The works of the pious and profoundly-learned Joseph Mede, B.D., sometime fellow of Christ's Colledge in Cambridge

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Title
The works of the pious and profoundly-learned Joseph Mede, B.D., sometime fellow of Christ's Colledge in Cambridge
Author
Mede, Joseph, 1586-1638.
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London :: Printed by Roger Norton for Richard Royston ...,
1672.
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Subject terms
Mede, Joseph, 1586-1638.
Theology -- Early works to 1800.
Theology -- History -- 17th century.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A50522.0001.001
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"The works of the pious and profoundly-learned Joseph Mede, B.D., sometime fellow of Christ's Colledge in Cambridge." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A50522.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 15, 2025.

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Page 319

THE SECOND BOOK; CONTAINING SEVERAL DISCOURSES and TREATISES CONCERNING CHURCHES, AND The Worship of God therein. CHURCHES, THAT IS, APPROPRIATE PLACES For Christian Worship, both in and ever since the Apostles times. (Book 2)

1 COR. 11. 22.

Have ye not houses to eat and drink in? [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;] or despise ye the Church of God.

IT is taken in a manner for granted by the most of our Reformed Writers, and affirmed also by* 1.1 some of the other side, That in the Apostles times and in the Ages next after them (whilest the Church lived under Pagan and persecuting Emperors) Christi∣ans had no Oratories or Places set apart for Divine worship; but that they assembled here and there promisuously and uncer∣tainly, as they pleased, or the occasion served, in places of common use, and not otherwise. But that this is an error, I in∣tend to demonstrate by good evidence; taking my rise from this passage of the Apostle, who reproving the Corinthians for using prophane banquet∣ings and feastings in a Sacred place, Have ye not houses (saith he) to eat and drink in? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; or despise ye the Church of God? Here I take the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Church, to note, not the Assembly, but the Place appointed for Sacred duties; and that from the opposition thereof to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, their own Houses, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in? these are places proper for ordinary and common repast, and not the Church or House of God: which is again repeated in the last verse of that Chapter, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, If any man hunger, let him eat at home.

Thus most of the Fathers took 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this passage, namely, as most of the words signifying an Assembly or Company are wont to be used also for the Place thereof; as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Synagoga, Collegium, &c.

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S. Austin is so plain as nothing can be more.* 1.2 For concerning expressions, where the Continent is called by the name of the Thing contained,* 1.3 he instances in this of Ecclesia; a 1.4

Sicut Ecclesia (saith he) dicitur lo∣cus quo Ecclesia congregatur. Nam Eccle∣sia homines sunt, de quibus dicitur, Vt exhiberet sibi gloriosam Ecclesiam: Hanc tamen vocari etiam ipsam Domum orati∣onum, idem Apostolus testis est, ubi ait, Numquid domos non habetis ad mandu∣candum & bibendum? an Ecclesiam Dei contemnitis?

S. Basil hath the same notion in his Mo∣ralia, Reg. 30.b 1.5

Quòd non oportet [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] loca sacra misturâ eorum quae ad communem usum spectant cntumeliâ afficere. Which he confirms thus; Et intravit Iesus in Templum Dei, & ejiciebat omnes ementes & vendentes in Templo, & mensas numulariorum, & cathedras vendentium columbas evertit, & dicit eis, Scriptum est, Domus mea domus orationis vocabitur, vos autem fecistis eam spelun∣cam latronum. Et ad Cor. 1. Numquid domos non habetis ad manducandum & biben∣dum? aut Ecclesiam Dei conemnitis? Si quis esurit, domi manducet, ut non in judi∣cium conveniatis.

Again, in his Regulae compendiosiùs ex∣plicatae, Interrog. & Respons. 310. an∣swering that Question,c 1.6

Numquid in communi domo sacra obletio debeat celebrari; Quemadmodum, saith he, verbum non permittit ut vas ullum com∣mune in sancta introferatur; eodem modo etiam vetat sancta in domo communi cele∣brari: quum vetus Testamentum nihil isto modo fieri permittat; Domino item dicente, Plus quam templum est hic; A∣postolo item, Numquid domos non habetis ad manducandum & bibendum? &c. Ex quibus erudimur, neque communem coenam in Ecclesia edere & bibere, neque Dominicam coenam in privata domo con∣tumeliâ afficere: extra quam si quis, cùm necessitas poscat, locum domúmve purio∣rem delegerit tempore opportuno—

The Author also of the Commentaries upon the Epistles, amongst the works of S. Hierome, (whosoever he were) expoundingd 1.7 Ecclesiam Dei contemnitis? by e 1.8 Facientes eam Triclinium epularum, shews, he took Ecclesia here to signifie the Place.

The self-same words are to be found in the Commentaries of sedulius, as many other passages of this Author verbatim; which I note by the way.

S. Chrysostome is of the same mind; f 1.9

Ecce quarta accusatio, (saith he) quòd non pauperes tantùm, sed Ecclesia laeditur. Quemadmodum enim Domi∣nicam coenam privatam facis; ita & Lo∣cum, tanquam Domo Ecclesiâ usus.
Ec∣clesia therefore here with him is Locus.

And so it is with Theodoret, who paraphraseth the words on this manner; g 1.10

Si acceditis ut lautè & opiparè epu∣lemini, hoc facite in domibus. Hoc enim in Ecclesia est contumelia. & aperta inso∣lentia. Quomodo enim non est absur∣dum, intus in Templo Dei, praesente Do∣mino, qui communem nobis men sam appo∣suit,

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vos quidem lautè vivere, eos autem qui sunt pauperes esurire, & propter pau∣pertatem erubescere?

Theophylact and Oecumenius follow the same track, as he that looks them shall find.

I have produced thus largely the Glosses of the Fathers upon this Text, that they might be as a preparative so my ensuing Discourse, by removing, or mitigating at the least, that prejudice which some have so deeply swallowed, of an utter unlikelihood of any such Places to have been in the Apostles times, or the times near them. For if these Glosses of the Fathers be true, then were there Places called Ecclesiae or Church∣es, and consequently Places appointed and set apart for Christian assemblies to per∣form their solemn Service to God in, even in the Apostles times. Or suppose they be not true, or but doubtful, and not necessary; yet thus much will follow howso∣ever, That these Fathers, who were nearer to those Primitive times by above one thousand one hundred years than we are, and so had better means to know what they had or had not than we, supposed there were such Places even in the Apostles times: If in the Apostles times, then no doubt in the Ages next after them. And thus we shall gain something by this Text, whether we accept this notion of the word Eccle∣sia or not.

HAVING therefore gotten so good an entrance, we will now further enquire What manner of places they were, or may be supposed to have been, which were ap∣propriated to such use; and that done, proceed to shew by such Testimonies or foot∣steps of Antiquity as Time hath left unto us, That there were such Places through every Age respectively from the days of the Apostles unto the reign of Constantine, that is, in every of the first three hundred years.

For the first, It is not to be imagined they were* 1.11 such goodly and stately Structures as the Church had after the Empire became Christian, and we now by God's blessing enjoy; but such as the state and condition of the times would permit; at the first, some capable and convenient Room within the walls or dwelling of some pious disciple, dedicated by the religious bounty of the owner to the use of the Church, and that usually an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an upper room, such as the Latines call Coenaculum, being, according to their manner of building, as the most large and capacious of any other, so likewise the most retired and freest from disturbance, and next to Hea∣ven, as having no other room above it. For such uppermost places we find they were wont then to make choice of, even for private devotions; as may be gathered from what we read of S. Peter, Acts 10. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he went up to the house-top to pray: for so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies, ex usu Hellenistarum, and is accordingly here rendred by the vulgar Latine, in superiora.

Such an Hyperôon as we speak of, was that remembred by the name of* 1.12 Coenaculum a 1.13 Sion, where, after our Saviour was descended, the Apostles and Disciples (as we read in Acts 10. 13, &c.) assembled together daily for prayer and supplicati∣on; and where being thus assembled, the Holy Ghost came down upon them in Cloven tongues of fire at the Feast of Pentecost.* 1.14 Concerning which there hath been a Tradition in the Church, That this was the same room wherein our Blessed Sa∣viour the night before his Passion celebrated the Paseover with his Disciples, and in∣stituted the Mystical Supper of his Body and Bloud for the Sacred Rite of the Gospel: The same place where on the day of his Resurrection he came, and stood in the midst of his Disciples, the doors being shut, and having shewed them his hands and his feet, said, Peace be unto you; As my Father hath sent me, so I send you, &c. Iohn 20. 21.* 1.15 The place where eight days or the Sunday after, he appeared in the same manner again unto them being together, to satisfie the incredulity of Thomas, who the first time was not with the rest:* 1.16 The place where Iames the Brother of our Lord was created by the Apostles Bishop of Ierusalem: The place where the seven Deacons (whereof S. Stephen was one) were elected and ordained:* 1.17 The place where the Apostles and Elders of the Church at Ierusalem held that Council, and pattern of all Councils, for decision of that Question, Whether the Gentiles which believed were to be circumcised or not. And for certain, the place of this Coenaculum was afterwards en∣closed with a goodly Church, known by the name of the Church of Sion, upon the

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top whereof it stood: Insomuch that S. Hierome,* 1.18 in his Epitaphio Paulae, made bold to apply that of the Psalm unto it, a 1.19 Fundamenta ejus in montibus sanctis; diligit Dominus poras Sion super omnia ta∣bernacula Iacob. How soon this Erection was made I know not; but I believe it was much more ancient than those other Churches erected in other places of that City by Constantine and his Mother; because neither Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoret, nor Sozomen make any mention of the founda∣tion thereof, as they do of the rest. It is called by S. Cyril, who was Bishop of the place,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the upper Church of the Apostles,
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
The Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles in the likeness of fiery tongues, here in Ierusalem, in the VPPER CHVRCH OF THE APOSTLES. Cyril. Hierosol. Cat. 16.

If this Tradition be true, it should seem by it that this Coenaculum, from the time our Blessed Saviour first hallowed it by the institution and celebration of his Mystical Supper, was thenceforth devoted to be a Place of prayer and holy assemblies. And surely no Ceremonies of dedication, no not of Solomon's Temple it self, are compa∣rable to those sacred guests whereby this place was sanctified. This is the more easie to be believed, if the House were the possession of some Disciple at least, if not of kin∣dred also to our Saviour according to the flesh; which both Reason perswades, and Tradition likewise confirmeth it to have been. And when we read of those first Be∣lievers, that such as had houses and lands sold them,* 1.20 and brought the prices, and laid them down at the Apostles feet; it is nothing unlikely but some likewise might give their house unto the Apostles for the use of the Church to perform Sacred duties in. And thus perhaps should that Tradition whereof Venerable Bede tells us be understood; viz. That this Church of Sion was founded by the Apostles: Not that they erected that Structure; but that the Place, from the time it was a Coenaculum, was by them dedi∣cated to be an House of Prayer. His words are these, De locis sanctis cap. 3. in Tom. 3.b 1.21

In superiori Monis Sion planitie monachorum cellulae Ecclesiam magnam circundant, illic, ut perhibent, ab Apostolis fundatam; eò quòd ibi Spiri∣tum Sanctum acceperint: In quaetiam Lo∣cus Coenae Domini venerabilis ostenditur.

And if this were so, why may not I think that this Coenaculum Sion or upper room of Sion was that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 whereof we read, concerning the first Christian society at Ierusa∣lem, Acts 2. 46. That they continued daily in the Temple, and breaking bread [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in the House, ate their meat with gladness and singleness of heart? the meaning be∣ing, That when they had performed their devotions daily in the Temple at the ac∣customed times of prayer there, they used to resort immediately to this Coenaculum, and there having celebrated the Mystical banquet of the Holy Eucharist, afterwards took their ordinary and necessary repast with gladness and singleness of heart. For so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be rendred for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.22 and not domatim, or per domos, house by . use, as we translate it; and so both the Syriack and Arabick render it, and the New Testament (as we shall see hereafter) elsewhere uses it. Moreover we find this Coenaculum called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the second verse of the same Chapter. And for the phrase of Breaking of bread, we know that the same a little before in the 42. verse is wont to be understood of the Communion of the Eucharist, and by the Syriack Interpreter is expresly rendred by the Greek word, c 1.23 Fractio Eucharistiae, both there and again chap. 20. verse 7. according to that of S. Paul,* 1.24 The bread which we break, &c. why should it not then be so taken here? If it be, then according to the Interpretation we have given this will also follow, That that custom of the Church, to participate the Eucharist fasting, and before dinner, had its beginning from the first constitution of the Christian Church. A thing not unworthy observation, if the Interpretation be maintainable; of which let the learned judge.

It was an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Coenaculum, also where the Disciples at Troas came together upon the First day of the week to break bread, or to celebrate the holy Eucharist,

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Acts 20. 7. where S. Paul preached unto them, and whence Eutychus, being over∣come with sleep, sitting in a window, fell down 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the third story or lost, and was taken up dead. Such a one seems also to have been the Place of the Churches assembly at Caesarea Cappadociae, by that which is said Acts 18. 22. viz. That S. Paul sailing from Ephesus, landed at Caesarea, where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, having gone up and saluted the Church, he went down to Antioch. Note, he went up to salute: whereby it should seem that the place where the Church was assem∣bled was some upper place. See Ludovic. de Diea upon this place; where he tells us, that the AEthiopick translator so under∣stood it, rendring,a 1.25 & descendit Cae∣saream, & ascendit in Domum Christiano∣rum, (i. Ecclesiam) & salutavit eos, & abiit Antiochiam. Such as these, I sup∣pose, were the Places at first set apart for Holy meetings, much like to our private Chappels now in great mens houses, though not for so general an use.

In process of time, as the multitude of Believers encreased, some wealthy and de∣vout Christian gave his whole House or Mansion-place, either whilest he lived, if he could spare it, or bequeathed it at his death, unto the Saints, to be set apart and ac∣commodated for Sacred assemblies and Religious uses.

At length, as the multitude of Believers still more encreased, and the Church grew more able, they built them Structures of purpose, partly in the Coemeteries of Mar∣tyrs, partly in other publick places: even as the Iews (whose Religion was no more the Empire's than theirs,) had, nevertheless, their Synagogues in all Cities and pla∣ces where they lived among the Gentiles.

In the First Century.

THIS being premised, I proceed now (as I promised) to shew, That there were such places as I have described appointed and set apart among Christians for their Religious Assemblies and Solemn address unto the Divine Majesty, through every one of the first three Centuries particularly; and that therefore they assembled not promiscuously and at hap-hazard, but in appropriate places, unless Necessity sometimes forced them to do otherwise.

For the Times of the Apostles therefore, or First Century in particular, which [unspec 1] ends with the death of S. Iohn the Evangelist, I prove it, first, from the Text I pre∣mised, where is a Place mentioned by the name of Ecclesia, not to be despised or pro∣phaned with common banquettings: at least from the authority of the Fathers, who by their so expounding it, give us to understand, they thought it not improbable that there were such Places in the Apostles times. For the further strengthening of this kind of argument,* 1.26 Know also that Eusebius, in that Discourse of his where he endea∣vours to prove that the Essenes, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Philo describes, were the first Christian Society of the Iewish Nation at Alexandria, converted by S. Mark, amongst other Characteristical notes (as he calls them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) or badges of Christianity, (however he were mistaken in his conclusion or infe∣rence) alledges this for one of the first, That they had sacred Houses called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Worshipping-Places, that is, Churches. His words are these,

b 1.27 Deinceps ubi eorum domicilia quaenam essent descrip∣serat, (nempe Philo) de Ecclesiis in va∣riis locis exstructis sic loquitur: Est in quoque agro aedes sacra quae appellaur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, vel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in quo illi ab aliis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, soli agentes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sanctae religiosaeque vitae mysteria obe∣unt; [N. B.] nihilque eò vel cibi, vel potionis, vel aliarum rerum quae ad corporis usum necessariae sunt, im∣portant, sed leges & oracula à pro∣phetis divinitus edita, & hymnos, aliáque quibus scientia & pietas erga Deum crescat & perficiatur.
Afterwards reciting some other customs

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and particular observances of their Discipline, as their frequent assemblies in their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to hear the Scriptures read and interpreted; the distinction of places for men and women; Their manner of singing Hymns and Psalms by a Precentor, the rest answering* 1.28 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the extremes of the verses; The Degrees of their Hierarchy, like those of Deacons and Bishops, and some other the like, he concludes, Quòd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, That Philo wrote these things, as one having knowledge of the customs at the beginning delivered by the Apostles, is manifest to any one. But whether that be so manifest or not, this I am sure is, That Eusebius believed the Antiquity of Churches or Oratories of Christians to have been from the Apostles times, yea, to have been an Apostolical ordinance; or else he mightily forgot himself, to bring that for an argument or badge to prove Philo's Essenes to be S. Marks Christians; than which otherwise there could not be a stronger argument to evince the con∣trary to what he intended. Now who could know this better than Eusebius, who had searched into and perused all the Writings and Monuments of Christian Antiqui∣ty then extant, for the compiling of his Ecclesiastical History, and his Commentaries of the* 1.29 Acts of Martyrs now perished?

