temple, where we were furnished with all that was needful for us, and had two mats given us to lie upon: The next morning as soon as it was day, we went up and down the street, begging from door to door, and got four Taeis in silver, wherewith we supplied our most pressing necessities. After this we went away to another place, called Xianguulea, that was not above two leagues from that, with a resolution to tra∣vel in that sort, as it were in pilgrimage, to the City of Nanquin, to which it was then some hundred and forty leagues; for we thought that from thence we might go to Cantano, where our ships traded at that time, and it may be our designe had succeeded, had it not been for ill fortune. About even-song we arrived at that village, where we sat us down under the sha∣dow of a great tree that stood by it self, but it was our ill hap to meet with three boyes that kept certain cattel there, who no sooner perceived us, but betaking them to their heels, they cried our, Thieves, thieves, whereat the inhabitants came instantly running out, armed with lances and cros-bowes, crying out, stop the thieves, stop the thieves; and so perceiving us, that fled from them, they mauld us cruelly with stones and staves, in such manner as we were all of us grievously hurt, especially one of our boyes that died upon it; Then seizing on us, they tied our arms behind us, and leading us like prisoners into the village, they so beat and buffeted us with their fists, as they had almost killed us, then they plunged us into a cistern of standing water, that reached up to our wasts, wherein were a great number of horse-leeches; In this miserable place we remained two days, which seemed two hundred years to us, having neither rest, nor any thing to eat all that time: At last, it was our good fortune, that a man of Zuzoangance, from whence we came, passing by, chanced to un∣derstand how we had been used by those of the Village, and thereupon went and told them, that they did us great wrong to take us for thieves, for that we were poor stran∣gers, which had been cast away by a storm at sea, wherefore they had committed a great sin to imprison, and handle us in that sort; The report of this man wrought so ef∣fectually with them, that we were presently taken out of the cistern, being all gore blood with the sucking of the horse-leeches, and I verily believe that if we had stayed there but one day longer, we had all of us been dead: So we departed from this place about evening, and bewayling our bad fortune, continuing on our voyage.

After our departure from Xianguulea we arrived at a Village, inhabited by very poor people, where we met with three men that were pilling Flax,* who as soon as they saw us forsook their work, and fled hastily away into a wood of Firr trees, there they cryed out to those that passed by to take heed of us for that we w•re thieves, whereupon fearing to incur the same danger whence we so lately escaped, we got us away presently from that place, although it was almost night, and continued our journie, in the rain and the dark, without knowing whither we went, till we came to a gate where Cattel were kept, and there we lay the rest of the night upon a little heap of dung; the next morning as soon as Page  102 it was day we got again into the way which we had left, and not long after we discover∣ed from the top of a little hill a great plain full of trees, and in the midst thereof a very fair House hard by a River, whither forthwith we went, and sate us down by a fountain that was before the outer gate, where we remained two or three hours without seeing any bo∣dy, at length a young Gentleman about sixteen or seventeen years of age came riding up∣on a very good Horse, accompanied with four men on foot, whereof one carried two Hares, and another five Nivatores, which are Fowls resembling our Phesants, with a Gos-Hawk on his fist, and three or four couple of Spaniels at their heels; when this Gentleman came at us he staid his Horse, to ask us who we were, and whether we would have any thing with him. Hereunto we answered as well as we could, and made him an ample Relati∣on of the whole event of our shipwrack, whereat he seemed to be very sorry, as we could gather by his countenance, so that ere he went, Stay there, said he unto us, for by and by I will send you what you have need of, and that for his sake that with a glory of great riches lives raigning in the highest of all the Heavens. A little after he sent an old woman for us, which was apparelled in a long garment, with a Chaplet hanging down on her neck, the good Dame coming to us, The son of him said she, whom me hold for Master in this house, and whose Rice we ea•, hath sent for you, follow me then with all humlity, to the end you may not seem idle fellows to those that shall see you, and such as beg onely to be exempted from getting your living by the labour of your hands; This said, we entred with her into an outward court, all about invironed with Galleries, as if it had been some Cloister of Religious persons, on the walls whereof were painted divers women on Horse∣back going on hunting with Hawks on their fists; over the gate of this Court was a great arch very richly engraven, in the midst whereof hung a Scutcheon of Arms, in the fashion of a shield, fastned to a silver chai•, within it was a man painted almost in the form of a Tortois, with the feet up, and the head downwards, and round about it these words were read for a device, Ingualec finguau, potim aquarau, that is to say, So is it with all that appertains to me; We learnt afterwards, that by this Monster the Figure of the world was represented, which the Chineses depaint in this manner to demonstrate that there is nothing in it but falshood, and so to dis-abuse all them that make such account of it by making them to see how all things in it are turned upside down. Out of this Court we went up a broad pair of stairs, made of fair hewed stone, and entred into a great Hall, where a woman of about fiftie years of age, was set upon a Tapestry Carpet, having two young Gentlewomen by her side, that were exceeding fair, and richly apparelled, with chains of Pearl about their necks, and hard by them was a reverend old man laid upon a little bed, whom one of the two Gentlewomen fanned with a V•ntiloe; at his Beds head stood the young Gentleman that had sent for us, and a little further off upon another Car∣pet nine young maids, clothed in Crimson and white Damask, sate sowing; as soon as we came before the old man we fell on our knees, and asked an almes of him, beginning our speech with tears, and in the best terms that the time and our necessities could inspire us with, whereupon the old Lady beckning to us with her hand, Come, weep no more, said she, for it grieves me much to see you shed so many tears, it is sufficient that I know you desire an almes of us; then the old man that lay in the bed spake unto us, and demanded whe∣ther any of us knew what was good for a Fever? Whereat the young Gentlewoman that fan∣ned him, not able to forbear smiling: Sir, said she, they have more need that you would be pleased to give order for the satisfying of their hunger, then to be questioned about a matter which it is likely they are ignorant of, wherefore me thinks it were better first to give them what they want, and afterwards to talk with them about that which concerns them lesse; For these words the Mother reprehending her, Go to, said she, you will ever be prating when you should not, but surely I shall make you leave this custome; whereunto the daughter smiling, replied, That you shall when you please, but in the mean time I beseech you, let these poor strangers have something to eat: For all this the old man would not give over questioning us, for he demanded of us who we were, of what country, and whither we were going, be∣sides many other such like things? To which we answered as occasion required, and re∣counted unto him, how, wh•n, and in what place we had suffered shipwrack, as also how many of our company were drowned, and that thus wandring we travelled up and down not knowing whither to addresse our selves. This answer rendred the old man pen∣sive for a while, until at length turning him to his son, Well now, said he unto him, what Page  103 thinkest thou of that which thou hast heard these strangers deliver? It were good for thee to imprint it well in thy memory, to the end it may teach thee to know God better, and give him thanks for that he hath given thee a Father, who to exempt thee from the la∣bours and necessities of this life hath parted with three of the goodliest things in this Coun∣try, whereof the least is worth above a hundred thousand Taeis, and bestowed them on thee, but thou art of a humour more inclined to hunt a Hare, then to retain this vvhich I novv tell thee; The young Gentleman made no reply, but smiling looked upon his Sisters. Then the old man caused meat to be brought unto us before him, and commanded us to fall to it, as vve most vvillingly did, whereat he took great pleasure, in regard his stomack was quite gone with his sickness, but his young daughters much more, who with their brother did nothing but laugh to see us feed our selves with our hands, for that is contrary to the cu∣stome which is observed throughout the whole Empire of China, where the Inhabitants at their meat carry it to their mouthes with two little sticks made like a pair of Cizers; Af∣ter we had given God thanks, the old man that had well observed us, lifting up his hands to heaven, with tears in his eyes, Lord, said he, that livest raigning in the tranquility of thy high wisdome, I laud thee in all humility for that thou permittest men that are strangers, come from the farthest end of the world, and without the knowledge of thy doctrine, to render thee thanks, and give thee praise according to their weak capacity, which makes me beleeve that thou wilt accept of them with as good a will, as if it were some great offering of melodious mu∣sick agreeable to thine eares. Then he caused three pieces of linnen cloth, and four Taeis of Silver to be given us, willing us withall to passe that night in his house, because it was somewhat too late for us to proceed on our journey; This offer we most gladly accept∣ed, and with complements, after the manner of the Country we testified our thankfulness to him, wherewith himself, his wife, and his son rested very well satisfied.

CHAP. XXVII. Our arrival at the Town of Taypor, where we were made Prisoners, and so sent to the Citie of Nanquin.

THe next morning by break of day parting from that place, we went to a Village cal∣led Einginilau▪ which was some four leagues from the old Gentlemans house,* where we remained three dayes, and then continuing travelling from one place to another, and from Village to Village, ever declining the great Towns, for fear lest the Justice of the country should call us in question in regard we were strangers; in this manner we spent al∣most two months without receiving the least damage from any body. Now there is no doubt but we might easily have got to the C•tie of Nanquin in that time if we had had a guide, but for w•nt of knowing the way we wandred we knew not whither, suffering much, and running many hazards; At length we arrived at a Village, named Chaucer, at such a time as they were a solemnizing a sumptuous Funeral of a very rich woman, that had disinhe∣rited her kindred, and left her estate to the Pagod of this Village, where she was buried, as we understood by the Inhabitants; We were invited then to this Funeral, as other poor people were, and according to the custome of the Country we did eat on the grave of the deceased: At the end of three dayes that we stayed there, which was the time •he funeral lasted, we had six Taeis given us for an Alms, conditionally that in all our Orai∣sons we should pray unto God for the soul of the departed. Being gone from this place we continued on our journey to another Village, called Guinapalir, from whence we were almost two months travelling from country to country, untill at last our ill fortune brought us to a Town, named Taypor, where by chance there was at that time a Chumbrin, that is to say, one of those Super-intendents of Justice, that every three years are sent throughout the Provinces for to make report unto the King of all that passeth there: This naughty man seeing us go begging from door to door called to us from a window where he was, and would know of us who we were, and of what Nation, as also what obliged us to run up and down the World in that manner? Having asked us these questions in the presence of three Registers, and of many other persons, that were gathered together to behold us, we answered him, that we were strangers, Natives of the Kingdom of Siam, who being cast away by a storm at Sea went thus travelling and begging our living, to the end we might su∣stain our selves with the charity of good people, until such time as we could arrive at Nan∣quin,Page  104 whither we were going with an intent to imbarque our selves there in some of the Mer∣chants Lanteaas for Canton, where the shipping of our Nation lay. This answer we made unto the Chumbim, who questionless had been well enough contented with it, and would have let us go, had it been for one of his Clarks, for he told them that we were idle vagabonds, that spent our time in begging from door to door, and abusing the alms that were given us, and therefore he was at no hand to let us go free, for fear of incurring the punishment, ordained for such as offend in that sort, as is set forth in the seventh of the twelve books of the Statutes of the Realm; wherefore as his faithful servant he counselled him to lay us in good and sure hold, that we might be forth-coming to answer the Law: The Chumbim presently followed his Clarks advice, and carried himself toward us with as much barbarous cruelty, as could be expected from a Pagan, such as he was, that lived without God or religion; To which effect after he had heard a number of false witnesses, who charged us with many foul crimes, where∣of we never so much as dreamt, he caused us to be put into a deep dungeon, with irons on our hands and feet, and great iron collars about our necks; In this miserable place we endu∣red such hunger, and were so fearfully whipped, that we were in perpetual pain for six and twenty days together, at the end whereof we were by the sentence of the same Chumbim sent to the Parliament of the Cheam of Nanquin, because the Jurisdiction of this extended not to the condemnation of any prisoner to death.

*We remained six and twenty days in that cruel prison, whereof I spake before, and I vow we thought we had been six and twenty thousand years there, in regard of the great misery we suffered in it, which was such, as one of our companions called Ioano Roderiguez Bravo, died in our arms, being eaten up with lice, we being no way able to help him, and it was al∣most a miracle that the rest of us escaped alive from that filthy vermine; At length, one mor∣ning, when we thought of nothing less, loden with irons as we were, and so weak that we could hardly speak, we were drawn out of that prison, and then being chained one to another, we were imbarqued with many others, to the number of thirty or forty, that having been convicted for sundry hainous crimes, were also sent to the Parliament of Nanquin, wh••e, as I have already declared, is always residing a Chaem of Justice, which is like to the Sovereign Title of the Vice-roy of China: There is likewise a Parliament of some five and twenty Ge∣rozemos and Ferucuas, which are as those we call Judges with us, and that determine all causes, as well civil as criminal: So as there is no appeal from their sentence, unless it be unto another Court, which hath power even over the King himself, whereunto if one appeals, it is as if he appealed to heaven: To understand this the better, you must know that although this Parli∣ament, and others such like, which are in the principal Cities of the Realm, have an absolute power from the King, both over all criminal & civil causes, without any opposition or appeal whatsoever, yet there is another Court of Justice, which is called the Court of the Creator of all things, where∣unto it is permitted to appeal in weighty and i•portant matters: In this Court are ordinarily assi∣sting four & twenty Menigrepos, which are certain religious men, very austere in their manner of living, such as the Capuchins are amongst the Papists, & verily if they were Christians, one might hope for great matters from them in regard of their marvellous abstinence, & sincerity: There are none admitted into this rank of Judges under seventy years of age, & are elected thereunto by the suffrages of their chiefest Prelates, most incorruptible men, & so just in all the causes, whereof there are appeals before them, as it is not possible to meet with more upright, for were it against the King himself, andagainst all the powers that may be imagined in the world, no consideration, how great soever, is able to make them swerve never so little from that they think to be justice. Having been imbarqued in the manner I spake of, the same day at night we went & lay at a great tower, called Potinleu, in one of the prisons whereof were mained nine days, by reason of the much rain that fell then upon the conjunction of the New-moon: There we happened to meet with a Russian prisoner, that received as very charitably, of whom demanding in the Chinese tongue, which he understood as well as we, what countrey-man he was, and what fortune had brought him thither; he told us, that he was of Moscovy, born in a town, named Hiquegens, and that some five years past, being accused for the death of a man, he had been condemned to a perpetual prison, but as a stranger he appealed from that sentence to the tribunal of the Aytau of Batampina, in the City of Pequin, who was the highest of the two and thirty Admirals, established in this Empire, that is, for every Kingdom one: He added further, that this Admiral by a particular Jurisdiction, had absolute power over all strangers, whereupon he hoped to find some relief from him, intending to go and die a Christian among the Christians, if he might have the Page  105 good hap to be set at liberty. After we had passed those nine days in this prison, being rein∣barqued, we sayled up a great river seven days together, at the end whereof we arrived at Nanquin. As this City is the second of all the Empire, so is it also the Capital of the three King∣doms of Liampoo, Fanius, and Sambor: Here we lay six weeks in prison, and suffered so much pain and misery, as reduced to the last extreamities, we died incensibly for want of suc∣cour, not able to do any thing, but look up to heaven with a pitiful eye; for it was our ill for∣tune to have all that we had stoln from us the first night we came thither: This prison was so great, that there were four thousand prisoners in it at that time, as we were credibly inform∣ed, so that one should hardly •it down in any place without being robbed, and filled •ull of lice▪ having layn there a month and an half, as I said, the Anchacy, who was one of the Jud∣ges before whom our cause was to be pleaded, pronounced our sentence at the Suit of the Atturny General, the tenor whereof was, That having seen and considered our process, which the Chumbin of Taypor had sent him, it appeared by the accusations laid to outcharge, that we were very hainous mal•factors, & though we denied many things, yet in justice no credit was to be given unto us, & therefore that we were to be publickly whipped, for to teach us to live better in time to come, and that withall our two thumbs should be cut off, wherewith it was evident by manifest suspicions, that we used to commit robberies, and other vile crimes; & furthermore, that for the remainder of the punishment we deserved, he referred us to the Aytau of Bataupina, un∣to whom it appertained to take cognisance of such causes, in regard of the Jurisdiction that he had of life and death. This Sentence was pronounced in the prison, where it had been better for us to have suffered death, then the stripes that we received, for all the ground round about us ran with blood upon our whiping, so that it was almost a miracle, that of the eleven which we were, nine escaped alive, for two of our company died three days after, besides one of our servants.

After we had been whipped in that manner, I have declared,* we were carried into a great Chamber, that was in the prison, where were a number of sick, and diseased persons, lying upon beds, and otherways; There we had presently our stripes washed, and things applyed unto them, whereby we were somewhat eased of our pain, and that by men, much like unto the fraternity of mercy among the Papists, which only out of charity, and for the honour of God, do tend those that are sick, and liberally furnish them with all things necessary. Hereafter some eleven or twelve days, we began to be pretily recovered, and as we were lamenting our ill fortune, for being so rigorously condemned to lose our thumbs, it pleased God one morning, when as we little dreamt ofit, that we espied two men come into the chamber, of a good aspect, clothed in long gowns of violet coloured satin, & carrying white rods in their hands; As soon as they arrived, all the sick persons in the Chamber cried out, Blessed be the Ministers of the works ofGod: whereunto they answ•red, holding up their rods, May it please God to give you pa∣tience in your adversity: whereupon having distributed clothes and money to those that were next to them, they came unto us, and after they had saluted us very courteously, with demon∣stration of being moved at our tears, they asked us who we were, and of what countrey, as also why we were imprisoned there: whereunto we answered weeping, that we were strangers, nativ•s of the Kingdom of Siam, and of a country called Malaca, that being Merchants and well to live, we had imbarqued our selves with our goods, and being bound for Liam∣poo, we had been cast away just against the Isles of Lamau, having lost all that we had, and nothing left us but our miserable bodies in the case they now saw us; moreover we ad∣ded, that being thus evil intreated by fortune, arriving at the City of Taypor, the Chumbin of Justice had caused us to be apprehended without any cause, laying to our charge, that we were thieves and vagabonds, who to avoid pains-taking went begging from door to door, entertaining our idle laziness with the alms that were given us unjusty, whereof the Chumbin having made informations at his pleasure, as being both Judg and party, he had laid us in irons in the prison, where for two and forty days space, we had indured incredible pain and hunger, and no man would hear us in our justifications, as well because we had not wherewithall to give presents for to maintain our right, as for that we wanted the language of the Country. In conclusi•n, we told them, how in the mean time, without any cognisance of the cause, we had been condemned to be whipped, as also to have our thumbs cut off, like thieves, so that we had already suffered the first punishment, with so much rigour and cruelty, that the marks thereof remained but two visibly upon our wretched bodies, and therefore we conjured them by the charge they had to serve God in assisting the afflicted, that they would not abandon us in this need, the rather for that our extream poverty rendred as odious to all the world, and ex∣posed Page  106 us to the induring of all affronts. These two men having heard us attentively, re∣mained very pensive and amazed at our speech; at length lifting up their eyes, all bathed with tears, to heaven, and kneeling down on the ground, O almighty Lord, said they, that governest in the highest places, and whose patience is incomprehensible, be thou evermore blessed, for that thou art pleased to harken unto the complaints of necessitous and miserable men, to the end that the great offences committed against thy divine goodness by the Ministers of Iu∣stice may not rest unpunished, as we hope that by thy holy Law they will be chastised at one time or other. Whereupon they informed themselves more amply by those who were about us, of what we had told them, and presently sending for the Register, in whose hands our sentence was, they straitly commanded him, that upon pain of grievous punishment he should forthwith bring them all the proceedings which had been used against us, as instant∣ly he did; now the two Officers, seeing there was no remedy for the whipping that we had suff•red, presented a Petition in our behalf unto the Chaem, whereunto this Answer was returned by the Court; Mercy hath no place, where Iustice looseth her name, in regard whereof your request cannot be granted. This Answer was subscribed by the Chaem, and eight Conchacis, that are like criminal Judges. This hard proceeding much astonished these two Proctors for the poor, so named from their office, whe•efore carried with an extream desire to draw us out of this misery, they presently preferred another Petition to the Sove∣raign Court of Justice, of which I spake in the precedent Chapter, where the Menigr•pos and Talegrepos were Judges, an Assembly which in their language is called, The breath of the Creator of all things. In this Petition, as sinners, confessing all that we were accus•d of, we had recourse to mercy, vvhich sorted well for us; for as soon as the Petition was pre∣sented unto them, they read the Processe quite through, and finding that our right was o∣verborn for vvant of succour, they instantly dispatched away two of their Court, vvho with an expresse Mandate und•r their hands and Seals, went and prohibited the Chaems Court from intermedling with this cause, which they commanded away before them. In obedi∣ence to this Prohibition the Chaems Court made this Decree, We, that are assembled in this Court of Iustice of the Lyon crowned in the throne of the world, having perused the Petition pre∣sented to the four and twenty Iudges of the austere life, do consent, that those nine strangers be sent by way of appeal to the Court of the Aytau of Aytaus in the Citie of Pequin, to the end that in mercy the sentence pronounced against them may be favourably moderated: Given the seventh day of the fourth Moon, in the three and twentieth year of the raign of the Son of the Sun. This Decree, being signed by the Chaem, and the eight Conchacis, was presently brought us by the two Proctors for the poor, upon the Receit whereof we told them, that we could but pray unto God to reward them for the good they had done us for his sake; whereunto beholding us with an eye of pitie, they answered, May his Celestial goodness direct you in the knowledge of his works, that thereby you may with patience gather the fruit of your labours, as they which fear to offend his holy Name.

*After we had past all the adversities and miseries, whereof I have spoken before, we were imbarqued in the company of some other thirty or forty Prisoners, that were sent, as we were, from this Court of Justice to that other Soveraign one by way of appeal, there to be either acquitted or condemned, according to the crimes they had committed, and the punishment they had deserved. Now a day before our departure, being imbarqued in a Lanteaa, and chained three and three together, the two Proctors for the poor came to us, and first of all furnishing us with all things needful, as clothes, and Victuals, they asked us whether we wanted any thing else for our Voyage? Whereunto we answered, that all we could desire of them was, that they would be pleased to convert that further good they in∣tended to us into a Letter of Recommendation unto •he Officers of that holy Fraternity of the Citie of Pequin, thereby to oblige them to maintain the right of our cause, in regard (as they very well knew) they should otherwise be sure to be utterly abandoned of every one, by re•son they were strangers and altogether unknown. The Proctors hearing us speak in this manner: Say, not so, replyed they, for though your ignorance discharges you before God, yet have you committed a great sin, because the more you are abased in the world through pover∣ty, the more shall you be exalted before the eyes of his divine Majesty, if you patiently bear your crosses, whereunto the flesh indeed doth always oppose it self, being evermore rebellious against the Spirit, but as a Bird cannot fly without her wings, no more can the soul meditate without works: As for the Letter you require of us, we will give it you most willingly, knowing it will Page  107 be very necessary for you, to the end that the favour of good people be not wanting to you in your need. This said they g•ve us a sack ful of Rice, together with four Taeis in silver, and a Coverlet to lay upon us; Then having very much recommended us unto the Chifuu, who was the Officer of iustice that conducted us, they took their leaves of us in most courteous manner; The next morning as soon as it was day they sent us the Letter, sealed with three Seals in green Wax, the Contents whereof were these; Ye servants of that high Lord, the resplendent mirrour of an uncreated light, before whom our merits are nothing in compari∣son of his, we the least servants of that holy house of Tauhina•el, that was founded in fa∣vour of the fifth prison of Nanquin, with true words of respect, which we owe unto you, we give your most humble persons to understand, that these nine strangers, the bearers of this Let∣ter, are men of a far country, whose bodies and goods have been so cruelly intreated by the fu∣rie of the sea, that according to their report, of ninety and five that they were, they only have escaped shipwrack, being cast by the tempest on the shore of the Isles of Taut•a, upon the coast of the Bay of Sumbor: In which pitious and lamentable case, as we have seen them with our own eyes, begging their living from place to place of such, as charitie obliged to give them something after the manner of good folkes, it was their ill fortune without all reason or ju∣stice to be apprehended by the Chumbin of Taypor, and sent to this fifth prison of Faniau, where they were condemned to be whipped, which was immediatly executed upon them by the Mini∣sters of the displeased arm, as by their Process better appeareth: But afterwards, when as through too much crueltie their thumbs were to be cut off, they with tears besought us, for that Soveraign Lords sake, in whose service we are imployed, to be assisting unto them, which pre∣sently undertaken by us we preferred a Petition in their behalf, whereunto this Answer was made by the Court of the crowned Lyon, That mercy had no place where justice lost her name; where∣upon provoked by a true zeal to Gods honour, we addressed our selves to the Court of those four and twenty of the austere life, who carried by a blessed devotion instantly assembled in the Ho∣ly House of the remedy for the poor, and of an extream desire they had to succour these miserable creatures, they interdicted that great Court from proceeding any further against them, and ac∣cordingly the success was agreeable to the mercy of so great a God, for these last Iudges revoking the others first Sentence, sent the cause by way of Appeal to your Citie of Pequin with amend∣ment of the second punishment, as you may see more at large by the proceedings; In regard whereof, most reverend and humble Brethren, We beseech you all in the Name of God to be favourable unto them, and to assist them with whatsoever you shall thinke necessary for them, that they may not be oppressed in thier right which is a very great sin, and an eternal infamy to us, who again intreat you to supply them with your Alms, and bestow on them means to co∣ver their nakedness, to the end they may not perish for want of help, which if you do there is no doubt but that so pious a work will be most acceptable to that Lord above, to whom the poor of the earth do continually pray, and are heard in the Highest of Heavens, as we hold for an Article of Faith; On which earth may it please that divine Majestie, for whose sake we do this, to preserve us till death, and to render us worthy of his presence in the house of the Sun, where he i• seated with all his. Written in the Chamber of the zeal of Gods honour, the ninth day of the seventh Moon, and the three and twentieth year of the Raign of the Lyon crowned in the Throne of the World.

CHAP. XXVIII. The Marvels of the Citie of Nanquin, our departure from thence towards Pequin, and that which hapned unto us, till we arrived at the Town of Sempitay.

THis Letter being brought to us very early the next morning,* we departed in the man∣ner before declared, and continued our voyoge till Sun-set, when as we anchored at a little Village, named Minhacutem, where the Chifuu, that conducted us▪ was born, and where his Wife and Children were at that time, vvhich vvas the occasion that he remained there three dayes, at the end whereof he imbarqued himself vvith his family, and so we passed on in the company of divers other Vessels, that went upon this River unto divers parts of this Empire: Now though we vvere all tyed together to the bank of the Lauteaa, where vve rowed, yet did we not for all that lose the view of many Towns and Villages that were scituated along this River, whereof I hold it not amisse to make some descriptions; To which effect, I will begin with the Citie of Nanquin from whence we last parted; This Page  108 City is under the North in nine and thirty degrees, and three quarters, scituated upon the ri∣ver of Batampina, which signifies, The flower of fish. This river, as we were told then, and as I have seen since, comes from Tartaria, out of a lake, called Fanistor, nine leagues from the City of Lancama, where Tamberlan, King of the Tartarians usually kept his Court; Out of the same lake, which is eight and twenty leagues long, twelve broad, and of a mighty depth, the greatest rivers, that ever I saw, take their source; The first is the same Batampina, that passing through the midst of this Empire of China three hundred and threescore leagues in length, disim∣b•ques into the sea at the bay of Nanquin in thirty six degrees; The second, named Lechuna, runs with great swiftness all along by the mountains of Pancruum, which separate the Coun∣try of Cauchim, and the State of Catebenan, in the height of sixteen degrees; The third is called Tauquida, signifying the Mother of waters, that going North-west, traverseth the Kingdom of Nacataas, a Country where China was anciently seated, as I will declare here∣after, and enters into the sea in the Empire of Sornau, vulgarly stiled Siam, by the mouth of Cuy, one hundred and thirty leagues below Patana; The fourth, named Batobasoy, de∣scends out of the Province of Sansim, which is the very same that was quite overwhelmed by the sea in the year 1556. as I purpose to shew else-where, and renders it sel• into the sea at the mouth of Cosmim, in the Kingdom of Pegu; The fifth and last, called Leysacotay, crosseth the Country by East as far as to the Archipelago of Xinxipou, that borders upon Mocovye, and fals, as is thought, into a sea that is not navigable, by rea•on the clymate there is in the height of seventy degrees. Now to return to my discourse, the City of Nanquin, as I said before, is seated by this river of Batampina, upon a reasonable high hill, so as it commands all the plains about it; The climate thereof is somewhat cold, but very healthy, and it is eight leagues about, which way soever it is considered, three leagues broad, and one long; The houses in it are not above two stories high, and all built of wood, only those of the Mandarins are made of hewed stone, and also invironed with walls and ditches, over which are stone bridges, where∣on they passe to the gates, that have rich and costly arches, with divers sorts of inventions up∣on the towers, all which put together, make a pleasing object to the eye, and represent a cer∣tain kind of I know not what Majesty. The houses of the Chaems, Anchacys, Ayta•s, Tu•o•s, and Chumbims, which are all Gove•nours of Provinces or Kingdoms, have stately towers, six or seven stories high, and guilt all •ver, wherein they have their magazines for arms, their Wardrobes, their treasuries, and a world of rich housholdstuff, as also many other things of great value, together with an infinite of delicate and most fine porcelain, which amongst them is prised and esteemed as much as precious stone, for this sort of porcelain never goes out of the Kingdom, it being expresly forbidden by the laws of the Country, to be sold, upon pain of death to any stranger, unlesse to the Xatamaas, that is, the Sophyes of the Persians, who by a particular permission buy of it at a very dear rate. The Chineses assured us, that in this City there are eight hundred thousand fires, fourscore thousand Mandarins houses, threescore and two great market plac•s, an hundred and thirty butchers shambles, each of them con∣taining fourscore shops, and eight thousand streets, whereof six hundred that are fairer and larger then the rest, are compassed about with b•llisters of copper; we were further assured, that there are likewise two thousand and three hundred Pagodes, a thousand of which were Monestaries of religious persons, professed in their accursed Sect, whose buildings were exceed∣ing rich and sumptuous, with very high steeples, wherein there were between sixty and seventy such mighty huge bels, that it was a dreadful thing to here them rung; There are moreover in this City thirty great strong prisons, each whereof hath three or four thousand prisoners; and a charitable Hospital, expresly established to supply the necessities of the poor, with Proctors ordained for their defence, both in civil and criminal causes, as is before related; At the en∣trance into every principal street, there are arches and great gates, which for each mans se∣curity, are shut every night, and in most of the streets are goodly fountains whose water is excellent to drink; Besides, at every full •nd new moon, open fayrs are kept in several places, whither Merchants resort from all parts, and where there is such abundance of all kind of victu∣al, as cannot well be exprest, especially of fl•sh and fruit; It is not possible to deliver the great store of fish that is taken in this river, chiefly Soles and Mullets, which are all sold alive, besides a world of sea-fish, both fresh, salted, and dried; we were told by certain Chineses, that in this City there are ten thousand trades for the working of silks, which from thence are sent all over the Kingdom; The City it self is invironed with a very strong wall, made of fair hew∣ed stone; The gates of it are an hundred and thirty, at each of which there is a Porter, and Page  109 two Halberdiers, who are bound to give an account every day of all that p•sses in and out; There are also twelve Forts or Cittadels, like unto ours, with bulwarks and very high towers, but without any ordinance at all▪ The same Chineses also affirmed unto us, that the City yeild∣ed the King daily two thousand Taeis of silver, which amount to three thousand duckats, as I have delivered heretofore; I will not speak of the Pallace royal, because I saw it but on the out∣side, howbeit the Chines•s tell such wonders of it, as would amaze a man, for it is my intent to relate nothing save what we beheld here with our own eyes, and that was so much as I am afraid to write it, not that it would seem strange to those that have seen and read the marvels of the Kingdom of China, but because I doubt, that they, which would compare those won∣drous things that are in the countrys, they have not seen with that little they have seen in their own will make some question of it, or it may be give no credit at all to these truth, because they are not confo•mable to their understanding, and small experience.