Add to this, what a little before observed out of Bede, De locis sanctis, of a Tra∣dition, That the Church of Sion was founded by the Apostles. And so I leave my first Argument.

[unspec 2] My next Argument why may I not take from that singular Character given to some one above other in the Apostles Salutations, as their peculiar? Salute such a one, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Church at his house. As Colos. 4. 15. of Nym∣phas, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Salute Nymphas, and the Church at his house. To Philemon also ver. 1, 2. To Philemon our dear brother and fellow-labourer (to Apphia our beloved, and Archippus our fellow-souldier,) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to the Church at thy house. See, he forgets it not after a Paren∣thesis, neither attributes it to Archippus, but as proper to Philemon alone. The like he hath of Aquila and Priscilla two several times: once sending salutation to them, Rom. 16. 3, 5. Salute Priscilla and Aquila, and the Church at their house: again send∣ing salutation from them, 1 Cor. 16. 19. Aquila and Priscilla salute you much in the Lord, with the Church at their house. Which I understand not to be spoken of their Families as it is commonly expounded, but of the Congregation of the Saints there wont to assemble for the performance of Divine duties; that is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Whence (if it be granted) it will follow, First, that the Churches then used to assemble not in mutable and promiscuous, but in definite and appropriate places. Secondly, That those who are here saluted with that Appendix, were such as in their several Cities had bestowed and dedicated some part or some place within their dwellings to be an Oratory for the Church to assemble in for the performance of Divine duties according to the rule of the Gospel; Nymphas at Colosse, Philemon at Laodicea, (for there Archippus, who is saluted with him, was Bishop, saith* 1.30 Author Constit. Apost. as Philemon himself was afterwards of the neighbouring City Colosse) Aquila and Priscilla first at Rome, till Claudius banished them with the rest of the Iews from thence, Acts 18. 2. afterwards at Ephesus, ver. 19. whence S. Paul wrote that first Epistle to the Corinthians.

I am not the first (I think) who have taken these words in such a sense. Cecu∣menius in two or three of these places (if I understand him) goes the same way, though he mention the other Exposition also. As to that of Aquila and Priscilla, Rom. 16. his note is,a 1.31

Adeò virtute spectati erant, ut suam etiam domum Ec∣clesiam fecerint. Vel dicitur hoc, Quia omnes domestici fideles erant, ut jam Do∣mus esset Ecclesia.
He mentions as I said, both Interpretations. So upon that of Nymphas, Col. 4. his words are,b 1.32
Mag∣ni nominis hic vir erat, nam domum suam fecerat Ecclesiam.
And unless this be the meaning, why should this appendant be so singularly mentioned in the Salutations of some, and not of others, and that not once, but again, if the same names be again remembred, as of Aquila and Priscilla? Had none in those Catalogues of Salutation Christian families, but some one only who is thus remembred? It is very improbable; nay, if we peruse them well, we

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shall find they had, but otherwise expressed; as in that prolix Catalogue, Rom. 16. we find Aristobulus and Narcissus saluted with their houshold, v. 10, 11. Asyncritus, Phle∣gon, &c. with the brethren which are with them, v. 14. others, with the Saints which are with them, v. 15. 2 Tim. 4. 19. The houshold of Onesiphorus. This therefore so singular an Appendix must mean some singular thing, not common to them with the rest, but peculiar to them alone: And what should this be but what I have shewed?

Now because this Exposition concludes chiefly for a Coenaculum devoted to be an House of Prayer; let us see if out of a Pagan writer, who lived about the end of this Centurie, we can learn what manner of ones they were. For* 1.33 Lucian in his Dia∣logue Philopatris, by way of derision (sed ridentem dicere verum quid vetat?) brings in one Critias telling how some Christians went about to perswade him to be of their Religion; and that they brought him to the place of their assembly, being at Hyperô∣on, which he describes thus;a 1.34

Per∣transivimus (saith he) ferreas portas & aerea limina; [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] multisque jam superatis scalis, in Domum aurato fastigio insignem ascendimus, qualem Homerus Menelai fingit esse: atque ipse quidem omnia con∣templabar;—video autem, non Hele∣nam, sed mehercle [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] viros in faciem incli∣natos, & pallescentes. So he.

My third proof is from a Tradition the Church hath had, of the Houses of some [unspec 3] devout and pious Christians, as afterwards, so even in the Apostles time, converted into Churches or Oratories; as the house of Theophilus, a potent man in Antioch, (the same, as is supposed, to whom S. Luke (who was also an Antiochian) inscribes both his Gospel and Acts of the Apostles) who, being converted unto the Faith by S. Peter, converted his house into a Church, where S. Peter had his first See or Epis∣copal Residence. This Tradition is derived out of the Recognitions of Clemens, where it is first found: Which, though it be an Apocryphal writing, yet is of no small antiquity; and this passage is of such a nature, as it cannot be well imagined to what end it should be devised or feigned.

The like is reported of the house of Pudens, a Roman Senator and Martyr, in the Acta Pudentis, That it was turned into a Church after his Martyrdom. This is that Pudens mentioned by the Apostle in the 2 Epist. to Timothy, 4. 21. and coupled with Linus; Pudens and Linus (saith he) salute you. All this comes not of nothing; but surely argues some such custom to have been in those times.

I will seal up all my proofs for this Centurie of the Apostles with one passage of [unspec 4] Clemens (a man of the Apostolical Age) in his genuine* 1.35 Epistle ad Corinthios:

Debemus omnia ritè & ordine facere quaecunque nos Dominus peragere jussit;* 1.36 praestitu∣tis temporibus oblationes & liturgias obire. Neque enim temerè vel inordinatè voluit ista fieri, sed statutis temporibus & horis. VBI etiam, & A QVIBVS peragi vult, ipse excelsissimâ suâ voluntate definivit; ut religiosè omnia secundùm beneplacitum ejus adimpleta, voluntati ipsius accepta essent.
Here Clemens saith expresly, That the Lord had ordained (even now in the Gospel) as well appropriate Places WHERE, as appropriate Times and Persons, (that is, Priests) When and WHEREBY he would be solemnly served, that so all things might be done religiously and in order. Who then can believe that in the Apostles times (when this Clemens lived) the Places were not distinct for holy Services as well as the Times and Persons were? or that Clemens would have spoken in this manner, unless he had known it so to have been? The Co∣rinthians, it seems, in that their notorious sedition and discord, had violated this or∣der; at the correction whereof this passage aimeth.

This one passage therefore makes all my former Proofs credible, and may supply their defect where they are not enough convictive. And it is the more precious, in regard of the penury of written Monuments by any Disciples of the Apostles remain∣ing unto us of that Primitive Age.

If any man shall ask, where this Divine Ordinance which Clemens here mention∣eth is to be found; I answer, in the Analogy of the Old Testament, whence this Prin∣ciple is taught us, That as the Divine Majesty it self is most Sacred and Incommuni∣cable, (the reason why the Worship and Service given unto him must be communi∣cated with no other;) so is it likewise a part of that Honour we owe unto his most

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Sacred, Singular and Incommunicable Eminency, that the things wherewith he is served should not be promiscuous and common, but appropriate and set apart to that end and purpose. And thus I conclude the First Seculum.

In The Second Century.

NOW for the Second, and that too for the beginning thereof,* 1.37 we have a wit∣ness not to be rejected, the holy Martyr Ignatius, who suffered An. 107. and [unspec 1] wrote the most of his Epistles in his bonds. He in his confessed Epistle ad Magnesios speaks thus;a 1.38

Omnes ad orandum in idem loci convenite, una sit communis precatio, una mens, una spes in charitate & fide inculpata in Iesum Christum, quo nihil praestantius est. Omnes velut Vnus ad Templum Dei [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] con∣currite, quemadmodum ad UNUM Alta∣re, ad UNUM Iesum Christum Pontisi∣cem ingeniti Dei.
Lo here a Temple with an Altar in it, whether the Magnesians are exhorted to gather themselves together to pray; To come together in one Place, that so they might all joyn together in one common prayer, spirited with one intention, with one and the same Hope in the Charity and Faith they have to Christ-ward: Se∣condly, To come thither as One, that is, in Vnity of affection and brotherly love one towards another, as if all were but One, and not many; even as the Altar before which they presented themselves was but One, and the High-Priest and Mediatour between them and the Father, Iesus Christ, but One.

For it is to be observed that in those primitive times they had but One Altar in a Church, as a Symbole both that they worshipped but One God through One Mediatour Iesus Christ, and also of the Vnity the Church ought to have in it self: whence Igna∣tius, not only here, but also in his Epistle to the Philadelphians, urges the Vnity of the Altar for a monitive to the Congregation to agree together in one. For b 1.39

Vnum Altare (saith he) omni Eccle∣siae, & unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio & Diaconis conservis meis.
This custom of One Altar is still retained by the Greek Church. The contrary use is a transgression of the Latines, not only symbolically implying, but really introducing, (as they han∣dle it) a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.40 or multiplying of Gods and Mediators, in stead of that One God, and One Mediator between God and men, the man Christ Iesus.

Nay more than this: It should seem that in those first times (before Dioceses were divided into those lesser and subordinate Churches we now call Parishes, and Presbyters assigned to them) they had not only one Altar in one Church or Dominicum, but one Altar to a Church, taking Church for the Company or Corporation of the Faithful united under one Bishop or Pastor; and that was in the City and place where the Bi∣shop had his See and Residence: like as the Iews had but one Altar and Temple for the whole Nation united under one High Priest. And yet, as the Iews had their Syna∣gogues, so perhaps might they have more Oratories than one, though their Altar were but one; there namely where the Bishop was.c 1.41

Die Solis (saith Iustin Martyr in Apol. 2.) omnium, qui vel in oppidis vel ruri degunt in eundem locum conventus fit;
namely, as he there tells us, to celebrate and participate the holy Eucharist. Why was this, but because they had not many places to celebrate in? And unless this were so, whence came it else that a Schisma∣tical Bishop was saidd 1.42 constituere or collocare aliud Altare; and that a Bishop and an Altar are made correlatives? See S. Cyprian Ep. 40. 72, 73. de unitate Ecclesiae. And thus perhaps is Ignatius also to be understood in that forequoted passage of his, e 1.43
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio & Di∣aconis.
Howsoever, I here determine nothing, but refer it to the judgment of those who are better skilled in Anti∣quity: only adding this, that if it were so, yet now that Parishes are divided into

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several Presbyteries as their proper Cures, every one of them being as it were a little Diocese, the reason and signification of Vnity is the same, to have but One Altar in a Parish Church.

To this Testimony of Ignatius of the use in his time I will add another of his, in his Epistle ad Antiochenos, where in his Salutes he speaketh thus;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I salute the keepers of the Holy Doors, the Deaconisses which are in Christ;
that is, the Doors the women entred in at. For so we may learn from the Compiler of the Apostolical Constitutions, Lib. 2. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. al. 61. describing a Church assembly;a 1.44
Stent ostiarii, saith he, ad introitus virorum, illos custodientes; Diaconissae ad introitus foeminarum.
But if they had in Ignatius his time Holy Doors, (or, as some render it,* 1.45 sacra vestibula) who can believe also but they had Holy Houses?

This Epistle indeed is none of the confessed ones: The title is excepted against; as that Ignatius wrote no Epistle ad Antiochenos, because Eusebius, and after him S. Hierom, when they rehearse his Epistles, make no mention of any such. Yet were the Antiochi∣ans his flock, his pastoral charge. Who would not then think it unlikely that, amongst so many Epistles written to other Churches in his going that long journey from Antioch to Rome, to receive the crown of Martyrdom, (yea to Smirna, through which he had passed) he should not remember with one farewel Epistle that Church whereof he was Bishop and Pastor, as well as the rest? Thus much I dare say, That this is as strong an Argument every whit to perswade that he wrote such an Epistle, (especially there be∣ing one extant under that Title,) as Eusebius his silence (for S. Hierom did but follow his steps) is that he did not. For why should it be thought more necessary that Eusebius should have met with all the Epistles of Ignatius in the Library of AElia or Ierusalem, (whence he* 1.46 professeth to have collected the whole matter of his History,) then he did with all the Works and Commentaries of some other Ecclesiastical men whom he men∣tioneth; many of those Writings, besides those he rehearseth, he confesseth not to have come to his hands or knowledg either what or how many they were? See him Hist. Lib. 5. c.a 1.47 26. & Lib. 6. c.b 1.48 10. This will be yet more considerable, if we remember that some Books, even of the Canon of the New Testament, were not known to some Chur∣ches at the sames time with the rest, and therefore a while doubted of, after they had notice of them. Besides, it is to be noted that Eusebius in express terms undertakes only to recite those Epistles of Ignatius which he wrote as he passed through Asia: but after his coming into Europe (whence those Epistles are dated which he mentions not) whether any thing were written by him or not he informs us nothing. Nay, which is yet more, Vedelius grants the words and sentences of this Epistle to be the most of them, by their style and character, the words and sentences of Ignatius; but he would have them therefore to be taken out of some of his other Epistles, to wit, according to a new and a strange conceit of his, that the genuine Epistles of Ignatius have been robbed and gelded of much of their contents, to make up more Epistles under new Titles. He excepts only in this Epistle against the Salutations at the end thereof; because there were not so many or no sucha 1.49 Church-offices in Ignatius his time as are there mentio∣ned. But what is this else but to beg the question? Till therefore some body shall not only affirm, but prove there were no such, no not in the Church of Antioch, (b 1.50 whence divers ecclesiastical customs had their first beginning, which were afterwards imitated by the rest of the Churches) I can see no just cause hitherto why I should not be∣lieve this passage, as well as the rest, and so the whole Epistle, to have had Ignatius for its Author. And so I leave it.

[unspec 2] For the middle of this Seculum, or thereabouts, there are* 1.51 extant two short Epistles of Pius the first, Bishop of Rome, to one Iustus Viennensis; none of the De∣cretals, (for they are indeed counterfeit,) but others diverse from them, which no man hath yet, that I know of, proved to be supposititious. In the first whereof there is mention made of one Euprepia, a pious and devout Matron, who consigned the Title of her House unto the Church for the use of Sacred assemblies.

Antequam Româ exiisses, (saith he) soror nostra Euprepia (sicut bene recordaris) titulum domûs suae pauperibus assignavit; ubi nunc cum pauperibus nostris commorantes,* 1.52 Missas agimus.
He seems by pauperes, the poor, to note the Clergy, which in his other Epistle he calls Senatus pauperum, Salutat te Senatus pauperum: Otherwise the whole Christian flock might be so called; according to that in the Gospel, Pauperes Evangelizantur. The poor have the Gospel preached to them, (Matt. 11. 5. Luke 7. 22.) and that of Esa. ch. 61. 1.

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applied by our Saviour, Luke 4. 18. The Lord hath anointed me to preach the Gospel to the poor; and according to that in the Parable, Luke 14. 21. Introduc pauperes, Bring in hither the poor. Perhaps in those perillous times they were wont to make their Donations of this kind under such covert names.

In the second Epistle to the same Iustus, he mentions certain Martyrs who had then newly (as he there speaks) triumphed over the world: amongst which he men∣tions one Pastor, by Office a Presbyter, who before his death had erected or created a Ti∣tulus, that is, a Church, as that name is vulgarly known to signifie:

Presbyter Pastor (saith he) Titulum condidit, & dignè in Domino obiit.
Why the Roman Church called such places by the name of Tituli, whether because of their dedication the the Name of Christ our Lord was as it were inscribed upon them, (as the manner then was to set the Names or Titles of the Owners upon their Houses and possessions,) and so it would concurr in notion with those other names of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & Basilica, The Lord's, and The King's; or whether because they gave a Title of Cure or deno∣mination to the Presbyters to whom they were committed, (for the chief or Episco∣pal Church I doubt whether it were so called or not,) let others determine.

I shall not do amiss, I think, if I add to this testimony a passage of Theophilus An∣tiochenus, (who lived at the same time) which though, I grant, it be indifferent to be otherwise understood, yet seems very prone to be construed for our purpose. It is to be found in his second Book ad Autolicum, where having compared the World to the Sea, he follows the Allegory thus; a 1.53

Quemadmodum (saith he) in Mari insulae quaedam prominent habitabiles, frugiferae, & quibus est aqua salubris, necnon navalia, & portus commodi, quò se naufragi reciperent; sic Deus dedit mundo, qui peccatoum tempestatibus & naufragiis jactatur, Synagogas, quas Ec∣clesias sanct as nominamus, [Or. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in quibus veritatis doctrina fervet, ad quas confugiunt veritatis studiosi, quotquot salvari Deique judicium & iram evit are volunt.
It is ambiguous what he means here by Ecclesiae, Churches: but if it were pro∣bable that Synagoga were here taken, as it is usually in the New Testament, for a Place, then might we determine that Ecclesia were so taken also, and not for a Company or Assembly only.

Well, howsoever Ecclesia be taken in this passage (which I reckon not upon,) yet thus much I am sure of, That toward the end of this Century it was used for a [unspec 3] Place of Sacred assembly; witness Clemens Alexandr. (who then lived) Lib. 7. Strom. where speaking of the Church or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I call not now the Place, but the congre∣gation of the Elect, Ecclesia, the Church: whereby it appears, that in his time Ecclesiae was used for the Place of the assembly of the Elect, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as he calls them, that is, of the Saints, and not for the Congregation only; for otherwise this Caution needed not. And so* 1.54 himself uses it in that story of the young man whom S. Iohn committed to a Bishop of Asia to be instructed and trained up in the Christian piety and discipline, and who afterwards was by ill company withdrawn to lewd and de∣bauched courses, and became Captain of a band of robbers in the mountains: For there when S. Iohn, after a time coming again to visit the Churches, demanded of the Bishop an account of the Charge he had committed to him; the Bishop answers,

He is become a villain and a robber, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and now instead of the Church he hath laid hold of a Mountain, with a com∣pany like himself.
To conclude, if the Name were in Clemens his time, undoubtedly the Thing was. And this is my proof for the latter end of this Centurie.

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In the Third Centurie.

NOW are we arrived at the Third Seculum, and the last under the Ethnick and persecuting Emperors:* 1.55 wherein the Testimonies of the Christians Orato∣ries do abound, and are such as will out-face any that shall dare contradict them.

For the beginning of this Centurie, Tertullian shall give in Evidence; first, in his Book De Idololatria: Where declaiming against some Christian Artificers, who because it was their occupation and trade, thought it lawful to make Idols for the Gentiles, so themselves worshipped them not, he speaks thus;a 1.56

Totâ die ad hanc partem zelus fidei perorabit, inge∣mens Christianum ab Idolis in EC∣CLESIAM venire, de adversaria officina in DOMUMDEI venire; attollere ad Deum patrem manus matres Idolorum; his manibus adorare quae (nempe in operibus suis.) foris (1. in Templis Gentium) adversus Deum ado∣rantur; eas manus admovere Corpori Domini quae Daemoniis corpora conferunt.
Mark here, DOMUS DEI THE HOUSE OF GOD, & ECCLE∣SIA THE CHURCH expounded by it; In Ecclesiam venire, idest, In Do∣mum Dei venire; To come into the Church, that is, To come into the house of God; and both of them set in opposition to an Idol-shop.

Of this Domus Dei or House of God, in his Book adversus Valentinianos, cap. 2. he describes unto us the form and posture upon this occasion. He compares the Valen∣tinian heresie, in respect of their affected secresie and reservedness in hiding the mysteries of their doctrine, to the Eleusinian Holies, whose Temple had many Cur∣tains and doors, through which those that were to be initiated were five years in passing before they could be admitted unto the Adytum or Sacrarie where the Deity was: whereas contrariwise, he proveth out of Scripture the badge and genius of the Religion of Christ to consist in a Dove-like simplicity and openness, and accordingly had its Oratories or Houses of worship, not like that of the Eleusinian Holies, con∣cealed with multiplicity of walls, veils, turnings and windings, but agreeable to and as it were figuring its disposition. For,

Nostrae Columbae domus (saith he) simplex, etiam in editis & opertis, & ad lucem. Amat figuram Spiritûs sancti, Orientem Christi figuram. Nihil veritas erubescit, &c.b 1.57 Nostrae Columbae domus, i. Do∣mus religionis nostrae columbinae, or Ca∣tholici Christi gregis, qui Columbâ figura∣tur;
namely, as he said a little before, Christum Columba demonstrare solita est, serpens verò tentare; meaning, as I suppose, not so much Christ personal, as Christ mystical, that is, the Disciples or Religion of Christ. For it is the conclu∣sion of his proofs brought out of Scripture, to shew that Simplicity was the Livery of Christ's Disciples or Religion;c 1.58
In summa, saith he, Christum columba de∣monstrare solita est, &c.
And other∣wise, that [solita est, is wont] would scarcely be true; since Christ personal is but once pointed out by a Dove, namely, at his Baptism. This House, saith he, isd 1.59 simplex, that is,
sine tot portarum & sipariorum involucris:
Alsoe 1.60 in ediis & apertis, places which Doves delight in; & ad lucem, that is, toward the place whence light springeth, or the Sun rising: For A∣mat figuram Spiritûs sancti, that is, the Dove, as also Orientem Christi figuram; wherein be alludes to that Oriens ex alto or Day-spring from on high in Zacharie's* 1.61 Benedictus,

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and hath reference to the word, & ad lucem, i. ad locum vel plagam lucis. For, that the Churches of Christians anciently were turned toward the East, appears by the Author of the* 1.62 Apostolical Constitutions, which surely are as ancient as Tertullian:a 1.63 Domus sit oblonga, ad Orientem conversa, saith he. Besides, it appears out of * 1.64 Tertullian himself, that Christians then worshipped towards the East, and therefore more than probable their Houses were sited and accommodated accordingly. Thus I have done my best to clear this passage, because the Author is crabbed and obscure.

There are two or three* 1.65 more places in the same Father where the Christian Ora∣tories are mentioned by the name of Ecclesia: but because the ambiguous and indiffe∣rent signification of this word, either for a Place or an Assembly, makes them not con∣victive, unless some circumstance be annexed which determines it, I will only produce that De corona Militis, Cap. 3. where concerning th Sacrament of Baptism he speaks thus;b 1.66

Aquam alituri, ibidem, sed & aliquanto priùs in Ecclesia, sub Antistitis manu, contestamue nos renunciare Diabo∣lo, & Pompae & Angelis ejus: dehinc ter mergitamur.
I say, Ecclesia here signifies the Place. For the clearing whereof, know that the Baptisteries, or places of water for Baptism, in those elder times were not, as now our Fonts are, within the Church, but without, and often in places very remote from it. When therefore Tertullian here saith, That those who were to be baptized first made their Abrenunciatin in the Church sub manu Antistitis, (that is, as I suppose, the Bishop or Priest laying hands upon them, either in the mean time, or as soon as they had done) and afterward again at the Water; he must needs by Ecclesia mean the Place: otherwise if it were taken for the Assembly of the faithful, the Church in that sense was present also at the Water. But Ecclesia here and the Water are supposed to be two distinct places; in both of which (according to the rite of the African Churches.) Abrenunciation was to be performed;
Aquam adituri, IBIDEM (i. apud aquam) sed & aliquanto priùs in ECCLESIA, contestamur nos renunciare Diabolo, &c.
And thus much for the testimony of Tertullian.

My next witness is Hippolitus, who flourished between the twentieth and thirtieth year of this Century in the reign of Alexander Mammeae. He, in his Treatise De con∣summatione mundi seu de Antichriste, describing the signs and impieties which should precede the Persecution of Antichrist, (as he conceived thereof,) hath this passage concerning the irreligion and profaneness which should then reign; c 1.67

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Tem∣pla Dei domorum communium instar erunt; ubique Ecclesiarum eversiones fi∣ent, Scriptura contemnentur.
And in his description of the Persecution it self, this;d 1.68
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.69 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Sacrae Ec∣clesiarum aedes instar Pomorum custodiae erunt, pretiosúm{que} corpus & sanguis non exstabit in diebus illis; Liturgia extingue∣tur, Psalmorum decantatio cessabit, Scrip∣turarum recitatio non audictur.
No man of reason can believe but that he that speaks thus knew and was well acquainted with such Places in his own time; though his de∣scription be of that which was to be in time to come: For it would be a marvellous conceit, to think he prophesied of them, having never seen them. Nay, a prophane Testimony will further confirm us he needed not:* 1.70 For Lampridius reports of this Alexander Mammeae, (in whose time Hippolytus lived)e 1.71
Quòd cùm Chri∣stiani quendam locum, qui publicus fuerat, occupàssent; contrà Popinarii dicerent, sibi cum deberi; rescripsit Imperator, Melins esse ut quomodocun∣que illic Deus colatur, quàm Popinariis dedatur.

About the middle of this Century flourished that famous Gregorie of Neocaesarea,

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surnamed Thaumaturgus. He in his Epistola Canonica (as the Greeks call it) describ∣ing the five degrees or admissions of Penitents, according to the discipline of his time, (which he calls

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) a 1.72 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) est extra portam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ORATORII, ubi peccatorem stantem oportet Fideles ingredientes orare ut pro se precentur. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i. Auditio) est intra por∣tam, in loco qui 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dicitur, ubi oportet eum qui peccavit stare usque ad Catechumenos, & illine egredi. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i. Substratio) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 NAOY 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ut intra Templi portam consistens, cum Ca∣techumenis egrediatur. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i. Congregatio seu Consistentia) est ut cum Fidelibus consistat, & cum Catechume∣nis non egrediatur. Postremò est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, participatio Sacramentorum. Who sees not here
that Christians in his time had Oratories or Sacred Houses to worship in, and those accommodated with distinct places of remoter and nearer admission.

Nay, further, we find in this Gregorie's life written by Gregory Nyssen, that he was himself a great Founder and erecter of these sacred Edifices; whereof the Church built by him at Neocaesarca in Pontus (where he was Bishop) was still standing in Gregorie Nyssen's time. Hear his words, where he relates the speedy and wonderful success this Thaumaturgus had in the con∣version of that City:b 1.73

Cùm omnibus omnia fieret, saith he, tantum sibi anxilio Spiritûs repentè populum adjunxit, ut ad Templi fabricationem animum adjiceret; (Gr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) cùm omnes offerendo tam pecunias quàm operas suas studium ejus adjuvarent. Hoc est Templum quod usque hodie ostenditur; quod magnus ille Vir statim aggressus, quasi fundamentum atque 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sacer∣dotii sui (i. Episcopâtus) in maximè conspicuo urbis loco constituit.
He adds besides, that whereas in his own time there had hapned a most grievous Earth∣quake, c 1.74
Quo omnia tam publica quam privata aedificia disjecta essent; solùm illud Templum [Gregorianum] illaesum & inconcussum mansisse.

Nor is this all; He tells in the same place how that a little before the perse∣cution of Decius (which was Anno Christi 252.) this Thaumaturgus, having conver∣ted not the City of Neocaesara only, but the whole territorie adjoyning, to the Faith of Christ,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Converts pulling down their Idol-Altars and Idol-Temples, and in every place erecting 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
Oratories in the name of Christ, stirred up the fury and in∣dignation of the Emperour.

About the same time with this Gregory lived S. Cyprian at Carthage.* 1.75 In him I ob∣serve the Christian Oratories twice remembred; once by the name ofd 1.76 Dominicum, i. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, another time ofe 1.77 Ecclesia. The first in his Book De opere & eleemosynis, speaking against communicating the holy Eucharist without an Offering; f 1.78

Matrona, saith he, quae in Ecclesia Christi locuples & dives es, Dominicum (sacrificium) celebrate to credis, quae cor∣bonam omnino non respicis, quae in Domi∣nicum sine sacrificio venis, quae partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit sumis?
The

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other in his 55. Ep. or 3. ad Cornelium; where declaiming against some lapsed Christians,* 1.79 who having in time of perse∣cution sacrificed unto Idols, would never∣theless without due penance and satisfaction be admitted again into the Church; If this be once permitted, (saith he) a 1.80

Quid superest quàm ut Ecclesia Capito∣lio cedat; & recedentibus Sacerdotibus ac Domininostri Altare removentibus, in Cleri nostri sacrum venerandúmque con∣sessum (i. in Presbyterium, seu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) Simulacra atque Idola cum Aris suis transeant?
Note that Ecclesia here and Capitolium, Christ's House and Iupiter's Temple, stand in opposition one to the other; also that Capitolium by Antonomasia is put for a Gentile Temple in general; that in the one (to wit, Ecclesia) was b 1.81
Altare Domini nostri & sacer vene∣randús{que} consessus Cleri,
in the other, c 1.82 Idola & simulacra cum Aris Diaboli. Contemporary with S. Cyprian was that famed Dionysius Alexandrinus, made Bishop somewhat before him, but out-lived him some five years, namely until 265. There is an Epistle of his extant (which is part of the Canon-Law of the Greek Church) to one Basilides, resolving certain Quaere's of his; amongst the rest, Whether a woman, during the time of her separation, might enter in∣to the Church or not: To which his answer is negative. This Quaere he expresseth thus;
De mulieribus quae sunt in abscessu, an cas sic affect as oporteat Domum Dei ingredi,
d 1.83 Gr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By which, and his answer thereunto, we learn not only that the Christians had then House of Worship, but a religious respect also to difference them from common places.

And here, because the Time fitly presents it in our way, take notice, for some reason that we shall bear of ere we have done, That this of the Christians having such Hou∣ses for their devotions was a thing publickly known to the Gentiles themselves, toge∣ther with the name whereby they called them: as appears by two Imperial Rescripts, the one of Galienus about the year 260. (recorded by Eusebius, Hist. lib. 7. c. 12. Gr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.) which calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Worshipping Places; which, hav∣ing been a little before, in the persecution of Valerianus his Father, taken from the Christians, and then in the hands of the Gentiles, Galienus graciously restored unto them, with liberty freely to exercise their Religion. The words of the Rescript, so much of them as is needful to our purpose are these;e 1.84

Imperator Caesar Publius Li∣cinius Galienus, &c. Dionysio, Pinnae, Demetrio, & caeteris Episcopis, Salutem. —Meae munificentiae beneficium per uni∣versum divulgari Orbem praecepi: Vt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. à lo∣cis religionis cultui dicatis discedatur. Et propterea vos mearum literarum exemplari uti poteritis, quo nemo deinceps vobis quicquam facessat molestiae, &c.

The other is of Aurelianus, De Libris Sibyllinis inspiciendis, when the Marcoman∣ni invaded the Empire, Anno Ch. 271. recorded by Vopiscus, in these words: f 1.85

Mirorvos, Patres sancti, (he writes to the Senate) tamdiu de aperiendis Si∣byllinis dubitâsse libris; perinde quasi in Christianorum Ecclesia, non in Templo Deorum omnium, tractaretis;
that is, in the Capitol, where the Senate used some∣times to sit.

Add to this, if you please, that which* 1.86 Eusebius relates of this Emperor, to wit, that when Paulus Samosatenus, being deposed by the Council from his Bishop∣rick, and Domnus chosen in his room, would not yield up the possession of the Church, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the matter being brought before Aurelianus the Emperor, he decrees that it should be given to those of the Sect unto whom the Bishops of

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Rome and Italy should send Letters of communion:a 1.87

Sic demum Paulus (saith Eusebius) à seculari potestate summo cum dedecore ex Ecclesia expellitur.
For that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is here meant the Chri∣stians Oratorie or House of Sacred assembly at Antioch, (and not the Bishop's house, as some would have it,) appears, both because Eusebius elsewhere so uses it, as namely Lib. 8. c. ult. & Lib. 9. c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. as also because he expounds himself presently by Ecclesia, when he saith,
Sic Paulus summo cum dedecore à potestate seculari ex Ecclesia exigitur.
For surely he meant not that he was by the secular arm cast out of the Church, as Church is taken for the Company of the Faithful, but as it signifies the Place of Sacred assembly, where this Paulus kept possession after he was deposed for Heresie by the Council.