Continuing our course up this river,* the first two days we saw not any remarkable town or place, but only a great number of Villages, and little hamlets of two or three hundred fires a piece, which by their buildings seemed to be houses of fisher men, and poor people, that live by the labour of their hands; For the rest, all that was within view in the countrey, was great woods of Firr, Groves, Forrests, and Orange trees, as also plains full of wheat, rice, beans, pease, millet, panick, barley, rye, flax, cotton wool, with great inclosures of gardens, and goodly houses of pleasure, belonging to the Mandarins, and Lords of the Kingdom: There was likewise all along the river such an infinite number of cattel of all sorts, as I can assure you there is not more in Aethiopia, nor in all the dominions of Prester Iohn; upon the top of the mountains many houses of their Sects of Gentiles were to be seen, adorned with high Steeples guilt all over, the glistering whereof was such, and so great, that to behold them a far off was an admirable sight: The fourth day of our voyage we arrived at a town, called Pocasser, twice as big as Cantano, compassed about with strong wals of hewed stone, and towers and bulwarks almost like ours, together with a key on the river side, twice as long as the shot of a falconet, and inclosed with two rows of iron grates, with very strong gates, where the Junks and vessels that arrived there were unladen; This place abounds with all kinds of merchandise, which from thence is transported over all the Kingdom, especially with copper, sugar, and allum, whereof there is very great store; Here also in the middest of a carrefour, that is almost at the end of the town, stands a mighty strong castle, having three bulwarks and five towers, in the highest of which the present Kings Father, as the Chineses told us, kept a King of Tartaria nine years prisoner, at the end whereof he killed himself with poyson, that his subjects sent him, because they would not be constrained to pay that ran∣some, which the King of China demanded for his deliverance: In this town the Chifuu gave three of us leave to go up and down for to crave the alms of good people, accompanied with four Hupes, that are as Sergeants, or Bailiffs amongst us, who led us, chained together, as we were, through six or seven streets, where we got in alms to the value of above twent• duckats, as well in clothes, as mony, besides flesh, rice• meal, fruit, and other victuals, which was ••stow∣ed on us, whereof we gave the one half to the Hupes that conducted us, it being the custom so to do. Afterwards we were brought to a Pagode, whither the people flocked from all parts that day, in regard of a very solemn feast that was then celebrated there: This Temple, or Pagode, as we were told▪ had somtime been a Pallace royal, where the King then reigning was born, now because the Queen his Mother died there in child-birth, she commanded her self to be buried in the very same chamber where she was brought to bed, wherefore to honour her death the better, this Temple was dedicated to the invocation of Tauhinaret, which is one of the principal Sects of the Pagans in the Kingdom of China, as I will more am•ly de∣clare, when as I shall speak of the Labyrinth of the two and thirty laws that are in it; All the buildings of this Temple, together with all the gardens, and walks, that belong to it, are suspended in the ayr upon three hundred and threescore pillars, every one of the which is of one intire stone of a very great bigness; These three hundred and threescore pillars, are called by the names of three hundred and threescore days of the year, and in each of them is a particular feast kept there with many alms, gifts, and bloody sacaifices, accompanied with musick, dancing, and other sports; Under this Pagode, namely between those pillars, are eight very fair streets, in∣closed on every side with grates of copper, and gates for the passage of pilgrims, and others, that run continually to this feast, as it were to a Jubilee; The Chamber above, where the Queen lay, was made in the form of a Chappel, but round, and from the top to the bottom all gar∣nished Page  110 with silver, the workmanship whereof was of greater cost then the matter it self; In the midst of it stood a kind of Tribunal, framed round, like the Chamber, some fifteen steps high, compassed about with six gra•es of silver, on the top whereof was a great bowl, and upon that a Lion of silver, that with his head supported a shrine of gold, three hand-bredths square, wherein they said, the bones of the Queen were, which these blinded ignorants reve∣renced as a great relique; Below this Tribunal in equal proportion were four bars of silver, that traversed the Chamber, whereon hung three and forty lamps of the same mettal, in memo∣ry of the three and forty years that this Queen lived, and seven lamps of gold in commamo∣ration of seven sons that she had; moreover at the entry into the Chappel, just against the door, were eight other bars of iron, whereon also hung a very great number of silver lamps, which the Chineses told us were offered by some of the Wives of the Chaems, Aytaos, Tu∣toens, and Anchacys, who were assistant at the death of the Queen, so that in aknowledg∣ment of that honour they sent those lamps thither afterwards; without the gates of the Tem∣ple, and round about six ballisters of copper that invironed it, were a great many Statues of Giants, fifteen foot high, cast in brass, all well proportioned with halberts or clubs in their hands, and some of them with battle-axes on their shoulders, which made so brave and ma∣jestical a shew, as one could never be satisfied enough with looking on them; Amongst these Statues, which were in number twelve hundred, as the Chineses affirmed, there were four and twenty very great Serpents also of brass, and under every one of them a woman seated, with a sword in her hand, and a silver crown on her head; It was said, that those four and twenty women carried the Titles of Queens, because they sacrificed themselves to the death of this Queen, to the end their souls might serve hers in the other life, as in this their bodies had served her body, a matter which the Chineses, that draw their extraction from these wo∣men, hold for a very great honour, insomuch as they inrich the crests of their coats of arms with it; round about this row of Giants was another of triumphant arches, guilt all over, whereon a number of silver bels hung by chains of the same mettal, which moved with the air kept such a continual ringing, as one could hardly hear one another for the noise they made; Without these arches there were likewise at the same distance two rows of copper grates, that inclosed all this huge work, and among them certain pillars of the same mettal, which support∣ed Lions rampant, mounted upon bowls, being the arms of the Kings of China, as I have related elsewhere. At each corner of the Carrefour was a monster of brass, of so strange and unmeasurable an heighth, and so deformed to behold, as it is not possible almost for a man to imagine, so that I think it best not to speak of them, the rather for that I confess I am not able in words to express the form wherein I saw their prodigies; Howbeit as it is reaso∣nable to conceal these things without giving some knowledg of them, I will say, as much as my weak understanding is able to deliver. One of these Monsters which is on the right hand, as one comes into the Carrefour, whom the Chineses call, the Serjeant Gluttom of the hol∣low or profound house of smoak, and that by their histories is held to be Lucifer, is represen∣ted under the figure of a Serpent of an excessive heighth, with most hideous and deformed adders coming out of his stomack, covered all over with green and black scares, and a num∣ber of prickles on their backs above a span long, like unto Porcupins quils; each of these Ad∣ders had a woman between his jaws, with her hair all dishevelled, and standing an end, as one affrighted; The monster carried also in his mouth, which was unmeasurable great, a Vizard that was above thirty foot long, and as big as a tun, with his nostrils & chaps so full of blood, that all the rest of his body was besmeared with it, this Vizard held a great Eliphant between his paws, and seemed to gripe him so hard, as his very guts came out of his throat, and all this was done so proportionably, and to the life, that it made a man tremble to behold such a deformed figure, and which was scarce possible for one to imagine: His tail might be some twenty fathom long, was entortilled about such another Monster, that was the second of the four, whereof I spake, in the figure of a man, being an hundred foot high, and by the Chineses called Turcamparoo, who they say was the son of that Serpent; besides that he was very ugly, he stood with both his hands in his mouth, that was as big as a great gate, with a row of horrible teeth, and a foul black tongue, hanging out two fathom long, most dreadfull to behold: As for the other two Monsters, one was in the form of a woman, named by the Chineses, Magdelgau, seven∣teen fathom high, and six thick; This same about the girdlesteed before had a face made pro∣portionable to her body, above two fathom broad, and she breathed out of her mouth and nostrils great ••akes, not of artificial, but true fire, which proceeded, as they told us, from Page  111 her head, where fire was continually kept, that in like manner came out of the said face be∣low. By this Figure these Idolaters would demonstrate that she was the Queen of the fie∣ry sphear, which according to their belief is to burn the earth at the end of the World. The fourth Monster was a man, set stooping, which with great swoln cheeks, as big as the main sail of a Ship, seemed to blow extreamly; this Monster was also of an unmeasurable height, an• of such an hideous and gastly aspect, that a man could hardly endure the sight of it; the Chineses called it Vzanguenaboo, and said, that it was he which raised Tempests upon the Sea, and demolished Buildings, in regard whereof the people offred many things unto him, to the end he should do them no harm, and many presented him with a piece of money yearly, that he might not drown their Junks, nor do any of theirs hurt that went by Sea; I will omit many other abuses which their blindness makes them beleeve, and which they hold to be so true, as there is not one of them but would endure a thousand deaths for the maintenance thereof.

The next day being gone from the Town of Pocasser we arrived at another fair and great Town, called Xinligau; there we saw many Buildings inclosed with walls of Brick,* and deep ditches about them, and at one end of the Town two Castles, very well fortified with Towers and Bulwarks after our fashion; at the gates were draw Bridges, suspended in the air with great Iron chains, and in the midst of them a Tower five Stories high, very curi∣ously painted with several Pictures; the Chineses assured us, that in those two Castles there was as much Treasure, as amounted to fifteen thousand pieces of silver, which was the re∣venue of all this Archipelage, and laid up in this place by the Kings Grandfather now raign∣ing, in Memorial of a Son of his that was born here, and named Leuquinau, that is to say, The joy of all; those of the Country repute him for a Saint, because he ended his dayes in Religion, where also he was buried in a Temple, dedicated to Quiay Varatel, the God of all the Fishes of the Sea, of whom these miserable Ignorants recount a world of Foole∣ries, as also the Laws he invented, and the precepts which he left them, being able to asto∣nish a man, as I will more amply declare when time shall serve. In this Town and in another five leagues higher the most part of the Silks of this Kingdome are dyed, because they hold that the waters of these places make the colours far more lively then those of any other part, and these Dyers, which are said to be thirteen thousand, pay unto the King yearly three hundred thousand Taeis. Continuing our course up the River the day after about evening we arrived at certain great plains, where were great store of Cat•le, as Hor∣ses, Mares, Colts, and Cows, guarded by men on Horsback, that make sale of them to Butchers, who afterwards retail them indifferently as any other flesh: Having past these plains containing some ten or eleven Leagues, we came to a Town called Iunquileu, walled with Brick, but without Battlements, Bulwarks, or Towers, as others had, where•f I have spoken before; at the end of the Suburbs of this Town we saw divers houses built in the water upon great Piles, in the form of Magazines; Before the gate of a little street stood a Tombe made of stone, invironed with an Iron grate, painted red and green, and over it a steeple framed of pieces of very fine Pourcelain, sustained by four pillars of curious stone; upon the top of the Tombe were five Globes, and two others that seemed to be of cast iron, and on the one side thereof were graven in Letters of gold, and in the Chinese lan∣guage, words of this substance. Here lyes Trannocem Mudeliar, Vncle to the King of Malaca, whom death took out of the World before he could be revenged of Captain Alphon∣so Albuquerque, the Lyon of the robberies of the Sea. We were much amazed to behold this Inscription there, wherefore enquiring what it might mean, a Chinese, that seemed more honourable then the rest, told us; that about some fortie years before, this man which lay buried there, came thither as Embassador from a Prince, that stiled himself King of Malaca, to demand succour from the son of the Sun against men of a Country, that hath no name, which came by Sea from the end of the World, and had taken Malaca from him; this man recounted many other incredible things concerning this matter, whereof mention is made in a printed Book thereof, as also that this Embassador having continued three years at the Kings Court suing for this succour, just as it was granted him, and that pre∣parations for it were a making, it was his ill fortune to be surprised one night at Supper with an Apoplexie, whereof he dyed at the end of nine dayes, so that extreamly afflicted to see himself carried away by a suddain death before he had accomplished his business, he ex∣pressed his earnest desire of revenge by the Inscription which he caused to be graven on his Page  112 tombe, that posterity might know wherefore he was come thither. Afterwards we departed from this place, and continued our voyage up the river, which thereabouts is not so large as towards the City of Nanquin, but the Country is here better peopled with Villages, Boroughs, and Gardens, then any other place, for every stones cast we met still with some Pagode, Man∣sion of pleasure, or Countrey house; Passing on about some two leagues further, we arrived at a place encompassed with great iron gates, in the midst whereof stood two mighty Statues of brass upright, sustained by pillars of cast mettal of the bigness of a bushel, and seven fa∣thom high, the one of a man, and the other of a woman, both of them seventy four spans in heighth, having their hands in their mouths, their cheeks horribly blown out, and their eyes so staring, as they affrighted all that looked on them. That which represented a man, was called Quiay Xingatalor, and the other in the form of a woman, was named Apancapatur; Ha∣ving demanded of the Chineses the explication of these figures, they told us that the male was he, which with those mighty swoln cheeks blew the fire of hell for to torment all those mise∣rable wretches, that would not liberally bestow alms in this life; and for the other monster, that she was Porter of hell gate, where she would take notice of those that did her good in this world, and letting them fly away into a river of very cold water, called Ochilenday, would keep them hid there from being tormented by the Divels, as other damned were: Upon this Speech one of our company could not forbear laughing at such a ridiculous and diabolical foolery, which three of their Priests, or Banzoes, then present observing, they were so exceed∣ingly offended therewith, as they perswaded the Chifuu, which conducted us, that if he did not chastise us in such manner, as those gods might be well contented with the punishment in∣flicted on us for our mockery of them, both the one and the other would assuredly torment his soul, and never suffer it to go out of hell; which threatning so mightily terrified this dog, the Chifuu, that without further delay, or hearing us speak, he caused us all to be bound hand and foot, and commanded each of us to have an hundred lashes given him with a double cord, which was immediately executed with so much rigour, as we were all in a gore bloud, where∣by we were taught not to jeer afterwards at any thing we saw, or heard. At such time as we arrived here we found twelve Bonzoes upon the place, who with silver censors full of per∣fumes of aloes and beniamin, censed those two divel•sh Monsters, and chanted out aloud, Help us, even as we serve thee; whereunto divers other Priests answered in the name of the Idol with a great noise, So I promise to do like a good Lord: In this sort they went as it were in procession round about the place, singing with an ill tuned voice to the sound of a great many bels, that were in Steeples thereabouts; In the mean time there were others, that with Drums and Basins made such a dinne, as I may truly say, put them all together, was most horrible to hear.

CHAP. XXIX. Our Arrival at Sempitay, our encounter there with a Christian woman, toge∣ther with the Original and Foundation of the Empire of Chi∣na; and who they were that first peopled it.

FRom this place we continued our voyage eleven days more up the river, which in those parts is so peopled with Cities, Towns, Villages, Boroughs, Forts and Castles, that commonly they are not a flight shot distant one from another, besides a world of houses of plea∣sure, and temples, where Steeples were all guilt, which made such a glorious shew, as we were much amazed at it; In this manner we arrived at a Town, named Sempitay, where we abode five days, by reason the Chifuus wife, that conducted us, was not well: Here by his permission we landed, and chained together, as we were, we went up and down the streets craving of alms, which was very liberally given us by the Inhabitants, who wondering to see such men as we, demanded of us what kind of people we were, of what Kingdom, and how our coun∣trey was called? Hereunto we answered conformably to that we had often said before, namely that we were natives of the Kingdom of of Siam, that going from Liampoo to Nanquin, we had lost all our goods by shipwrack, and that although they beheld us then in so poor a case, yet we had been forme•ly very rich; whereupon a woman who was come thither amongst the rest to see us; It is very likely, said she, speaking to them about her, that what these poor strangers have related is most true, for daily experience doth shew how those that trade by sea, do oftentimes make it their grave, wherefore it is best and surest to travel upon the earth, and Page  113 to esteem of it, as of that, whereof it hath pleased God to frame us; saying, so she gave us two mazes, which amounts to about sixteen pence of our mony, advising us to make no more such long voyages, since our lives were so short: Hereupon she unbottoned one of the sleeves of a red Satin Gown she had on, and baring her left arm, she shewed us a crosse imprinted on it, like to the mark of a slave, saying, Do any of you know this signe, which amongst those, that follow the way of truth, is called a crosse? or have any of you ever heard it named? To this falling down on our knees, we answered, with tears in our eyes, that we know exceeding well; Then lifting up her hands, she cried out, Our Father, which art in heaven, hallowed be thy Name, speaking these words in the Portugal tongue, and because she could speak no more of our language, she very earnestly desired us in Chinese to tell her whether we were Christians; we replyed that we were, and for proof thereof, after we had kissed that arm, whereon the cross was, we repeated all the rest of the Lords prayer, which she had left unsaid, wherewith being assured that we were Christians indeed, she drew aside from the rest there present, and weeping said to us; Come along Christians of the other end of the world, with her that is your true Sister in the faith of Jesus Christ, or peradven∣ture a kinswoman to one of you, by his side that begot me in this miserable exile, and so go∣ing to carry us to her house, the Hupes which guarded us, would not suffer her, saying, that if we would not continue our craving of alms, as the Chifuu had permitted us, they would re∣turn us back to the ship; but this they spake in regard of their own interest, for that they were to have the moitie of what was given us, as I have before declared, and accordingly they made as though they would have lead us thither again, which the woman perceiving, I understand your meaning, said she, and indeed it is but reason you make the best of your pla∣ces, for thereby you live, so opening her purse, she gave them two Taeis in silver, where∣with they were very well satisfied; whereupon with the leave of the Chifuu, she carried us home to her house, and there kept us all the while we remained in that place, making exceed∣ing much of us, and using us very charitably; Here she shewed us an Oratory, wherein she had a cross of wood guilt, as also candlesticks, and a lamp of silver: Furthermore she told us, that she was named, Inez de Leyria, and her Father Tome Pirez, who had been great Am∣bassadour from Portugal to the King of China, and that in regard of an insurrection with a Portugal Captain, made at Canton, the Chineses taking him for a Spye, & not for an Ambassodor, as he termed himself, clapped him and all his followers up in prison, where by order of Justice five of them were put to torture, receiving so many, and such cruel stripes on their bodies, as they died instantly, and that the rest were all banished into several parts, together with her father into this place, where he married with her mother, that had some means, and how he made her a Christian, living so seven and twenty years together, and converting many Gentiles to the faith of Christ, whereof there were above three hundred then abiding in that Town; which every Sunday assembled in her house to say the Catechisme: whereupon demanding of her what were their accustomed prayers, she answered, that she used no other but these, which on their knees, with their eyes and hands lift up to heaven, they pronounced in this manner, O Lord Iesus Christ, as it is most true that thou art the very Son of God, conceived by the Holy Ghost in the womb of the Virgine Mary for the salvation of sinners, so thou wilt be pleased to forgive us our offence• that thereby we may become worthy to behold thy face in the glory of thy Kingdom, where thou art sitting at the right hand of the Almighty. Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed be thy Name. In the Name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, Amen. And so all of them kissing the Cross, imbraced one another, and thereupon returned every one to his own home. Moreover she told us, that her Father had left her many other prayers, which the Chineses had stollen from her, so that she had none left but those before recited; whereunto we replyed, that those we had heard from her were ve∣ry good, but before we went away we would leave her divers other good and wholsome prayers; do so then, answered she, for the respect you owe to so good a God, as yours is, and that hath done such things for you, for me, and for all in general: Then causing the cloth to be laid, she gave us a very good and plentiful dinner, and treated us in like sort every meal, during the five days we continued in her house, which as I said before, was permitted by the Chifuu in regard of a present that this good woman sent his wife, whom she earnestly in∣treated so to deal with her husband, as we might be well intreated, for that we were men of whom God had a particular care, as the Chifuus wife promised her to do with many thanks to her for the present she had received; In the mean space, during the five days we remained Page  114 in her House, we read the Catechism seven times to the Christians, wherewithall they were very much edifyed, beside, Christophoro Borhalho made them a little Book in the Chinese tongue, containing the Pater Noster, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, and many other good Prayers. After these things we to•k our leaves of Inez de Leyria, and the Christians who gave us fifty Taeis in Silver, which stood us since in good stead, •s I shall declare hereaf∣ter, and withall Inez de Leyria gave us secretly fifty Taeis more, humbly desiring us to re∣member her in our Prayers to God.

*After our departure from the Town of Sempitay we continued our course upon the Ri∣ver of Bataupina, unto a place, named Lequinpau, containing about eleven or twelve thou∣sand fires, and very well built, at least we judged so by that we could discern, as also inclo∣sed with good Walls, and Curtains rou•d about it: Not far from it was an exceeding long House; having within it thirty Furnaces on each side, where a great quantity of Sil∣ver was melted, which was brought in carts from a Mountain, some five leagues off, called Tuxenguim: The Chineses assured us, that above a thousand men wrought continually in that Mine to draw out the Silver, and that the King of China had in yearly Revenue out of it about five thousand Picos; This place we left about Sun-set, and the next day in the evening we arrived just between two little Towns, that stood opposite one to another, the River onely between, the one named Pacau, and the other Nacau, which although they were little, yet were they fairly buil•, and well walled with great hewed stone, having a number of Temples, which they call Pagods, all guilt over, and enriched with Steeples and Fanes of great price, very pleasing and agreeable to the eye. Now in regard of that they recounted unto us here of these two Towns, I hold it not amisse to discour•e it in this place, the rather for that I have heard it confirmed since, and that thereby one may come to know the Original and Foundation of this Empire of China, whereof ancient Writers have spoken little •ill this pre∣sent. It is written in the first Chronicle, of fourscore which have been made of the Kings of China, the thirteenth Chapter, as I have heard it many times delivered, That six hundred thirty and nine years, after the Deluge there was a Country called then Guantipocau, which as may be judged by the height of the Climate where it is scituated, being in sixty two degrees to the Northward, abutts on the backside of our Germany; In this Country lived at that time a Prince, named Turbano, whose state was not very great: It is said of him, that being a youth he had three children by a Woman, called Nancaa whom he extreamly affected, although the Queen his Mother then a Widow, was exceedingly displeased at it. This King being much importuned by the principal Persons of his Kingdom to marry, al∣ways excused himself alledging some Reasons for it, which they did not well allow of, but incited by his Mother, they pressed him so far, that at length they perceived he had no intent to condescend unto them, for indeed his minde was to legitimate the eldest Son he had by Nancaa, and to resign his Kingdome unto him; to which effect he not long after put himself into Religion in a Temple named Gison, which seems to have been the Idol of a certain Sect that the Rom••s had in their time, and that is still at this present in the King∣domes of China▪ Iappon, Cauchenchina, Cambaya, and Siam, whereof I have seen many Pagods in those Countries: But first having declared his said •on King, the Queen his Mo∣ther would by no means approve of it, saying, That since the King her Son would needs pro∣fess himself into that Religion, and leave the Kingdom without a lawful Heir, she would labour to remedy so great a disorder, as indeed she did by instantly marrying her self, being fifty years of age, to a Priest of hers, called Silau, that was but six and twenty, whom she proclaimed King, notwithstanding all opposition made to the contrary; whereof Turbano being pre∣sently advertised, and knowing that his Mother had done it of purpose to defeat his Son of the Crown, he got him forthwith out of his Religion for to repossess himself of it, and to that end used all the means and diligence he could, whereupon the Queen Mother, and Silau, fearing that which might follow thereof to both their destructions, if he were not in time, and that speedily prevented, they secretly assembled some of their partakers, to the number of thirty Horse, and fourscore Foot, who going one night where Turbano was, slew him, and all his Company; Howbeit Nancaa saved her self, with her three Sons, and accompanied with certain of her Domestical Servants, she imbarqued her self in a small Lanteaa, and fled away down the River to a place some seventy leagues from thence, where she landed with those few followers she had: There assisted with some others that resorted unto her, she fortified her self in a little Island, that was in the middest of the River, Page  115 and which she named Pilaunere, that signifies, The retreat of the poor, with an intent there to end the rest of her days; now having lived five years in that poor and miserable estate, the Tyrant Silan, whom the People hated, doubting lest the three young Princes coming to age might expell him o•t of what he had injustly usurped upon them, or at leastwise disturb him with Wars, by reason of the right they pretended to the Kingdom, he sent a Fleet of thirty Ienga's, wherein, as it is said, were sixteen hundred men, for to seek them out, and de∣stroy them, whereof Nancaa receiving intelligence fell to consult what she should do, and at length resolved by no means to attend these Forces, in regard her Sons were but Infants, her self a weak Woman, her Men few in number, and unprovided of all that was necessary to make any defence against so great a number of Enemies, and so well furnished; whereupon taking a view of her People she found that they were but thirteen hundred in all, and of them onely five hundred Men, the rest being Women and Children, for all which company there were but three little Lanteaa's, and one Iangaa, in the whole River, and they not able to carry an hundred persons; so that Nancaa seeing no means to transport them away, the History saith, She assembled all her People, and declaring the fear she was in, desired them to advise her what she should do; but excusing themselves, they ingenuously confessed, they knew not what counsel to give her in that extremity: Whereupon, according to their ancient custome, they resolved to cast Lots, to the end that on whom the Lot did fall to speak, he should free∣ly deliver what God would be pleased to inspire him with; For which purpose they took three days time, wherein with fasting, cries, and tears, they would all with one voice crav• the favour and assistance of the Lord Almighty, in whose hands was all the hope of their de∣liverance; This advice being approved of all in general, Nancaa made it to be proclaim∣ed, that upon pain of Death no person whatever should eat above once during those three days, to the end that by this abstinence of the Body, the Spirit might be carried with the greater attention towards God.

The three days abstinence being expired, Lots were cast five times one after another,* and all those five times the Lot fell still on a little Boy of seven years of age, named, as the Tyrant was, Silau, whereat they were all exeedingly amazed, in regard that in the whole Troop there was not another of this same name: After that they had made their Sacrifices with all the accustomed Ceremonies of Musick, Perfumes, and sweet Odours, to render thanks unto God, they commanded the little Boy to lift up his hands unto Heaven, and then to say what he thought was necessary for the remedying of so great an Affliction, as that wherein they were; Whereupon the little Boy, Silau, beholding Nancaa, the History af∣firms he said these words; O feeble and wretched Woman, now that sorrow and affliction makes thee more troubled and perplexed then ever thou wert, in regard of the small relief that humane understanding doth represent unto thee, submit thy self with humble sighs to the om∣nipotent hand of the Lord, Esloign then, or at leastwise labour to esloign, thy minde from the vanities of the Earth, lifting up thine eyes with Faith and Hope, and thou shalt see what the Prayers of an Innocent, afflicted and pursued before the Iustice of him that hath created thee, can do; For assoon as in all humility thou hast declared the weakness of thy power unto the Al∣mighty, Victory will incontinently be given thee from above over the Tyrant Silau; where∣fore I command thee in his Name to imbarque thy self, thy Children, and all thy Followers in thine Enemies Vessels, wherein amidst the confused murmur of the Waters thou shalt wander so long, till thou arrivest at a placew here thou art to lay the Foundation of a House of that Re∣putation, as the Mercy of the most High shall be published there from Generation to Generation by the Voice of a strange People, whose Cries shall be as pleasing to him, as those of sucking Chil∣dren that lie in the Cradle. This said, the little Boy, according to the History, fell down stark dead to the ground, which much astonished Nancaa, and all hers; The said History further delivers, and as I have often heard it read, that five days after the success the thirty Iangaas were one morning seen coming down the River in very good equipage, but not so much as one man in them; the reason hereof, by the report of the History, which the Chi∣neses hold to be most true, was, that all these Ships of War being joyned together for to exe∣cute unmercifully upon Nancaa and her Children the cruel and damnable intentions of the Tyrant Silau, one night as this Fleet rode at Anchor in a place, called Catebasoy, a huge dark Cloud came over them, whereout issued such horrible Thunder and Lightning, accompanied with mighty Rain, the Drops whereof were so hot, that falling upon them which were asleep in the Vessels, it made them leap into the River, so as within less, then an hour they perished Page  116 all; And it is said that one drop of this Rain coming to fall upon a body it burnt in such sort, as it penetrated to the very marrow of the bone with most insupportable pain, no cloths, nor arms, being able to resist it. Nancaa receiving this favour from the hand of the Lord, with abundance of tears and humble thanks, embarqued her self, her children, and all her company, in the said thirty Iangaas, and sailing down the River was carried by the strength of the cur∣rent, which for her sake, the History saith, redoubled then, in seven and forty days to the ve∣ry place where now the City of Pequin is built; There she, and all hers landed, and doubt∣ing lest the Tyrant Silau, whose cruelty she feared, might still pursue her, she fortified her self in this place the best she could.

CHAP. XXX. The Foundation of the four chief Cities of China; together with which of the Kings of China it was that built the Wall between China and Tartaria; and many things that we saw as we past along.

*THe said History delivers, that few days after the poor Nancaa, and her followers, were setled on shore, she caused them to swear fealty unto her eldest Son, and to acknow∣ledge him for their lawful Prince; Now the very same day that he received the Oath o• Alle∣geance from these few Subjects of his, he made election of the place where the Fortress should be erected, together with the inclosure of the Wall; Afterwards, assoon as the first Foundati∣ons were laid, which was speedily done, he went out of his Tent, accompanied with his Mother, who governed all, together with his Brothers, and the chiefest of his company, attired in festival Robes, with a great stone carried before him by the noblest Personages, which he had caused to be wrought aforehand; and arriving at the said Foundations he laid his hand upon the Stone, and on his knees, with his eyes lifted up to Heaven, he said to all that were pre∣sent, Brethren, and worthy Friends, know that I give mine own Name, that is, Pequin, to this Stone, upon which this new place is to be built, for I desire, that hereafter it should be so called; wherefore I pray you all, as Friends, and command you as your King, not to call it otherwise, to the end the memory thereof may remain immortal to those that shall come after us to the end of the World; By which means it shall be manifested to all men, that the thirteenth day of the eighth Moon, in the year one thousand six hundred thirty and nine, after the Lord of all things created had made those that lived upon the Earth, see how much he abhorred the sins of Men, for the which he drowned the whole World with Water, that he sent down from Heaven, in satisfaction of his divine Iustice, it shall, I say, be manifested to them, that the new Prince Pequin built this Fortress, whereunto he gave his Name; And so conform∣able to the Prophesie, which the dead childe hath delivered, it shall be published over all, by the voice of strange People, in what manner the Lord is to be feared, and what Sacrifices are to be made, that they may be just and acceptable unto him. Now this was that which King Pequin said unto his Vassals, and which is at this day to be seen engraven on a silver Scutcheon, fasten∣ed to an Arch of one of the principal Gates of the City, called Pommicotay, where in me∣mory of this Prophecy, there is ordinarily a Guard of forty Halberdiers, with their Captain, whereas there are but onely four in all the rest, who are bound to render an account of all that pass in and out there daily; And because the Histories relate, that this new King laid the first foundation of this City on the 3d of the moneth of August, the Kings of China do on that day usually shew themselves to the People, and that with such Pomp and Majesty, that I pro∣fess I am not able to declare the least part of it, much less to describe the whole. Now in regard of this first Kings words, which the Chineses hold for an infallible Prophecy, his De∣scendants do so fear the accomplishment thereof, that by a Law expresly made by them, the admittance of any Strangers into this Kingdom, saving Ambassadours and Slaves, is forbidden upon most grievous pains; So that when any do chance to arrive there, they banish them pre∣sently from one place to another, not permitting them to settle any where, as they practised it towards me, and my eight companions. And thus, as I have succinctly delivered, was this Em∣pire of China founded, and peopled by the means of this Prince, named Pequin, the eldest of Nancaa's three Sons; As for the other two, called Pacan and Nacau, they afterwards found∣ed the other two Towns aforesaid, and withall gave them their own Names. It is also the general opinion, that their Mother Nancaa founded the City of Nanquin, which took its denomination from her, continuing so to this day, and is the second City of this great Mo∣narchy. Page  117 The Histories further affirm, that from the time of this first Founder, the Empire of China augmented always from one King to another, by a just Succession till a certain Age, which according to our Computation, was in the Year of Lord, one thousand one hundred and thirty; After which a King that then reigned, named Xixipan, inclosed the City of Pe∣quin, within the space of three and twenty years, in such manner as it is seen at this day, and that fourscore and two years after another King, his Grand-childe, called Iumbileytay, made the like, so that both together were sixty leagues in circuit, namely, each of them thirty, ten in length, and five in breadth: Now it is certain, and I have often times read it, that each of these Inclosures, or Walls, hath a thousand and threescore round Bulwarks, as also two hun∣dred and forty Towers, very fair, strong, large, and high, with gilt Lions upon Globes, being the Arms of the Kings of China, which are very pleasing to the eye. Without the last Inclo∣sure is an exceeding great Ditch round about it, ten fathom deep, and forty broad, continually replenished with many Barques and Boats, covered over head as if they were Houses, where both Provisions, and all sorts of Merchandise are sold. This City, according to the Chineses re∣port, hath above three hundred and threescore Gates, in each of which, as I have before re∣cited, there are always four Halberdiers, who are obliged to render an account of all that go in and out daily: There are also certain Chambers in it, whither it is the custome to bring such Children as wander and go astray, in the Town; to the end their Parents that lose them may be sure to hear of them there. I will refer my speaking more largely of the Magnificences of this goodly City to another place, for that which I have now delivered in haste, and as it were en passant, was but to make a brief Relation of the original of this Empire, and of the first Founder of the City of Pequin, (which may be truly said to be the chiefest of all the World for greatness, policy, riches, and abundance of all things that can be desired of man) as also of the Foundation of the second City of this mighty Kingdom, that is Nanquin, and of the other two. Pacan and Nacan, whereof I have heretofore spoken, and in which the Found∣ers of them are buried in very stately and rich Temples, within Tombs of white and green Alabaster, all garnished with Gold, and erected upon Lions of Silver, with a world of Lamps, and perfuming Pans full of divers sorts of sweet Odours round about them.

Now that I have spoken of the Original and Foundation of this Empire,* together with the circuit of the great City of Pequin, I hold it not amiss to intreat as succinctly as I may of another particular, which is no less admirable then those whereof I have made mention before: It is written in the fifth Book of the Scituation of all the remarkable places of this Empire, or rather Monarchy, (for to speak truly, there is no appellation so great but may be well attri∣buted unto it) that a King, named Crisnagol Dicotay, who according to the computation of that Book, reigned in the year of our Lord five hundred and eighteen, happened to make war with the Tartar, about some difference between them concerning the State of Xenxinapau, that borders on the Kingdom of Lauhos, and so valiantly demeaned himself in a Battel against him, that he defeated his Army, and remained Master of the Field; whereupon the Tartar confederating himself with other Kings, his Friends, did by their assistance assemble together greater Forces then the former, and therewith invaded the Kingdom of China, where (it is said) he took three and thirty very important Towns, of which the principal was Panquilor, insomuch that the Chinese fearing he should not be well able to defend himself, concluded a Peace with him upon condition to relinquish his right, which he pretended to that in question betwixt them, and to pay him two thousand Picos of Silver for to defray the Charges of those strangers the Tartar had entertained in this War; by this means China continued for a good while quiet, but the King doubting lest the Tartar might in time to come return to annoy him again, resolved to build a Wall, that might serve for a Bulwark to his Empire; and to that end calling all his Estates together, he declared his determination unto them, which was presently not onely well approved of, but held most necessary; so that to enable him for the performance of a business so much concerning his state, they gave him ten thousand Picos of Silver, which amount, according to our account, unto fifteen Millions of Gold, after the rate of fifteen hundred Ducates each Pico; and moreover they entertained him two hundred and fifty thousand men to labour in the work, whereof thirty thousand were appointed for Officers, and all the rest for manual services; Order being taken then for whatsoever was thought fit for so prodigious an enterprise, they fell to it in such sort, as by the report of the History all that huge Wall was in seven and twenty years quite finished from one end to the other; which if credit may be given to the same Chronicle is seventy Iaos in length, that is six hundred and Page  118 fifteen miles after nine miles every Iao; wherein that which seemed most wonderfull and most exceeding the belief of man, was that seven hundred and fifty thousand men laboured incessantly for so long a time in that great work, whereof the Commonalty, as I delivered before, furnished one third part; the Priests, and Isles of Aynen, another third; and the King assisted by the Princes, Lords, Chaems, and Anchacys of the Kingdom, the rest of the build∣ing, which I have both seen and measured, being thirty foot in height, and ten foot in breadth, where it is thickest: It is made of Lime and Sand, and plaistered on the outside with a kind of Bitumen, which renders it so strong, that no Cannon can demolish it: Instead of Bul∣warks it hath Sentries, or Watch-towers, two stages high, flanked with Buttresses of Carpen∣try made of a certain black wood, which they call Caubesy, that is to say, Wood of Iron, be∣cause it is exceeding strong and hard, every Buttress being as thick as an Hogshead, and ve∣ry high, so that these Sentries are far stronger then if they were made of Lime and Stone. Now this Wall, by them termed Chaufacan, which signifies, Strong resistance, extends in height equal to the Mountains, whereunto it is joyned, and that those Mountains also may serve for a Wall they are cut down very smooth and s•eep, which renders them far stronger then the Wall it self; but you must know that in all this extent of land there is no Wall but in the void spaces from Hill to Hill, so that the Hills themselves make up the rest of the Wall and Fence: Further it is to be noted, that in this whole length of an hundred and fifteen leagues, which this Fortification contains, there are are but onely 5 Entries where∣by the Rivers of Tartaria do pass, which are derived from the impetuous Torrents that descend from these Mountains, and running above five hundred leagues in the Country, ren∣der themselves into the Seas of China and Cauchenchina; howbeit one of these Rivers, be∣ing greater then the rest, disemboques by the Bay of Cuy in the Kingdom of Sournau, com∣monly called Siam. Now in all these five Passages both the King of China, and the King of Tartaria, keep Garrisons; the Chinese in each of them entertains seven thousand men gi∣ving them great pay, whereof six thousand are Horse, the rest Foot, being for the most part strangers, as Mogores, Pancrus, Champaas, Corosones, Gizares of Persia, and other dif∣ferent Nations, bordering upon this Empire, and which in consideration of the extraordi∣nary pay they receive, serve the Chineses; who (to speak truth) are nothing couragious, as be∣ing but little used to the Wars, and ill provided of Arms and Artillery. In all this length of Wall there are three hundred and twenty Companies, each of them containing five hun∣dred Souldiers; so that there are in all one hundred and threescore thousand men, besides Officers of Justice, Anchacis, Chaems, and other such like persons necessary for the Go∣vernment, and entertainment of these Forces; so that all joyned together make up the number of two hundred thousand, which are all maintained at the Kings onely charge, by rea∣son the most of them are Malefactours condemned to the reparations and labour of the Wall, as I shall more amply declare when I come to speak of the Prison destined to this pur∣pose, in the City of Pequin, which is also another Edifice, very remarkable, wherein there are continually above thirty thousand Prisoners, the most of them from eighteen to forty five years of age, appointed to work in this Wall.

Being departed from those two Towns Pacau and Nacau, we continued our course up the River,* and arrived at another Town, called Mindoo, somewhat bigger then those from whence we parted, where about half a mile off was a great Lake of Salt-water, and a num∣ber of Salt-houses round about it; The Chineses assured us, that this Lake did ebb and flow like the Sea, and that it extended above two hundred leagues into the Country, rendring the King of China in yearly Revenue one hundred thousand Taeis, onely for the third of the Salt that was drawn out of it; as also that the Town yielded him other one hundred thousand Taeis for the Silk alone that was made there, not speaking at all of the Camphire, Sugar, Pourcelain, Vermilion, and Quick-silver, whereof there was very great plenty; moreover, that some two leagues from this Town were twelve exceeding long Houses, like unto Magazines, where a world of people laboured in casting and purifying of Copper, and the horrible din which the Hammers made there was such, and so strange, as if there were any thing on earth that could represent Hell this was it; wherefore being desirous to un∣derstand the cause of this extraordinary noise, we would needs go to see from whence it proceeded; and we found that there were in each of these Houses forty Fornaces, that is twenty of either side, with forty huge Anvils, upon every of which eight men beat in or∣der, and so swiftly, as a mans eye could hardly discern the blows, so as three hundred and Page  119 twenty men wrought in each of these twelve Houses, which in all the twelve Houses made up three thousand eight hundred and forty workmen, beside a great number of other per∣sons that laboured in other particular things; whereupon we demanded how much Copper might be wrought every year in each of these Houses, and they told us, one hundred and ten, or sixscore thousand Picos, whereof the King had two thirds, because the Mines were his, and that the Mountain from whence it was drawn was called Corotum baga, which sig∣nifies a River of Copper, for that from the time since it was discovered, being above two hundred years, it never failed, but rather more and more was found. Having past about a league beyond those twelve Ho•ses up the River, we came to a place inclos•d with three ranks of Iron grates, where we beheld thirty Houses, divined into five rows, six in each row, which were very long and compleat, with great Towers full of Bells of cast mettle, and much carved work, as also guilt Pillars, and the Frontispieces of fair hewed stone, whereupon many Inventious were engraved: At this place we went ashore by the Chi∣f•us permission, that carried us, for that he had made a Vow to this Pagod, which was cal∣led Bigay potim, that is to say, God of an hundred and ten thousand Gods, Corchoo fungané ginaco ginaca, which according to their report signifies, strong and great above all others, for one of the Errors wherewith these wretched people are blinded is, that they beleeve e∣very particular thing hath its God, who hath created it, and preserves its natural being, but th•t this Bigay potim brought them all forth from under his arm-pit•, and that from him as a father, they derive their being, by a filial union, which they term Bi•• Porentasay; And in the Kingdom of Pegu, where I have often been, I have seen one like unto this, named by those of the country Ginocoginans, the God of all greatness, which Temple was in times past built by the Chineses, when as they commanded in the Indiaes, being according to their supputati∣on from the year of our Lord Iesus Christ 1013. to the year 1072. by which account it ap∣pears that the Indiaes were under the Empire of China but onely fifty and nine years, for the successor of him that conquered it, called Exiragano, voluntarily abandoned it in regard of the great expence of mony and bloud that the unprofitable keeping of it cost him: In those thir∣ty Houses, whereof I formerly spake, were a great number of Idols of guilt Wood▪ and a like number of Tin, L•tten, and Pourcelain, being indeed so many, as I should hardly be believed to declare them. Now we had not past above five or six leagues from this place but we came to a great Town, about a league in circuit, quite destroyed and ruinated, so that asking the Chineses what might be the cause thereof, they told us, that this Town was anciently called Cohilouza, that is, The flower of the field, and had in former times been in very great prosperity, and that about one hundred forty and two years before, a certain stranger, in the company of some Merchants of the Port of Tanaçarim in the Kingdom of Siam, chanced to come thither, being as it seems an holy man, although the Bonzes said he was a Sorcerer, by reason of the wonders he did, having raised up five dead men, and wrought many other Miracles, whereat all men were exceedingly astonished; and that having di∣vers times disputed with the Priests he had so shamed and confounded them, as fearing to deal any more with him, they incensed the Inhabitants against him, and persw•ded them to put him to death, affirming that otherwise God would consume them with fire from Hea∣ven, whereupon all the Townsmen went unto the House of a poor Weaver, where he lodg∣ed, and killing the Weaver, with his son and two sons in Law of his, that would have de∣fended him, the Holy man came forth to them, and reprehending them for this uproar, he told them amongst other things, That the God of the Law, whereby they were to be saved was called Iesus Christ, who came down from heaven to the earth for to become a man, and that it was needful he should dye for men, and that with the price of his precious bloud, which he shed for sinners upn the Crosse, God was satisfied in his justice, and that giving him the charge of Hea∣ven▪ and Earth, he had promised him, that whosoever professed his Law with Faith and good works should be saved, and have everlasting life; and withall, that the gods whom the Bon∣zes served and adored with sacrifices of bloud, were false, and Idols, wherwith the Devil de∣ceived them; Here at the Churchmen entred into so great furie, that they called unto the people saying, Cursed be he that brings not wood and fire for to burn him, which was pre∣sently put in execution by them, and the fire beginning exceedingly to rage the Holy man said certain Prayers, by vertue whereof the fire incontinently went out, wherewith the people being amazed cryed out, saying, Doubtlesse the God of this man is most mighty, and worthy to be adored throughout the whole World, which one of the Bonzes hearing, who was Page  120 ring-leader of this mutiny, and seeing the Town-men retire away in consideration of that they had beheld, he threw a stone at the holy man, saying, They which do not as I do, may the Serpent of the night ingulf them into hell fire. At these words all the other Bonzes did the like, so that he was presently knock'd down dead with the stones they fl•ng at him, whereupon they cast him into the river, which most prodigiously staid its course from running down, and so continued for the space of five days together that the body lay in it; By means of this wonder many imbraced the law of that holy man, whereof there are a great number yet remaining in that country: Whilest the Chineses were relating thishistory unto us, we arrived at a point of land, where going to dou∣ble Cape, we descryed a little place environed with trees, in the midst whereof was a great cross of stone very well made, which we no sooner espied, but transported with exceeding joy, we fell on our knees before our Conductor, humbly desiring him to give us leave to go on shoar, but this Heathen dog refused us, saying, that they had a great way yet to the place where they were to lodge, whereat we were mightily grieved; Howbeit God of his mercy, even miraculously so ordered it, that being gone about a league further, his wife fell in labour, so as he was constrained to return to that place again, it being a Village of thirty or forty houses, hard by where the Cross stood: Here we went on land, and placed his wife in an house, where some nine days after she died in Child-bed, during which time we went to the Cross, and pro∣strating our selves before it with tears in our eyes; The people of the Village beholding us in this posture, came to us, and kneeling down also, with their hands lift up to heaven, they said, Christo Iesu, Iesu Christo, Maria micauvidau late impont model, which in our tongue sig∣nifies, Iesus Christ, Iesus Christ, Mary always a Virgine conceived him, a Virgine brought him forth, and a Virgine still remained; whereunto we weeping answered, that they spake the very truth; Then they asked us if we were Christians, we told them we were, which as soon as they understood they carried us home to their houses, where they entertained us with great affection; Now all these were Christians, and descended of the Weaver, in whose house the holy man was lodged, of whom demanding whether that which the Chineses had told us was true; they shewed us a book that contained the whole history thereof at large, with many o∣ther wonders wrought by that holy man, who they said was named Matthew Escandel, and that he was an Hermit of Mount Sinai, being an Hungarian by nation, and born in a place called Buda: The same book also related that nine days after this Saint was buried, the said Town of Cohilouzaa, where he was murthered, began to tremble in such sort, as all the peo∣ple thereof in a mighty fright, ran out into the fields, and there continued in their tents, not daring to return unto their houses, for they cried out all with one common consent, The blood of this stranger craves vengeance for the unjust death the Bonzes hath given him, because he preached the truth unto us; But the Bonzes rebuked and told them, that they committed a great sin in saying so, Nevertheless, they willed them to be of good cheer, for they would go all to Quiay Tiguarem, God of the night, and request him to command the earth to be quiet, otherwise we would offer him no more sacrifices: Immediately whereupon all the Bonzes went accordingly in procession to the said Idol, which was the chiefest in the Town, but none of the people durst follow them, for fear of some earthquake, which the very next night, about ele∣ven of the clock, as those divelish monsters were making their sacrifices, with odoriferous per∣fumes, and other ceremonies, accustomed amongst them, increased so terribly, that by the Lords permission, and for a just punishment of their wickedness, it quite overthrew all the Temples, houses, and other edifices of the Town to the ground, wherewith all the Bonzes were killed, not so much as one escaped alive, being in number above four thousand, as the book delivereth, wherein it is further said, that afterwards the earth opening such abundance of water came forth, as it clean overwhelmed and drowned the whole Town, so that it be∣came a great lake, and above an hundred fathom deep; moreover they recounted many other very strange particulars unto us, and also however since that time the place was named Fiun∣ganorsee, that is, the chastisement of heaven, whereas before it was called Cohilouzaa, which signifies,*the flower of the field, as I have declared heretofore.

After our Departure from the ruines of Fiunganorsee, we arrived at a great Town, called Iunquinilau, which is very rich, abounding with all kind of things, fortified with a strong Gar∣rison of Horse and Foot, and having a number of Junks and Vessels riding before it: Here we remained five days to celebrate the Funeral of our Chifuus wife; for whose soul he gave us by way of alms both meat and clothes, and withall freeing us from the oar, permitted us to go ashore without irons, which was a very great ease unto us. Having le•t this place, we Page  121 continued our course up the river, beholding still on either side a world of goodly great Towns in∣vironed with strong walls, as also many Fortresses and Castles all along the waters side; we saw likewise a great number of Temples, whose Steeples were all guilt, and in the fields such a∣bundance of cattel that the ground was even covered over with them, so far as we could well discern: Moreover there were so many vessels upon this river, especially in some parts, where Fairs were kept, that at first sight one would have thought them to be populous Towns, be∣sides other lesser companies of three hundred, five hundred, six hundred, and a thousand boats, which continually we met withall on both sides of the river, wherein all things that one could imagine were sold; Moreover the Chineses assured us, that in this Empire of China, the num∣ber of those which levied upon the rivers, was not less, then those that dwelled in the Towns, and that without the good order which is observed to make the common people work, and to constrain the meaner sort to supply themselves unto trades, for to get their living, they would eat up one another. Now it is to be noted, that every kind of traffique and commerce is divided among them into three or four forms, as followeth: They which trade in Ducks, whereof there are great quantities in this Countrey, proceed therein diversly; some cause their egs to be hatched for to sell the Ducklings, others fat them when they are great for to sell them dead after they are salted; These traffique only with the egs, others with the fea∣thers, and some with the heads, feet, gizards, and intrails, no man being permitted to trench upon his companions sale, under the penalty of thirty lashes, which no priviledg can exempt them from: In the same manner, concerning hogs, some sell them alive, and by whole sale, others dead, and by retail, some make bacon of them, others sell their pigs, and some again sell nothing but the chitterlings, the sweet-breads, the blood, and the haslets; which is also ob∣served for fish, for such a one sels it fresh, that cannot sell it either salted or dried, and so of other Provisions, as flesh, fruit, fowls, venison, pulse, and other things, wherein such rigour is used, as there are chambers expresly established, whose officers have commission and power to see, that they which trade in one particular may not do it in another, if it be not for just and lawful couses, and that on pain of thirty lashes. There be others likewise that get their living by selling fish alive, which to that purpose they keep in great well-boats, and so carry them into divers countrys, where they know there is no other but salt fish. There are likewise all along this river of Batampina, whereon we went from Nanquin to Pequin, which is di∣stant one from the other one hundred and fourscore leagues, such a number of engines for su∣gar, and presses for wine and oyl, made of divers sorts of pulse and fruit, as one could hardly •ee any other thing on either side of the water. In many other places also there were an infi∣nite company of Houses, and Magazines full of all kinds of provision, that one could imagine, where all sorts of flesh are salted, dried, smoaked, and piled up in great high heaps, as gammons of Bacon, Pork, Lard, Geese, Ducks, Cranes, Bustards, Ostriches, Stags, Cows, Buffles, wild Goats, Rhinoceroses, Horses, Tygers, Dogs, Foxes, and almost all other creatures that one can name, so that we said many times amongst our selves, that it was not possible for all the peo∣ple of the world to eat up all those provisions. We saw likewise upon the same river, a number of Vessels, which they call Panouras, covered from the poup to the prow with nets, in manner of a cage, three inches high, full of ducks and geese, that were carried from place to place to be sold; when the Owners of those boats would have these fowl to feed, they ap∣proach to the Land, and where there are rich medows, or marshes, they set forth Planks, pen∣ning the doors of those cages, they beat three or four times upon a Drum, which they have expresly for that purpose, whereupon all these fowl, being six or seven thousand at the least, go out of the boat with a mighty noise, & so fall to feeding all along the waters side; Now when the Owner perceives, that these fowl have •ed sufficiently, and that it is time to return them, he beats the drum the second time, at the sound whereof they gather all together, and re-enter with the same noise, as they went out, wherein it is strange to observe, that they return all in again, not so much as one missing. That done, the Master of the boat parts from that place, and afterwards when he thinks it is time for them to lay, he repairs towards land, and where he finds the grounds dry, and good grass, he opens the doors, and beats the drum again, at which all the fowl of the boat come forth to lay, and then at such time as the Master judges that these fowl have laid, he beats his drum afresh, and suddenly in haste they all throng in to the boat, not so much as one remaining hehind; Thereupon two or three men get ashore, with baskets in their hands, where∣into they gather up the egs, till they have gotten eleven or twelve baskets full, and so they proceed on their voyage to make sale of their war, which being almost spent, to store them∣selves Page  122 anew, they go for to buy more unto them that breed them, whose trade it is to sell them young, for they are not suffered to keep them when they are great, as the others do, by reason, as I have said before, no man may deal in any commodity for which he hath not permission from the Governors of the Towns. They that get their living by breeding of Ducks have neer to their Houses certain Ponds, where many times they keep ten or eleven thousand of these duckings, some bigger, some lesser. Now for to hatch the Eggs, they have in very long galleries twenty and thirty furnaces full of dung, wherein they bury two hundred, three hundred, and five hundred Eggs together, then stopping the mouth of each furnace that the dung may become the hotter, they leave the Eggs there till they think the young ones are disclosed, whereupon putting into every several furnace a Capon half pul∣led, and the skin stript from off his brest, they leave him shut up therein for the space of two dayes, at the end whereof being all come out of the shell, they carry them into certain pla∣ces under ground made for that purpose, setting them bran soaked in liquor, and so being left there loose some ten or eleven dayes, they go afterwards of themselves into the ponds, where they feed and bring them up for to sell them unto those former Merchants, who trade with them into divers parts, it being unlawfull for one to trench upon anothers traf∣fick, as I have before related, so that in the Markets and publique places, where provisions for the mouth are sold, if any that sell Goose Eggs do chance to be taken seazed with Hens Eggs and it is suspected that they sell of them, they are presently punished with thirty lashes on the bare Buttocks, without hearing any justification they can make for themselves, being as I have said, found seazed of them, so that if they will have Hens Eggs for their own use, to avoid incurring the penalty of the Law they must be broken at one end, whereby it may appear that they keep them not to sell, but to eat. As for them that sell Fish a∣live, if any of their Fish chance to die, they cut them in pieces, and salting them sell them at the price of salt-fish, which is lesse then that of fresh-fish, wherein they proceed so ex∣actly, that no man dares passe the limits, which are prescribed and ordained by the Con∣chalis of the State, upon pain of most severe punishment, for in all this Country the King is so much respected, and Justice so feared, as no kinde of person, how great soever, dares murmur, or look awry at an Officer, no not at the very Huppes, which are as the Bayliffs or Beadles amongst us.

CHAP. XXXI. The order which is observed in the moving Towns that are made upon the Ri∣vers, and that which further befell us.