But what need we trouble our selves thus to gather up Testimonies for the latter half of this Seculum? I have one Testimony behind which will dispatch it all at once, yea and, if need be, depose for the whole also. It is that of Eusebius in his eighth Book Hist. Eccl. in the beginning; where describing those peaceful and Halcyonian days which the Church enjoyed for many years, from the time of the Martyrdom of S. Cyprian unto that most direful persecution of Diocletian, and how wonderfully the number of Christians was advanced during that time, he speaketh on this manner: b 1.88

Quomodo quisquam infinitâ illos ho∣minum turbâ frequentatos conventus, coe∣tuúmque in singulis urbibus congregato∣rum multitudinem, illustrésque in* 1.89 Ora∣toriis concursus describere valeat? Quo∣rum causa, quum in* 1.90 Antiquis illis AE∣dificiis satis amplius loci non haberent, (vel, antiquis illis AEdificiis handqua∣quam amplius contenti)* 1.91 amplas spati∣osásque in omnibus urbibus ex funda∣mentis erexcrunt Ecclesias.
Lo here how in those Halcyonian days Christians had not only Churches or Houses of worship, but such as might then be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ancient Edifices; which how far it may reach let others judge: Se∣condly, That the number of Christians being grown so great that those ancient Fa∣bricks were no longer sufficient to contain them, they erected new and more spacious ones in every City from the foundations: And all this testified by one that himself lived and saw part of those times. These sacred Edifices Diocletian and those other surrogated Emperours (which continued that direful ten-years Persecution begun by him) commanded by their Edicts to be every where demolished, as we may read in the same Eusebius at large. The like whereunto seems never to have happened in any of the former Persecutions, in which they were only taken from the Christians, but again, when the persecution ceased, for the most part restored unto them: as in the former Persecution they were by Galienus, under the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Worshipping Places.

And thus I think I have proved by good and sufficient Testimonies, That Christi∣ans had Oratories or Churches, that is, appropriate Places for Christian worship, in every of the first three hundred years: I am well assured (whosoever be judge) long before the days of Constantine. I will add to these Authorities two or three Reasons why they must, in all likelihood, have had such Places. First, Because it is certain that in their Sacred assemblies they used then to worship and pray towards the East: which how it could be done with any order and conveniencie, is not easie to be conceived, unless we suppose the Places wherein they worshipped to have been situated and ac∣commodated accordingly, that is, chosen and appointed to that end. Secondly, Be∣cause of their Discipline, which required distinct and regular Places in their assem∣blies, for thec 1.92 Poenitentes, Audi∣tores, Catechumeni, and Fideles; and therefore argueth they met not in eve∣ry place promiscuously, but in Places already fitted and accommodated for that purpose.* 1.93 Lastly, Because they had be∣fore their eyes an example and pattern in Proseucha's and Synagogues of the Iews, from whom their Religion had its beginning; which though as contrary to the Religion of the Empire as theirs, yet had places appropriate for the exercise thereof, wheresoever they lived dispersed among the Gentiles. Who can be∣lieve that such a pattern should not invite the Christians to an imitation of the same,

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though we should suppose there were no other reasons to induce them but that of ordinary convenience?

Answers to the OBIECTIONS.

I Come now to answer the Objections* 1.94 brought by such as maintain the contrary opi∣nion, which are two. First, say they, It is not likely, no not possible, they should have any such Places, living under a Pagan and persecuting State and Em∣pire.

I answer,* 1.95 This Objection is already confuted by matter of Fact: For it is to be noted that the greatest and most cruel Persecutions, and the five last of the Ten, fall within the third or last Centurie; in which that Christians had Oratories or Houses of Christian worship, we have before proved by most indubitate and irre∣fragable Testimonies: But if in this, why not as well in the former Ages, wherein the Persecutions were, as no more in number, so far less bitter? For it is to be taken notice of, That these Persecutions were not continual, but as it were by fits; and those of the two first Centuries of no long durance; so as the Churches enjoyed long times of peace and quietness between them.

Besides, why should it seem to any one less credible that Christians should have their Oratories or Houses of worship under the Roman Empire, whilest the State thereof was yet Gentile and opposite to the Faith of Christ, than that they had them in the Kingdom of Persia, which never was Christian? For that they had them there as old as the days of Constantine, Sozomen testifieth, Lib. 2. c. 8. The occasion of the demolishing whereof by King Isdigerdes, and of that most barbarous persecution of the Christians of those Countries for thirty years together, about the year 400. Theodoret relates Lib. 5. c. 38. namely, that one Audas, out of an indiscreet and unsea∣sonable zeal, (though otherwise a vertuous and godly Bishop) having demo∣lished the Persians Pyraeum or Temple where the Fire was worshipped, and refusing to build it up again as was enjoyned him, the King thereupon mightily enraged, caused all the Christians Oratories or Churches in his dominions to be demolished likewise, and that horrible Persecution before mentioned to storm against them. Could the Christians find means and opportunity to erect Churches, that is, Houses for their Religion, under a Pagan government in Persia, and could they not under the Roman Empire?

The other Objection* 1.96 is from the Authors of Apologies against the Gentiles, Ori∣gen against Celsus, Minutius Felix, Arnobius, and Lactantius, who when the Gentiles object Atheism to the Christians, as having no* 1.97 Templa, no Arae, no Simulachra; these Authors are so far from pleading they had any such, that they answer by way of Concession, not only granting they had none, but (which is more,) affirming they ought not to have, and condemning the Gentiles which had.a 1.98

Celsus, saith Origen,* 1.99 ait nos Ararum & Statuarum Templo∣rúmque fundationes fugere.
Origen de∣nies it not, but gives the reason; b 1.100
Templorum fundationes fugimus, quia ubi per Iesu Doctrinam comperimus quem∣admodum colendus sit Deus, ea nos evi∣tamus quae sub pietatis praetextu & opini∣one quadam impios reddant qui à vero per Iesum cultu aberrando falluntur, qui utique solus est veri cultûs via, veréque illud profatur, Ego sum Via, Veritas, & Vita.

Minutius Felix, when Caecilius objects, c 1.101

Cur occultare & abscondere quic∣quid illud quod colunt magnopere ni∣tuntur? —Cur nullas Aras habent, Templa nulla, nulla nota Simulachra? —nisi illud quod colunt & interpri∣munt out puniendum est, ant pudendum;

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brings in his Octavius answering thus, a 1.102

Putatis autem nos occultare quod coli∣mus, si Delubra & Ars non habemus? Quod enim Simulachrum Deo fingam, cùm, si rectè existimes, sit Dei homo ipse Simulachrum? Templum quod ei exstru∣am, cùm totus hic mundus, ejus operâ fabricatus, eum capere non possit? & cùm homo* 1.103 latius maneam, intra unam AEdiculam vim tantae Majestatis inclu∣dam? Nonne melius in nostra dedicandus est mente, in nostro imo consecrandus est pectore?

* 1.104 Arnobius:b 1.105

In hac consuéstis parte crimen nobis maximum impietatis affigere, quòdneque AEdes sacr as venerati∣onis ad officia exstruamus, non Deorum alicujus Simulachrum constituamus ant formam, non* 1.106 Altaria fabricemus, non Aras.
* 1.107 He denies none of this, but thus answers:c 1.108
Templa quaerimus, in Deorum quosusus? aut in cujus rei neces∣sitatem aut dicitis esse constructa, aut esse rursus aedificanda censetis? &c.—

* 1.109 Lactantius condemns the Gentiles for having them:d 1.110

Cur (inquit) oculos in coelum non tollitis? &, advocatis Deorum nominibus, in aperto sacrificia celebratis? Cur ad parietes & ligna & lapides potissimùm, quàm illò spectatis ubi Deos esse creditis? Quid sibi Templa? quid Arae volunt?
Quid denique ipsa Si∣mulachra? Who would now think that Christians had any Churches or Houses of worship in these Authors days?

This Objection indeed looks very big at the first sight,* 1.111 but it is no more but a shew, and we shall deal well enough with it. For we are to take notice, that these Au∣thors, all four of them, lived and wrote within and after the Third Seculum was be∣gun, and the eldest of them Minutius Felix after Tertullian; Origen after him: yea, why do I say after the Third Seculum was begun or within it? whenas two of them, Arnobius and Lactantius, lived and wrote rather after it was ended, and in the begin∣ning of the Fourth; Arnobius in the time of the Persecution of Diocletian, Lactantius somewhat after him; for he was his Scholar, and dedicates his Institutions adversùs Gentes to Constantine the Great.

Now then remember what Authorities and Testimonies were even now produced for the Christians Oratories all that Seculum throughout, not Probabilities only, but such as are altogether irrefragable and past contradiction. This they seem not to have considered, unless they dissembled it, who so securely urge these passages, to infer a Conclusion point-blank against evidence of Fact. As for example, (I will alledge no more but what is out of possibility to be denied or eluded) Had the Christians no Oratories or Churches in Gregory Thaumaturgus his time? Had they none in S. Cypri∣an's? Had they none in the days of Dionysius Alexandrinus? Had they none when Galienus released their* 1.112 To 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉? Had they none in those Halcyo∣nian days whereof Eusebius speaks, when the multitude of Christians was grown so great, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the ancient Edifices were no longer able to con∣tain their Assemblies; but that they were fain to build new and spacious Churches in every City from the foundations? Had they none when the Edict of Diocletian came forth for demolishing them? For all these were before that either Arnobius or Lactan∣tius wrote. Let those therefore, who put so much confidence in these passages, tell us, before they conclude, how to untie this knot, and then shall say some∣thing.

What then, will you say, is the meaning of these passages? and how may they be satisfied, and this sruple taken off? I answer; The Gentiles in these Objections had

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a peculiar notion of what they called a Temple: and these Fathers and Authors, in their disputes with them, answer them according unto it. For they defined a Temple by an Idol and the inclosure of a Diety; not of the Statue or Image only, but of the De∣mon himself: that is, They supposed their Gods by the power of Spells and Magical consecrations to be retained and shut up in their Temples, as Birds in a Cage, or the Devil within a circle, that so their suppliants might know where to have them when they had occasion to seek unto them; and that, for such retaining or circumscribing of them in a certain Place, an Idol was necessary, as the Centre of their collocation. Thus much Origen himself will inform us in those his disputes against Celsus, as in his 3. Book pag. 135. Editionis Graeco-lat. where he describes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Temples and Idols, to be places where Demons are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, enthroned or seated, either ha∣ving preoccupied such places of themselves,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or brought thither by certain Ceremonies and Magical invocations, do as it were dwell there. And again, Lib. 7. pag. 385. in fin. telling us that Demons 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sate in those kind of Forms and Places, (viz. Idols and Temples) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. either lodged and confined thither by Magical conse∣crations, or otherwise having preoccupied the places of themselves; where they are delight∣fully fed and refreshed (for so the Gentiles thought) with the nidor and savour of the Sacrifices.
I shall not need to produce the rest of his sayings to the same purpose; let him that will consult him further in the end of that 7. Book pag. 389. and a little be∣fore, pag. 387. in fin. To this confining of Gods in Temples (that so those that had occasion to use their help might not be to seek, but know where to find them) that also of Menander cited by Iustin Martyr, in his De Monarchia Dei, hath reference.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
No God pleaseth me that gads abroad, None that leaves his house shall come in my Book. —A just and good God ought To tarry at home to save those that placed him.

According to this notion of a Temple, these Authors alledged grant that Christians neither had any Temples, no nor ought to have; forasmuch as the God whom they worshipped, was such a one as filled the Heaven and the Earth, and dwelt not in Temples made with hands.* 1.113 And because the Gentiles appropriated the name of a Temple to this notion of encloistering a Deity by an Idol; therefore the Christians of those first Ages, for the most part, abstained therefrom, especially when they had to deal with Gentiles, calling their Houses of worship Ecclesiae, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (whence is the Dutch and our English Kurk and Church) in Latine Dominica; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, Oratories, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the like: seldom 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Templa; that* 1.114 appellation being grown, by the use of both sides, into a name of distinction of the Houses of Gentile Superstition from those of Christian Worship. Which that I affirm not upon bare conjecture, these Examples will make manifest. First, that of Aurelian the Emperor, before alledged, in his Epistle to the Senate. De Libris Sibylli∣nis inspiciendis:a 1.115

Miror vos, Patres sancti, tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis dubitâsse libris, perinde quasi in Christia∣norum ECCLESIA, non in TEMPLO Deorum omnium, tractaretis.
And that of Zeno Veronensis, in his Sermon de Conti∣nentia: b 1.116
Proponamus itaque, ut saepe contingit, in unum sibi convenire diversae religionis diem, quo tibi ECCLESIA, illi adeunda sint TEMPLA.
(He speaks of a Christian woman married to a Gentile.) That also of S. Hierom, in in his Epistle ad Riparium, saying of Iuli∣an

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the Apostate,a 1.117

Quòd Sanctorum BASILICAS aut destruxerit, aut in TEMPLA converterit.
Thus they spake when they would distinguish: Otherwise, now and then, the Christian Fathers use the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Templum for Ecclesia; but respecting the Temple of the true God at Ierusalem, not the notion of the Gentiles.

That this Answer is true and genuine, I prove, first, Because the Gentiles them∣selves, [unspec 1] who objected this want to the Christians, neither were nor could be ignorant that they had Oratories where they performed their Christian service; when they were so notoriously known (as we saw before) to the Emperors Galienus and Aure∣lian, and a controversie about one of them referred unto the latter; when also the Emperor's Edicts flew about in every City for demolishing them. Why therefore do they object in this manner, but because, for the defect of something they thought thereto necessary, they esteemed not those Oratories for Temples?

Secondly, Because in that dispute between Origen and Celsus it is supposed by both [unspec 2] that the Persians and Iews were, as concerning this matter, in like condition with the Christians, neither of both enduring to worship their Gods in Temples. Hear Origen speak, Lib. 7. p. 385, 386.b 1.118

Licet Scythae Afríque Numidae, &* 1.119 impii Se∣res, ut Celsus ait, aliaeque gentes, atque etiam Persae* 1.120 aversentur TEMPLA, ARAS, STATVAS; non candem aversandi causam esse illis & nobis:
and a little after;
Inter abhorrentes* 1.121 ab ARARVM, TEMPLORVM, STATVARVM ceremoniis, Scythae, Numidae, impiíque Seres & Persae aliis moventur rationibus quàm Christiani & Iudaei, quibus religio est sic numen colere. Illarum enim gentium nemo ab his alienus est—quòd intelligat, Daemonas DE∣VINCTOS haerere CERTIS LO∣CIS & STATVIS, sive incanta∣tos quibusdam magicis carminibus, sive aliàs incubantes locis semel praeoccupatis, ubi lurconum more se oblectant victima∣rum nidoribus.—Caeterùm Christiani homines & Iudaei sibi temperant ab his, propter illud, Legis, Dominum Deum tuum timebis, & ipsi soli servies; item propter illud, Non erunt tibi alieni Dii praeter me; &, Non facies tibiipsi si∣mulacrum, &c.
Lo here, it is all one with Origen to have Templa, as to wor∣ship * 1.122 other Gods: as it was a little be∣fore with Minutius Felix his Octavius (if you mark it) to have Delnbra & Simulacra.

Yet certainly neither Celsus nor Origen, whatsoever they here say of the Persians and Iews, were ignorant that the Persians had their* 1.123 Pyraea or Pyrathaea, (Houses where the Fire was worshipped) though‖ 1.124 without Images or Statues; also that the Iews had both then, and also formerly, their Synagogues and Proseuchae in the places and Countries where they were dispersed; and once a most glorious and magnificent Temple or Sanctuary: Ergo, by Temples they understand not Houses of prayer and re∣ligious rites in the general; but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Places where Demons were incloistered by the position of an Idol or consecrated Statue. And here let me add (because it is not impertinent) what I have observed in reading the Itinerarium of Benjamin Tude∣lensis the Iew; namely, that he expresses constantly after this manner the Oratories of Iews, Turks and Christians by differing names: those of the Iews he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. Houses of assembly or Synagogues; the Turkish Mosquees 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Houses of prayer; but the Christian Churches, because of Images, (yea that renowned Church of S. So∣phie it self) he called always 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 BAMOTH, the name of the Idol-Temples in the Old Testament, which we translate High-places. This I note for an example of

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that proneness in Religions of a contrary Rite thus to distinguish, as other things, so their Places of worship, by diversity of names, though they communicate in the same common nature and use.