*WEe saw likewise all along this great River a number of Hogs both wilde and do∣mestick, that were kept by certain men on horseback, and many herds of •ame red Deer, which were driven from place to place like Sheep, to feed, all lamed of their right legs, to hinder them from running away, and they are lamed so, when they are but Calves, to avoid the danger, that otherwise they might incur of their lives: We saw also divers Parks, wherein a world of Dogs were kept to be sold to the Butchers, for in these Coun∣tries they eat all manner of Flesh, whereof they know the price, and of what creatur•s they are, by the choppings they make of them; moreover we met with many small Barques, whereof some, were full of Pigs, others of Tortoises, Frogs, Otters, Adders, Eeeles, Snails, and Lizards, for as I have said, they buy there of all that is judged good to eat; now to the end that such provisions may passe at an easier rate, all that sell them are permitted to make traffick of them in several fashions; true it is, that in some things they have greater Franchises, then in others, to the end that by means thereof no Merchandise may want sale: And because the Subject I now treat of dispences me to speak of all, I will relate that which we further observed there, and whereat we were much abashed, judging thereby how far men suffer themselves to be carried by their Interests, and extream avarice; you must know then that in this Country there are a many of such as make a trade of buying and selling mens Excrements, which is not so mean a Commerce amongst them, but that there are ma∣ny of them grow rich by it, and are held in good account; now these Excrements serve to manure grounds that are newly grubb'd, which is found to be far better for that purpose then the ordinary dung: They which make a trade of buying it go up and down the streets with certain Clappers, like our Spittle men, whereby they give to understand what they Page  123 desire without publishing of it otherwise to people, in regard the thing is filthy of it self; whereun∣to I will adde thus m•ch, that this commodity is so much esteemed amonst them, and so great a trade driven of it, that into one sea port, sometimes there comes in one tyde two or three hundred Sayls laden with it: Oftentimes also there is such striving for it, as the Governours of the place are fain to enterpose their authority for the distribution of this goodly commodity, and all for to manure their grounds, which soyled with it, bears three crops in one year. We saw many boats likewise laden with dryed orange pills, wherewith in victualing houses they boyl dogs flesh, for to take away the rank savour and humidity of it, as also to reader it more firm: In brief, we saw so many Vaucans, Lanteaas, and Barcasses, in this river, lad•n with all kinds of provision, that either the sea or land produces, and that in such abundance, as I must confess I am not able to expresse it in words; for it is not possible to imagine the in∣finite store of things that are in this Country, of each whereof you shall see two or three hun∣dred Vessels together at a time, all full, especially at the Fairs, and Markets, that are kept up∣on the solemn festival days of their Pagodes, for then all the fairs are free, and the Pagodes for the most part are scituated on the banks of rivers, to the end all commodities may the more commodiously be brought thither by water. Now when all these vessels come to joyn together, during these Fairs, they take such order, as they make as it were a great and fair Town of them, so that sometimes you shall have of them a league in length, and three quar∣ters of a league in bredth, being composed of above twenty thousand vessels, besides Balons, Guedees, and Manchuas, which are small boats, whose number is infinite; For the Govern∣ment hereof there are threescore Captains appointed, of which thirty are to see good order kept, and the other thirty are for the guard of the Merchants that come thither, to the end they may sail in safety; Moreover there is above them a Chaem, who hath abso∣lute power both in civil, and criminal causes, without any appeal or opposition whatsoever, during the fifteen days, that this Fair lasts, which is from the new to the full Moon; And in∣deed more come to see the policy, order, and beauty of this kind of Town, then otherwise; for to speak the truth, the framing of it in that manner with vessels, makes it more to be ad∣mired then all the Edifices that can be seen upon the land; There are in this moving Town two thousand streets, exc•eding long, & very strait, inclosed on either side with ships, most of which are covered with silks, and adorned with a world of banners, flags, and streamers, wherein all kind of commodities that can be desired, are to be sold; In other streets are as many trades to be seen, as in any Town on the Land, amidst the which they that traffique, go up and down in little Manchuas, and that very quietly, and without any disorder▪ Now if by chance any one is taken stealing, he is instantly punished according to his offence; As soon as it is night, all these streets are shut up with cords athwart them, to the end none may passe after the re∣treat sounded; In each of these streets there are at least a d•zen of lanthorns, with lights bur∣ning, fastened a good heighth on the Masts of the vessels, by means whereof all that go in and out are seen, so that it may be known who they are, from whence they come, and what they would have, to the end the Chaem may the next morning receive an account thereof; And truly to behold all these lights together in the night, is a •ight scarce able to be imagined, nei∣ther is there a street without a Bell, and a Sentinel, so as when that of the Chaems ship is heard to ring, all the other bels answer it, with so great a noise of voices adjoyned thereunto, that we were almost besides our selves, at the hearing of a thing, which cannot be well conceived; and that was ruled with such good order: In every of these streets, even in the poorest of them, there is a Chappel to pray in, framed upon great Barcasses, like to Gallies, very neat, and so well accommod•ted, that for the most part they are enriched with silks, and cloth of gold; In these Chappels are their Idols, and Priests which administer their sacrifices, and receive the offerings that are made them, wherewith they are abundantly furnished for their living; Out of each street, one of the most account, or chiefest Merchant is chosen to wa•ch all night in his turn with those of his Squadron, besides the Captains of the government, who in Ballons, walk the round without, to the end no thiefe may escape by any avenue whatsoever, and for that purpose these guards cry as loud as they can that they may be heard. Amongst the most remarkable things, we saw one street, where there were above an hundred vessels, la∣den with Idols of guilt wood, of divers fashions, which were sold for to be offered to the Pa∣godes, together with a world of feet, thighs, arms, and heads, that sick folks bought to offer in devotion; There also we beheld other ships, covered with silk hangings, where Comedies, and other playes were represented to entertain the people withall, which in great numbers Page  124 flocked thither; In other places, Bils of excha•ge for Heaven were sold, wher•by these Priests of the Divel promised them many merits, with great interest, affirming that without these bils they could not possibly be saved, for that God, say they, is a mortal enemy to all such as do not some good to the Pagodes, whereupon they tell them such fables and lies, as these un∣happy wretches do often times take the very bread from their mouths to give it them; There were also other vessels all laden with dead mens skuls, which dive•s men bought for to present as an offering, at the tombs of their friends, when they should happen to dye; for, say they, as the deceased is laid in the grave in the company of these skuls, so shall his soul enter into Hea∣ven, attended by those unto whom those skuls belonged, wherefore when the Porter of Pa∣radise shall see such a Merchant, with many followers, he will do him honour, as to a man that in this life hath been a man of quality, for if he be poor, and without a train, the Porter will not open to him, whereas contrarily the more dead mens skuls he hath buried with him, the more happy he shall be esteemed; There were many boats likewise, where there were men that had a great many of Cages, full of live birds, who playing on divers instruments of musick, exhorted the people with a loud voice, to deliver those poor creatures of God, that were there in captivity, whereupon many came and gave them mony for the redemption of those prisoners, which presently they let out of the cages, and then as they flew away, the redeem∣ers of them cried out to the birds, Pichau pitauel catan vacaxi, that is, Go, and tell God, how we serve him here below. In imitation of these, there are others also, who in their ships, kept a great many of little live fishes in great pots of water, and like the sellers of birds invite the people, for Gods cause to free those poor innocent fishes, that had never sinned, so that divers bought many of them, and casting them into the river, said, Get ye gone, and tell there be∣low, the good I have done you for Gods sake. To conclude all, the vessels where these things are exposed to sale, are seldom less in number then two hundred, besides thousands of others, which sell such like wares in a far greater quantity.

We saw likewise many Barcasses full of men and women; that played upon divers sorts of instruments,* and for mony gave them musick that desired it; There were other vessels laden with horns, which the Priests sold, therewith to make feasts in Heaven, for they say, that those were the horns of several beasts, which were offered in sacrifice to the Idols out of devotion, and for the performance of vows that men had made in divers kind of misfortunes, and sick∣nesses, wherein they had at others times been; And that as the flesh of those beasts, had been given here below for the honour of God to the poor, so the souls of them for whom those horns were offered, do in the other world eat the souls of of those beasts to whom those horns belonged, and thereunto invite the souls of their friends, as men use to invite others here on earth; Other vessels we saw covered with blacks, and full of tombs, torches, and great wax lights, as also women in them, that for money would be hired to weep and lament for the dead; o∣thers there were, called Pitaleus, that in great barques kept divers kinds of wild beasts to be shewed for mony, most dreadful to behold as Serpents, huge Adders, monstrous Lizards, Ty∣gers, and many others such like; we saw in like sort a great number of Stationers, which sold all manner of books, that could be desired, as well concerning the creation of the world, whereof they tell a thousand lies, as touching the States, Kingdoms, Islands, and Provinces of the world, together with the Laws and Customs of Nations, but especially of the Kings of China, their number, brave acts, and of all things else that happened in each of their reigns, Moreover we saw a great many of the light, swift Foysts, wherein were men very well armed, who cried out with a loud voice, that if any one had received an affront, whereof he desired to be avenged, let him come unto them, and they would cause satisfaction to be made him; In other vessels there were old women, that served for midwives, and that would bring women speedily and easily a bed, as also a many of Nurses, ready to be entertained for to give children suck; There were barques likewise very well adorn•d, and set •orth, that had in them divers reverend old men, and grave matrons, whose profession was to make marriages, and to com∣fort widows, or such as had lost their children, or suffered any other misfortune; In others there were a number of young men and maids, that lacked Masters, and Mistresses, which of∣fered themselves to any that would hire them; There were other vessels that had in them such as undertook to tell fortunes, and to help folks to things lost. In a word, not to dwell any longer upon every particular, that was to be seen in this moving Town, for then I should never have done, it shall suffice me to say, that nothing can be desired on land, which was not to be had in their vessels, and that in greater abundance then I have delivered, wherefore I Page  125 will passe from it to shew you that one of the principal causes why this Monarchy of China, that contains two and thirty Kingdoms, is so mighty, rich, and of so great commerce, is, be∣cause it is exceedingly replenished with rivers, and a world of Chanals that have been anciently made by the Kings, great Lords, and people thereof, for to render all the Country navigable, and so communicate their labours with one another: The narrowest of these Chanals have brid∣ges, of hewed stone over them, that are very high, long and broad, whereof some are of one stone, eighty, ninety, nay, an hundred spans long, and fifteen, or twenty broad, which doubt∣lesse is very marvellous, for it is almost impossible to comprehend by what means so huge a masse of stone could be drawn out of the Quarry without breaking, and how it should be transported to the place where it was to be set. All the ways and passages, from Cities, Towns, and Villages, have very large causeys made of fair stone, at the ends whereof are costly pillars and arches, upon which are inscriptions with letters of gold, containing the pray sers of them that erected them; moreover there are handsome seats placed all along for poor passengers to rest themselves on: There are likewise innumerable Aqueducks and fountains every where, whose water is most wholesom and excellent to drink; And in divers parts there are certain Wenches of love, that out of charity prostitute themselves to travellers, which have no mony, and although amongst us this is held for a great abuse and abomination, yet with them it is ac∣counted a work of mercy, so that many on their death-beds do by their testaments bequeath great revenues, for the maintenance of this wickedness, as a thing very meritorious for the salvation of their souls; moreover many others have left lands for the erecting and maintain∣ing of houses, in deserts and unhabited places, where great fires are kept all the night to guide such as have strayed out of their way, as also water for men to drink, and seats to repose them in, and that there may be no default herein, there are divers persons entertained with very good means, to see these things carefully continued, according to the institution of him that founded them for the health of his soul. By these marvels which are found in the particular Towns of this Empire, may be concluded what the greatness thereof might be, were they joyned all together; but for the better satisfaction of the Reader, I dare boldly say, if my testimony may be worthy of credit, that in one and twenty years space, during which time, with a world of mis∣fortune, labour and pain, I traversed the greatest part of Asia▪ as may appear by this my dis∣course, I had seen in some countrys a wonderfull abundance of several sorts of victuals, and provisions, which we have not in our Europe, yet without speaking what each of them might have in particular, I do not think there is in all Europe so much as there is in China alone; And the same may be said of all the rest, wherewith Heaven hath favoured this clymate, as well for the temperature of the air, as for that which concerns the policy, and riches, the magnificence and greatness of their estate; Now that which gives the greatest luster unto it, is, their exact observation of justice, for there is so well ruled a Government in this Country, as it may justly be envied of all others in the world; And to speak the truth, such as want this particular, have no gloss, be they otherways never so great & commendable. Verily, so often as I represent unto my self those great things which I have seen in this China, I am on the one side amazed to think how liberally it hath pleased God to heap up on this people, the goods of the earth, & on the other side I am exceedingly grieved to consider how ungratefull they are in acknowledging such extraor∣dinary favours; for they commit amongst themselves an infinite of most enormous sins, wherewithal they incessantly offend the Divine Goodness, as well in their bruitish and diabo∣lical Idolatries, as in the abominable sin of Sodomy, which is not only permitted amongst them in publique, but is also accounted for a great vertue according to the instructions of their Priests.

CHAP. XXXII. Our Arrival at the City of Pequin; together with our imprisonment, and that which moreover happened unto us there; as also the great Majesty of the Officers of their Court of Iustice.

AFter we were departed from that rare and marvellous Town, whereof I have spoken,* we continued our course up the river, until at length on Tuesday, the nineteenth of Octo∣ber, in the year 1541. we arrived at the great City of Pequin, whither, as I have said before, we had been remitted by Appeal; In this manner chained three and three together, we were cast into a prison, called Gofaniauserca, where for our welcom we had at the first dash thirty Page  126 lashes a piece given us, wherewith some of us became very sick: Now as soon as the Chifuu who conducted us thither, had presented the process of our sentence, sealed with twelve seals, to the Justice of the Aytao, which is their Parliament, the twelve Chonchalis of the crimi∣nal Chamber, unto whom the cognisance of our cause appertained, commanded us presently away to prison, whereupon one of those twelve, assisted by two Registers, and six or seven officers, whom they term Hupes, and are much like our Catchpoles here, terrified us not a little, as he was leading us thither, for giving us very threatning speeches▪ Come, said he unto us, By the power and authority, which I have from the Aytao of Batampina, chief Presi∣dent of the two and thirty Iudges of strangers, within whose brest are the secrets of the Lyon crowned on the throne of the world inclosed, I enjoyn and command you to tell me, what people you are, as also of what country, and whether you have a King, who for the service of God, and for the discharge of his dignity, is inclined to do good to the poor, and to render them justice, to the end that with tears in their eyes, and hands lifted up, they may not ad∣dresse their complaints to that Soveraign Lord, which hath made the bright Enamel of the skies, and for whose holy feet all they that reign with him, serve but for sandals. To this demand we answered him, that we were poor strangers, natives of the Kingdom of Siam, who being imbarqued with our Merchandise for Liampoo, were cast away in a great storm at sea, from whence we escaped naked with the loss of all that we had, and how in that deplo∣rable estate we were fain to get our living by begging from door to door till such time as at our arrival at the Town of Taypor, the Chumbim, then resident there, had arrested us for prisoners without cause, and so sent us to the City of Nanquin, where by his report we had been condemned to the whip, and to have our thumbs cut off, without so much as once daigning to hear us in our justifications, by reason whereof lifting up our eyes to Heaven, we had been adviced to have recourse with our tears to the four and twenty Judges of aust•er life, that through their zeal to God, they might take our cause in hand, since by reason of our poverty we were altogether without support, and abandoned of all men, which with an holy zeal they incontinently effected by revoking the cause, and annulling the judgment that had been given against us, and that these things considered we most instantly besought him, that for the ser∣vice of God he would be pleased to have regard to our misery, and the great injustice that was done us, for that we had no means in this Country, nor person that would speak one word for us. The Judg remained somtimes in suspence upon that we had said to him, at length he answered, that we need say no more to him, for it is sufficient that I know you are poor, to the end this affair may go another way then hitherto it hath done, neverthertheless to acquit me of my charge, I give you five days time, conformably to the Law of the third Book, that within the said term you may retain a Proctor to undertake your cause, but if you will be advised by me, you shall present your request to the Tanigores of the sacred Office, to the end that they carryed by an holy zeal of the honour of God, may out of compassion of your miseries, take upon them to defend your right. Having spoken thus, he gave us a Taeis in way of alms, and said further to us, Beware of the prisoners that are here, for I assure you that they make it their trade, to steal all that they can from any one; whereupon entring into another chamber where there were a great number of prisoners, he continued there above three hours in giving them audience, at the end whereof he sent seven and twenty men, that the day before had received their judgment to execution, which was inflicted upon them by whipping to death, a specta∣cle so dreadful to us, and that put us in such a fright, as it almost set us besides our selves: The next morning, as soon as it was day, the Jaylors clapt irons on our feet, and manacles on ou• hands, and put us to exceeding great pain, but seven days after we had endured such misery, being laid on the ground one by another, and bewayling our disaster, for the extream fear we were in, of suffering a most cruel death, if that which we had done at Calempluy should by any means chance to be discovered, it pleased God that we were visited by the Tanigores of the house of mercy, which is of the jurisdiction of this prison, who are called in their language Cofilem Gnaxy; At their arrival all the prisoners bowing themselves, said with a lamentable ton•, Blessed be the day wherein God doth visit us by the ministery of his servants; where∣unto the Tanigories made answer with a grave and modest countenance, The Almighty and di∣vine hand of him that hath formed the beauty of the stars keep and preserve you; Then approaching to us, they very courteously demanded of us what people we were, and whence it proceeded that our imprisonment was more sensible to us then to others? To this speech we replied with tears in our eyes, that we were poor strangers, so abandoned of men, as in all Page  127 that Country there was not one that knew our names, and that all we could in our poverty say to intreat them to think of us for Gods sake, was contained in a letter, that we had brought them from the Chamber of the Society of the house of Quiay Hinarol, in the City of Nan∣quin; whereupon Christophoro Borralho, presenting them with the letter, they received it with a new ceremony, full of all curtesie, saying, Praysed be he who hath created all things, for that he is pleased to serve himself of sinners here below, Whereby they may be recompensed at the last day of all days, by satisfying them double their labour with the riches of his holy treasures, which shall be done, as we believe in as great abundance, as the drops of rain fall from the clouds to the earth. After this, one of the four, putting up the Letter, said unto us, that as soon as the Chamber of Justice for the poor was open, they would all of them give an answer to our business, and see us furnished with all that we had need of, and so they departed from us: Three days after they returned to visit us in the prison, and in the next morn∣ing coming to us again, they asked us many questions answerable to a memorial which they had thereof, whereunto we replyed in every point according as we were questioned by each of them, so as they remained very well satisfied with our answers; Then calling the Register to them, who had our papers in charge, they inquired very exactly of him, touching many things that concerned us, and withall required his advice about our affair; that done, having digested all that might make for the conversation of our right into certain heads, they took our process from him, saying, they would peruse it all of them together in their Chambers of Justice with the Proctors of the house, and the next day return it him again, that he might carry it to the Chaem, as he was resolved before to do.

Not to trouble my self with recounting in particular all that occurred in this affair, until such time as it was fully concluded, wherein six months and an half were imployed,* during the which we continued stil prisoners in such misery, I will in few words relate all that befel us unto the end; when as our business was come before the twelve Conchalis of the criminal Court, the two Proctors of the house of mercy most willingly took upon them to cause the unjust sentence, which had been given against us, to be revoked; Having gotten then all the proceedings to be disannulled, they by petition remonstrated unto the Chaem, who was the President of that Court, How we could not for any cause whatsoever be condemned to death, seeing there were no witnesses of any credit that could testifie that we had robbed any man, or had ever seen us carry any offensive weapons contrary to the prohibition made against it by the Law of the first book, but that we were apprehended quite naked, like wretched men, wandering after a lamentable shipwrack, and that therefore our poverty and misery was wor∣thy rather of a pitiful compassion, then of that rigour, wherewith the first Ministers of the arm of wrath had caused us to be whipt; moreover that God alone was the Iudg of our in∣nocency, in whose name they required him once, twice, nay many times, to consider that he was mortal, and could not last long, for that God had given him a perishable life, at the end whereof he was to render an account of that which had been required of him, since by a so∣lemn oath he was obliged to do all that should be manifest to his judgment, without any con∣sideration of men of the world, whose custom it was to make the ballance sway down, which God would have to be upright, according to the integrity of his divine Iustice. To this pe∣tition the Kings Proctor opposed himself, as he that was our adverse party, and that in certain articles, which he framed against us, set forth, how he would prove by ocular witnesses, as well of the Country, as strangers, that we were publique thieves, making a common practise of robbing, and not merchants, such as we pretended to be; whereunto he added, that if we had come to the Coast of China with a good designe, and with an intent to pay the King his due in his Custom-houses, we would have repaired to the ports, where they were establish∣ed by the Ordinance of the Aytan of the Government, but for a punishment, because we went from Isle to Isle, like Pirats, Almighty God, that detests sin and robber•, had permitted us to suffer shipwrack, that so falling into the hands of the Ministers of his justice, we might receive the guerdon of our wicked works, namely, the pains of death, whereof our crimes rendred us most worthy; In regard of all which, he desired we might be condemned accord∣ing to the Law of the second book, that commanded it in express terms; And that if for other considerations, no way remarkable in us, we could •y any law be exempted from death, ye• nevertheless for that we were strangers, and vagabonds, without either faith, or know∣ledg of God, that alone would suffice at leastwise to condemn us to have our hands and no∣ses cut off, and so to be banished for ever into the Country of Ponxileytay, whither such peo∣ple Page  128 as we, were wont to be exiled, as might be verified by divers sentences given and execu∣ted in like cases, and to that effect, he desired the admittance of his articles, which he pro∣mised to prove within the time, that should be prescribed him. These articles were presently excepted against by the Proctor of the Court of Justice, established for the poor, who offered to make the contrary appear within a certain term, which to that end, and for many other reasons alleadged by him in our favour, was granted him, wherefore he required that the said articles might not be admitted, especially for that they were infamous, and directly contrary to the Ordinances of Justice. Whereupon the Chaem ordered, that his articles should not be admitted, unless he did prove them by evident testimonies, and such as were conformable to the Divine Law, within six days next ensuing, and that upon pain in case of contravention not to be admitted to any demand of a longer delay. The said term of six days being prescribed the Kings Proctor, he, in the mean time, producing no one proof against us, nor any person that so much as knew us, came and demanded a delay of other six days, which was flatly de∣nied him, in regard it but too well appeared, that all he did was only to win time, and therefore he would by no means consent unto it, but contrarily he gave the Proctor for the poor five days respit to alledge all that further he could in our defence; In the mean time, the Kings Proctor declaimed against us in such foul and opprobrious terms, as the Chaem was much offended thereat, so that he condemned him to pay us twenty Taeis of silver, both for his want of charity, and for that he could not prove any one of the obligations which he had exhibited against us. Three days being spent herein, four Tanigores of the house of the poor, coming very early in the morning to the prison, sent for us into the Infirmirie, where they told us that our business went very well, and how we might hope that our sentence would have a good issue, whereupon we cast our selves at their feet, and with abundance of tears desired God to reward them for the pains they had taken in our behalf. Thereunto one of them replyed, And we also most humbly beseech him to keep you in the knowledg of his Law, wherein all the happiness of good m•n consists; and so they caused two coverlets to be given us, for to lay upon our beds in the night, because the weather was cold, and withall bid us, that we should not stick to ask any thing we wanted, for that God Almighty did not love a sparing hand in the distributing of alms for his sake. A little after their departure came the Re∣gister, and shewing us the Chaems order, whereby the Kings Proctor was condemned to pay us twenty Taeis, gave us the mony, and took an acquittance under our hands for the receipt of it; For which giving him a world of thanks, we intreated him for his pains to take as much thereof as he pleased, but he would not touch a peny, saying, I will not for so small a matter lose the recompence which I hope to gain from God, for the consideration of you.

*We past nine days in great fear, still expecting to have our sentence pronounced, when as one Saturday morning two Chumbims of Justice came to the prison for us, accompanied with twenty officers, by them called Huppes, carrying Halberts, Portisans, and other arms, which made them very dreadfull to the beholders; These men tying us all nine together in a long iron chain, lead us to the Caladigan, which was the place where audience was given, and where execution was done on delinquents; Now how we got thither, to confess the truth, I am not able to relate, for we were at that instant so far besides our selves, as we knew not what we did, or which way we went, so as in that extremity all our thought was how to conform our selves to the will of God, and beg of him with tears, that for the merit of his sacred pas∣sion, he would be pleased to receive the punishment, that should be inflicted on us for the satisfaction of our sins. At length after much pain, and many affronts, that were done us by many which followed after us, with loud cries, we arrived at the first Hall of the Caladigan, where were four and twenty Executioners, whom they call, The Ministers of the arm of justice, with a great many of other people, that were there about their affairs. Here we re∣mained a long time, till at length upon the ringing of a bell, other doors were opened, that stood under a great A•ch of Architecture, very artificially wrought, and whereon were a num∣ber of rich figures; On the top a monstrous Lion of silver was seen, with his sore and hind feet upon a mighty great bowl, made of the same mettal, whereby the arms of the King of China are represented, which are ordinarily placed on the Fore-front of all the Sovereign Courts, where the Chaems precide, who are as Vice-roys amongst us. Those doors being o∣pened, as I said before, all that were there present entred into a very great Hall, like the Body of a Church, hung from the top to the bottom with divers pictures, wherein strange kinds Page  129 of execution done upon p•rsons of all conditions, after a most dreadful manner were constrain∣ed, and under every picture was this inscription, Such a one was executed with this kind of death for committing such a crime; so that in beholding the diversity of these fearful pour∣traitures one might see in it, as it were, a declaration of the kind of death that was ordained for each crime, as also the extream rigour which the Justice there observed in such executions. From this Hall we went into another room far richer, and more costly, for it was guilt all o∣ver, so that one could not have a more pleasing object, at least wise, if we could have taken pleasure in any thing, considering the misery we were in. In the midst of this room there was a Tribunal, whereunto one ascended by seven steps, invironed with three rows of ballisters of iron, copper, and ebony; the tops whereof were beautified with Mother of Pearl: At the upper end of all was a cloth of State of white damask, frenged about with a deep cawl frenge of green silk and gold; Under this State sat the Chaem with a world of greatness and majesty, he was seated in a very rich Chair of silver, having before him a little table, and about him three boys on their knees, sumptuously apparelled, with chains of gold, one of the which (namely, he in the middle) served to give the Chaem the pen wherewithall he signed; The other two took the petitions that were preferred, and presented them on the Table, that they might be signed; On the right hand in another place somewhat higher, and almost equall with the Chaem, stood a boy, some ten or eleven years old, attired in a rich robe of white Sa∣tin, imbroidered with roses of gold, having a chain of pearl three double about his neck, and hair as long as a womans, most neatly plaited with a fillet of gold, all enamelled with green, and powdered over with great seed pearl; In his hand he held, as a mark of that which he represented, a little branch of roses, made of silk, gold thread, and rich pearls, very curiously intermixed; And in this manner he appeared so gentile, handsome, and beauiful, as no wo∣man, how fair soever, could overmatch him; this boy leaned on his elbow upon the Chaems chair, and figured mercy. In the like manner, on the left hand was another goodly boy, richly apparelled in a Coat of carnation Satin, all set with roses of gold, having his right arm ba∣red up to the elbow, and died with a vermilion as red as blood, and in that hand holding a naked sword, which seemed also to be bloody: moreover, on his head he wore a crown, in fashion like to a Myter, hung all with little razors, like unto lancets, wherewith Chyrurgions let men blood, being thus gallantly set forth, and of most beautiful presence, yet he struck all that beheld him with fear, in regard of that he represented, which was Justice. For they say, that the Judg, which holds the place of the King, who presents God on earth, ought necessa∣rily to have those two qualities, Iustice, and Mercy; and that he which doth not use them is a Tyrant, acknowledging no Law, and usurping the power that he hath. The Chaem was ap∣parelled in a long Gown of violet Satin, fr•nged with green silk and gold, with a kind of s•a∣pulair about his neck, in the midst of which was a great plate of gold, wherein an hand holding a very even pair of ballance was engraven, and the inscription about it; It is the nature of the Lord Almighty, to observe in his justice, weight, measure, and true account, therefore take heed to what thou doest, for if thou comest to sin thou shalt suffer for it eternally. Upon his head he had a kind of round bonet, bordered about with small sprigs of gold, all enamelled violet and green, and on the top of it was a little crowned Lion of gold, upon a round bowl of the same mettal; by which Lion crowned, as I have delivered heretofore, is the King signified, and by the bowl, the world, as if by these devices, they would denote, that the King is the Li∣on crowned on the throne of the world; In his right hand he held a little rod of ivory, some three spans long, in manner of a Scepter; upon the top of the three first steps of this Tribunal stood eight Ushers with silver maces on their shoulders, and below were threescore Mogors on their knees, disposed into three ranks, carrying halberts in their hands, that were neatly damasked with gold; In the vantgard of these same stood, like as if they had been, the Commanders or Cap∣tains of this Squadron, the Statues of two Giants, of a most gallant aspect, and very richly attired, with their swords hanging in scarfs, and mighty great halberts in their hands, and these the Chineses in their language call Gigaos; on the two sides of this Tribunal below in the room were two very long tables, at each of which sat twelve men, whereof four were Presidents, or Judges, two, Registers, four, Solicitors, and two, Conchalis, which are as it were, Assistants to the Court, one of these Tables was for criminal, and the other for civil causes, and all the officers of both these Tables were apparelled in gowns of white Satin, that were very long, and had large slieves, thereby demonstrating the latitude and purity of justice; the Tables were covered with carpets of violet damask, and richly bordered about with gold, Page  130 the Chaems table, because it was of silver, had no carpet on it, nor any thing else, but a cu∣shion of cloth of gold, and a Standith; Now all these things put together, as we saw them, carried a wonderful shew of State and Majesty; But to proceed, upon the fourth ringing of a bell, one of the C••chalis stood up, and after a low obeysanc• made to the Chaem, with a very loud voice, that he might be heard of every one, he said, Peace there, and with all sub∣mission hearken, on pain of incurring the punishment, ordained by the Chaems of the Govern∣ment for those, that interrupt the silence of sacred Iustice. Whereupon this same sitting down again, another arose, and with the like reverence, mounting up to the Tribunal, where the Chaem sat, he took the Sentences from him that held them in his hand, and published them aloud one after another, with so many ceremonies, and compliments, as he employed above an hour therein; At length coming to pronounce our judgment, they caused us to kneel down, with our eyes fixed on the ground, and our hands lifted up, as if we were praying unto Hea∣ven, to the end that in all humility we might hear the publ•cation thereof, which was thus; Bitau Dicabor, the new Chaem of this sacred Court, where justice is rendred to strangers, and that by the gracious pleasure of the Son of the Sun, the Lion crowned on the throne of the world, unto whom are subjected all the Scepters and Crowns of the Kings that govern the earth; ye are subjected under his feet by the grace and will of the most High in Heaven, having viewed and considered the Appeal made to me by these nine strangers, whose cause was commanded hither by the City of Nanquin, by the four and twenty of austeer life, I say▪ by the oath I have taken upon my entry into the Charge, which I exercise for the Aytao of Ba∣tampina, the chief of two and thirty that govern all the people of this Empire, that the ninth day of the seventh Moon, in the fifteenth year of the reign of the Son of the Sun, I was pre∣sented with the accusations, which the Cumbim of Taypor, sent me against them, whereby he chargeth them to be theeves, and robbers of other mens goods, affirming that they have long practised that trade, to the great offence of the Lord above, who hath created all things; and withall that without any fear of God they used to bathe themselves in the blood of those, that with reason resisted them, for which they have already been condemned to be whipt, and have their thumbs cut off, whereof the one hath been put in execution; but when they came to have their thumbs cut off, the Proctors for the poor, opposing it, alledged in their behalf, that they were wrongfully condemned, because there was no proof of that wherewith they were charged, in regard whereof they required for them, that in stead of judging them upon a bare shew of uncertain suspitions, voluable testimonies might be produced, and such as were con∣formable to the divine Laws, and the Iustice of Heaven; whereunto answer was made by that Court, how justice was to give place to mercy, whereupon they that undertook their cause made their complaint to the four and twenty of austeer life, who both out of very just conside∣rations, and the regard they had to the little support they could have, for that they were stran∣gers, and of a Nation so far distant from us, as we never heard of the Country where they say they were born, mercifully inclining to their lamentable cries, sent them and their cause to be judged by thi• Court, wherefore omitting the prosecution thereof here by the Kings Pro∣ctor, being able to prove nothing whereof he accused them, affirms only that they are worthy of death for the suspicion and jealousie they have given of themselves, but in regard sacred ju∣stice, that stands upon considerations which are pure and agreeable to God, admits of no rea∣sons from an adverse party, if they be not made good by evident proofs, I thought it not fit to allow of the Kings Proctors accusations, since he could not prove what he had alledged, where∣upon insisting on his demand, without shewing either any just causes, or sufficient proof concern∣ing that he concluded against those strangers, I condemned him in twenty Taeis of silver a∣mends to his adverse parties, being altogether according to equity, because the reasons al∣ledged by him were grounded upon a bad zeal, and such as were neither just, nor pleasing to God, whose mercy doth always incline to their side that are poor and feeble on the earth, when as they invoke him with tears in their eyes, •s is daily and clearly manifested by the pitiful ef∣fects of his greatness; so that having thereupon expresly commanded the Tanigores of the house of mercy, to alledge whatsoever they could say on their behalf, they accord•ngly did so, within the time that was prefixed them for that purpose; And so all proceedings having re∣ceived their due course, th• cause is now come to a final Iudgment: wherefore every thing duly viewed and considered, without regard had to any humane respect, but only to the merit and equity of their cause, and according to the resolution of the Laws, accepted by the twelve Chaems of the Government in the fifth book of the will and pleasure of the Son of the Sun, who Page  131 in such cases out of his greatness and goodness hath more regard to the complaints of the poor, then to the insolent clamors of the proud of the earth; I do ordain, and decree, that these nine strangers shall be clearly quit and absolved of all that, which the Kings Proctor hath laid to their charge, as also of all the punishment belonging thereunto, condemning them only to a years exile, during which time they shall work for their living in the reparations of Quansy; and when at eight months of the said year shall be accomplished, then I expresly enjoyn all the Chumbims, Conchalis, Monteos, and other Ministers of their government, that immediately upon their presenting of this my Decree unto them, they give them a passeport and safe con∣duct, to the end they may freely and securely return into their Country, or to any other place they shal think fit. After this sentence was thus published in our hearing, we all cried out with a loud voice, The Sentence of thy clear judgment is confirmed in us, even as the purity of thy heart is agreeable to the son of the Sun. This said, one of the Conchalis, that sate at one of the tables, stood up, and having made a very low obeisance to the Chaem▪ he said aloud five times one after another, to all that presse of people, which were there in great number; Is there any one in this Court, in this City, or in this Kingdom, that will oppose this Decree, or the deliverance of these nine prisoners? Whereunto no answer being made the two boyes, that represented justice and mercy, touched the ensignes which they held in their hands together, and said aloud, Let them be freed and discharged according to the sentence very justly pronounced for it; whereupon one of those Ministers, whom they call Huppes, ha∣ving rung a bell thrice, the two Chumbims of execution, that had formerly bound us, un∣losed us from our chain, and withall took off our manacles, collers, and the other irons from our legs, so that we were quite delivered, for which we gave infinite thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ, because we always thought, that for the ill conceit men had of us, we should be condemned to death. From thence so delivered as we were, they led us back to the prison, where the two Chumhims signed our enlargment in the Jaylors book; nevertheless that we might be altogether discharged, we were to go two months after to serve a year according to our sentence, upon pain of becoming slaves for ever to the King, conformable to his Ordinances: Novv because vve vvould presently have gone about to demand the alms of good people in the City, the Chifun, vvho vvas as Grand Provost of that prison, per∣swaded us to stay till the next day, that he might first recommend us to the Tanigores of mercy, that they might do something for us.

CHAP. XXXIII. What past betwixt us, and the Tanigores of mercy, with the great favors they did us; and a brief Relation of the City of Pequin, where the King of China kept his Court.

THe next morning the four Tanigores of mercy came to visit the Infirmi•y of this pri∣son, as they used to do; where they rejoyced with us for the good success of our Sen∣tence, giving us great testimony, how well contented they were with it, for which we returned them many thanks, not without shedding abundance of tears, whereat they seem∣ed to be not a little pleased, and willed us not to be troubled with the term we were con∣demned to serve in, for they told us that in stead of a year we should continue but eight months there, and that the other four months, which made the third part of our punish∣ment, the King remitted it by way of alms for Gods sake, in consideration that we were poor, for otherwise if we had been rich, and of ability, we should have had no favour at all, promising to cause this dimunition of punishment to be endorsed on our Sentence, and besides that they would go, and speak to a very honourable man for us, that was ap∣pointed to be the chief Marshal, or Monteo, of Quansy, the place where we were to serve, to the end he might shew us favour, and cause us to be truly paid for the time we should re∣main there: Now because this man was naturally a friend to the poor, and inclined to do them good, they thought it would be fit to carry us along with them to his house, the ra∣ther for that it might be he would take us into his charge; we gave them all very humble thanks for this good offer of theirs, and told them that God would reward this charity, they shewed us for his sake; whereupon we accompanied them to the Monteos house, who came forth to receive us in his outward Court, leading his wife by the hand, which he did, either out of a greater form of complement, or to do the more honour to the Tanigo∣res,Page  132 and coming neer them he prostrated himself at their feet, and said: It is now, my Lord, and holy brethren, that I have cause to rejoyce, for that it hath pleased God to permit, that you his holy servants should come unto my house, being that which I could not hope for, in regard I held my selfe unworthy of such favour. After the Tanigores had used many com∣plements and cereremonies to him, as is usuall in that Country, they answered him thus, May God, our Soveraign Lord, the infinite source of mercy, recompence the good thou dost for the poor with blessing in this life; for believe it, dear brother, the strongest staff whereon the soul doth lean to keep her from falling so often as she happens to stumble, is the charity, which we use towards our neighbour, when as the vain glory of this world doth not blind the good zeal whereunto his holy Law doth oblige us, and that thou mayst merit the blessed felicity of beholding his face, we have brought thee here these nine Portugals, who are so poor, as none in this Kingdom are like to them; wherefore we pray thee that in the place whither thou art going now, as Monteo, thou wilt do for them all that thou thinkest will be acceptable to the Lord above, in whose behalf we crave this of thee. To this Speech the Monteo, and his wife, replyed in such courteous and remarkable terms, as we were almost besides our selves to hear in what manner they attributed the successe of their affairs, to the principal cause of all goodness, even as though they had the light of faith, or the knowledg of the Christian verity. Hereupon they withdrew into a Chamber, into which we went not, and continued there a∣bout half an hour; then as they were about to take leave of one another, they commanded us to come in to them, where the Tanigores spake to them again about us, and recommending us unto them more then before, the Monteo caused our names to be written down in a book that lay before him, and said unto us, I do this, because I am not so good a man, as to give you something of mine own, nor so bad as to deprive you of the sweat of your labour, whereunto the King hath bound you, wherefore even at this instant you shall begin to get your living, although you do not serve as yet, for the desire I have that this may be accounted to me for an alms, so that now you have nothing to do, but to be merry in my house, where I will give order that you shall be provided of all that is necessary for you; Besides this, I will not promise you any thing, for the fear I am in of the shewing some vanity by my promise, and so the Divel may make use thereof as of an advantage, to lay hold on me, a matter that often arrives through the weak∣ness of our nature; wherefore let it suffice you for the present to know, that I will be mindful of you for the love of these holy brethren here, who have spoken to me for you. The four Tani∣gores thereupon taking their leave, gave us four Taeis, and said unto us, Forget not to render thanks unto God for the good success you have had in your business, for it would be a grievous sin in you not to acknowledge so great a grace. Thus were we very well entertained in the house of this Captain for the space of two months, that we remained there, at the end whereof we parted from thence, for to go to Quansy, where we were to make up our time, under the conduct of this Captain, who ever after used us very kindly, and shewed us many favours, untill that the Tartars entred into the Town, who did a world of mischief there, as I will more amply declare hereafter.

*Before I recount that which happened unto us, after we were imbarqued with those Chi∣neses that conducted us, and that gave us great hope of setting us at liberty, I think it not amiss to make a brief relation here of the City of Pequin, which may truly be termed the capital of the Monarchy of the world, as also of some particulars I observed there, as well for its ar∣ches and policy, as for that which concerns its extent, its government, the laws of the Coun∣try, and the admirable manner of providing for the good of the whole State, together in what sort they are paid, that serve in the time of war, according to the Ordinances of the King∣dom, and many other things like unto these, though I must needs confess that herein I shall want the best part, namely, wit, and capacity, to render a reason in what clymate it is scitua∣ted, and in the heigth of how many degrees, which is a matter the learned and curious most desire to be satisfied in; But my designe having never been other (as I have said heretofore) then to leave this my book unto my children, that therein they may see the sufferings I have under∣gone, it little imports me to write otherwise then I do, that is, in a gross and rude manner; for I hold it better to treat of these things in such sort as nature hath taught me, then to use Hy∣perboles, and speeches from the purpose, whereby the weakness of my poor understanding may be made more evident. Howbeit since I am obliged to make mention of this matter, by the promise I have made of it heretofore, I say, that this City, which we call Pequin, and they of the Country Pequin, is scituated in the heighth of forty and one degrees of Northerly latitude; Page  133 the walls of it are in circuit (by the report of the Chineses themselves, and as I have read in a little book, treating of the greatness thereof, and intituled Aquisendan, which I brought since along with me into Portugal) thirty large leagues, namely ten long, and five broad; Some others hold, that it is fifty, namely seventeen in length, and eight in bredth: and forasmuch as they that intreat of it are of different opinions, in that the one make the extent of it thirty leagues, as I have said before, and others fifty, I will render a reason of this doubt, confor∣mable to that which I have seen my self. It is true, that in the manner it is now built, it is thir∣ty leagues in circuit, as they say, for it is invironed with two rows of strong walls, where there are a number of towers and bulwarks after our fashion; But without this circuit, which is of the City it self, there is another far greater, both in length and bredth, that the Chineses af∣firm was anciently all inhabited, but at this present there are only some Boroughs and Villages, as also a many of fair houses, or castles about it, amongst the which there are sixteen hundred, that have great advantages over the rest, and are the houses of the Proctors of the sixteen hun∣dred Cities, and most remarkable Towns of the two and thirty Kingdoms of this Monarchy, who repair unto this City at the general Assembly of the Estates, which is held every three years for the publique good. Without this great inclosure, which (as I have said) is not com∣prehended in the City, there is in a distance of three leagues broad, and seven long, fourscore thousand Tombs of the Mandarins, which are little Chappels all guilded within, and compas∣sed about with Ballisters of iron and latin, the entries whereinto are through very rich and sumptuous arches: near to these Chappels there are also very great houses, with gardens and tufted woods of high trees, as also many inventions of ponds, fountains, and aqueducts; whereunto may be added, that the walls of the inclosure are on the inside covered with fine porcelain, and on the fanes above are many Lions pourtrayed in gold, as also in the squares of the steeples, which are likewise very high, and embellished with pictures. It hath also five hundred very great Palaces, which are called the houses of the Son of the Sun, whither all those retire, that have been hurt in the Wars for the service of the King, as also many other souldiers, who in regard of age or sickness are no longer able to bear arms, and to the end that during the rest of their days they may be exempted from incommodity, each of them receives monthly a certain pay to find himself withall, and to live upon. Now all these men of War, as we learned of the Chineses, are ordinarily an hundred thousand, there being in each of those houses two hundred men according to their report. We saw also another long street of low houses, where there were four and twenty thousand oar-men, belonging to the King Panoures; and another of the same structure a good league in length, where fourteen thousand Taverners that followed the Court dwelt▪ as also a third street like unto the other two, where live a great number of light women, exempted from the tribute, which they of the City pay, for that they are Curtisans, whereof the most part had quitted their husbands for to follow the wretched trade; and if for that cause they come to receive any hurt, their husbands are grievously punish∣ed for it, because they are there as in a place of freedom, and under the protection of the Tu∣tan of the Court, Lord Steward of the Kings house. In this inclosure do likewise remain all the Landresses, by them called Maynates, which wash the linnen of the City, who as we were told, are above an hundred thousand, and live in this quarter, for that there are divers ri∣vers there, together with a number of wells, and deep pools of water, compassed about with good walls. Within this same inclosure, as the said Aquisendan relates, there are thir∣teen hundred gallant and very sumptuous houses of religio•s men and women, who make pro∣fession of the four principal Laws of those two and thirty which are in the Empire of China, and it is thought that in some of these houses there are above a thousand persons, besides the servants, that from abroad do furnish them with victuals, and other necessary provisions. We saw also a great many houses, which have fair buildings of a large extent, with spacious inclo∣sures, wherein there are gardens, and very thick woods, full of any kind of game, either for hawking, or hunting, that may be desired; And these houses are as it were Inns, whither come continually in great number people of all ages, and sexe•, as to see Comedies, Playes, Combates, Bul-baitings, Wrastlings, and magnificent Feasts, with the Tutons, Chaems, Con∣chacys, Aytaos, Bracalons, Chumbims, Monteos, Lauteas, Lords, Gentlemen, Captains, Merchants, and other rich men, do make for to give content to their kindred and friends; These houses are bravely furnished with rich hangings, beds, chairs, and stools, as likewise with huge cupbards of plate, not only of silver, but of gold also; and the attendants that wait at the table, are maids ready to be married, very beautiful, and gallantly attired; howbeit all Page  134 this is nothing in comparison of the sumptuousness, and other Magnificences that we saw there. Now the Chineses assured us, there were some feasts that lasted ten days after the Carachina, or Chinese manner, which in regard of the state, pomp, and charge thereof, as well in the at∣tendance of servants and wayters, as in the costly fare of all kind of flesh, fowl, fish, and all delicacies in musick, in sports of hunting, and hawking, in playes, comedies, tilts, turnayes, and in shews both of horse and foot, fighting and skirmishing together, do cost above twenty thousand Taeis. These Inns do stand in at least a million of gold, and are maintained by certain Companies of very rich Merchants, who in way of commerce and traffique employ their mo∣ny therein, where by it is thought they gain far more, then if they should venture it to sea. It is said also, that there is so good and exact an order observed there, that whensoever any one will be at a charge that way, he goes to the Xipaton of the house, who is the superintendant there∣of, and declares unto him what his designe is, whereupon he shews him a book, all divided in∣to chapters, which treats of the ordering and sumptuousness of Feasts, as also the rates of them, and how they shall be served in, to the end, that he who will be at the charge, may chuse which he pleases; This book, called Pinetoreu, I have seen, and heard it read, so that I remember how in the three first Chapters thereof, it speaks of the feasts, whereunto God is to be invited, and of what price they are; and then it descends to the King of China, of whom it sayes, That by a speciall grace of Heaven, and right of Soveraignty, he hath the Govern∣ment of the whole earth, and of all the Kings that inhabit it. After it hath done with the King of China, it speaks of the feasts of the Tutons, which are the ten Soveraign digni∣ties, that command over the forty Chaems, who are as the Vice-royes of the State. These Tutons also are termed the beams of the Sun, for, say they, as the King of China is the Son of the Sun, so the Tutons, who represent him, may rightly be termed his beams, for that they proceed from him, even as the rayes do from the Sun; But setting aside the bruitishness of these Gentiles, I will only speak of the Feast, whereunto God is to be invited, which I have seen some to make with much devotion, though for want of faith, their works can do them little good.

CHAP. XXXIV. The Order which is observed in the Feasts, that are made in certain Inns; and the State, which the Chaem of the two and thirty Vniversities keeps; with certain remarkable things in the City of Pequin.

THe first thing whereof mention is made in the Preface of that Book, which treats of Feasts, as I have said before, is the Feast, that is to be made unto God here upon earth, of which it is spoken in this manner: Every Feast, how sumptuous soever it be, may be paid for with a price, more or less, conformable to the bounty of him that makes it, who for all his charge be∣stowed on it reaps no other recompence, then the praise of flatterers and idle persons; where∣fore, O my Brother, saith the Preface of the said Book, I counsel thee to imploy thy goods in feasting of God in his poor, that is to say, secretly to supply the necessities of good folks, so that they may not perish for want of that which thou hast more then thou needest. Call to mind al∣so the vile matter wherewith thy father ingendred thee, and that too, which is far more ab∣ject, wherewith thy mother conceived thee, and so thou wilt see how much inferiour thou art, even to the bruit beasts, which without distinction of reason apply themselves to that where∣unto they are carried by the flesh; and seeing that in the quality of a man thou wilt invite thy friends, who possibly by to morrow may not be, to shew that thou art good and faithful, invite the poor creatures of God, of whose groans and necessities he like a pitiful Father taketh com∣passion, and promiseth to him that doth them good infinite satisfaction in the house of the Sun, where as an Article of faith we hold, that his servants shall abide for evermore in eternal happiness, After these words, and other such like, worthy to be observed, the Xipaton, who, as I told you, is the chief of them that govern this great Labyrinth, shews him all the Chapters of the Book, from one end to the other, and bids him look what manner of men, or Lords he will invite, what number of guests, and how many days he will have the feast to last; for ad∣deth he, the Kings, and Tutons, at the feasts that are made for them, have so many Messes of meat, so many Attendants, such Furniture, such Chambers, such vessel, such plate, such sports, and so many days of hawking, and hunting, all which amounts to such a sum of mony: Then if he will not bestow so much, the Xipaton shews him in another Chapter, the feasts which Page  135 are ordinarily made for the Chaems, Ayta•s, Ponchacis, Bracalons, Anchacis, Conchalaas, Lanteas, or for Captains, and rich men, whereas other kind of persons of meaner condition have nothing else to do, but to sit down, and fall to on free cost, so that there are usually fifty or threescore rooms full of men and women of all sorts; There are also in other rooms most excellent and melodious consorts of musick, namely of Harps, Viols, Lutes, Bando•es, Cor∣nets, Sackbuts, and other Instruments, which are not in use amongst us. If it be a feast of wo∣men, as it often falls out to be, then are the wayters on the table likewise women, or young D•mosels, richly attired, who for that they are maids, and endued with singular beauty, it hap∣pens many times that men of extraordinary quality fall in love with them, and do marry them. Now for a conclusion of that which I have to say of these Inns, of all the mony, which is spent upon such feasts, four in the hundred, whereof the Xipaton paies the one half, and they that make the feasts the other, is set apart for the entertainment of the table of the poor, whereunto for Gods sake all manner of people are admitted that will come to it; Moreover, they are al∣lowed a Chamber, and a good bed but that only for the space of three days, unless they be wo∣men with child, or sick persons, which are not able to travel; for in that case they are entertained a longer time, because regard is had unto the people according to the need they are in. We saw also in this outward inclosure, which, as I have delivered, invirons all the other City, two and thirty great Edifices, or Colledges, distant about a •light shoot the one from the other, where such, as apply themselves to the study of the two and thirty Laws, which are professed in the two and thirty Kingdoms of this Empire, do recide. Now in each of these Colledges, accord∣ing as we could guess by the great number of persons that we saw there, there should be a∣bove ten thousand Scholers; and indeed the Aquesendoo, which is the Book that treats of these things, makes them amount in the whole to four hundred thousand: There is likewise somewhat apart from the rest, another far greater and fairer Edifice, of almost a league in circuit, where all those that have taken degrees, as well in their Theologie, as in the Laws of the government of this Monarchy, do live. In this University there is a Chaem, who com∣mands over all the Heads of the Colledges, and is called, by a title of eminent dignity, Xiley∣xitapou, that is to say, Lord of all the Nobles. This Chaem, for that he is more honourable, and of an higher quality then all the rest, keeps as great a Court as any Tuton; for he hath ordi∣narily a guard of three hundred Mogores, four and twenty Loshers that go with silver Maces before him, and six and thirty women, which mounted on white ambling Nags, trapped with silk and silver, ride playing on certain very harmonious instruments of musick, and singing to the tune thereof, make a pleasing Consort after their manner. There are also led before him twenty very handsome spare horses, without any other furniture then their clothes of silver tinsel, and with headstals full of little silver bells, every horse being waited on by six Halber∣diers, and four footmen very well apparelled; Before all this train goes four hundred Huppes, with a number of great long chains, which trailing on the ground, make such a dreadful ratling and noise, as does not a lit le terrifie all that are within hearing; Then next to them marches twelve men on horsback, called Peretandas, each of them carrying an Umbrello of carnation Sattin, and other twelve that follow them with banners of white damask, deeply indented, and edged about with golden frenge; Now after all this pomp comes the Chaem sitting in a triumphant Chariot, attended by threescore Conchalas, Chumbims, and Monteos, such as a∣mongst us are the Chancellors, Judges, and Councellors of the Courts of Justice, and these go all on foot, carrying upon their shoulders Cymiters rightly garnished with gold. Last of all fol∣low lesser officers, that are like unto our Registers, Examiners, Auditors, Clarks Atturneys, and Solicitors, all likewise on foot, and crying out unto the people with a loud voice for to retire themselves into their houses, and clear the streets, so as there may be nothing to hinder or trou∣ble the passage of this magnificnce. But the most observable thing herein is, that close to the Person of the Chaem, march two little boyes on horsback, one on the right hand, the other on the left, richly attired, with their ensignes in their hands, signifying Iustice, and Mercy, whereof I have spoken heretofore; That on the right side representing mercy, is clothed in white, and that on the left representing justice is apparelled in red; The horses whereon these little boyes are mounted, have on them foot-clothes of the same colour their garments are, and all their furniture and trappings are of gold, with a kind of net-work over them, made of silver thread; After each of these children march six young youths, about fifteen years of age, with silver Maces in their hands, so that all these things together are so remarkable, as there is no man that beholds them, but on the one side trembles for fear, and on the other side remains a∣stonished Page  136 at the sight of so much greatness, and majesty. Now that I may not longer dwel on that which concerns this great inclosure, I will pass over in silence many other marvels that we saw there, consisting in rich & fair buildings in magnificent Pagodes, in bridges placed upon great pillars of stone, on either side whereof are rayls or grates of iron finely wrought, and in high ways, that are straight, broad, and all very well paved, whereof I think fit not to speak, for by that which I have already said, one may easily judg of what I have omitted, in regard of the resem∣blance and conformity that is between them; wherefore I will only intreat, and that as suc∣cinctly as I can, of certain buildings, which I saw in this City, chiefly of four, that I observed more curiously then the rest, as also of some other particularities, that well deserve to be in∣sisted upon.

*This City of Pequin, whereof I have promised to speak more amply then yet I have done, is so prodigious, and the things therein remarkable, as I do almost repent me for undertaking to discourse of it, because to speak the truth, I know not where to begin, that I may be as good as my word; for one must not imagine it to be, either as the City of Rome, or Constantinople, or Venice, or Paris, or London, or Sevill, or Lisbon, or that any of the Cities of Europe are comparable unto it, how famous or populous soever they be: Nay I will say further, that one must not think it to be like to Grand Cairo in Egypt, Tauris in Persia, Amadaba in Cam∣baya, Bisnagar in Narsingua, Goura in Bengala, Ava in Chaleu, Timplan in Calaminhan, Martaban and Bagou in Pegu, Guimpel and Tinlau in Siammon, Odia in the Kingdom of Sornau, Passarvan and Dema in the Island of Iaoa, Pangor in the Country of the Lequiens, Vsangea in the Grand Cauchin, Lancama in Tartaria, and Meaco in Iappun, all which Ci∣ties are the Capitals of many great Kingdoms; for I dare well affirm, that all those same are not to be compared to the least part of the wonderful City of Pequin, much less to the great∣ness and magnificence of that which is most excellent in it, whereby I understand her stately buildings, her inward riches, her excessive abundance of all that is necessary for the entertain∣ing of life, also the world of people, the infinite number of Barques and Vessels that are there, the Commerce, the Courts of Justice, the Government and the State of the Tutons, Chaems, Anchacys, Aytaos, Puchancys, and Bracanons, who rule whole Kingdoms, and very spacious Provinces, with great pentions, and are ordinarily resident in this City, or others for them, when as by the Kings command they are sent about affairs of consequence. But setting these things aside, whereof yet I intend to speak more amply, when time shall serve, I say that this City, (according to that which is written of it, both in the Aquesendoo before mentioned, and all the Chronicles of the Kingdom of China) is thirty leagues in circuit, not comprehending there∣in the buildings of the other inclosure that is without it, and is invironed with a double wall, made of good strong free-stone, having three hundred and threescore gates, each of which hath a small For•, composed of two high towers, with its ditches, and draw-bridges; and at every gate is a Register, & four Porters with halberds in their hands, who are bound to give account of all that goes in and out. These gates by the Ordinance of the Tuton, are divided according to the three hundred and threescore dayes of the year, so that every day in his turn hath the feast of the invocation of the Idol, whereof each gate bears the name, celebrated with much solem∣nity. This great City hath also within that large inclosure of her walls, as the Chineses assu∣red us, three thousand and three hundred Pagodes or Temples, wherein are continually sacrifi∣ced a great number of birds and wild beasts, which they hold to be more agreeable unto God, then such as are kept tame in houses, whereof their Priests render divers reasons to the people, therewith perswading them to believe so great an abuse for an article of faith. The structures of these Pagodes, whereof I speak, are very sumptuous, especially those of the orders of the Me∣negrepos, Conquiays, and Talagrepos, who are the Priests of the four Sects of Xaca, Amida, Gizom, and Canom, which surpass in antipuity the other two and thirty of that Labyrinth of the Divel, who appears to them many times in divers forms, for to make them give more cre∣dit to his impostures and lies. The principal streets of this City are all very long and broad, with fair houses of two or three stories high, and inclosed at both ends with ballisters of iron and lattin; the entrance into them is through lanes, that cross these great streets, at the ends where∣of are great arches, with strong gates, which are shut in the night, and on the top of the arches, there are watch-bels; Each of these streets hath its Captain, and officers, who walk the round in their turns, and are bound every ten dayes to make report into the Town-house of all that passeth in their quarters, to the end that the Punchacys, or Chaems of the Govern∣ment, may take such order therein, as reason requires. Moreover this great City (if credit may Page  137 be given to that which the said book, so often before mentioned by me, records) hath an hun∣dred and twenty Canals, made by the Kings and people in former times, which are three fa∣thom deep, and twelve broad, crossing through the whole length and bredth of the City, by the means of a great number of bridges, built upon arches of strong free-stone, at the end where∣of there are pillars, with chains, that reach from the one to the other, and resting places for passengers to repose themselves in: It is said that the bridges of these hundred & twenty Canals, or Aqueducts, are in number eighteen hundred, and that if one of them is fair and rich, the other is yet more, as well for the fashion, as for the rest of the workmanship thereof. The said Book affirms, That in this City there are sixscore Piatzues, or publique places, in each of the which is a Fair kept every month. Now during the two months time that we were at liberty in this City, we saw eleven or twelve of these Fairs, where were an infinite company of people, both on hors-back, and on foot, that out of boxes hanging about their necks sold all things that well neer can be named, as the Haberdashers of small wares do amongst us, besides the ordinary shops of rich Merchants, which were ranged very orderly in the particular streets, where was to be seen a world of silk stuffs, tinsels, cloth of gold, linnen, and cotton-cloth, sables, ermyns, musk, aloes, fine pourcelain, gold and silver plate, pearl, seed pearl, gold in powder, and lingots, and such other things of value, whereat we nine Portugals were exceedingly astonished; But if I should speak in particular of all the other commodities, that were to be sold there, as of iron, steel, lead, copper, tin, latin, corral, cornalin, crystal, quicksilver, vermillion, ivory, cloves, nut∣megs, mace, ginger, tamarinds, cinnamon, pepper, cardamone, borax, hony, wax, sanders, sugar, conserves, acates, fruit, meal, rice, flesh, venison, fish, pulse, and herbs; there was such abundance of them, as it is scarce possible to express it in words. The Chineses also assured us, that this City hath an hundred and threescore Butchers shambles, and in each of them an hun∣dred stalls, full of all kinds of flesh that the earth produceth, for that these people feed on all, as Veal, Mutton, Pork, Goat, the flesh of Horses, Buffles, Rhinocerets, Tygers, Lions, Dogs, Mules, Asses, Otters, Shamois, Bodgers, and finally of all other beasts whatsoever. Further∣more, besides the weights which are particularly in every shambles, there is not a gate in the City that hath not its scales, wherein the meat is weighed again, for to see if they have their due weight that have bought it, to the end that by this means the people may not be deceived. Be∣sides those ordinary Shambles, there is not scarce a street but hath five or six Butchers shops in it, where the choicest meat is sold; there are withall many Taverns, where excellent fare is al∣wayes to be had, and cellers full of gammons of bacon, dried tongues, poudered geese, and other savoury viands, for to relish ones drink, all in so great abundance, that it would be very superfluous to say more of it; but what I speak is to shew how liberally God hath imparted to these miserable blinded wretches the good things which he hath created on the earth, to the end that his holy Name may therefore be blessed for evermore.