[unspec 3] Thirdly, That the Answer I have given to these objected passages is genuine, I prove, Because some of these Authors acknowledge elsewhere that Christians had Houses of Sacred worship in their time. As namely Arnobius (whose words were as pressing as any of the rest, yet) in the self-same Books acknowledges the Christian Oratories by the name of CONVENTICULA or Meeting-places; by that name endeavouring, I suppose, to express the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The place is about the end of his fourth Book adver∣sùs Gentes:a 1.125

Quòd si haberet vos (saith he) aliqua vestris pro religionibus indignatio, has potiùs literas,
(he means the Poets absurd and blasphemous fictions and tales of their Gods,)
hos exurere debuistis olim libros; demoliri, dissolve∣re Theatra haec potiùs, in quibus infamiae numinum propudiosis quotidie publicantur in fabulis,
(of this their scurrilous dis∣honouring of their Gods upon the Stage he had spoken much before.)
Nam no∣stra quidem scripta cur ignibus meruerint dari? cur immaniter CONVENTI∣CVLA dirui? in quibus* 1.126 summus oratur Deus, pax cunctis & venia postu∣latur, Magistratibus, Exercitibus, Regi∣bus, Familiaribus, Inimicis, adhuc vitam degentibus, & resolutis corporum vinctione, &c.
He alludes unto the burning of the Books of Scripture and demolition of the Christians Oratories by Diocletian; of which see Eusebius, Lib. 8. c. 2. And know from hence when Arnobius wrote.

Nay Origen himself, one of the first brought to depose against us, (if Rufinus his Translator deserve my credit) will in his Homily upon the 9. chap. of Iosua testifie both for Churches and Altars among Christians in his time. For thus he allegorizeth there the story of the Gibeonites, whose lives Iosua and the Elders spared, but gave them no better entertainment than to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for the Congregation and for the Altar of the Lord:b 1.127

Sunt quidam in Ecclesia (saith he)* 1.128 credentes quidem, & ha∣bentes sidem in Deum, & acquiescentes in omnibus divinis praeceptis, quíque etiam erga servos Dei religiosi sunt & servire eis cupiunt; sed & ad ornatum ECCLE∣SIAE vel ministerium satis prompti pa∣ratíque sunt: in actibus verò suis & con∣versatione propria, obscoenitatibus & vi∣tiis involuti; nec omnino deponentes ve∣terem hominem cum actibus suis, sed in∣voluti vetustis vitiis & obscoenitatibus su∣is, siut & isti (i. Gabaonitae) pannis & calceamentis veteribus obtecti: praeter hoc, quòd in Deum credunt, & erga ser∣vos Dei vel ECCLESIAE cultum (i. ornatum) videntur esse devoti, nihil ad∣hibent emendationis vel innovationis in mores, &c. And a little after; Verun∣tamen sciendum est, quantum ex hujusce∣modi figurarum adumbrationibus edoce∣mur, quòd si qui tales sunt in nobis, quo∣rum fides hoc tantummodo habet, ut ad ECCLESIAM veniant, & inclinent caput suum sacerdotibus, (mark here a custom) officia exhibeant, servos Dei

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honorent, ad ornatum quoque ALTA∣RIS vel ECCLESIAE aliquid con∣serant, non tamen adhibent studium ut etiam mores suos excolant, actus emen∣dent, vitia deponant, castitatem colant, iracundiam mitigent, avaritiam repri∣mant, rapacitatem refraenent;—sciant, sibi, qui tales sunt, qui emendare se no∣lunt, sed in his usque in senectutem ulti∣mam perseverant, partem sortémque ab Iesu Domino cum Gabionitis esse tribu∣endam.

Thus Origen by his Interpreter. And if any where Rufinus may be trusted, sure he may in this; forasmuch as in his Perora∣tion in Epist. ad Romanos he hath given us his word, that in his translation of this and the next Book he took not his wonted liberty to insert or alter any thing, but simply expressed every thing as he found it. Hear his words;a 1.129

Illa (saith he) quae in Iesu Nave & in Iudicum li∣brum & in 36, 37, & 38. Psalm. scrip∣simus, simpliciter expressimus ut inveni∣mus, & non multo cum labore transtuli∣mus. Vide locum & Erasmi Censuram Lib. Origen.
Besides, he that but consi∣ders the matter together with the brevity of this Homily, cannot see a possibility how these passages can be an addition or supplement of the Translator's, unless he made the whole Homily; because the contents of them are the only argument there∣of, and being taken from it nothing would be remaining.

Lastly, Because the fore-alledged words of Lactantius are so usually brought against us, though they be nothing urgent, and his time be altogether repugnant to any such inference; yet absolutely to take away all scruple, let us hear him also, Instit. Lib. 5. c. 2. expresly giving evidence for us, and that even by the name of Templum. b 1.130

Ego (saith he) cum in Bithynia lite∣ras oratorias accitus docerem, contigis∣sét que eodem tempore ut Dei Templum ever∣teretur; duo exstiterunt ibidem, qui ja∣centi atque objectae veritati, (the Chri∣stian verity) nescio utrùm superbiùs an importunius, insultârunt.
See the rest which follows. This was when the Edict of Diocletian came forth for the demolishing of the Christian Churches.

And thus having removed that stumbling-stone which hath been the main induce∣ment to the contrary opinion, so prejudicial to those works of religious bounty and piety; I hope my Proofs will find the freer passage with those of understanding and judgment, to whose pious consideration I have devoted this my Discourse.

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THE REVERENCE OF GODS HOUSE. ECCLESIASTES 5. 1.

Look to thy foot [or feet] when thou comest to the House of God: and be more ready to obey, than to offer the sacrifice of fools; for they know not that they do evil.

SOLOMON, whom God chose to build that sacred and glorious Temple to his Name,* 1.131 it hath pleased his holy Spirit to make also our principal Instructor how we ought to demean our selves in such sa∣cred places. This appears, as by that his solemn and famous Pray∣er made at the Dedication thereof, so also by this Scripture which I have now begun to read; the first seven verses of this Chapter, if we will rightly understand them, being wholly spent upon that ar∣gument, and containing precepts and instructions fitted to the several duties of holy worship we are to perform, both at our coming thither, and whilest we remain there.

To unfold them all, were too much for the shortness of the time allotted me: May it please you therefore to vouchsafe me your Christian patience and charitable atten∣tion, whilest I utter my thoughts upon the words I have now read. For the better and more distinct explication whereof, consider in them these two parts; An Admonition, and a Caution. 1. An Admonition of reverent and awful demeanour when we come to God's House; Look to thy foot, or feet, when thou comest to the House of God. 2. A Caution, not to prefer the secondary Service of God before the first and principal; Be more ready to obey, than to offer the sacrifice of fools; for they know not that they do evil. In the first, or Admonition, I will consider two things: 1. The Place, God's House; 2. The Duty of those who come thither, Look to thy feet. Of these in order, and first of the Place, God's House.

SECTION I.

THE House of God is the place set apart for his Worship and service, and so hath peculiar Relation unto him; wherewith being invested it becomes sacred and holy; not only whilest Divine duties are performed therein, as some erroneously af∣firm, but as long as it is for such use; namely, according to the nature of other Sa∣cred things, which continue their state of separateness and sanctity, so long as that relation they have unto God (wherein this Sanctity consists) is not quite abolish∣ed.

To erect and set apart such Places as these for the exercise of the Rites of Religion, is derived from the Instinct of Nature, and approved of God from the beginning. It began not with that Tabernacle or ambulatory Temple which Moses caused to be made by God's appointment at Mount Sinai, but was much more ancient. Noah built an Altar as soon as he came out of the Ark Abraham, Isaac and Iacob, (whereso∣ever they came to pitch their Tents,) erected Places for Divine worship, (that is, Altars with their septs and enclosures) without any special appointment from God. Iacob in particular vowed a place for Divine worship by the name of God's House, where he would pay the Tithes of all that God should give him, Gen. 28. 19, &c. Lo here a Church endowed. Yea Moses himself (Exod. 33. 7.) before the Ark and

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that glorious Tabernacle were yet made, pitched a Tabernacle for the same purpose without the Camp, whither every one that sought the Lord was to go.* 1.132 And all this was done tanquam recepti moris, as a thing of custom, and as mankind by Tradition had learned to accommodate the Worship of their God, by appropriating some Place to that use; Nature teaching them, that the work was honoured and dignified by the peculiarness of the place appointed for the same; and that if any work were so to be honoured, there was nothing it more beseemed than the Worship and service of Al∣mighty God, the most peculiar and incommunicable act of all other.

Nay more than this; It was believed in those elder times, That that Country or Territory, wherein no Place was set apart for the Worship of God, was unhallowed and unclean. Which, I think, I rightly gather from that Story in the Book of Iosua, of the Altar built by Reuben, Gad and the half Tribe of Manasseh upon the bank of the River Iordan; which Iosua and the Elders, as their words intimate, supposed they had done lest the land of their possession, being by the River Iordan cut off from the land of Canaan, (where the Lord's Tabernacle was) and so having no place therein consecrated to the worship of their God, might otherwise be an unclean and unhallowed habitation. Hear the words of Phinehas and the Princes sent to disswade them (Iosua 22. 19.) and judge whether they import not as I have said. If the land (say they) of your possession be* 1.133 unclean, then pass ye ver unto the land of the possessi∣on of the LORD, where the LORD'S Tabernacle dwelleth, and take possessi∣on amongst us: but rebel not against the LORD, nor against us, in building you an Al∣tar besides the Altar of the LORD your God.

Now concerning the condition and property of Places thus sanctified or hallowed, what it is; whence can we learn better than from that which the Lord spake unto Mo∣ses, Exod. 20. immediately after he had pronounced the Decalogue from Mount Si∣nai:* 1.134 where premising that they should not make with him gods of gold and gods of silver, but that they should make him an Altar of earth (as namely their ambulatory state then permitted, otherwise of stone) and thereon sacrifice their burnt-offerings and peace-offer∣ings; he adds, in all places where I record my Name, I will come unto thee, and bless thee, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, In every place where the remembrance or memorial of my Name shall be, or, Wheresoever that is which I have or shall appoint to be the re∣membrance or memorial of my Name and presence, there I will come unto thee, and bless thee. Lo here a description of the Place set apart for Divine worship: It is the Place where God records his Name, and comes unto men to bless them, Two things are here specified: The Monument, Record or Memorial of God's Name; secondly, His coming or meeting therewith men. Of both let us enquire distinctly, what they mean.

I know it would not be untrue to say in general, That God's Name is recorded or remembred in that place upon which his Name is called, or which is called by his Name, (as the Scripture speaks,) that is, which is dedicate to his worship and service: But there is some more special thing intended here; namely, the Memorial or Monument of God's Name is that token or Symbole whereby he testifieth his Covenant and commerce with men. Now although the Ark called the Ark of the Covenant or Testimony, (wherein lay the* 1.135 two Tables, namely the Book or Articles of the Co∣venant, and Manna, the Bread of the Covenant) were afterwards made for this pur∣pose, to be the standing Memorial of God's Name and Presence with his people: yet cannot that be here either only, or specially aimed at; because when these words were spoken, it had no being, nor was there yet any commandment given concern∣ing the making thereof. Wherefore the Record here mentioned I understand with a more general reference to any Memorial whereby God's Covenant and commerce with men was testified: such as were the Sacrifices immediately before spoken of, and the seat of them the Altar; which therefore may seem to be in some sort the more particularly here pointed unto. For that these were Rites of remembrance, whereby the Name of God was commemorated or recorded, and his Covenant with men re∣newed and testified, might be easily proved. Whence it is that that which was burn∣ed upon the Altar is so often called the Memorial; as in Leviticus the 2. 5. 6, and 24. chapters. Accordingly the son of Sirach tells us, chap. 45. 16. that Aaron was chosen out of all men living, to offer Sacrifices to the Lord, incense and a sweet savour, for a Me∣morial, to make reconciliation for his people. Add also that (Esay 66. 3.) Qui recordatur thure, quasi qui benedicat Idolo; He that (without true contrition and humiliation be∣fore the Lord) recordeth or maketh remembrance with incense, is as if he blessed an Idol: But I must not stay too long upon this.

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You will say, What is all this to us now in the time of the Gospel? I answer, Yes: For did not Christ ordain the holy Eucharist to be the Memorial of his Name in the New Testament?* 1.136 This (saith he) is my Body, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Do this for my Commemoration,* 1.137 or in Memorial of me. And what if I should affirm that Christ is as much present here as the Lord was upon the Mercy-seat between the Cherubims? Why should not then the Place of this Memorial under the Gospel have some semblable sanctity to that where the Name of God was recorded in the Law? And though we be not now tied to one only Place, as those under the Law were; and that God heareth the faithful prayers of his Servants wheresoever they are made unto him, (as also he did then:) yet should not the Places of his Memo∣rial be promiscuous and common, but set apart to that sacred purpose. In a word, All those sacred Memorials of the Iewish Temple are both comprehended and ex∣celled in this One of Christians; the Sacrifices, Shew-bread, and Ark of the Cove∣nant; Christ's Body and Bloud in the Eucharist being all these unto us in the New Testament, agreeable to that of the Apostle, Rom. 3. 25. God hath set forth Iesus Christ to be our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 through faith in his bloud, that is, our Propitiatory or Mercy-seat; for so it is called in the Greek both of the Old and New Testament; nor is the word, I think, ever used but in that sense, unless in Ezekiel 43. for the Settle of the Altar.

But you will say, This Christian Memorial is not always actually present in our Churches, as some one or other at least of those in the Law were in the Temple. I answer, It is enough, it is wont to be; as the Chair of State loses not its relation and due respect, though the King be not always there. And remember that the Ark of the Covenant was not in Ierusalem when Daniel opened his windows and prayed thi∣therward; yea, that it was wanting in the Holy Place (I mean that sacred Cabinet made by Moses) all the time of the second (or Zorobabel's) Temple; and yet the place esteemed notwithstanding as if it had been there.

You will yet except and say, That in the Old Testament those things were ap∣pointed by divine Law and Commandment, but in the New we find no such thing. I answer, In things for which we find no new Rule given in the New Testament, there we are referred and left to the Analogy of the Old. This the Apostle's proof taken from thence for the maintenance of the Ministers of the Gospel, 1 Cor. 9. 13, 14. [viz. Thus were they, Ergo, So God hath ordained that we] will give us to un∣derstand; likewise the practice of the Church in baptizing Infants, derived surely from the Analogie of Circumcision; the hallowing of every first day of the week, as one in every seven, from the Analogie of the Iewish Sabbath; and other the like. S. Hierome witnesseth the same in that saying of his,* 1.138

Vt sciamus traditiones Apostoli∣cas sumptas ex Veteri Testamento; quod Aaron & filii ejus atque Levitae in Templo fue∣runt, hoc sibi Episcopi, Presbyteri atque Diaconi vendicant in Ecclesia: That we may know (saith he) that the Apostolick traditions were derived from the Old Testament; that which Aaron, his Sons and the Levites were in the Temple, the same do Bishops, Priests and Deacons claim in the Church.
For we are to consider, That the end of Christ's coming into the world was not properly to give new Laws unto men but to accomplish the Law already given,* 1.139 and to publish the Gospel of Reconciliation, through his Name, to those who had transgressed it. Whence it is that we find not the style of the New Testament to carry a form of enacting Laws almost any where; but those which are there mentioned, to be brought in occasionally, only by way of proof, of interpretation, exhortation, application, or the like, and not as by way of constitution or re-enacting. Meanwhile, lest I should be mistaken, mark well that I said not, the Old Testament was to be our Rule simply in the case mentioned, but the Analogie thereof only; that is, this regulation is to be made according to that propor∣tion which the difference of the two Covenants and the things in them admits, and no further: the more particular application and limitation of which Analogie is to be re∣ferred to the judgment and prudence of the Church.

There comes here very fitly into my mind a passage of Clemens, (a man of the Apostolick age, he whose name S. Paul saith was written in the Book of life) in his ge∣nuine Epistle Ad Corinthios,* 1.140 lately set forth, pag. 52.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, All those duties which the Lord hath commandedus to do, we ought to do them regularly and orderly; our Oblations and

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divine Services to celebrate them on set and appointed times. For so he hath ordained, not that we should do them at hap-hazard and without order, but at certain determined days and times: WHERE also and BY WHOM he will have them executed, himself hath defined according to his supreme will.
But where hath the Lord defined these things, unless he hath left us to the Analogy of the Old Testament.