CHAP. XXXV. The Prison of Xinanguibaleu, wherein those are kept, which have been condem∣ned to serve at the reparations of the wall of Tartaria; and another inclo∣sure, called the Treasure of the dead, with the revenues whereof this prison is maintained.

DEsisting now from speaking in particular of the great number of the rich and magnificent buildings, which we saw in this City of Pequin, I will only insist on some of the Edifi∣ces thereof, that seemed more remarkable to me then the rest, whence it may be easie to infer, what all those might be, whereof I will not make any mention here to avoid prolixity; And of these neither would I speak, were it not that our Lord may one day permit, that the Portugal Nation, full of valour, and of lofty courage, may make use of this relation for the glory of our great God, to the end that by these humane means, and the assistance of his divine favor, it may make those barbarous people understand the verity of our holy Catholique faith, from which their sins have so far esloigned them, as they mock at all that we say to them thereof: Hereunto I will adde, that they are extravagant, and senceless, as they dare boldly affirm, that only with beholding the face of the Son of the Sun, which is their King, a soul would be more happy then with all other things of the world besides, which perswades me that if God of his infinite mercy and goodness would grant, that the King of the people might become a Christian, it would be an easie matter to convert all his Subjects, whereas otherwise I hold it difficult for Page  138 so much as one to change his belief, and all by reason of the great awe they are in of the Law, which they fear and reverence a like, and whereof it is not to be believed how much they che∣rish the Ministers. But to return to my discourse, the first building which I saw of those that were most remarkable, was a prison, which they call Xinanguibaleu, that is to say, The in∣closure of the Epiles; the circuit of this prison is two leagues square, or little less, both in length and bredth: It is inclosed with a very high wall without any battlements; the wall on the outside is invironed with a great deep ditch full of water, over the which are a many of draw∣bridges, that are drawn up in the night with certain iron chains, and so hang suspended on huge cast pillars; In this prison is an arch of strong hewed stone, abutting in two towers, in the tops whereof are six great sentinel bells, which are never rung but all the rest within the said inclo∣sure do answer them, which the Chineses affirm to be above an hundred, and indeed they make a most horrible din. In this place there are ordinarily three hundred thousand prisoners, between seventeen and fifty, whereat we were much amazed, and indeed we had good cause, in regard it is a thing so unusual and extraordinary. Now desiring to know of the Chineses the occasion of so marvellous a building, and of the great number of prisoners that were in it; they an∣swered us, that after the King of China, named Crisnago Docotay, had finished a wall of three hundred leagues space betwixt this Kingdom of China, and that of Tartaria, as I have de∣clared other where, he ordained by the advice of his people, (for to that effect he caused an Assembly of his Estates to be held) that all those which should be condemned to banishment, should be sent to work in the repairing of this wall, and that after they had served six years to∣gether therein, they might freely depart, though they were sentenced to serve for a longer time, because the King pardoned them the remainder of the term by way of charity and alms; but if during those years, they should happen to perform any remarkable act, or other thing, where∣in it appeared they had advantage over others, or if they were three times wounded in the Sal∣lies they should make, or if they killed some of their enemies, they were then to be dispensed with for all the rest of their time, and that the Chaem should grant them a certificate there∣of, where it should be declared why he had delivered them, and how he had thereby satisfied the Ordinances of War. Two hundred and ten thousand men are to be continually entertained in the work of the wall, by the first institution, whereof defalcation is made of a third part, for such are dead, maimed, and delivered, either for their notable actions, or for that they had accomplished their time: And likewise when as the Chaem, who is as the chief of all those, sent to the Pitaucamay, which is the highest Court of Justice, to furnish him with that num∣ber of men, they could not assemble them together so soon as was necessary, for that they were divided in so many several places of that Empire, which is prodigiously great, as I have deliver∣ed before, and that withall a long time was required for the assembling them together, another King, named Gopiley Aparau, who succeeded to that Crisnago Dacotay, ordained that the great inclosure should be made in the City of Pequin, to the end that as soon as any were con∣demned to the work of this wall, they should be carried to Xinanguibaleu for to be there al∣together, by which means they might be sent away without any delay, as now is done. So soon as the Court of Justice hath committed the prisoners to this prison, whereof he that brings them hath a Certificate, they are immediately left at liberty, so that they may walk at their pleasure within this great inclosure, having nothing but a little plate of a span long, and four fingers broad, wherein these words are engraven, Such a one of such a place hath been con∣demned to the general exile for such a cause, he entred such a day, such a month, such a year. Now the reason why they make every prisoner to carry this plate for a testimony of their evil actions, is, to manifest for what crime he was condemned, and at what time he entred, be∣cause every one goes forth conformably to the length of time that shall be since he entred in. These prisoners are held for duly delivered when they are drawn out of captivity for to go and work at the wall, for they cannot upon any cause whatsoever be exempted from the prison of Xinanguibaleu, and the time they are there is counted to them for nothing, in regard they have no hope of liberty but at that instant when their turn permits them to work in the reparations, for then they may be sure to be delivered, according to the ordinance whereof I have made mention before. Having now delivered the occasion whereof so great a prison was made▪ be∣fore I leave it I hold it not amiss to speak of a Fair, which we saw there, of two that are usu∣ally kept every year, which those of the Country call, Gunxinem, Apparau, Xinanguibaleu, that is to say, The rich Fair of the prison of the condemned; These Fairs are kept in the months of Iuly, and Ianuary, with very magnificent feasts, solemnized for the invocation of Page  139 their Idols; And even, there they have their plenory indulgences, by means whereof great ri∣ches of gold and silver are promised them in the other world. They are both of them frank and free, so as the Merchants pay no duties, which is the cause that they flock thither in such great number, as they assured us that there were three millions of persons there; And forasmuch as I said before, that the three hundred thousand that are imprisoned there, are at liberty, as well as those that go in and out, you shall see what course they hold to keep the prisoners from get∣ting forth amongst others. Every one that is free and comes in hath a mark set on the wrist of his right arm with a certain Confection made of Oyl, Bitumen, Lacre, Rubarb, and Alum, which being once dry cannot be any wayes defaced, but by the means of vinegar and salt mingled to∣gether very hot; And to the end that so great a number of people may be marked, on both sides of the gates stand a many of Chainpatoens, who with stamps of lead, dipt in this Bitumen, imprints a mark on every one that presents himself unto them, and so they let him enter; which is only practised on men, not upon women, because none of that Sex are ever condem∣ned to the labour of the wall. When therefore they come to go out of the gates, they must all have their arms bared where this mark is, that the said Chaintapo•ns, who are the Porters and Ministers of this affair, may know them, and let them pass; and if by chance any one be so un∣happy as to have that mark defaced by any accident, must even have patience, and remain with the other prisoners, in regard there is no way to get him out of this place if he be found with∣out that mark. Now those Chaintapoens are so dextrous and well versed in it, that an hundred thousand men may in an hour go in and out without trouble, so that by this means the three hundred thousand prisoners continue in their captivity, and none of them can slip away amongst others to get out. There are in this prison three great inclosures like great towns, where there are a number of houses, and very long streets, without any lanes; and at the entrance into each street there are good gates, with their sentinel bells aloft, together with a Chumbim, and twen∣ty men for a Guard; within a flight shoot of those inclosures are the lodgings of the Chaem, who commands all this prison, and those lodgings are composed of a number of fair houses, wherein are many out-Courts, Gardens, Ponds, Halls, and Chambers, inriched with excellent inventions, able to lodge a King at his ease, how great a Court soever he have. In the two prin∣cipal of these Towns there are two streets, each of them about a flight shoot long, which abut upon the Chaems lodgings, arched all along with stone, and covered over head like the Hospital at Lisbon, but that they far surpass it. Here are all things to be sold that one can de∣sire, as well for victual, and other kind of provisions, as for all sorts of Merchandise, and rich wares. In those arched streets, which are very spacious and long, are these two Fairs kept every year, whither such an infinite multitude of people resort, as I have declared before. Moreover with∣in the inclosure of this prison are divers woods of tall and high trees, with many small streams, and ponds of clear sweet water for the use of the prisoners, and to wash their linnen, as also sundry Hermitages, and Hospitals, together with twelve very sumptuous and rich Monasteries, so that whatsoever is to be had in a great Town, may in great abundance be found within the inclosure, and with advantage in many things, because the most part of these prisoners have their wives and children there, to whom the King gives a lodging answerable to the houshold, or family, which each one hath.

The second of those things, which I have undertaken to relate, is another inclosure we saw almost as big as the former, compassed about with strong walls, and great ditches.* This place is called Muxiparan, which signifies The treasure of the dead, where are many towers of hew∣ed carved stone, and steeples diversly painted. The walls on the top are in stead of battlements invironed with iron grates, where there are a number of idols of different figures, as of Men, Serpents, Horses, Oxen, Elephants, Fishes, Adders, and many other monstrous forms of crea∣tures, which were never seen, some of Brass, and Iron, and others of Tin, and Copper; so that this infinite company of several figures joyned together is one of the most remarkable and plea∣santest things that can be imagined. Having past over the bridge of the ditch we arrived at a great Court that was at the first entrance, inclosed round about with huge gates, and paved all over with white and black stones in checquer work, so polished and bright, as one might see himself in them as in a looking glass; In the midst of this Court was a pillar of Jasper six and thirty spans high, and as it seemed all of one piece, on the top whereof was an idol of silver in the figure of a woman, which with her hands strangled a Serpent, that was excellently ena∣m•lled with black and green. A little further at the entrance of another gate, which stood be∣tween two very high towers, and accompanied with four and twenty pillars of huge great Page  140 stone, there were two figures of men, each of them with an iron club in his hand, as if they had served to guard that passage, being an hundred and forty spans high, with such hideous and ugly visages, as makes them even to tremble that behold them; The Chineses called them Xixipatau Xalican, that is to say, The blowers of the house of smoak. At the entring into this gate there were twelve men with halberds, and two Registers, set at a table, who e•rolled all that entred t•ere, unto whom every one paid a matter of a groat: when we were entred with∣in this gate, we met with a very large street, closed on both sides with goodly arches, as well in regard of the workmanship, as the rest, round about the which hung an infinite company of little bells of lattin by chains of the same mettal, that moved by the air, made such a noise as one could with much ado hear one another: This street might be about half a league long, and within these arches, on both sides of the way, were two rows of low houses, like unto great Chur∣ches, with steeples all guilt, and divers inventions of painting: Of these houses the Chineses assured us there was in that place three thousand, all which from the very top to the bottom were full of dead m•ns skuls, a thing so strange, that in every mans judgment a thousand great shops could hardly contain them. Behind these houses, both on the one side and the other, were two great Mounts of dead mens bones, reaching far above the ridges of the houses, full as long as the street, and of a mighty bredth. These bones were ordered and disposed one upon another so curiously and aptly, that they seemed to grow there; Having demanded of the Chi∣neses whether any register was kept of these bones, they answered, there was, for the Tala∣grepos, unto whose charge the administration of these three thousond houses was commited, enrolled them all; and that none of these houses yield•d less then two thousand Taeis reve∣nue out of such lands, as the owners of these bones had bequeathed to them for their souls health; and that the rent of all these three thousand houses together amounted unto five milli∣ons of gold yearly, whereof the King had four, and the Talagrepos the other for to defray the expences of this Fabrick; and that the four appertained to the King, as their Support, who dispenced them in the maintenance of the three hundred thousand prisoners of Xinanguibaleu. Being amazed at this marvel, we began to go along this street, in the midst whereof we found a great Piazza, compassed about with two huge grates of lattin, and within it was an Adder of brass infolded into I know not how many boughts, and so big that it contained thirty fa∣thom in circuit, being withall so ugly and dreadful, as no words are able to describe it. Some of us would estimate the weight of it, and the least opinions reached to a thousand quintals, were it hollow within, as I believe it was. Now although it was of an unmeasurable great∣ness, yet was it in every part so well proportioned, as nothing can be amended, whereunto also the workmanship thereof is so correspondent, that all the perfection which can be desi∣red from a good workman is observed in it. This monstrous Serpent, which the Chinese call, The gluttonous Serpent of the house of smoak, had on the top of his head a bowl of iron, two and fifty foot in circumference, as if it had been thrown at him from some other place; Twenty paces further was the figure of a man of the same brass in the form of a Gyant, in like manner very strange and extraordinary, as well for the greatness of the body, as the hugeness of the limbs: This Monster held an iron bowl just as big as the other aloft in both his hands, and beholding the Serpent with a frowning and angry countenance, he seemed as though he would throw this bowl at him. Round about this figure was a number of little idols all guilt on their knees, with their hands lifted up to him, as if they would adore him. All this great edifice was consecrated to the honour of this Idol, called Mucluparon, whom the Chineses affirmed to be the treasurer of all the dead mens bones, and that when the gluttonous Serpent before mentioned came to steal them away, he made at him with that bowl which he held in his hands, whereupon the Serpent in great fear fled immediately away to the bottom of the pro∣found house of smoak, whither God had precipitated him for his great wickedness; and fur∣ther that he had maintained a combate with him three thousand years already, and was to con∣tinue the same three thousand years more, so that from three thousand to three thousand years he was to imploy five bowls, wherewith he was to make an end of killing him; H•reunto they added, that as soon as this Serpent should be dead, the bones that were there assembled, would return into the bodies, to which they appertained formerly, and so should go and remain for ever in the house of the Moon; To these brutish opinions they joyn many others such like, unto which they give so much faith, that nothing can be able to remove them from it, for it is the doctrine that is preached unto them by their Bonzes, who also tell them that the true way to make a soul happy, is to gather these bones together into this place, by means whereof there Page  141 is not a day passes but that a thousand or two of these wretches bones are brought thither. Now if some for their far distance cannot bring all the bones whole thither, they will at least∣wise bring a tooth or two, and so they say that by way of an alms they make as good sa∣tisfaction as if they brought all •he rest; which is the reason that in all these chunel houses there is such an infinite multitude of these teeth, that one might lade many ships with them.

We saw in a great Plain without the walls of this City another building,* very sumptuous and rich, which they call Nacapirau, that is to say, the Queen of Heaven, for it is the opinion of these blinded wretches, that our Lord above is married like the Kings here below, and that the children which he hath had by the Nacapirau, are the Stars we see twinkling in the Fir∣mament by night, and that when any exhalation comes to dissolve in the air, they say that it is one of his children that is dead, whereof his other brothers are so grieved, that they shed such abundance of tears, as the earth is watered therewith, by which means God provides us of our living, as it were in manner of alms bestowed for the souls of the deceased. But letting pass these and other such like fooleries, I will only intreat of such particulars, as we observed in this great Edifice, whereof the first was one hundred and forty Convents of this accursed Religion, both of men and women, in each of which there are four hundred persons, amounting in all to six and fifty thousand, besides an infinite number of religious servants, that are not obliged to their vow of profession that are within, who for a mark of their Priestly dignity are clothed in violet, with green stars on them, having their head, beard, and eye-brows shaven, and wear∣ing beads about their necks to pray with, but for all that they crave no alms, by reason they have revenue enough to live on. The next was an inclosure within this huge building, a league in circuit, the walls whereof were built upon arches, vaults, of strong hewed stone, and under∣neath them were Galleries, invironed all about with ballisters of lattin; within this inclosure at a gate, through which we past, we saw under most deformed figures the two porters of hell, at least they believe so, calling the one Bacharon, and the other Quagifau, both of them with iron clubs in their hands, and so hideous and horrible to see to, that it is impossible to behold them without fear. Having past this gate under a chain, that went a cross from the brest of one of these divels to the other, we entred into a very fair street, both for bredth and length, inclosed at either end with many arches, diversly painted, on the top whereof were all along two rows of idols to the number of five thousand; Now we could not well judg of what matter these idols were made, howsoever they were guilt all over, and upon their heads they wore myters of sundry inventions. At the end of this street was a great square place, paved with black and white stone, and compassed about with four rows of gyants in brass, each of them fifteen foot high, with halberds in their hands, and their hair and beards all guilt, which was not only a very pleasing object to the eye, but also represented a kind of majestical great∣ness. At the end of this place was Quiay Huyan, the god of rain, which idol was so huge, that with his head he touched the battlements of the tower, being above twelve fathom high; he was likewise of brass, and both from his mouth, head, and brest, at six and twenty several places came out streams of water: Having past between his legs, which stood stradling at a great distance, one from another, we entred into a large room, as long as a Church, where there were three ships set upon very big and high pillars of Jasper; all along the walls thereof on both sides were a many of idols, great and little in divers forms all guilt, fitted and dispo∣sed in such order, as they took up all the bredth and length of the walls, and seemed at first sight to be all gold: At the end of this room or temple upon a round Tribunal, whereunto one as∣cended by fifteen winding stairs, was an altar, proportionable to the same Tribunal, whereon stood the image of Nacapirau, in the likeness of a very fair woman, with her hair hanging up∣on her shoulders, and her hands lifted up to Heaven. Now for that she was guilt all over with fine gold, and that with a great deal of art and care, she glistered in that manner as it was un∣possible to continue looking on her, so dazled were a mans eyes with the rayes that darted from her. Round about this Tribunal on the first four stairs were the Statues of twelve Kings of China in silver, with crowns on their heads, and maces on their shoulders; a little lower were three rows of idols guilt, kneeling on their knees, and holding up their hands, and all about hung a number of silver candlesticks with seven branches apiece. When we were out of this, we went through another street all arched like that by which we entred in, and from this we p•ssed through two other streets full of very stately buildings, and so came to a gate, that stood between four high towers, where there was a Chifuu, with thirty Halberdiers, and Page  142 two Registers, which wrot down the names of all that went in and out, as they did ours, and so we gave them about a groat for our passage out.

CHAP. XXXVI. Of an Edifice, scituated in the midst of the river, wherein were the hundred and thirteen Chappels of the Kings of China; with the publique Granaries established for the relief of the poor.

TO give an end to the matter, whereof I intreat, which would be infinite if I should re∣count every thing in particular, amongst the great number of marvellous buildings, which we saw, the most remarkable to my seeming was an inclosure, seated in the midst of the river of Batampina, containing some league in circuit in an Island, and invironed with fair hewed stone, which on the out-side was about eight and thirty foot high above the water, and on the in-side even with the ground, being encompassed with two rows of ballisters of lattin, where∣of the outermost were but six foot high, for the commoditie of such as would rest them∣selves there, and the innermost were nine foot high, having six Lyons of silver standing upon huge bowls, which are the arms of the King of China, as I have said elsewhere. Within the in∣closure of these ballisters stood in very goodly order an hundred and thirteen Chappels after the fashion of Bulwarks all round, in each of which was a rich Tomb of Alabaster, placed with much art upon the heads of two silver Serpents, which in regard of the many boughts where∣in they were entertained seemed to be snakes, though they had the vis•ges of women, and three horns on their heads, the explication whereof we could not possibly learn. In each of these Chappels were thirteen branched Candlesticks with seven great lights a piece in them, so that to compute the whole, the candlesticks of these hundred and thirteen Chappels amount to a thousand, four hundred, thirty and nine. In the midst of a great place, invironed round a∣bout with three rows of winding stairs, and two ranks of idols, was a very high tower, with five steeples diversly painted, and silver Lions on the top of all: Here the Chineses told us were the bones of those hundred and thirteen Kings, that had been transported thither from these Chappels below: And it is the opinion of these brutish people, that these bones, which they hold for great reliques, do feast one another at every new Moon; in regard whereof these Barbarians use on that day to offer unto them a great Charger full of all kind of fowl, as also Rice, Beef, Pork, Sugar, Hony, and all other sorts of victual that one can name; wherein their blindness is such, as in recompence of these meats, which the Priests take unto themselves, they imagine that all their sins are forgiven them, by way as it were of a plenory indulgence. In this tower likewise we saw an exceeding rich Chamber, covered on the inside all over from the top to the bottom with plates of silver. In this Chamber were the Statues of those hundred and thirteen Kings of China all of silver, where in each of them were the bones of each several King inclosed; Now they hold, according as they are made to believe by their priests, that these Kings thus assembled together converse every night one with another, and pass away the time in sundry sports, which none is worthy to see, but certain Bonzes, whom they term Cabizun∣des, a title amongst them of the most eminent dignity, such it may be as the Cardinals of Rome. To this beastly ignorance the wretches adde many other blind tales, which they are assuredly perswaded are very clear and manifest truths: Within this great inclosure we counted in seven∣teen places three hundred and forty bells of cast mettal, namely twenty in each place, which are all rung together on those days of the Moon, wherein they say these Kings do visit and feast one another. Near to this tower in a very rich Chappel, built upon seven and thirty pillars of fair hewed stone, was the image of the goddess Amida, made of silver, having her hair of gold, and seated upon a Tribunal fourteen steps high, that was all overlaid with fine gold; Her face was very beautiful, and her hands were heaved up towards Heaven, at her armpits hung a many of little idols not above half a finger long filed together, whereupon demanding of the Chineses what those meant, they answered us, That after the waters of Heaven had overflowed the earth, so that all mankind was drowned by an universal Deluge, God seeing that the world would be desolate, and no body to inhabit it, he sent the goddess Amida, the chief Lady of honour to his wife Nacapirau from the Heaven of the Moon, that she might re∣pair the loss of drowned mankind, and that then the goddess having set her feet on a Land, from which the waters were withdrawn, called Calemphuy, (which was the same Island, whereof I have spoken heretofore, in the streight of Nanquin, whereof Antonio de FariaPage  143 went on land) she was changed all into gold, and in that manner standing upright with her face looking up unto Heaven, she sweat out at her armpits a great number of children, name∣ly males out of the right, and females out of the left, having no other place about her body whence she might bring them forth, as other women of the world have, who have sinned, and that for a chastisement of their sin, God by the order of nature hath subjected them to a mise∣ry full of corruption and filthiness, for to shew how odious unto him the sin was that had been committed against him. The goddess Amida having thus brought forth these creatures, which they affirm were thirty three thousand, three hundred, thirty and three, two parts of them females, and the other males, for so say they the world was to be repaired, she remained so feeble and faint with this delivery, having no body to assist her at her need, that she fell down dead in the place, for which cause the Moon at that time in memory of this death of hers, whereat she was infinitely grieved, put her self into mourning, which mourning they affirm to be those black spots we ordinarily behold in her face, occasioned indeed by the shadow of the earth, and that when there shall be so many years ran out, as the goddess Amida brought forth children, which were, as I have delivered, thirty three thousand, three hundred, thirty and three, then the Moon will put off her mourning, and afterwards be as clear as the day. With these and such like fopperies did the Chineses so turmoil us, as we could not chuse but grieve to consider how much those people, which otherwise are quick of apprehension, and of good understanding, are abused in matter of Religion with such evident and manifest untruths. After we were come out of this great place, where we saw all these things, we went unto another Temple of religious Votaries, very sumptuous and rich, where they told us the Mother of the then reign∣ing King, named Nhay Camisama, did abide, but thereunto we were not permitted to enter, because we were strangers; From this place through a street, arched all along, we arrived at a Key, called Hichario Topileu, where lay a great number of vessels, full of pilgrims from di∣vers Kingdoms, which came incessantly on pilgrimage to this Temple, for to gain, as they be∣lieve, plenary indulgences, which the King of China, and the Chaems of the Government, do grant unto them, besides many priviledges and franchises throughout the whole Country, where victuals are given them abundantly, and for nothing. I will not speak of many other Temples, or Pagodes, which we saw in this City whilest we were at liberty, for I should ne∣ver have done to make report of them all, howbeit I may not omit some other particulars, that I hold very fit to be related before I break off this discourse; whereof the first were cer∣tain houses, in several parts of this City, called Laginampurs, that is to say, The School of the poor, wherein fatherless and motherles• children, that are found in the streets, are taught to write and read, as also some trade, whereby they may get their living, and of these houses, or schools, there are about some five hundred in this City; Now if it happen that any of them through some defect of nature cannot learn a trade, then have they recourse to some means for to make them get their living according to each ones incommodity; As for example, if they be blind they make them labour in turning of handmils; if they be lame of their feet, they cause them to make laces, riband, and such like manufactures; if they be lame of their hands, then they make them earn their living by carrying of burdens; but if they be lame both of feet and hands, so that nature hath wholly deprived them of means to get their living, then they shut them up in great Convents, where there are a number of persons that pray for the dead, amongst whom they place them, and so they have their share of half the offerings that are made there, the Priests having the other half; if they be dumb, then they are shut up in a great house, where they are maintained with the amerciaments that the common sort of women, as oyster-wives, and such like, are condemned in for their scolding and fighting one with another; As for old queans, that are past the trade, and such of the younger sort as by the lewd exercise thereof are becom• diseased with the pox, or other filthy sickness, they are put into other houses, where they are very well looked unto, and furnished abundantly with all things necessary, at the charge of the other women that are of the same trade, who thereunto pay a certain sum monthly, and that not unwillingly, because they know that they shall come to be so provided for them∣s•lves by others, and for the collecting of this mony there are Commissioners expresly depu∣ted in several parts of the City. There are also other houses, much like unto Monasteries, where a great many of young maids, that are Orp•ans, are bred up, and these houses are maintained at the charge of such women as are convicted of adultery; for say they it is most just, that if there be one which hath lost her self by her dishonesty, there should be another, that should be maintained by her vertue. Other places there are also, where decayed old people are kept Page  144 at the charge of Lawyers, that plead unjust causes, where the parties have no right; and of Judges, that for favoring one more th•n another, and corrupted with bribes, do not execute justice as they ought to do; whereby one may see with how much order and policy these peo∣ple govern all things.

*In the prosecution of my discourse it will not be amiss here to deliver the marvellous order and policy, which the Kings of China observe in furnishing their States abundantly with pro∣visions and victuals, for the relief of the poor people, which may very well serve for an example of charity, and good government, to Christian Kingdoms and Commonwealths. Their Chroni∣cles report, that a certain King, great Grandfather to him that then raigned in China, named Chausi-Zarao Panagor, very much beloved of his people for his good disposition and vertues, having lost his sight by an accident of sickness, resolved to do some pious work, that might be acceptable to God, to which effect he assembled his Estates, where he ordained, that for the relief of the poor there should be Granaries established in all the Towns of his Kingdom for wheat and rice, that in the time of dearth (which many times happened) the people might have wherewithall to nourish themselves that year, and to that purpose he gave the tenth part of the Duties of his Kingdom by a Grant under his hand, which when he came to signe accord∣ingly with a golden stamp, that he ordinarily used because he was blind, it pleased God to restore him perfectly to his sight again, which he enjoyed still as long as he lived; By this ex∣ample, if it were true, it seemed that our Lord Jesus Christ would demonstrate, how acceptable the charity that good men exercise towards the poor is to him, even though they be Gentiles, and without the knowledge of the true Religion; Ever since there have been always a great many of Granaries in this Monarchy, and that to the number of an hundred and fourteen thou∣sand. As for the order which the Magistrates observe in furnishing them continually with corn, is such as followeth; A little before reaping time all the old corn is distributed •orth to the in∣habitants, as it were by way of love, and that for the term of two months, after this time is expired, they unto whom the old corn was lent, return in as much new, and withall six in the hundred over and above for waste, to the end that this store may never fail: But when it falls out to be a dear year, in that case the corn is distributed to the people without taking any gain or interest for it, and that which is given to the poorer sort, who are not able to repay what hath been lent to them, is made good out of the Rents, which the Countries pay to the King, as an alms bestowed on them by his special grace. Touching the Kings Revenues, which are paid in silver Picos, they are divided into three parts, whereof the first is for the maintenance of the King, and his State, the second for the defence of the Provinces, as also for the provisions of Maga∣zines, and Armies, and the third to be laid up and reserved in a Treasury, that is in this City of Pequin, which the King himself may not touch, unless it be upon occasion for defence of the Kingdom, and to oppose the Tartars, Cauchins, and other Neighbouring Princes, who ma∣ny times make grievous war upon him. This Treasure is by them called Chidampur, that is to say, The wall of the Kingdom, for they say, that by means of this treasure, being well im∣ployed and carefully managed, the King needs lay no impositions upon the people, so that they shall not be any ways vexed and oppressed, as it happens in other Kingdoms for want of this providence. Now by this that I have related one may see, how in all the great Monarchy the Government is so excellent, the Laws so exactly observed, and every one so ready and careful to put the Princes Ordinances in execution, that Father Navier, having well noted it, was wont to say, that if ever God would grant him the grace to return into Portugal, he would become a Suter to the King for to peruse over the rules and ordinances of those people, and the manner how they govern both in time of war and peace; adding withall that he did not think the Romans ever ruled so wisely in all the time of their greatest prosperity, and that in matter of policy the Chineses surpassed all other Nations of whom the Ancients have written.

CHAP. XXXVII. The great number of Officers, and other people, which are in the King of Chi∣na's Pallace; with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile; and what befell us there.

OUt of the fear I am in left coming to relate in particular all those things which we saw with∣in the large inclosure of this City of Pequin, they that shall chance to read them may call Page  145 them in question, and not to give occasion also unto detractors, who judging of things accord∣ing to the little world they have seen, may hold those truths for fables, which mine own eyes have beheld, I will forbear the delivery of many matters, that possibly might bring much con∣tentment to more worthy spirits, who not judging of the riches and prosperity of other Coun∣tres by the poverty and misery of their own, would be well pleased with the relation thereof. Howbeit on the other side I have no great cause to blame those, who shall not give credit to that which I say, or make any doubt of it, because I must acknowledge, that many times when I call to mind the things that mine eyes have seen, I remain confounded therewith, whither it be the Grandeurs of this City of Pequin, or the magnificence wherewith this Gentile King is served, or the pomp of the Chaems, and Anchacys of the Government, or the dread and awe wherein all men are of these Ministers, or the sumptuousness of their Temples and Pagodes, together with all the rest that may be there, for within the only inclosure of the Kings Pallace there are above a thousand Eunuchs, three thousand women, and 12 thousand men of his Guard, unto whom the King gives great entertainment and pentions: also twelve Tutons, dignities that are Soveraign above all others, whom, as I have already declared, the vulgar call, The beams of the Sun; Under these twelve Tutons, there are forty Chaems, or Vice-roys, besides many other inferiour dignities, as Judges, Majors, Governours, Treasurers, Admirals, and Ge∣nerals, which they term, Anchacys, Aytaos, Ponchacy, Lauteas, and Chumbims, whereof there are above five hundred always residing at the Court, each of them having at the least two hundred men in his train, which for the most part to strike the greater terror are of di∣vers Nations, namely, Megores, Persians, Curazens, Moems, Calaminhams, Tartars, Cau∣chins, and some Braamas of Chaleu, and Tanguu; for in regard of valour▪ they make no ac∣count of the Natives, who are of a weak and effeminate complection, though otherwise I must confess they are exceeding able and ingenious in whatsoever concerneth Mechanick Trades Tillage, and Husband•y; they have withall a great vivacity of spirit, and are exceeding proper and apt for the inventing of very subtle & industrious things. The women are fair and chaste, and more inclined to labour then the men, The Country is fertile in victual, and so rich & abound•ng in all kind of good things, as I cannot sufficiently express it, & such is their blindness as they attri∣bute all those blessings to the only merit of their King, and not to the Divine Providence, and to the goodness of that Soveraign Lord, who hath created all things. From this blindness and in∣credulity of these people are these great abuses, and confused superstitions derived, which are ordinary amongst them, and wherein they observe a world of diabolical ceremonies; For they are so brutish and wicked as to sacrifice humane blood, offering it up with divers sorts of per∣fumes, and sweet savors; Moreover they present their Priests with many gifts, upon assurance from these profane wretches, of great blessings in this life, and infinite riches and treasure in the other; To which effects the same Priests grant them I know not what Certificates, as it were Bills of Exchange, which the common people call Couchinnoces, that after their death they may serve above in Heaven to procure for them a recompence of an hundred for one; wherein these miserable creatures are so blinded, that they save the very meat & drink from their own mouths to furnish those accursed priests of Satan with all things necessary, believing that these goodly •ills they have from them, will assuredly return them that benefit. There are also Priests of another Sect, called Naustolins, who contrary to those others preach, and affirm with great oaths, that reasonable creatures live and die like beasts, & therfore that they are to make merry▪ & spend their goods jovially whiles life shall last, there being no other after this, as all but fools & ignorants are to believe. There is another Sect, named Trimechau, who are of opinion that so long time as a man shall live in this world, so long shall he remain under ground, until at length by the prayers of their priests his soul shall reassume the body of a child of seven days old, wherein he shall live again till he shall grow so strong, as to re-enter into the old body, which he hed left in the grave, and so be transported into the Heaven of the Moon, where they say he shal live many years, & in the end be converted into a star, which shall remain fixed above in the Firmament for ever. Another Sect there is called Gyson, who believe that only the beasts in regard of their sufferings, and the labour which they endure in this life, shall possess Heaven after their death, & not man, that leadeth his life according to the lusts of the flesh, robbing, killing, and committing a world of other offences, by reason whereof, say they, it is not possible for him to be saved, unless at the hour of death he leave all his estate to the Pagodes, and to the Priests, that they may pray for him; where∣by one may see that all the intentions of their diabolical Sects is not founded but upon a very tyranny, and upon the interests of the Bonzes, who are they that preach this pernicions doctrine Page  146 to the people, and perswaded them with many fables to believe it; In the mean time these things seem so true to these wretches that hear them, as they very willingly give them all their goods, imagining that thereby only they can be saved, and freed from those punishments and fears, wherewithall they threaten them if they do otherwise. I have spoken here of no more then these three Sects, omitting the rest of the two and thirty, which are followed in this great Empire of China, as well because I should never have done (as I have said heretofore) if I would relate them all at large, as for that by these it may be known what the others are, which are nothing better, but in a manner even the very same; wherefore leaving the remedy of such evils, and great blindness to the mercy and providence of God, unto whom only it appertains; I will pass on to the declarations of the miseries we indured during our exille in the Town of Quancy, until such time as we were made slaves by the Tartars, which hap∣pened in the year, 1544.

*We had been now two months and an half in this City of Pequin, when as on Saturday, the thirteenth of Iuly, 1554. we were carried away to the Town of Quansy, there to serve all the time that we were condemned unto: Now as soon as we arrived there, the Chaem cau∣sed us to be brought before him, and after he had asked us some questions, he appointed us to be of the number of fourscore Halberdiers, which the King assigned him for his Guard; This we took as a special favour from God, both in regard this imployment was not very painful, as also because the entertainment was good, and the pay of it better, being assured besides that at the time we should recover our liberty. Thus lived we almost a month very peaceably▪ and well contented for that we met with a better fortune then we expected, when as the divel, seeing how well all we nine agreed together (for all that we had was in common amongst us, and whatsoever misery any one had we shared it with him like true brothers,) he so wrought that two of our company tell into a quarrel, which proved very prejudicial to us all; This di∣vision sprung from a certain vanity too familiar with the Portugal Nation, whereof I can ren∣der no other reason, but that they are naturally sensible of any thing that touches upon honour• Now see what the difference was, two of us nine falling by chance in contest about the extra∣ction of the Madureyras and the Fonsecas, for to know which of these two houses was in most esteem at the King of Portugals Court, the matter went so far, that from one word to another they came at length to terms of oyster-wives, saying one to the other, Who are you? and again, who are you? so that thereupon they suffered themselves to be so transported with choller, that one of them gave the other a great box on the ear, who instantly returned him a blow with his sword, which cut away almost half his cheek, this same feeling himself hurt caught up an halbert, and therewith ran the other through the arm; this disaster begot such part-taking amongst us, as of nine that we were seven of us found our selves grievously wound∣ed; In the mean time the Chaem came running in person to this tumult with all the Anchacys of Justice, who laying hold of us gave us presently thirty lashes a piece, which drew more blood from us then our hurts; This done, they shut us up in a dungeon under ground, where they kept us six and forty days with heavy iron collers about our necks, manacles on our hands, and irons on our legs, so that we suffered exceedingly in this deplorable estate. This while our business was brought before the Kings Atturny, who having seen our accusations, and that one of the articles made faith, that there were sixteen witnesses against us, he stuck not to say, That we were people without the fear or knowledge of God, who did not confess him otherwise with our mouths, then as any wild beast might do if he could speak; that these things presup∣posed it was to be believed, that we were men of blood, of a Language, of a Law, of a Nati∣on, of a Country, and of a Kingdom, the inhabitants whereof wounded and killed one another most cruelly, without any reason or cause, and therefore no other judgment could be made of us, but that we were the servants of the most gluttenous Serpent of the profound pit of smoak, as appeared by our worke, since they were no better then such as that accursed Serpent had accustomed to do, so that according to the Law of the third Book of the will of the Son of the Sun, called Mileterau, we were to be condemned to a banishment from all commerce of people, as a venemous and contagious plague; so that we deserved to be confined to the Mountains of Chabaguay, Sumbor, or Lamau, whither such as we were use to be exiled, to the end they might in that place hear the wild beasts howl in the night, which were of as vile a breed and nature as we. From this prison we were one morning led to a place, called by them Pitau Calidan, whe•e the Anchacy sat in judgment with a majestical and dreadful greatness; He was accom∣panied by divers Chumbims, Vppes, Lanteas, and Cypatons, besides a number of other persons; Page  147 there each of us had thirty lashes a piece more given us, and then by publique sentence we were removed to another prison, where we were in better case yet then in that out of which we came, howbeit for all that we did not a little detest amongst our selves both the Fonsecas, and the Madureyras, but much more the divel, that wrought us this mischief. In this prison we continued almost two months, during which time our stripes were throughly healed, howbeit we were exceedingly afflicted with hunger, and thirst. At length it pleased God that the Cha∣em took compassion of us; for on a certain day, wherein they use to do works of charity for the dead, coming to review our sentence he ordained, That in regard we were strangers, and of a Country so far distant from theirs, as no man had any knowledge of us, nor that there was any book, or writing which made mention of our name, and that none understood our language; as also that we were accustomed, and even hardned to misery and poverty, which many times puts the best and most peaceable persons into disorder, and therefore might well trouble such, as made no profession of patience in their adversities, whence it followed, that our discord pro∣ceeded rather from the effects of our misery, then from any inclination unto mutiny and tumult, wherewith the Kings Atturny charged us; and furthermore representing unto himself what great need there was of men for the ordinary service of the State, and of the Officers of Iustice, for which provision necessarily was to be made, he thought fit, that the punishment for the crimes we had committed, should in the way of an alms bestowed in the Kings name be mode∣rated, and reduced to the whipping which we had twice already had, upon condition neverthe∣less that we should be detained there as slaves for ever, unless it should please the Tuton o∣therwise to ordain of us. This sentence was pronounced against us, and though we shed a ma∣ny of tears to see our selves reduced unto this miserable condition, wherein we were, yet this seemed not so bad unto us as the former. After the publication of this Decree we were pre∣sently drawn out of prison, and tied three and three together, then led to certain iron Forges, where we past six whole months in strange labours, and great necessities, being in a manner quite naked, without any bed to lie on, and almost •amished. At last after the enduring of so many evils, we fell sick of a Lethargy, which was the cause, in regard it was a contagious dis∣ease, that they turned us out of doors for to go and seek our living, until we became well again. Being thus set at liberty we continued four months sick, and begging the alms of good people from door to door, which was given us but sparingly, by reason of the great dearth that then reigned over all the Country, so as we were constrained to agree better together, and to pro∣mise one another by a solemn oath, that we took, to live lovingly for the future, as good Chri∣stians should do, and that every month one should be chosen from amongst us to be as it were a kind of Chief, whom, by the oath we had taken, all the rest of us were to obey, as their Su∣perior, so that none of us was to dispose of himself, nor do any thing, without his command, or appointment; and those rules were put into writing by us, that they might be the better ob∣served; As indeed God gave us the grace to live ever afterward in good peace and concord, though it were in great pain, and extream necessity of all things.

We had continued a good while living in peace and tranquility, according to our fore-men∣tioned agreement, when as he, whose lot it was to be our Chief that month,* named Christo∣vano Boralho, considering how necessary it was to seek out some relief for our miseries by all the ways that possibly we could, appointed us to serve weekly two and two together, some in begging up and down the Town, some in getting water and dressing our meat, and others in fetching wood from the Forrest, both for our own use, & to sell. Now one day my self & one Ga∣spar de Meyrelez being enjoyned to go to the Forrest, we rose betimes in the morning, & went forth to perform our charge; And because this Gaspar de Meyrelez was a pretty Musician, play∣ing well on a Cittern, whereunto he accorded his voice, which was not bad, being parts that are very agreeable to those people, in regard they imploy the most part of their times in the delights of the flesh, they took great pleasure in hearing of him, so as for that purpose they invited him very often to their sports, from whence he never returned without some reward, wherewith we were not a little assisted: As he and I then were going to the wood, and before we were out of the Town, we met by fortune in one of the streets with a great many of people, who full of jollity were carrying a dead corps to the grave with divers banners, and other funeral pomp, in the midst whereof was a Consort of musick and voices; Now he, that had the chief ordering of the Funeral, knowing Gaspar de Meyrelez, made him stay, and putting a Cittern into his hands, he said unto him, Oblige me, I pray thee, by singing as loud as thou canst, so as thou mayst be heard by this dead man whom we are carrying to burial, for I swear unto thee, that he went away very sad for that he was separated from his wife and children, whom he Page  148 dearly loved all his life time. Gaspar de Meyrelez would fain have excused himself, alledging many reasons thereupon to that end, but so far was the Governour of the Funeral from ac∣cepting them, that contrarily he answered him very angerly. Truly, if thou wilt not deign to benefit this defun•t with the gift, that God hath given thee, of singing, and playing on this instrument, I will no longer say, that thou art an holy man, as we all believed hitherto, but that the excellency of that voice which thou hast comes from the inhabitants of the house of smoak, whose nature it was at first to sing very harmoniously, though now they weep and wail in the profound lake of the night, like hunger-starved dogs, that gnashing their teeth, and foaming with rage against men discharge the froth of their malice by the offences, which they commit against him, that lives in the highest of the Heavens. After this ten or eleven of them were so earnest with Gaspar de Meyrelez, as they made him play almost by force, and led him to the place, where the deceased was to be burnt, according to the custom of those Gen∣tiles. In the mean time seeing my self left alone without my comrade I went along to the For∣rest for to get some wood according to my Commission, and about evening returning back with my load on my back I met with an old man in a black damask Gown furred clean through with white Lamb, who being all alone, as soon as he espied me, he turned a little out of the way, but perc•iving me to pass on without regarding him, he cried so loud to me, that I might hear him, which I no sooner did, but casting my eye that way, I observed that he beckened to me with his hand, as if he called me, whereupon imagining there was something more then ordi∣nary, herein I said unto him in the Chinese Language, Potauquinay, which is, Doest thou call me? whereunto returning no answer, he gave me to understand by signes that in effect he called me; conjecturing then that there might be some thieves thereabouts, which would be∣reave me of my load of wood, I threw it on the ground to be the better able to defend my self, and with my staff in my hand, I went fair and softly after him, who seeing me follow him began to double his pace athwart a little path, which confirmed me in the belief I had before that he was some thief, so that turning back to the place where I left my load, I got it up a∣gain on my back as speedily as I could, with a purpose to get into the great high way, that led unto the City; But the man guessing at my intention, began to cry out louder to me then be∣fore, which making me turn my look towards him, I presently perceived him on his knees, and shewing me afar off a silver cross about a span long, or thereabout, lifting up withall both his hands unto Heaven; whereat being much amazed, I could not imagine what this man should be, in the mean time he with a very pitiful gesture ceased not to make signes unto me to come to him; whereupon somewhat recollecting my self, I resolved to go and see who he was, and what he would have, to which end with my staff in my hand I walked towards him, where he stayed for me; when as then I came near him, having always thought him before to be a Chinese, I wondred to see him cast himself at my feet, and with tears and sighs to say thus unto me, Blessed and praysed be the sweet Name of our Lord Iesus Christ, after so long an exile hath shewed me so much grace, as to let me see a Christian man, that professeth the Law of my God fixed on the Cross. I must confess that when I heard so extraordinary a matter, and so far beyond my expectation, I was therewith so surprised, that scarcely knowing what I said, I conjure thee, answered I unto him, in the Name of our Lord Iesus to tell me who thou art? At these words this unknown man redoubling his tears, Dear Brother, replyed he, I am a poor Christian, by Nation a Portugal, and named Vasco Calvo, brother to Diego Calvo, who was somtime Captain of Don Nuna Manoel his ship, and made a Slave here in this Country about seven and twenty years since, together with one Tome Perez, who Loppo Soarez sent as Am∣bassador into this Kingdom of China, and that since died miserably by the occasion of a Portu∣gal Captain. Whereupon coming throughly to my self again, I lifted him up from the ground where he lay weeping like a child; and shedding no fewer tears then he, I intreated him that we might sit down together, which he would hardly grant, so desirous he was to have me go presently with him to his house, but sitting down by me he began to discourse the whole suc∣cess of his travels, and all that had befallen him since his departure from Portugal, till that very time, as also the death of the Ambassador Tome Perez, and of all the rest, whom Fernand Perez d' Amdrada had left at Canton to go to the King of China, which he recounted in ano∣ther manner then our Historians have delivered it. After we had spent the remainder of the day in entertaining one another with our passed adventures, we went to the City, where having shewed me his house, he desired me that I would instantly go and fetch the rest of my fellows, which accordingly I did, and found them all together in the poor lodging where we lay, and Page  149 having declared unto them what had befallen me, they were much abashed at it, as indeed they had cause, considering the stratagems of the accident, so they went presently along with me to Vasco Calvo's house, who waiting for us, gave us such hearty welcome, as we could not chuse but weep for joy; Then he carried us into a Chamber where was his wife, with two little boys, and two girls of his; she entertained us very kindly, and with as much demonstration of love, as if she had been the mother or daughter to either of us; After this we sat down at the table, which he had caused to be covered, and made a very good meal of many several dishes provided for us: Supper done, his wife arose very courteously from the table, and taking a key which hung at her girdle, she opened the door of an Oratory, where there was an altar, with a silver cross, as also two candlesticks, and a lamp of the same, and then she and her four chil∣dren falling down on their knees, with their hands lift up to Heaven, began to pronounce these words very distinctly in the Portugal tongue: O thou true God, we wretched sinners do confess before thy Cross, like good Christians, as we are, the most sacred Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, three Persons, and one God; and also we promise to live and dye in thy most Ho∣ly Catholique Faith, like good and true Christians, confessing and believing so much of thy holy truth, as is held and believed by thy Church; In like manner we offer up unto thee our souls, which thou hast redeemed with thy most precious bloud, for to be wholly imployed in thy service all the time of our lives, and then to be yielded unto thee at the hour of our death, as to our Lord and God, unto whom we acknowledge they appertain both by Creation and Redemp∣tion. After this Confession they said the Lords Prayer, and the Creed, which they pronoun∣ced very distinctly, whereat we could not chuse but shed a world of tears to see these inno∣cents, born in a Country, so far remote from ours, and where there was no knowledge of the true God, thus to confess his Law in such religious terms. This being done, we returned be∣cause it was three of the clock in the morning to our lodging, exceedingly astonished at that we had seen, as at a thing which we had great reason to admire.

CHAP. XXXVIII. A Tartar Commander enters with his Army into the Town of Quincay, and that which followed thereupon; with the Nauticors besieging the Castle of Nixiamcoo, and the taking of it by the means of some of us Portugals.

WE had been now eight months and an half in this captivity,* wherein we endured much misery, and many incommodities, for that we had nothing to live upon but what we got by begging up and down the Town, when as one Wednesday, the third of Iuly, in the year 1544. a little after midnight there was such a hurly burly amongst the people, that to hear the noise and cries which was made in every part, one would have thought the earth would have come over and over, which caused us to go in haste to Vasco Calvo his house, of whom we de∣manded the occasion of so great a tumult, whereunto with tears in his eyes he answered us, that certain news were come how the King of Tartary was fallen upon the City of Pequin with so great an Army, as the like had never been seen since Adams time▪ In this army, ac∣cording to report, were seven and twenty Kings, under whom marched eighteen hundred thousand men, whereof six hundred thousand were horse, which were come by land from the Cities of Luançama, Famstir, and Mecuy, with fourscore thousand Rhinocerots, that draw the waggons, wherein was all the B•gage of the Army; as for the other twelve hundred thou∣sand, which were foot, it was said that they arrived by Sea in seventeen thousand vessels, down through the river of Batampina; By reason whereof the King of China finding himself too weak for the resisting of such great forces, had with a few retired himself to the City of Nan∣quin. And that also it was reported for a certain, that a Nauticor, one of the chiefest Tartar Commanders, was come to the Forrest of Malincataran, not above a league and an half from Quinçay, with an Army of threescore and two thousand Horse, wherewith he marched a∣gainst the Town, that in all likelihood he would be there within two hours at the furthest. These news so troubled us, that we did nothing but look one upon another, without being able to speak a word to any purpose, howbeit desiring to save our selves, we prayed Vasco Calvo to shew us what means he thought we might use to effect it, who sad and full of grief thus answered us; O that we were in our Country between Laura and Carncha, where I have often been, and should be there now in safety, but since it cannot be so, all that we can do for Page  150 the present, is to recommend our selves to God, and to pray unto him to assist us; for I assure you that an hour ago I would have given a thousand Taeis in silver to any one, that could have got me from hence, and saved me with my wife and children, but there was no possibility for it, because the gates were then all shut up, and the walls round about invironed with armed men, which the Chaem hath placed there to withstand the enemy. So my fellows and I, that were nine in number, past the rest of the night there in much affliction and unquietness, with∣out any means of counselling one another, or resolving on what we were to do, continually weeping for the extream fear we were in of what should become of us. The next morning a little before Sun-rising the enemy appeared in a most dreadful manner, they were divided into seven very great Battalions, having their Ensignes quartered with green and white, which are the colours of the King of Tartaria; marching in this order to the sound of their Trumpets, they arrived at a Pagode, called Petilau Nam•ioo, a place of good receit, in regard of the many lodg∣ings it had, which was not much distant from the walls. In their Vantguard they had a number of Light-horse, who ran confusedly up and down with their Lances in their Rests. Being in this sort come to the Pagode, they stayed there about half an hour, and then marching on till they were within an ha•qu•buse shot of the walls, they suddenly ran to them with such hide∣ous cries, as one would have thought that Heaven and Earth would have come together, and rearing up above two thousand Ladders, which for that purpose they had brought alo•g with them, they assaulted the Town on every side with a most invincible courage. Now though the besieged at the beginning made some resistance, yet was it not able to hinder the enemy from effecting his designe, for by the means of certain iron rams broking up the four principal gates, they rendred themselves Masters of the Town after they had slain the Chaem, together with a great number of Mandarins, and Gentlemen, that were run thither to keep them from entring; Thus did these Barbarians possess themselves of this miserable Town, whereof they put all the inhabitants they could meet withall to the sword, without sparing any; and it was said that the number of the slain amounted to threescore thousand persons, amongst whom were many women and maids of very great beauty, which appertained to the chiefest Lords of the place. After the bloody Massacre of so much people, and that the Town was fired, the principal hou∣ses overthrown, and the most sumptuous Temples laid level with the ground, nothing remain∣ing on foot during the disorder, the Tartars continued there seven days, at the end whereof they returned towards Pequin, where their King was, and from whence he had sent them to this execution, carrying with them a world of gold and silver only, having burnt all the Mer∣chandise they found there, as well because they knew not how to transport it away, as for that the Chineses should not make any benefit of it: Two days after their departure they arrived at a Castle, named Nixianicoo, where the Nauticor of Luançama, their General, pitched his Camp, and intrenched himself on all sides with an intention to take it by assault the next day to be revenged on the Chineses there, for that upon his passing by them towards Quinçay, they had cut off an hundred of his men by an Ambuscado.

*After the Army was encamped, and intrenched, and that the General had placed sure Guards and Sentinels in all places, he retired to his Tent, whither he sent for the seventy Captains that commanded his Army, unto whom upon their arrival he discovered his resolution, which be∣ing well approved of they fell into deliberation in what manner the Castle should be assaulted the day following, which concluded on, the next morning as soon as it was light the souldiers began to march towards the Castle, divided into fourteen Bataillions; being come within a flight shoot of it with the sound of trumpets, and most hideous cries, they reared up their Lad∣ders against the walls, and couragiously mounted up; but in the heat of this assault, where e∣very one shewed his valour, the one in bravely attempting, and the other in well defending, the Tartar in less then two hours lost above three thousand of his men, which made him found a retreat in great disorder, and he past the rest of that day in burying the dead, and curing of the wounded, whereof, there being a great number, the most part died not long after, for that the arrows wherewith they were hurt had been smeared by the Chineses with so strange and deadly poison, as there was no remedy to be found for it. In the mean time the Tartar Com∣manders seeing the ill success of this assault, and fearing the King would be offended at so great a loss for so small an occasion, perswaded the General to call another Councel, wherein it might be considered, whether it would be most expedient for the Kings honour to persist in the Siege of that place, or to give it over, whereupon this affair coming accordingly into delibera∣tion it was a long time debated with such diversity of opinions, as they were not able to Page  151 conclude upon any thing, so that it was thought fit, in regard it was then late to put off the As∣sembly till the next day; This resolution taken, every man retired to his quarter. Now we be∣ing led away amidst a great many of other slaves, with whom we had escaped out of the fire of the Town, it fell out, whether for our good, or for our greater misfortune, we could not then tell, that we were under the Guard, as prisoners of war, of one of that Assembly, a rich and honourable man, who returning to his tent with three other persons, of like quality to himself, whom he had invited to Supper, it chanced after they were risen from table that one of them espied us, where we stood chained in a corner of the tent, and perceiving us to weep was so moved, that he demanded of us what people we were? what the name of our Coun∣try was? and how we came to be slaves to the Chineses? whereunto we gave such an answer, as the Tartar ingaging himself further in this discourse, enquired of us whether our King was inclined to the wars, and whether we did use to fight in our Country? to whom one of our companions, named Iorge Mendez, replyed that we did, and that we had been trained up from our infancy in a military course of life; which so pleased the Tartar, that calling his two friends unto him, Come hither, said he, and have the patience to hear what these prisoners can say; for believe me they seem to be men of understanding; whereupon the other two came near, and hearing us relate some part of our misfortunes, it begat a desire in them to ask us other questions, wherein having satisfied them the best that we could, one of them that seemed more curious then the rest, addressing himself to Iorge Mendez, spake thus; Since you have seen so much of the world, as you say, if there were ere a one amongst you that could find out any device, or stratagem of war, whereby the Mitaquer (for so was the Nauticor called) might take this Castle, I vow to you that he would become your prisoner, whereas you are his. Then Iorge Mendez, never considering with what imprudence he spake, nor understanding what he said, nor into what danger he was putting himself, boldly answered him; If my Lord Mi∣taquer will in the name of the King g•ve it us under his hand, that we shall have a safe con∣duct to convey us by Sea to the Isle of Ainan, from whence we may freely return into our Country, possibly I may be the man that will shew him how he shall take the Castle with little ado. This Speech being heard, and maturely considered by one of the three, a man in years, and of great authority, as having the honour to be much esteemed and beloved of the Mitaquer, Think well of what thou sayest, replyed he to Jorge Mendez, for I assure thee if thou doest it, that whatsoever thou demandest shall be granted thee, I, and more too. Hereupon the rest of us seeing what Iorge Mendez was going to undertake, as also how far he ingaged himself in his promise, and that the Tartars began already to ground some hope thereupon, we thought fit to reprehend him for it, and to tell him, that he was not to hazard himself so at random by promising a thing that might bring us into the danger of our lives. I fear nothing less, said he unto us, for as for my life, in the estate where now I am, I make so little account of it, that if any of these Barbarians would play for it at Primero, I would with three of the worst cards in the pack venture it upon the first encounter, for I am confident that all the benefit they can expect from us will never oblige them to grant us either life or liberty, so that for my parti∣cular I had as lief die to day as to morrow, judg you only by that which you saw them do at Quincay, whether you are likely to be better dealt withall now. The Tartars were much a∣bashed to see us thus in contestation one with another, and to hear us talk so loud, which is not usual amongst them, wherefore they reprehended us very seriously, saying, That it was for women to speak aloud, who could not put a bridle to their tongue, nor a key to their mouths, and not for men, that carry a sword, and are made for the wars: Howbeit if it were so that Jorge Mendez could execute what he had propounded, the Mitaquer could not refuse him any thing he could demand. This said, the Tartars retired every one to his lodging, for that it was eleven of the clock at night, the first watch being newly past, and the Captains of the Guard beginning then to walk the round about the camp at the sound of divers instruments, as is the custom in semblable occasions.