It follows in the Text alledged, There I will come unto thee, and bless thee. In the Place where the Lord's Memorial is, where his Colours, as I may so speak, are dis∣played and set up, there, in a special manner, he vouchsafes his presence with the sons of men to bless them: or, to speak rotundè, where his Memorial is, there His 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 SHECINAH or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, (as the Hebrew Masters term it,) that is, His GLORY.* 1.141 The Gentiles ascribed the presence of their Gods to the places where Images and Statues were erected and consecrated for them: But such personal simili∣tudes the God of Israel abhors, and forbids to be made unto Him; yet promiseth his presence in every place where the Memorial or Record of his Name shall be; but of his own appointment, not of man's devising. For thus, I suppose, is the Text there to be understood, and to be construed by way of Antithesis or opposition: You shall not make with me gods of silver, nor gods of gold: An Altar only of earth, or of* 1.142 stone, shalt thou make unto me, to offer thy Sacrifices upon. For in every place where I shall record my Name, I will come unto thee, and bless thee. And here take notice, that for this reason the Tabernacle of the Lord was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Tabernacle of meeting; not of mens meeting together, as is commonly supposed, when we translate it, Tabernacle of the Congregation; but of God's meeting there with men. I have a good author for it; for so the Lord himself gives the reason of the name in three several places of the Law, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Tabernacle of meeting, here I will meet with you. See Exod. 29. 42. 30. 36. Num. 17. 4. and Masius in Ios. c. 18.

SECTION II.

THUS we have seen What is the condition and property of that Place which in my Text is called God's House. But before I proceed to speak of the Duty of those who come thither, (which was the second thing I propounded) there is one thing yet to be cleared concerning that which I last mentioned, namely, How God is said to come unto, or to be present with, men in one place more than another; seeing his Presence fills every place; Heaven being his throne, and the whole Earth his footstool. For al∣though we read often in Holy Scripture of such a SHECINAH, or Speciality of the Divine presence, and have it often in our mouths; yet what it is, and wherein the Ratio thereof consisteth, is seldom, if at all, enquired into. When we speak of Churches, we content our selves to say, That God's special presence there is in his Word and Sacraments: But though it be true that the Divine Majesty is there specially present where his Word and Sacraments are; yet seems not this Speciality of presence to be the same with his Word and Sacraments, but a diverse relation from them. This may be gathered, in some sort, out of those words of Exodus whereupon we have so long dwelt, as where the recording of God's Name and his coming thither are spoken of as two: but is more strongly evinced by such instances of Scripture, where the Lord is said to have been specially present in places where this Record of his Word and Sacra∣ments was not; as for example, to Moses in the Bush, to Iacob at Bethel, and the like. The true Ratio therefore of this SHECINAH or Speciality of Divine Presence must be sought and defined by something which is common to all these, and not by that which is proper to some only.

Well then, to hold you no longer in suspence, This Specification of the Divine pre∣sence, whereby God is said to be in one place more than another, I suppose (un∣der correction) to consist in his train or retinue. A King is there where his Court is, where his train and retinue are: So God the Lord of Hosts is there specially pre∣sent where the Heavenly Guard, the blessed Angels, keep their sacred station and ren∣dezvous.

That this is consonant to the revelation of holy Scripture, I shew, first, from the collection or inference which the Patriarch Iacob makes upon that Divine vi∣sion of his at Bethel: where having seen a ladder reaching from heaven to earth, and the Angels of God ascending and descending upon it; Surely, (saith he) the Lord is in this place,* 1.143 and I knew it not. How dreadful is this place! It is no other but

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the House of God, even the gate of Heaven, that is, Heaven's Guild-hall, Heaven's Court; namely, because of the Angels: For the Gate was wont to be the Iudgment-Hall, and the Place where Kings and Senators used to sit, attended by their guard and mi∣nisters.

Secondly, I prove it from that interpretative expression used in the New Testa∣ment of the Lord's descent upon Mount Sinai when the Law was given; intimating, that the Specification of the presence of the Divine Majesty there also consisted in the Angelical retinue there encamping. For so S. Steven, Acts 7. 53. You who have received the Law by the disposition of Angels, and have not kept it. S. Paul twice; first, Gal. 3. 19. The Law was added because of transgressions, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ordained by Angels in the hand of a Mediator: and again, Heb. 2. 2. he calls the Law, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the word spoken by Angels. Howbeit in the sto∣ry it self we find no such thing expressed, but only that the Lord descended upon the Mount in a fiery and smoking cloud,* 1.144 accompanied with thunders and lightnings, with an earthquake, and the voice of a trumpet. Whence then should this expression of S. Steven and the Apostle proceed, but from a supposition, that the Special presence of the Divine Majesty, wheresoever it is said to be, consisted in the encamping of his sacred retinue the Angels? for that of himself, He, who filleth the Heaven and the Earth, could not descend, nor be in one place more than another.

Yea all the Apparitions of the Divine Majesty in Scripture are described by this retinue. That of the Ancient of days coming to judgment, Dan. 7. 10. Thousand thousands ministred unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him; to wit, of Angels. Whence we read in the Gospel, that Christ our Saviour shall come in the glory of his Father,* 1.145 that is,* 1.146 with an Host of Angels, as the Holy Ghost himself in the same places expounds it: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Glory here signifies the Presence of the Di∣vine Majesty.

In the same style, of the same Appearing, prophesied Enoch, the seventh from Adam, Iude verse 14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Behold, the Lord cometh with his holy Myriads, or ten thousands; for so it ought to be rendred, and not, as we have it, with ten thousand of his Saints. Wherefore here the vulgar Latine comes nearer, which hath, Ecce, venit Dominus in sanctis millibus suis. A like ex∣pression whereunto of the Divine presence we shall find in Moses Blessing, Deut. 33. 2. The Lord (saith he) came* 1.147 from Sinai unto them, (i. unto Israel) and rose up from Sir unto them; he shined forth from mount Paran, he came with his holy ten thousands, or holy Myriads, (for so it should be translated: then it follows,) from his right hand went a fiery law for them. From whence perhaps that notion of the Iewish Doctors, followed by S. Steven and the Apostle [That the Law was given by Angels] had its be∣ginning. And thus you have heard out of Scripture What that is whereby the Special presence of the Divine Majesty is (as I suppose) defined, that is, wherein it consists; namely, such as is appliable to all places wherein he is said to be thus present, even to Heaven it self his Throne and Seat of glory, the proper place (as every one knows) of Angelical residence.

Now, according to this manner of presence is the Divine Majesty to be acknow∣ledged present in the Places where his Name is recorded, as in his Temple under the Law, and in our Christian Oratories or Churches under the Gospel; namely, that the heavenly Guard there attend and keep their rendezvous, as in their Master's House: according to that vision which the Prophet Esay had thereof, Esay 6. 1. I saw the Lord (saith he) sitting upon a Throne, high and lifted up, and his train filled the Temple, [Septuagint, and Iohn 12. 41. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that is, the Angels and Seraphims his stipatores; as may be gathered from that which immediately follows, verse 3. where it is said, The Seraphims cried one unto another, Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God of hosts; the whole earth is full of his Glory.

This King Agrippa in* 1.148 Iosephus intimates, in that Oration he is said to have made unto the Iews a little before that fatal siege, dehorting them from rebelling against the Romans: where speaking to the people hard by, and in view of that sacred Temple, he hath these words;

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,
I call to witness your sacred Temple and* 1.149 the holy Angels of God; name∣ly, which encamp there.

The ame is implied in that of the 138. Psalm, ver. 1, 2. according to the translation of the Septuagint and Vulgar; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, In conspectu Angolorum psallam tibi; Adorabo ad Templum sanctum tuum, & confitebor Nomini tuo: Before the Angels I will sing praise unto thee; I will worship towards thy holy Temple, and praise thy Name.

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And according to this sense I understand that of Solomon in this Book of Ecclesiastes within two or three verses of my Text, concerning vows to be made in God's House: When thou vowest a vow,* 1.150 defer not to pay it—Better it is thou shouldest not vow, than vow and not pay. Suffer not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin; neither say thou BE∣FORE THE ANGEL, It was an error;—that is, Let not such a foolish excuse come from thee in the house of God, before the holy Angels. For note that the word Angel may be taken* 1.151 collectively, for more than one.

For this cause all the curtains of the* 1.152 Tabernacle were filled with the pictures of Cherubims, and the* 1.153 walls of Solomon's Temple within with carved Cherubims; * 1.154 the Ark of the Testimony overspread and covered with two nighty Cherubims, having their faces looking towards it and the Mercy-seat, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) with their wings stretched forth on high, called Heb. 9. 5. The Cherubims of glory, that is, of the Divine Presence: All to signifie, that where God's sacred Memorial is, the en∣ign of his Covenant and commerce with men, there the blessed Angels out of duty give their attendance.

Nor is it to be over-passed, that the Iews at this day continue the like opinion of their modern Places of worship; namely, that the blessed Angels frequent their assem∣blies, and praise and laud God with them in their Synagogues: notwithstanding they have no other Memorial of his there than an imitative one only, to wit, a Chest with a Volume or Roll of the Law therein, in stead of the Ark with the two Tables. For thus speaks the Seder Tephilloth, or Form of prayer used by the Iews of Portugal; O Lord our God, the Angels, that supernal company, gathered together with thy people Israel here below, do crown thee with praises, and altogether do thrice redouble and cry that spoken of by the Prophet, Holy, Holy, Holy Lord God of hosts; the whole earth is full of his glory. They allude to Esay's Vision of the Glory of God, above mentioned.

You will say, Such a presence of Angels perhaps there was in that Temple under the Law; but there is no such thing in the Gospel. No? why? Are the Memorials of God's Covenant, his Insignia in the Gospel, less worthy of their attendance than those of the Law? or have the Angels, since the nature of man, Iesus Christ our Lord, became their Head and King, gotten an exemption from this service? Surely not. S. Paul, if we will understand and believe him, supposes the contrary, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, chap. 11. verse 10. where treating of a comely and decent accommodation to be observed in Church-assemblies, and in particular of womens be∣ing covered or veiled there, he enforces it from this presence of Angels; For this cause (saith he) ought the woman to have a covering on her head, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, be∣cause of the Angels; namely, which are there present. For otherwise the reason holds not, that she should more be covered in the Place of Prayer than any where else, un∣less the Angels be more there than elsewhere. This place much troubleth the Ex∣positors: but see what it is to admit a truth; for now there is no difficulty in it.

And that the ancient Fathers conceived no less venerably of their Christian Ora∣tories in this particular than the Iews did of their Temple, appears by S. Chrysostom, who is very frequent in urging an awful and reverent behaviour in God's house from this motive of Angelical presence. As in his Homily* 1.155 36. in 1 Corinth. where repro∣ving the irreverent behaviour of his Auditory in that Church, in talking, walking, sa∣luting, and the like, (which he saith was peculiar unto them, and such as no Christi∣ans elsewhere in the world presumed to do,) he enforces his reproof with words that come home to our purpose:

Non tonstrina, (inquit,) neque unguentaria officina, ne∣que ulla alia opiicum qui sunt in oro taberna, est Ecclesia; sed Locus Angelorum, Locus Archangelorum, Regia Dei, ipsum Coelum: The Church (saith he) is no Barber's or Drug-seller's shop, nor any other crafts-mans or merchants workhouse or warehouse in the market-place; but the place of Angels, the place of Archangels, the Palace of God, Hea∣ven it self.

And in his 4. Homily De incomprehensibili Dei natura, towards the end;

Cogia apud quem proximè stas, quibuscum invoces Deum; sil. cum Cherubim, cum Seraphim, cum omnibus coeli Virtutibus: animadverte quos habeas socios: satis hoc tibi sit ad so∣brietatem, cùm recorderis te corpore constantem & carne coagmentatum, admitti cum Virtutibus incorporeis celebrare omnium Dominum: Think near whom thou standest, with whom thou invocatest God; namely, with Cherubims and Seraphims, and all the Powers of Heaven: consider but what companions thou hast: let it be sufficient to per∣swade thee to sobriety, when thou remembrest that thou, who art compounded of flesh and bloud, art admitted with the incorporeal Powers to celebrate the common Lord of all.
But all this, you will say, the Angels may do in Heaven. Well, let it be so, yet is

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it not altogether out of our way: but the next places I shall bring will not be so elu∣ded.

Namely, that in his 15. Homily upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, against those that laughed in the Church:

Regiam quidem ingrediens, & habitu, & aspectu, & incessu, & omnibus aliis te ornas & componis: Hîc autem verè est Regia, & planè hîc talia qualia coelestia; & rides? Atque scio quidem quòd tu non vides. Audi autem, quòd ubique adsunt Angeli, & maximè in Domo Dei adsistunt, Regi, & omnia sunt impleta incorporeis illis Potestatibus: When thou goest into a King's Palace, thou composest thy self to a comeliness in thy habit, in thy look, in thy gate, and in all thy whole guise: But here is indeed the Palace of a King, and the like attendance to that in Heaven; and dost thou laugh? I know well enough thou seest it not. But hear thou me, and know that An∣gels are every where, and that chiefly in the House of God they attend upon their King, where all is illed with these incorporeal Powers.

The like unto this you shall find in his 24. Homily upon the Acts of the Apostles;

Knowest thou not that thou standest here with Angels, that with them thou singest, with them thou landest God with Hymns?* 1.156 and dost thou laugh?
See the rest.

I will alledge but one passage more of his, lest I should grow tedious, and that is out of his 6. Book de Sacerdotio, not very far from the beginning; where speaking of the time when the holy Eucharist is celebrated,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith he) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Then the Angels stand by the Priest, and the whole Quire resounds with celestial Powers, and the place about the Altar is filled with them, in ho∣nour of him who is laid thereon, that is, of his Memorial.
Compare with it a like passage in his 3. Hom. De incomprehensibili Dei natura; Item Hom. 1. De verbis Isaiae.

S. Ambrose acknowledgeth the same in * 1.157 c. 1. Luc.a 1.158

Non dubites assistere Ange∣lum, quando Christus assistit, Christus immolatur.

Yea Tertullian, (in whose time, which was within two hundred years after Christ, some will scarcely believe that Christians had any such Places as Churches at all,) if I understand him, intimates as much in his Lib. de Oratione c. 12. where reprehending the irreverent gesture of some in sitting at the time of Prayer in the Church;

Si qui∣dem (saith he) irreverens est assidere sub conspectu contráque conspectum ejus quem cùm maximè reverearis ac venereris; quantò magìs sub conspectu Dei vivi, ANGELO ad∣huc ORATIONIS adstane, factum illud irreligiosissimum est; nisi exprobramus Deo, quòd nos oratio fatigaverit? If it be an irreverent thing to sit in the sight and be∣fore him whom thou in a special manner honourest and reverencest; how much more is it an act most irreligious to do it in the presence of the living God, the ANGEL OF PRAYER. yet standing by; unless we upbraid God, that we have wearied our selves with praying?
Mark [In the presence of the living God, the Angel of Prayer standing by] that is, in the presence of the living God specified by his Angel; the latter being an explanation of the former. It is like unto that in this chapter of my Text, Say not thou before the Angel, It was an error: yet I believe not borrowed thence; forasmuch as the Septuagint, whose translation Tertullian was only acquainted with and every where follows, have no mention of Angel in that place, but of God; rendring it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Say not before the presence of God. Which shews how they understood it.

I cite the passage of these Fathers thus at large, lest I might to some seem to broach a Novelty. And though some of those of S. Chrysostome be Hyperbolically expres∣sed; yet for the main and substance of what he intended, I believe it to be true, and ground my belief upon the authority of S. Paul before alledged, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Be∣cause of the Angels. If any shall say, whatsoever were then, they will not believe there in any such kind of presence in our Churches now: I must tell them, If it be so, it is because of our irreverent and unseemly behaviour in them, which makes those blessed Spirits loath our company. For though they be invisible and incorporeal creatures, yet can they not look into our hearts, (that is God their Master's prero∣gative) but are witnesses of our outward behaviour and actions only; and it was a case of external decorum, wherein the Apostle mentions this presence of theirs for a motive or reason; For this cause ought the woman to have a covering on her head, be∣cause of the Angels. For they love not to behold any thing that is uncomely and un∣beseeming, but fly from it: and if we lose their company, the best members of our congregation are wanting.

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Thus you have heard what is the dignity and prerogative of God's House.* 1.159 Who now that considers and believes this, (and there was a time when it was believed,) will not say with the Patriarch Iacob, when he saw the Angels ascending and descend∣ing at Bethel, Quàm reverenda sunt haec loca! How reverend are these places! For every Place where the name of God is recorded, is Bethel, where the Angels of God are ascending and descending, that is, God in a special manner present and meeting with men. How seemly therefore, orderly and awfully should we compose our selves in them? how reverent should our manner be at our coming into them? which is the second thing I propounded to speak of. Thus much therefore of God's House: I come now to the Duty of those who come thither; Look to thy feet when thou comest to the House of God.

SECTION III.

LOOK to thy feet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for so the Cethib or Textual reading hath it: the Masorites in the margin note another reading, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the singular number. But which way soever of the two it be read, the sense is still the same; Look to thy foot being to be expounded plurally Look to thy feet, as in other places of Scripture. The Symbolical application of this Precept to the purifying and ridding the Mind of corrupt and fleshly thoughts, though it be useful, and the thing it self true, yet I will let pass, as being not argumentative; and betake my self wholly to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Literal meaning, which the Symbolical or Tropological signification destroy∣eth not, but presupposeth. The meaning therefore in general is; Have a care that thy feet be as they should be, when thou goest (or comest) to the House of God. But what is that? Most of the Interpreters (saith Aben Ezra) compare it with that which is said of Mephibosheth, 2 Sam. 19. 24. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He dressed not his feet, that is, He wash∣ed them not: So here, Look to thy feet when thou goest to the House of God, is as much as to say, Come not into God's House illotis pedibus, with unwashed feet. This is true, but goes not far enough. For I suppose here is an allusion in particular to that Rite of Discalceation used by the Iews and other Nations of the Orient at their coming into Sacred places; namely, that whereof the Lord spake to Moses, Exod. 3. 5. and again to Iosua, Ios. 5. 15. Exue calceamenta tua de pedibus tuis; locus enim in quo stas terra sancta est: Put thy shoes from thy feet; for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground.

For although the verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used signifies properly motum à loco, that is, to go; and not in locum, to come, (in which respect the Rite of washing the feet perhaps, be∣ing a preparatory act, might agree better with it;) yet is it not always so used: be∣sides, it is an unusual Trope in Scripture, ex antecedente intelligere consequens, by the antecedent to understand the consequent; which hath place here. That whereby I gather it is, because the Precepts following my Text, whereunto this word of mo∣tion belongs 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (that is, in common) are not of things to be done when we are going to the House of God, but when we are come thither: as, When thou comest to the House of God, be not rash nor hasty to utter any thing before God, &c. When thou comest to the House of God, and makest a vow before him, defer not to pay it,—neither say thou before the Angel, &c.—To which may be added the latter part of my Text, When thou comest to the house of God, be more ready to hear, or obey, than to offer the Sa∣crifice of fools. All, as you see are of things to be done when we are come into God's house. Therefore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is common to them, should rather note motum in termino ad quem;* 1.160 not when thou goest, but when thou comest to the house of God; and accordingly this admonition of care to be had of the feet, to intend something to be observed when we come there, rather than when we are going thither: Which was, (as I have said) among the Iews and other Nations, of the Orient especially, that Rite of Discalceation, or putting of their shoes, still used and continued amongst them unto this day, when they come into their Temples and Sacred places.

Which that I affirm not without good warrant, in case any one shall doubt thereof, these Testimonies following will sufficiently evidence. First, That Symbole of Py∣thagoras, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, OFFER SACRIFICE AND WORSHIP WITH THY SHOES OFF.* 1.161 What mystical or symbolical sense he intended, I en∣quire not; but it is plain, his expression alludes to some such custom then used by those who came to worship in the Temples of their Gods.

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Wherein that my collection fails me not, Iustin Martyr will bear me witness in his second Apology, where he tells us, That those who came to worship in the Sanctu∣aries and Temples of the Gentiles were commanded by their Priests, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, to put off their shoes:* 1.162 which their Gods learned (saith he) by way of Imitation, from that which the Lord spake to Moses out of the flaming Bush, Loose thy shoes from off thy feet,* 1.163 for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground. This Testimony for the antiquity of the practice is without exception. Yet by the Father's good leave, I am prone to think that those words unto Moses gave not the first beginning unto it, but were an admonition only of the Divine presence, thereby commanding the Rite then accustomed in places so hallowed: and that therefore it was rather, as other Re∣ligious Rites, derived unto the Gentiles by Tradition from the Patriarchs before Moses; of whom both the Iews and those Nations of the Orient which agreed with them in this custom were descended. Concerning whose present custom Drusius in his Notes upon Iosua affirmeth,

Quòd etiam nunc apud plerasque Orientis Nationes piacu∣lum sit, calceato pede Templorum pavimenta calcâsse: That even to this day among most of the Nations of the Orient it is reputed a piaculary crime, to tread upon the pavements of their Temples with their shoes on their feet.

For the Iews in particular, that this Rite of Veneration was anciently used by them in Places sanctified by the Divine Presence; Maimonides puts us out of doubt, telling us in his Beth Habbechirah, chap. 7.

That it was not lawful for a man to come in∣to the Mountain of God's House with HIS SHOES ON HIS FEET, or with his staffe, or in his working garment, or with dust on his feet, and the like.
The same hath Rabbi Solomon upon the 19. of Levit. ver. 30.

It is further confirmed by their modern practice in their Synagogues; even here in these Western and colder parts of the world: where though no such custome be in use as in the Orient, nor our manners with conveniencie capable thereof, yet they still observe it, as far as the guise of the West will permit them; an argument it de∣scends unto them by a strong and rooted Tradition from their forefathers. My Au∣thor is Buxtorf. Synagog. Iudaic. lib. 5. c. 5. where he hath these words;

Ante Syna∣gogam vel scholam ipsorum ferrum quoddam habent immuratum, ad quod quilibet calce∣os immundos aut coenosos abstergere tenetur; idque Solomonis authoritate, qui, Custodi, ait, pedem tuum—Quisquis crepidis indutus est, is eas immundas de pedibus suis detrahere tenetur—prout scriptum est, Solve calceamenta tua de pedibus tuis, &c. that is, Before their Synagogues they have a certain iron fastned in a wall, whereat every one is bound to make clean his foul or dirty shoes; and that by the authority of Solomon, who saith, Look to thy foot, &c. Whosoever hath slippers on, is bound they being foul to put them quite off, (viz. before he enters into the Synagogue) accord∣ing as it is written, Loose thy shoes from off thy feet, &c.

And for the Mahumetans, what they do in their Mosquees, Bartlemew Georgivez, who was a long time a captive amongst them, can best inform us, in his Book De ritu & ceremoniis Turcarum.

Quicunque (saith he) veniunt ad vrationem, debent abluere manus, pedes, &c. postremò ter spargunt aquam super capita, recitando haec verba, EL∣HEMDV LILLAHI, (i. gloria Deo meo:) Deinde exutis calceamentis Patsmagh dictis, iisque ante januam Templi relictis, introeunt, alii NVDIS PEDIBVS, alii habentes munda calceamenta Mesth dicta. That is, Such as come to pray, their duty is first to wash their hands-feet, &c. at last they sprinkle water over their heads thrice, repeating these words, ELHEMDV LILLAHI, (that is, Glory be to my God:) Then putting off their shoes, called Patsmagh, and leaving them before the door of the Temple, they enter, some barefooted, others having a clean kind of Sandal, which they call Mesth; namely as the custom is with us, when we pull off our hats, to wear a cap.

Lastly, That we may not want an instance among Christians, Zaga Zabo, an AEthi∣opian Bishop, sent Ambassador from David King of the Abyssines to Iohn the third King of Portugal, above an hundred years since, in his description of the Religion and Rites of the Abyssine Christians, thus informs us:* 1.164

Prohibitum est apud nos (saith he) nè aut gentes, aut canes, aut alia hujusmodi animalia, in Templa nostra intrent. Item non datur potestas nobis adeundi Templum, nisi NVDIS PEDIBVS; neque licet nobis in ipso Templo ridere, obambulare, aut de rebus prophanis loqui, neque spuere aut screare in ipso Templo. Quia Ecclesiae AEthiopum non sunt similes terrae illi ubi po∣pulus Israel comedit Agnum Paschalem decedens ab AEgypto, (in quo loco, propter terrae pollutionem, jussit eos Deus comedere indutos calceamentis & zonis accinctos;) sed similes sunt monti Sinai, ubi Dominus locutus est Mosi, dicens, Exue calceamenta∣tua

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de pedibus tuis, quoniam terra quam pedes tui premunt sancta est. That is, it is prohibited amongst us that either Pagans, or dogs, or any other beasts should come into our Churches. Moreover, it is not permitted to us to go into the Church, but BARE∣FOOTED; nor is it lawful for us in the Church to* 1.165 laugh, or to walk up and down, or to speak of secular matters, no not to spit, hank or hem in the Church. Because the Churches of AEthiopia are not like unto that Land where the people of Israel, ready to depart out of Egypt, ate the Paschal Lamb, (where, because of the pollution of the countrey, God commanded them to eat it with their shoes on their feet and their loins girded;) but they are like unto Mount Sinai, where God spake unto Moses, saying, put off thy shoes from thy feet, for the ground whereon thy feet tread is holy.
Thus Zaga Zabo of the Abyssine Christians, whereof he was a Bishop. And till the contrary be shewed me, I am prone to believe that some other Christians of the Iacobite sect may have the like custom, as it is certain that in most of their Rites they agree with them.

Now the religious guise of the Iews and other Nations of the Orient having an∣ciently been (and still being) such as you have heard, when they entered into their Temples, or remained in them; the words of my Text, Look to thy Foot or feet, being taken for an expression borrowed from and alluding thereto, will have the same sense, as if we, inflecting them to our manners, should say, Look unto thy Head, (that is, have a care thy Head be fitted as it ought to be) when thou comest into the House of God; meaning that he should put off his hat, or be uncovered, when he comes thi∣ther, and use such other reverence as is wont to accompany it. For know that the Holy Ghost, mentioning or specifying but one Rite, is yet so to be understood as implying therewith the rest of the same order accustomed to go with it; according to that usual Trope of Scripture, by a part, or that which is more notable or obvious in any kind or rank of things, to imply the rest; the rule whereby we interpret the Decalogue, and is the more fitly appliable here, because this guise of Discalceation was a leading Ceremonie to the other gestures of Sacred veneration then used, as that of putting off the hat (in civil use at least) is wont to be with us. Nor as if Solomon or the Holy Ghost in this Admonition intended the outward Ceremonie on∣ly, and no no more; (that were ridiculous to imagine;) but the whole act of Sacred reverence commenced in the heart and affection, whereof this was the accustomed and leading gesture: to wit, the very same and all that which the Lord commandeth in that original law, Lev. 19. 30. Sanctuarium meum reveremini, Reverence my Sanctuary; which Ionathan's Targum explaineth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ye shall go to the House of my Sanctuary with reverence; Solomon paralleleth here with, Look to thy foot when thou goest to the House of God. For so is the manner of Scripture almost every where, under the name of the Gesture only to understand and imply the whole dutie of Veneration which such Gesture representeth and importeth.

But as this is most true, so is it on the other side as false, if any shall from hence collect, That therefore the Outward worship may securely be neglected, (in Time, and Place where and when it may be done,) so the Inward be performed. Nay the contra∣ry follows: For if the Inward worship be chiefly intended when the Outward or Bodily is only named, as it is granted; is it not then absurd to imagine, that where that which is not expresly named is meant, there that which is only mentioned should be excluded? Nay surely, where the Outward is mentioned, (as here in my Text,) there no doubt but the Outward, in one kind or other, is a part of the dutie commanded, whatsoever besides it be intended. And because it is a disease almost proper to our time, (for our forefathers were mostly sick of the other extreme,) so far to slight and disesteem (that I may not say disdain) the worship of God by the Body, as to think it may be omitted and neglected even in Time and Place convenient, as in God's House and publick service, without all guilt of sin; give me therefore leave to pro∣pound a few Considerations for the Cure of such as are sick of that maladie. For as that which seems but some lighter Symptome at the first, if the cure thereof be neg∣lected and contemned, oftentimes proves fatal, and destroys life it self; so may this. I would have them therefore consider,

  • 1. That we all look not only for the Glorification of our Souls, but of our Bodies in the life to come; Now a Reward presupposeth a Work. It is meet and right therefore we should worship and glorifie God here in this life with the Body as well as the Soul, if we look that God should one day glorifie both.
  • ...

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  • 2. That as the Outward worship without the Inward is dead, so the Inward without the Outward is not complete; even as the Glorification of the Soul separate from the Bodie is not, nor shall be consummate, till the Body be again united unto it.
  • 3. That those who derogate so much from Bodily worship in the service of the true God, as kneeling, bowing, and the like, make by consequent Idolatrie a sin far less hainous in degree than it is. For is not Idolatrie to communicate that honour with a creature which is due unto the Creator alone? By how much therefore the wor∣ship of gesture and posture is less due unto God when we do our homage unto him, by so much is the sin the less hainous and grievous when the same is given unto an Idol. For I believe, they will not deny but part of the sin of Idolatrie consists even in the outward worship given unto an Idol, as kneeling, bowing, and falling down before it, and the like.
  • 4. Lastly, That although Bodily worship, being considered in it self, be one of the minora Legis, of the lesser things of the Law, and the honour done unto God there∣by of no great value (though not of none) in his sight; yet may a voluntary and presumptuous neglect even of so small a duty be a great and hainous sin, because such a neglect proceeds from a prophane disposition and election of the heart. For a sin is not always to be esteemed according to the value of the duty omitted, but from the heart's election in omitting it.* 1.166 Non est bonum per se (saith Seneca) munda vestis, sed mundae vestis electio; quia non in rebonum est, sed in electione: that is, A clean garment hath no goodness of it self, but it is the election of a clean garment which is commended; because the goodness consists not in the thing, but in the election thereof. So say I here; It is not the value or merit of the work which aggravates the sin in omitting the doing thereof, but the Election not to do it.

Now therefore to return to my Hypothesis; By that which hath been delivered it appears, That it is not only lawful to use some Reverential gesture when we come into God's House, (which yet some think they are very liberal if they grant,) but that it is a duty commanded by God himself, and so no Will-worship; as namely in that Divine admonition given first to Moses, and afterward to Iosua, Put thy shoes from off thy feet, &c. in that Law, Reverence my Sanctuary; in this Instruction by Solomon, Look to thy feet when thou comest to the house of God: That the Saints and people of God in the Old Testament, and Christians in the New, have used such Reverence: That the neglect thereof is condemned of Prophaneness by the practice of Iews,* 1.167 Gentiles, Pagans, Mahumetans, all Religions whatsoever: if any be to be excepted (proh pudor & dolor!) it is our selves.