The same of the three Tartar Commanders,* which I said before was so esteemed of by the Mitaquer, had no sooner learnt of Iorge Mendez, that he could tell how to take the Castle of Nixiamcoo, but that he went presently to acquaint the General with it, and making the matter greater then it was, he told him, that he could do no less then send for him to hear his reasons, which peradventure would perswade him to give credit unto him, and in case it pro∣ved not so, yet was there nothing lost thereby. The Mitaquer being well pleased with this advice, sent incontinently a Command to Tileymay, which was the Captain under whose Page  152 Guard we were, for to bring us unto him, as presently he did. Being then arrived, chained as we were, at the Mitaquers Tent, we found him set in Councel with the seventy Commanders of the Army about two hours after midnight; At our coming he received us with an affable countenance, yet grave and severe, and causing us to approach nearer unto him, he command∣ed part of our chains to be undone, then asked us if we would eat, whereunto we answered most willingly, for that in three days together we had not so much as tasted a bit of any thing, whereat the Mitaquer was very much offended, and sharply reproving the Tileymay for it, wil∣led two great platters of sodden rice, and Ducks cut in small pieces to be set before us, whereto we fell with such an appetite, like men that were almost famished, as those of the company, who took great pleasure to see us feed so, said to the Mitaquer, When as you had nothing else, my Lord, but cause these to come before you for to flack their hunger, verily you had done very much for them, by saving them from a languishing death, which otherwise they could not have avoided, and so you might have lost these slaves, of whom the service or sale might have been some way profitable unto you, for if you will not make use of them at Lancama, you may sell them for a thousand Taeis at least. Hereat some began to laugh, but the Mitaquer commanded more rice to be given us, together with some apples, and other things, conjuring us again to eat, as a thing which he took pleasure to see us do, wherein we most willingly gave him satisfaction. After we had fed well, he began to talk with Iorge Mendez about that which had been told him of him, and of the means that were to be used for taking the Castle, ma∣king him many great promises of honours, pentions, •avour with the King, and liberty for all the rest of his fellows, with other such offers, as passed all measure: For he swore unto him that if by his means God should give him the victory, whereby he sought nothing but to be revenged on his enemies for the blood which they had shed of his men, he should every way be like unto himself, or at least to any of his children which soever; Herewith Iorge Mendez found himself somewhat perplexed, because he held it almost impossible for him to bring it to effect, howsoever he told him, that not to hold him longer in hand, he did not think but if he might view the Castle with his own eys, he might then peradventure let him know how it might be taken, wherefore if his Lordship pleased, he would the next morning consider it all about, and thereupon render him an account what course was to be taken therein. The Mitaquer, & all the rest, allowed very well of his answer, and greatly commending him for it sent us to be lodged in a Tent not far from his, where we spent the rest of the night under a sure Guard; you may judg now in what fear we were, knowing that if the business did not succeed according to the desire of these Barbarians, they would cut us all in pieces, for that they were a people which for never so small a matter would not stick to kill twenty or thirty men, without any regard either of God, or any thing else. The next morning about eight of the clock, Iorge Mendez, and two of us, that were appointed to accompany him, went to survey the place with thirty horse for our safe-Guard; when as Iorge Mendez h•d well observed the scituation thereof, as also that part whereby it might most commodiously be assaulted, he returned to the Mitaquer, that expected him with impatience, to whom he gave an acount of what he had seen, and facilitated the taking of the Castle with little hazard, whereat the Mitaquer was so over∣joyed, that he presently caused the rest of our irons, and the chains, wherewith we were faste∣ned by the neck and feet to be taken off, swearing to us by the rice he did eat, that as soon as he came to P•quin, he would present us to the King, and infallibly accomplish all that he had promised us, for the more assurance whereof he confirmed it by a Deed under his hand, that was written in letters of gold, to make it more authentical. That done, he sent for us to din∣ner, and would needs have us to sit with him at table, doing us many other honours accord∣ing to their manner, which greatly contented us, but on the other side we were in no little fear, least this affair should not for our sins have a success answerable to that hope the Mita∣quer had already conceived of it. The rest of this day the Commanders spent in resolving up∣on the order that was to be observed for assaulting the Castle, wherein Iorge Mendez was the sole Director: First of all then an infinite company of B•vins & Fagots was gotten together for to fill up the ditches; there were also three hundred Ladders made, very strong, and so large, that three men might easily mount up on them a front without incombring one another; likewise there was a world of Paniers, Dossers, and Baskets provided, together with a great multitude of Mattocks, and Spades, that were found in the Villages and Burroughs thereabout, which the inhabitants had deserted upon the bruit of this war, and all the souldiers of the Army made preparation of such things as they should need the next day when the assault was to be given a Page  153 In the mean time Iorge Mendez rode always by the Mitaquers side, who shewed him many great favours, which we perceived had begotten in him a stately carriage, far different from that he was wont to have, whereat we wondring, some of us (who envious of anothers good fortune, and out of an ill nature) could not chuse but murmur, saying one to another, as it were in disdain, and in a kind of jeering, What think you of this dog? verily he will be the cause that either to morrow morning we shall be all cut in pieces, or if the business he hath undertaken succeed as we desire, it is probable that he will be in such credit with these Barbari∣ans, that we shall account it for a happiness to be his servants; and this was the talk which we had amongst us. The next day all the Army was put into order, and divided into twelve Battalli∣ons, whereof they made twelve Files, and one Counterfile in the Vantguard, that incompas∣sed the whole Camp in manner of an half moon: upon the wings were the foremost with all that Mass of Bavins, Ladders, Baskets, Mattocks, Spades, and other materials to fill up the ditch, and make it equal with the rest of the ground. Marching in this manner they arrived at the Ca∣stle, which they found strongly mann'd, and with a number of Flags and Streamers waving upon the Battlements. The first Salutation between the besiegers and the besieged was with arrows, darts, stones, and pots of wild-fire, which continued about half an hour, then the Tartars presently filled the ditch with bavins and earth, and so reared up their ladders against the wall, that now by reason of the filling up of the ditch was not very high; The first that mounted up was Iorge Mendez, accompanied with two of ours, who as men resolved had set up their rest, either to die there, or to render their valour remarkable by some memorable act, as in effect it pleased our Lord that their resolution had a good success, for they not only entred fi•st, but also planted the first colours upon the wall, whereat the Mitaquer, and all that were with him, were so amazed, as they said one to another, Doubtless if these people did besiege Pequin, as we do, the Chineses, which defend that City, would sooner lose their honour, then we shall make them to do it with all the forces we have; in the mean time all the Tartars, that were at the foot of the ladders, followed the three Portugals, and carried themselv•s so valiantly, what with the example of a Captain that had shewed them the way, as out of their own natural disposition, almost as resolute as those of Iapan, that in a very sh•rt space above 5000 of them were got upon the walls from whence with great violence they made the Chineses to retire, whereupon so furious and bloody a fight ensued between either party, that in less then half an hour the business was fully decided, and the Castle taken, with the death of two thousand Chineses and Mogores that were in it, there being not above sixscore of the Tartars slain. That done the gates being opened, the Mitaquer with great acclamations of joy entred, and causing the Chineses colours to be taken down, and his own to be advanced in their pla∣ces, he with a new ceremony of rejoycing at the sound of many instruments of war after the the manner of the Tartars gave rewards to the wounded, and made divers of the most vali∣ant of his followers Knights, by putting bracelets of gold about their right arms; and then about noon he with the chief Commanders of his Army, for the greater triumph dined in the Castle, where he also bestowed bracelets of gold upon Iorge Mendez, and the other Portu∣gals, whom he made to sit down at table with him; After the cloth was taken away, he went out of the Castle with all his company, and then causing all the walls of it to be dismantelled, •e razed the place quite to the ground, setting on fire all that remained with a number of cere∣monies, which was performed with great cries and acclamations to the sound of dive•s instru∣ments of war; Moreover he commanded the ruines of this Castle to be sprinkled with the blood of his enemies, and the heads of all of them that lay dead there to be cut off; as for his own souldiers that were slain, he caused them to be triumphantly buried, and such as were hurt to be carefully looked unto; this done, he retired with a huge train, and in great pomp to his tent, having Iorge Mendez close by him on horsback; As for the other eight of us, together with many brave Noblemen and Captains, we followed him on foot. Being arrived at his tent, which was richly hung, he sent Iorge Mendez a thousand Taeis for a reward, and to us but an hundred a piece, whereat some of us, that thought themselves to be better qualified, were very much discontented, for that he was more respected then they, by whose means, as well as his, the enterprise had been so happily atchieved, though by the good success thereof we had all obtained honour and liberty.

Page  154

CHAP. XXXIX. The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo, and goes to the King of Tartary his Camp before Pequin; with that which we saw till we arrived there; and the Mitaquers pre∣senting us unto the King.

THe next day the Mitaquer having nothing more to do where he was, resolved to take his way towards the City of Pequin,* before which the King lay, as I have delivered be∣fore; To this effect having put his Army into battel aray, he departed from th•nce at eight of the clock in the morning, and marching leasurely to the sound of his warlike instruments, he made his first station about noon upon the bank of a river, whose scituation was very pleasant, being all about invironed with a world of fruit trees, and a many goodly houses, but wholly deserted, and bereaved of all things which the Barbarians might any way have made booty of. Having past the greatest heat of the day there, he arose and marched on until about an hour in the night that he took up his lodging at a prety good Town, called Lantimay, which likewise we found deserted, for all this whole Country was quite dispeopled for fear of the Barbarians, who spared no kind of person, but wheresoever they came put all to fire and sword, as the next day they did by this place, and many other along this river, which they burnt down to the ground; and that which yet was more lamentable, they set on fire, and clean consumed to ashes a great large plain, being above six leagues about, and full of corn ready to be reaped. This cruelty executed, the Army began again to move, composed as it was of some threescore and five thousand horse, (for as touching the rest they were all slain, as well at the taking of Quin∣çay, as in that of the Castle of Nixiamcoo,) and went on to a mountain, named Pommitay, where they remained that night; The next morning dislodging from thence, they marched on somewhat faster then before, that they might arrive by day at the City of Pequin, which was distant about seven leagues from that mountain: At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to the river of Palamxitan, where a Tartar Captain, accompanied with an hundred horse, came to receive us, having waited there two days for that purpose; The first thing that he did, was the delivering of a letter from the King to our General, who received it with a great deal of ceremony; From this river to the Kings quarter, which might be some two leagues, the Army marched without order, as being unable to do otherwise, partly as well in regard of the great concourse of people, wherewith the ways were full incoming to see the Generals ar∣rival, as for the great train which the Lords brought along with them, that over-spread all the fields; In this order, or rather disorder, we arrived at the Castle of Lautir, which was the first Fort of, nine that the Camp had for the retreat of the Spies, there we found a young Prince, whom the Tartar had sent thither to accompany the General, who alighting from his horse, took his Scymitar from his side, and on his knees offered it unto him, after he had kissed the ground five times, being the ceremony or compliment ordinarily used amongst them; The Prince was exceedingly pleased with this honour done unto him, which with a smiling coun∣tenance, and much acknowledgment of words he testified unto him; This past, the Prince with a new ceremony stept two or three paces back, and lifting up his voice with more gravi∣ty then before, as he that represented the Person of the King, in whose name he came, said un∣to him, He, the border of whose rich vesture my mouth kisseth, and that out of an incredi∣ble greatness mastereth the Scepters of the earth, and of the Isles of the Sea, sends thee word by me, who am his slave, that thy honourable arrival is no less agreeable unto him, then the Summers sweet morning is to the ground, when as the dew doth comfort and refresh our bodies, and therefore would have thee without further delay to come and hear his voice mounted on his horse, whose trappings are garnished with jewels taken out of his Treasury, to the end, that riding by my side, thou mayest be made equal in honour to the greatest of his Court, and that they which behold thee marching in this sort, may acknowledge that the right hand of him is mighty and valiant unto whom the labours of war giveth this recompence. Hereupon the Mitaquer prostrating himself on the earth, with his hands lifted up, answered him thus, Let my head be an hundred times trampled on by the sole of his feet, that all those of my race may be sensible of so great a favour, and that my eldest Son may ever carry it for a mark of ho∣nour. Then mounting on the horse, which the Prince had given him, trapped with gold and precious stones, being one of those that the King used to ride on himself, they marched on with Page  155 a great deal of State and Majesty. In this pomp were many spare horses led richly harnessed; there were also a number of Ushers, carrying silver Maces on their shoulders, and six hundred Halberdiers on horsback, together with fifteen Chariots, full of silver Cymbals, and many o∣ther ill tuned barbarous instruments, that made so great a din, as it was not possible to hear one another. Moreover in all this distance of way, which was a league and an half, there were so many men on horsback, as one could hardly pass through the croud in any part thereof. The Mitaquer being thus in triumph arrived at the first trenches of the Camp, he sent us by one of his Servants to his quarter, where we were very well received, and abundantly furnished with all things necessary for us.

Fourteen days after we arrived at •his Camp, the Mitaquer, our General,* sent for us to his Tent, where in the presence of some of his Gentlemen, he said unto us; To morrow morning about this time be you ready, that I may make good my word unto you, which is to let you see the face of him, whom we hold for our Soveraign Lord, a grace that is done you out of a par∣ticular respect to me; And this his Majesty doth not only grant unto you, but your liberty al∣so, which I have obtained of him for you, and which in truth I am no less glad of, then of the taking of Mixiancoo, the particulars whereof you may relate unto him, if you come to be so happy as to be questioned by him about it. Withall I assure you that I shall take it for a great satisfaction, if when you shall return into your Country, you will remember that I have kept my word with you, and that therein I have shewed my self so punctual, as it may be I would not for that consideration demand of the King some other thing more profitable for me, that you may know this was that which I only desired: Also the King hath done me the honour to grant it me presently, and that with such exceeding demonstration of favour, as I must con∣fess I am thereby more obliged unto you, then you are to me. Having spoken thus unto as we prostrated our selves upon the ground, and in this sort answered him. My Lord, the good which you have pleased to do us is so great, that to go about to thank you with words (as the world useth to do) in the state we now are in, would rather be an ingratitude, then a true and due acknowledgment; so that we think it better to pass it by in silence within the secret of that soul which God hath put into us; And therefore since our tongues are of no use to us herein, and that they cannot frame words, capable to satisfie so great an obligation, as this is, where∣in all of us stand for ever so infinitely ingaged unto you, we must with continual tears and sighs beg of the Lord which made Heaven and earth, that he will reward you for it; for it is he that out of his infinite mercy and goodness, hath taken upon him to pay that for the poor, which they of themselves are not able to discharge; It is he then, that will throughly recompence you and your children for this good office you have done us, and whereby you merit to have a share in his promises, and to live long and happily in this world. Amongst those which ac∣companied the Mitaquer at that time, there was one named Bonquinuda, a man in years, and of the principalest Lords of the Kingdom, who in this Army commanded over the strangers and Rhinocerots, that served for the Guard of the Camp; This same, unto whom more re∣spect was born then to all the rest that were present, had no sooner heard our answer, but lift∣ing up his eyes to Heaven he said, O! who could be so happy, as to be able to ask of God the explication of so high a secret, whereunto the weakness of our poor understanding cannot ar∣rive; for I would fain know from whence it comes, that he permits people so for esloigned from the knowledge •f our truth, to answer on the suddain in terms so agreeable to our ears, that I dare well say, nay, I will venture my head on it, that concerning things of God, and Hea∣ven, they know more sleeping, then we do broad awake, whence it may be inferred that there are Priests amongst them that understand the course of the Stars, and the motions of the Hea∣vens, far better then o•• Bonzes of the house of Lechuna. Whereupon all that were about him answered, Your Greatness hath so much reason for it, that we were obliged to behold it as an Article of our faith, wherefore we think it were fit, that these strangers should not be suffered to go out of our Country, where, as our Masters and Doctors, they might teach us such things they know of the world. That which you advise, replyed the Mitaquer, is not much amiss, and yet the King would never permit it for all the treasures of China, because if he should, he would then violate the truth of his word, and so lose all the reputation of his greatness, wherefore you must excuse me if I do not propound things unto him that can∣not be; whereupon turning himself towards us, Go, get you gone, said he unto us, and to mor∣row morning fail not to be ready for to come again when I shall send for you. These words ex∣ceedingly contented us, as there was great cause they should; and accordingly the next day he sent us nine horses very well furnished, upon which we mounted, and so went to his Tent; He Page  156 in the mean time had put himself into a Piambre (that is somewhat like to a Litter) drawn with two horses richly harnessed; round about him for his Guard marched threescore Halber∣diers, six pages apparelled in his Livery mounted on white Curtals, and we nine on horsback a little more behind. In this manner he went on towards the place where the King was, whom he •ound lodged in the great and sumptuous Edifice of the Goddess Nacapirau, by the Chineses called the Queen of Heaven, whereof I have spoken at large in the thirty •ourth Chapter. Be∣ing arrived at the first trenches of the Kings Tent, he alighted out of his Litter, and all the rest likewise off •rom their horses, for to speak to the Nautaran, of whom with a ki•d of ceremo∣ny, after the fashion of the Gentiles, he craved leave to enter, which was presently granted him. Thereupon the Mitaqu•r being returned into his Litter, passed through the gates in the same manner as be•ore, only, we and the rest of his followers waited upon him on foot. When he came to a low and very long Gallery, where there was a great number of Gentlemen, he alight∣ed again out of his Litter, and told us that we were to attend him there, for that he would go and know whether it were a fit time to speak with the King, or no. We stayed there then a∣bout an hour, during the which some of the Gentlemen that were in the Gallery observing us to be strangers, and such kind of people as they had never seen the like, they called us, and very courteously bid us to sit down by them, where having spent some time in beholding certain tumbl••s shewing •eats of activity, we perceived the Mitaquer coming forth with four very beautiful boys, attired in long coats after the Turkish fashion▪ garded all over with green and white, and wearing about the small of their legs little hoops of gold in the fo•m of irons and shackle•. The Gentlemen that were p•esent, as soon as they saw them rose up on their feet, and drawing out their Cour•elasses, which they wore by their sides, they laid them on the ground with a new kind of ceremony, saying three times, Let the Lord of our heads live an hundred thousand years. In the mean while as •e lay with our heads bending to the ground, one of those boys said aloud unto us; You men of the other end of the world, rejoyce now, for that the hour is come, wherein your desire is to be accomplished, and that you are to have the liberty, which the Mitaquer promised you at the Castle of Nixiamcoo, wherefore arise from off the earth, and lift up your hands to Heaven, rendring thanks unto the Lord, who during the night of our peaceable rest, enammels the Firmament with Stars, seeing that of himself alone, with∣out the merit of any flesh, he hath made you to encounter in your exile with a man that deli∣vers your persons. To this Speech, prostrated as we were on the ground, we returned him this answer by our truch-man, May Heavens grant us so much happiness, as that his foot may trample on our heads; whereunto he replied, Your wish is not small, and may it please God to accord you this gift of riches.

*These four boys, and the Mitaquer, whom we followed, past through a Gallery, erected upon five and twenty p•llars of br•ss, and entred into a great room, where there were a number of Gentlemen, and amongst them many strangers, Mogores, Persians, Bordies, Calami•hams, and Bramaas. After we were out of this room, we came unto another, where there were ma∣ny armed men, ranged into five Files all along the room, with Courtelasses on their shoulders, that were garnished with gold. T•ese stayed the Mitaquer a little, and with great comple∣ments asked him some questions, and took his oath upon the Maces the boys carried, which he performed on his knees, kissing the ground three several times, whereupon he was admitted to pass on into a great place, like a quadrangle; there we saw four ranks of Statues of brass, in the form of wild men, with clubs and crow•s of the same mettal guilt: These Idols or Gy∣ants, were each of them six and twenty spans high, and six broad, as well on the bre•t, as on the shoulders; their countenances were hideous and deformed, and their hair curled like to Negroes. The desire we had to know what these figures signified, made us to demand it of the Tartars, who answered us, that they were the three hundred and threescore gods, which framed the days of the year, being placed there expresly, to the end that in their effigies they might be con∣tinually adored, •or having created the fruits which the earth produceth; and withall that the King of Tartary had caused them to be transported thither from a great Temple, called An∣gicamoy, which he had taken in the City of Xipaton, out of the Chappel of the Tombs of the Kings of China, for to triumph over them, when as he should happily return into his Country, that the whole world might know how in despight of the King of China he had captivated his gods. Within this place, whereof I speak, and amidst a plantation of Orange-trees, that was invironed within a fence of Ivy, Roses, Rosemary, and many other sort of flowers, which we have not in Europe, was a Tent pi•ched upon twelve Ballisters of the wood of Champhire, each Page  157 of them wreathed about with silver in the fashion of knotted card-work, bigger then ones arm. In this Tent was a low Throne in the form of an Altar, garnished with branched work of fine gold, and over it was a cloth of State, set thick with silver Stars; where also the Sun and Moon were to be seen, as also certain clouds, some of them white, and others of the colour of which appear in the time of rain, all enammelled so to the life, and with such art, that they beguiled all those that b•held them, for they seemed to rain indeed, so as it was impossible to see a thing more compleat, either for the proportions or colours. In the midst of this Throne upon a bed lay a great Statue of silver called Abicau Nilancor, which signifies, the God of the health of Kings, that had been also taken in the Temple of Angicamoy. Now round about the same Statue were four and thirty Idols of the height of a child of five or six years old, ranged in two Files, and set on the•r knees, with their hands lifted up towards this Idol, as if they would adore him. At the entry into this Tent there were four young Gentlemen richly clad, who with each of them a Cen•er in his hand, went two and two about, then at the sound of a bell prostrated themselves on the ground, and censed one another, saying with a loud voice, Let our cry come unto thee as a sweet perfume, to the end thou mayest hear us. For the Guard of of this Tent, there were three•core Halberdiers, who at a little distance invironed it all about. They were clothed with guilt leather, and had Murrians on their heads curiously engraven; all which were very agreeable and majestical objects. Out of this place we entred into another division, where there were four Chambers very rich and well furnished, in the which were m•ny Gen∣tlemen, as well strangers as Tartars. From thence passing on whith•r the Mitaquer, and the young boys conducted us, we arrived at the door of a great •ow room, in form like to a Church, where stood six Ushers with their Maces, who with a new complement to the Mitaquer cau∣sed us •o •nter, but kept out all others. In this room was the King of Tartaria, accompanied with many Princes, Lords, and Captains, amongst whom were the Kings of Pafua, Mecuy, Capinper Raina Benan, Anchesacotay, and others to the number of fourteen, who in rich attire were all seated some three or four paces from the foot of the Tribunal. A little more on the one side were two and thirty very fair women, who playing upon divers instruments of musick, made a wonderful sweet Consort. The King was set on his Throne under a rich Cloth of State, and had about him twelve young b•ys kneeling on their knees, with little Maces of gold like Scepters, which they carried on their shoulders; close behind him was a young Lady extreamly beautiful, and wonderfully richly attired, with a Ventiloe in her hand, wherewith she ever and anon fanned him. This same was the sister of the Mitaquer our General, and in∣finitely beloved of the King, for whose sake therefore it was that he was in such credit and re∣putation throughout the whole Army: The King was much about forty years of age, full sta∣ture, somewhat ••an and of a good aspect; His beard was very short, his Mustaches after the Turkish manner, his eyes like to the Chineses, and his countenance severe and majestical; As for his vesture, it was violet colour, in fashion like to a Turkish Roak imbroydered with pearl, upon his feet he had green Sandals wrought all over with gold pearl, and great purls a∣mong it, and on his head a sattin cap of the colour of his habit, with a rich band of diamonds and rubies intermingled together: Before we past any farther, after we had gone ten or eleven steps in the room, we made our complement by kissing of the ground three several times, and performing other ceremonies, which the Truch-men taught us: In the mean time the King commanded the musick to cease, and addressing himself to the Mitaquer; Ask these men of the other end of the world said he unto him, whether they have a King, what is the name of their Country, and how far distant it is from this Kingdom of China where now I am? Thereupon one of ours speaking for all the rest, answered; That our Country was called Portugal, that the King thereof was exceeding rich and mighty, and that from thence to the City of Pequin was at the le•st three years voyage. This answer much amazed the King, because he did not think the world had been so large, so that striking his thigh with a wand that he had in his hand, and lifting up his eyes to Heaven, as though he would render thanks unto God; he said aloud, so as eve•y one might hear him: O Creator of all things; are we able to comprehend the marvels of thy grea•ness, we that at the best are but poor worms of the earth? Fuxiqui∣dane, fuxiquidane, let them approach, let them approach. Thereupon beckening to us with his hand, he caused us to come even to the first degree of the Throne, where the fourteen Kings sat, and demanded of him again, as a man astonished, Pucau, pucau, that is to say, how far, how far? whereunto he answered as before, that we should be at least three years in return∣ing to our Country. Then he asked why we came not rather by Land, then by Sea, where so Page  158 many labours and dangers were to be undergon? Thereunto he replyed, that there was too great an extent of land, through which we were not •ssured to pass, for that it was commanded by Kings of several nations. What come you to seek for then, added the King, and where∣fore do you expose your selves to such dangers? Then having rendred him a reason to this last demand with all the submission that might be, he stayed a prety while without speaking, and then shaking his head three or four times, he addressed himselfe to an old man that was not far from him, and said, Certainly we must needs conclude, that there is either much ambition, or little justice in the Country of these people, seeing they come so far to conquer other Lands. To this Speech the old man, named Raia Benan, made no other answer but that it must •eeds be so, for men, said he, who have recourse unto their industry and invention to run over the Sea for to get that which God hath not given them, are necessarily carried thereunto, either by extream poverty, or by an excess of blindness and vanity, derived from much covetousness, which is the cause why they renounce God, and those that brought them into the world. This reply of the old man was seconded with many jeering words by the other Courtiers, who made great sport upon this occasion, that very much pleased the King, in the mean time the women fell to their musick again, and so continued, till the King withdrew into another Chamber in the company of these fair Musicians, and that young Lady which fanned him, not so much as one of those great Personages, daring to enter besides: Not long after one of those twelve boys, that carried the Scepters before mentioned, came to the Mitaquer, and told him from his sister, that the King commanded him not to depart away, which he held for a singular favour, by rea∣son this message was delivered to him in the presence of those Kings and Lords that were in the room, so that he stirred not, but sent us word, that we should go unto out tent with this assu∣rance, that he would take care the Son of the Sun should be mindful of us.

CHAP. XL. The King of Tartaria's raising of his Siege from before Pequin, for to return into his Country, and that which pas∣sed until his Arrival there.

*WE had been now full three and forty dayes in this Camp, during which time there past many fights and skirmishes between the besiegers and the besieged, as also two assaults in the open day which were resisted by them within with an invincible courage like resolute men as they were; In the mean time the King of Tartaria, seeing how contrary to his hope so great an enterprise had been, wherein h• had consumed so much treasure, caused his Coun∣cel of War to be assembled, in the which were present the seven and twenty Kings that ac∣companied him, and likewise many Princes, and Lords, and the most part of the chief Com∣manders of the Army: In this Councel it was resolved, that in regard Winter was at hand, and that the rivers had already overflowed their banks with such force and violence, as they had ravaged and carried away m•st of the Trenches and Pallisadoes of the Camp, and that moreover great numbers of the souldiers died daily of sickness, and for want of victuals, that therefore the King could not do better then to raise his Siege, and be gone before Winter came, for fear lest staying longer, he should run the hazard of losing himself, and his Army: All these reasons seemed so good to the King, that without further delay he resolved to follow this coun∣sel, and to obey the present necessity, though it were to his great grief. so that incontinently he caused all his Infantry and Ammunition to be imbarqued, then having commanded his Camp to be set on fire, he himself went away by Land with three hundred thousand Horse, and twen∣ty thousand Rhinocerots: Now after they had taken an account of all the dead, they appeared to be four hundred and fifty thousand, the most of whom died of sickness, as also an hundred thousand Horses, and threescore thousand Rhinocerots, which were eaten in the space of two months and an half, wherein they wanted victual, so that of eighteen hundred thousand men wherewith the King of Tartaria came out of his Country to besiege the City of Pequin, be∣fore the which he lay six months and an half, he carried home some seven hundred and fifty thousand less then he brought forth, whereof four and fifty thousand died of sickness, famine, and war, and three hundred thousand went and rendred themselves unto the Chineses, drawn thereunto by the great pay which they gave them,, and other advantages of honour and presents which they continually bestowed on them; whereat we are not to marvel, seeing expe∣rience doth shew, how that alone is of far more power to oblige men, then all other things in the Page  159 world. After the King of Tartaria was gone from this City of Pequin, upon a Munday, the seven•eenth of October, with three hundred thousand horse, as I have related before, the same day about evening he went and lodged near to a river, called Quaytragun, and the next morn∣ing an hour before day the A•my began to m•rch at the sou•d of the Drums, Fifes, and other instruments of war, ac•ord•ng to the order prescribed them; In this manner he arrived a little before night at a Town, named Guiiamp•a, which he found altogether depopulated: After his Army had reposed thereabout an hour and an half, he set forth again, and marching some∣what fast he c