But without doubt, in this we are not in the right, nor was it so from the begin∣ing. Whatsoever is dedicated unto God in general, or (to speak in the phrase of Scrip∣ture) whatsoever is called by his Name, that is, is His by peculiar relation, ought to be used with a different respect from things common: and God's House (as you have heard) hath something singular from the rest. Should we then come into it as into a Barn or Stable? It was not (once) good manners so to come into a mans house: For our Blessed Saviour, when he sent forth his Disciples to preach the Gospel, Matt. 10. 12. said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when ye enter into an house, salute it. Why should we not think it a part of religious manners to do some∣thing answerable when we come into the House of God? that is, to bless the Master thereof, (you know how far that word extendeth;) and if not to say, God be here, (which hath been the form, and is somewhere still, when we enter into a mans House) yet to say with* 1.168 Iacob at Bethel, God is here; and to testifie in some manner or other, as the Saints of God were wont to do, that we acknowledge it; and that both at our first coming thither, and while we continue there; for the one follows from the other. And because I paralleled before that Oriental rite of Discalceation (where∣unto I supposed the words of my Text to have reference) with ours of Vncovering the Head, by the name of a leading ceremonie; if any shall therefore ask me, what other Gesture I implied thereby as fitting to accompany this in the case we speak of, I answer, That belongs to the discretion of our Superiours and the authority of the Church to appoint, not to me to determine. For here as in other Ceremonies, the Church is not tied, but hath liberty to ordain (having respect to the Analogy of the Old Testament) what she shall judge most sutable and agreeable to the time, place, and manners of the people where she lives. But if I may without offence or presump∣tion

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speak what I think, then I say, That Adoration, or Bowing of the body, with some short ejaculation, (which the Church of Israel used in their Temple together with Discalceation, and which the Christians of the Orient use at this day, and time out of mind have done, at their ingress into their Churches,) is of all other the most seemly, ready and fitting to our manners; which yet I submit: namely, accord∣ing to that of the 132. Psal. v. 7. Introibimus in Tabernacula ejus, incurvabimus nos scabello pedum ejus: We will go into his Tabernacles, and worship before (or toward) his Footstool, that is, the Ark of the Covenant or Mercy-seat, which you shall find thus styled, 1 Chron. 28. 2. and according to that, Psal. 5. 7. I will enter into thine House in the multitude of thy mercies; in thy fear will I worship toward thy holy Temple, (i. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for they stood in the Courts when they worshipped) which is the Form the Iews use at this day when they come first into their Places of worship; and so might we too, for any thing I know. The ordinary form among the Greeks is that of the Publican, God be merciful to me a sinner; yet sometimes they premise this of the Psalm before it.

SECTION IV.

AND thus have I done with the First part of my Text, which for distinction sake I called The Admonition: I come now to the Second, which I termed A Caution; Be more ready to obey, than to offer the Sacrifice of fools: as much as to say, Prefer not the Secondary service of God before the First and Principal. Our Transla∣tion hath, Be more ready to hear, than, &c. whereby some have taken occasion child∣ishly to apply this Scripture against that custom of a short and private Prayer at our first coming into the Church, before we joyn with the Congregation. For we should (say they) rather hear and listen to what the Minister is reading or speaking, (as So∣lomon here bids us;) than at such a time to betake our selves to any private devo∣tion; which (say they) is but the Sacrifice of fools. But I would themselves who thus argue were as wise as they should be: For if they were, they would consider both that Solomon (according to the time wherein he spake) must needs mean of another kind of Sacrifice than what so loose a notion importeth, namely of such as were then used in the Temple he had built; and besides, that this sense of theirs di∣rectly thwarts the purport and meaning of the words going before, which is, that we ought to use some sign of reverence when we come into the house of God, such as according to the custom of the West is this. But though none of these things were, yet would this Text be nothing to their purpose: Forasmuch as by Hearing in this place is not meant auricular hearing, but practical, that is, Obedience to God's com∣mandments, according as the Vulgar hath,* 1.169 Melior est obedientia quàm victimae stul∣torum. For it is the same with that Proverbial sentence of Scripture, Obedience is better than Sacrifice, which Samuel used in that bitter reproof of King Saul, for spar∣ing Agag and the best of the spoil of the Amalekites, upon a pretence of sacrificing to the Lord in Gilgal. Hath the Lord (saith he) as great delight in burnt-offerings and sacrifices, as in obeying the voice of the Lord? Behold, to obey is better than sacrifice; and to hearken, than the fat of rams. The word here twice rendered obey, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. the same which is in my Text, and it is an ordinary signification thereof in Scripture. The case is clear.

But was not the offering of Sacrifice, will some man say, part of the obedience due unto the divine Law? How come they then to be thus opposed one to the other? Give me leave therefore, before I give my full explication of this passage, to enquire and consider of some others, of much more difficulty in this respect, yet their meaning conducing to the understanding of this.

There are divers places in Scripture disparaging and villifying Sacrifices, yea so far, as if Sacrifice were a service which God neither appointed nor approved. As Psal. 51. 16, 17. Thou desirest not Sacrifice, (saith David,) else would I have given it thee; but thou delightest not in burnt-offerings. The sacrifice of God is a troubled spirit; a broken and contrite heart, O God thou wilt not despise. Hosea 6. 6. I will have mercy, and not sacrifice. Micah 6. 6. Wherewith shall I come before the Lord, and bow my self before the most High? shall I come before him with burnt-offerings, with calves of a year old? 7. Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams, and with ten thousands of rivers of oyl? Shall I give my first-born for my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my

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soul? 8. He hath shewed thee, O man, what is good; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy God? Nay, Ier. 7. 21, 22, 23. he seems to say expresly, that he never commanded them: Put (saith he) your burnt-offerings unto your sacrifices, and eat flesh. For I spake not unto your Fathers nor commanded them, in the day that I brought them out of the Land of Egypt, concerning burnt-offerings and sacrifices: But this thing commanded I them, saying, Obey my voice, and I will be your God, and ye shall be my people; and walk ye in the wayes that I have commanded you, that it may be well with you.

Yet nothing is more plain than that God ordained Sacrifices at Mount Sinai. How then shall this difficulty be resolved? Some, and those of the Ancients too, have affirmed, that these Ordinances of Sacrifice were not given to Israel at first, nor pri∣ma intentione Dei; but were (as they call them) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, superinducta, afterwards imposed upon them, when they had committed Idolatry in making and worshipping the golden Calf. But the contrary to this is also apparent. For to pass by Cain and Abel's sacrifices and the sacrifices of Noah and Abraham; when the Lord pronounced the Decalogue from Mount Sinai, he added this, as it were an Appendix thereto, Ye shall not make with me gods of silver,* 1.170 neither shall ye make unto you gods of gold: Only an Altar thou shalt make unto me, and shalt Sacrifice thereon thy burnt-offerings, and thy peace-offerings, thy sheep and thine Oxen, &c. and this before Moses came down from the Mount, or the Calf was yet made. Nay, more than all this, when Moses and Aaron were sent unto Pharaeoh, the effect of their Embassy was, The God of the Hebrews saith, Let my people go,* 1.171 that they may sacrifice unto me, three dayes journey in the wil∣derness. And when Pharaoh would have given them leave to have sacrificed to their God in the Land;* 1.172 No, (saith Moses) we will go three days journey into the wilderness, and there Sacrifice to the Lord our God, as he hath commanded us. What shall we an∣swer then to those passages of Scripture where God disclaimeth Sacrifice, saying, he required no such Service at his peoples hands; yea, that he commanded them no such thing when he brought them out of the Land of Egypt?

For the assoiling this difficulty, according to the differing quality of the passages which are or may be produced to this purpose, I lay down these three Propositions.

  • ...

    1. That according to the propriety and genius of the Hebrew tongue, a Compa∣rative sense is often expressed after the form of an Antithesis: As in that of Ioel,* 1.173 Rent your hearts, and not your garments; that is, more or rather than your garments: Prov. 8. 10. Receive my instruction, and not silver; that is, rather than silver, (as the words following teach us to construe it) and knowledge rather than choice gold. Like∣wise in the New Testament, Lay not up treasures for your selves on earth, but lay up for your selves treasures in heaven;* 1.174 that is, Treasures in Heaven rather than treasures on earth; have more are to lay up the one than the other.

    According to this construction only, without more ado, some of the aforesaid passages will be discharged of their difficulty: as namely that of Hosea, I desired mer∣cy, and not sacrifice, that is, more or rather than sacrifice; as the following words give us to understand, which are, and the knowledge of God more than burnt-offerings; and according as the same sense is elsewhere expressed, as Prov. 21. 3. To do justice and judgment, is more acceptable to the Lord than Sacrifice. But all will not be thus salved.

  • 2. Wherefore I lay down this second Proposition; That antecedenter, antecedently, it is true, that God commanded not Sacrifice should be offered unto him, neither when the Law was given, nor before; but consequenter, consequently only. For the understanding whereof we must know, That Sacrifice was a Rite whereby men renewed a Covenant with God, by making aonement for their sin; therefore it pre∣supposed a breach and transgression of the Law. But the will of God was not, that men should transgress his Law, and violate the Covenant he had made with them, but that they should observe and keep it; which if they did, Sacrifice would have no place. This is that I mean, when I say that God required not nor commanded Sa∣crifice antecedently, but that men should keep his Commandments. But in case sin were committed, and the articles of his Covenant violated, then and in such a state God ordained and admitted of Sacrifice for a Rite of atonement and redintegration of his Covenant with men: that is, he commanded Sacrifice only consequenter, con∣sequently, as a remedy, if sin were committed. And if those Ancients could be thus understood who say that Sacrifice was not ordained when the Law was first given, but after it was transgressed; namely, if their meaning were only, that the ordinance of Sacrifice presupposed a transgression of the Law; then their Assertion were true: but otherwise historically taken, it cannot be defended. Now according to this

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  • proposition is of that of Ieremy 7. 22, 23. to be understood, (or if there be any other like it) I spake not unto your Fathers, nor commanded them, in the day that I brought them out of the Land of Egypt, concerning burnt-offerings and Sacrifices: But this thing commanded I them; Obey my voice, and I will be your God, and ye shall be my peo∣ple: and walk ye in all the wayes that I have commanded you, that it may be well with you.
  • 3. My third Proposition is this; That when Sacrifice was to be offered in case of sin, yet even then God accepted not thereof primariò, primarily and for it self, as though any refreshment or emolument accrued to him thereby, (as the Gentiles fond∣ly supposed of their gods;) but secondarily only, as a testimony of the conscience of the offerer, desiring with humble repentance to glorifie him with a Present, and by that Rite to renew a covenant with him. For Sacrifice (as I have said) was oblatio foedralis a federal oblation. Now Almighty God renews a Covenant with, or receiv∣eth again into his favour, none but the repentant sinner; and therefore accepts of Sacrifice in no other regard, but as a token and effect of this. Otherwise it is an abo∣mination unto him, as whereby men professed a desire of being reconciled unto God, when they had offended him, and yet had no such meaning. Hence God rejects all Sacrifices wherein there is no Contrition, nor Purpose to forsake sin and keep his commandments, which are the parts of Repentance. So is to be taken that in the first of Esay:* 1.175 To what purpose is the multitude of your Sacrifices?—Bring no more vain oblations; incense is an abomination unto me.—Wash ye, make you clean, put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes, cease to do evil:—then (if you offer sacrifice unto me) though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow, &c. and that in Esay the last: To this man will I look, to him that is poor and of a contrite spirit. He that killeth an ox, (namely otherwise,) is as if he slew a man;* 1.176 he that Sacrificeth a lamb, (unless he comes with this disposition) as if he cut off a dog's neck; he that offereth an oblation, as if he offered bloud; he that burneth incense, as if he blessed an Idol. And surely, he that blesseth an Idol is so far from renewing a Covenant with the Lord his God, that he breaks it: So did they who without conscience of Re∣pentance presumed to come before him with a Sacrifice; not procure atonement, but aggravate their breach.

According to one of these three senses are all passages in the Old Testament dis∣paraging and rejecting Sacrifices literally to be understood: namely, when men pre∣ferred them before the greater things of the Law; valued them out of their degree, as an antecedent duty; or placed their efficacy in the naked Rite, as if ought accrued to God thereby; God would no longer own them for any ordinance of his: nor in∣deed in that disguise put upon them were they.

I will except only one Passage out of the number, which I suppose to have a singular meaning; to wit, that of David in the 51. Psalm, v. 16, 17. which the ancient translations thus express: Quoniam si voluisses sacrificium, dedissem utique; sed holocaustis non oblectaberis, (vel, holocaustum non acceptabis.) Sacrificium Deo spi∣ritus contribulatus, &c.—If thou wouldst have had a Sacrifice, I would have offer∣ed it; but thou wilt accept no burnt-offering, &c.—For this seems to be meant of that special case of Adulterie and Murther which David here deploreth: for which Sins the Lord had provided no Sacrifice in his Law. Wherefore David in this his Penitential confession tells him, That if he had appointed any Sacrifice for expiation of this kind of sin, he would have given it him; but he had ordained none, save only a broken spirit and a contrite heart: which thou, O God, (saith he) wilt not despise, but accept that alone for a Sacrifice in this case, without which Sacri∣fice in no case is accepted.

Now out of this Discourse we are sufficiently furnished for the understanding of this Caution of Solomon in my Text, Be more ready to obey, than to offer the Sacrifice of fools; or, as the words in the Original import, Be more approaching God with a pur∣pose and resolution of obedience to his Commandments, than with the Sacrifice of fools; that is, Have a care rather to approach the Divine Majesty with an offering of an obe∣diential disposition, than with the bare and naked Rite. But the sense is still the same; namely, The House of God at Ierusalem was an House of sacrifice, which they, who came thither to worship, offered unto the Divine Majesty, to make way for their prayers and supplications unto him, or to find favour in his sight. Solomon therefore gives them here a caveat, not to place their Religion either only or chiefly in the exter∣nal Rite, but in their readiness to hear and keep the Commandments of God; without which that Rite alone would avail them nothing, but be no better than the sacrifice of fools, who when they do evil, think they do well. For without this readiness to

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obey, this purpose of heart to live according to his Commandments, God accepts of no Sacrifice from those who approach him, nor will pardon their transgressions when they come before him. He therefore that makes no conscience of sinning against God, and yet thinks to be expiate by Sacrifice, is an ignorant fool, how wise and re∣ligious soever he may think himself to be, or appear unto men, by the multitude or greatness of his Sacrifices. The reason, Because the Lord requires Obedience ante∣cedently and absolutely, but Sacrifice consequently only; and then too not primariò, or chiefly and for it self, but secondarily only, as a testimony of Coutrition and a ready desire and purpose in the offerer to continue in his favour by Obedience.

This is Solomon's the Preacher's meaning: Wherein behold, as in a glass, the con∣dition of all external Service of God in general, as that which he accepteth no other∣wise than secondarily; namely, as issuing from a Heart respectively affected with that devotion it importeth. For God, as he is a living God, so he requires a living wor∣ship: But as the Body without the Soul is but a carkass: so is all external and bodily worship wherein the pulse of the Heart's devotion beats not.

But if this be so, you will say, it were better to use no external worship at all of course, as we do the worship of the Body in the gestures of bowing, kneeling, stand∣ing, and the like, than to incur this danger of serving God with a dead and hypocri∣tical service; because it is not like the Heart will be always duly affected when the outward worship shall be required. I answer; Where there is a true and real intent to honour God with outward and bodily worship, there the act is not Hypocrisie, though accompanied with many defects and imperfections. Here therefore that Rule of our Saviour touching the greater and lesser things of the Law must have place:* 1.177 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, These things (that is, the greater things of the Law) we ought to do, and not to leave the other (though the lesser) un∣done. For otherwise, if this reasoning were admitted, a man might upon the same ground absent himself from coming to Church upon the days and times appointed, or come thither but now and then; alledging the indisposition of his Heart to joyn with the Church in her publick worship at other times: or if he came thither, act a mute; and when others sing and praise God, be altogether silent, and not open his mouth, nor say Amen when others do. For all these are external services; and the service of the voice and gesture are in this respect all one, there is no difference. But who would not think this to be very absurd? We should rather upon every such occasion rouse and stir up our Affections with fit and seasonable meditations, that what the order and decency of Church-assembly requires to be done of every member outwardly, we may likewise do devoutly and acceptably. These things we ought to do, and not leave the other undone.

But you will say, What if I cannot bring my Heart unto that religious fear and devotion which the outward worship I should perform requireth? I could say that some of the outward worship which a man performs in a Church-assembly, he does not as a singular man, but as a member of the Congregation. But howsoever, I an∣swer; Let the worship of thy Body, in such a case, be at least a confession and ac∣knowledgment before God of that love, fear and esteem of his Divine Majesty thou oughtest to have, but hast not. For though to come before God without that inward devotion requisite, be a sin; yet to confess and acknowledge, by what our outward gesture importeth, the duty we owe unto him, but are defective in, I hope is not; no more than the confession of any other sin. For our worship, in such a case, if we will so intend it, is an act of Repentance: and as the modern Greeks are wont to call their Adorations, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Repentances; so may we in this case make ours to be: namely, as if we said, Lord, I ought to come before thee with that religious sear, humble reverence, and lifting up of Heart, which the gesture, the posture I here present, importeth; but, Lord, be merciful to me a sinner. If a mans Heart be so prophane and irreligious as not to acknowledge thus much, I yield that such a one might better spare his labour, and not come into the presence of God at all. Other∣wise I conclude still with our Blessed Saviour's determination in the like case, Those greater things we ought to do, and not to leave the other undone.

Notes

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