The works of the famous Nicholas Machiavel, citizen and secretary of Florence written originally in Italian, and from thence newly and faithfully translated into English.

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Title
The works of the famous Nicholas Machiavel, citizen and secretary of Florence written originally in Italian, and from thence newly and faithfully translated into English.
Author
Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469-1527.
Publication
London :: Printed for John Starkey, Charles Harper, and John Amery ...,
1680.
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Subject terms
Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469-1527.
Political science -- Early works to 1800.
Political ethics -- Early works to 1800.
War.
Florence (Italy) -- History.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A50274.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The works of the famous Nicholas Machiavel, citizen and secretary of Florence written originally in Italian, and from thence newly and faithfully translated into English." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A50274.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 15, 2024.

Pages

THE SIXTH BOOK. (Book 6)

CHAP. I.

What kind of places the Greeks and the Romans chose out for their Camps, with a short recapitulation of what has been said before.

Zano.

I Think it very convenient that Battista takes upon him the Office of demand∣ing, and that I lay it down; by doing so we shall seem to imitate the good Generals of old, who (as I have been taught by Seignor Fabritio) did usually place the valiantest of their Soldiers, in the front, and in the rear of the Army; conceiving it necessary to have those in the Van who would begin the fight bravely, and such in the rear as would bravely maintain it. And as Cosimo began this discourse with a great deal of prudence, so Battista may finish it with the same; Luigi and I having born the brunt in the middle as well as we could; and seeing hitherto every man has taken his part willingly, I do not think Battista will refuse.

Battista.

Hitherto I have suffered my self to be governed, and am resolved to do so for the future; let me desire you therefore Seignor Fabritio to pursue your discourse, and hold us excused if we interrupt you with these kind of demands.

Fabr.

As I told you before, you do me a very great kindness, for this interruption, and changing of persons, rather refreshes than troubles my fancy: But to follow our business, I say, that it is now high time that we dispose our Army into its quarters, for you know every thing desires rest, and security; for to repose without security, is not properly to repose. I do fancy you would rather have had me lodg'd my Army first, and march'd and fought them afterwards, but we have done quite contrary, and indeed not without neces∣sity; for being to show how an Army in a march was to quit that form, and put it self in∣to a posture to fight, it was necessary first to show how they were to be drawn up for a Battel. But to return, I say, that if you would have your Camp safe, you must have it strong, and well ordered: The discretion of the General puts it in good order, but it is art or situation that makes it defensible and strong. The Grecians were so curious in this point, that they would never encamp but where there was some River, or Wood, or Bank or other natural rampart to defend them: But the Romans stood not so much upon the strength of the situation, as their own ways of fortification, nor would they ever encamp, but where according to their own Discipline they could draw up their Army. For this rea∣son the Romans observed one constant form in their encampments; for they would rather make the situation of the place comply with their methods, than permit their customs, to

Page 497

comply with the situation; but with the Grecians it was otherwise, because following the condition and form of the place, it was necessary that they varied the manner of their en∣campment, and the form of their Camp. The Romans therefore where the situation was weak, supplyed it by art and industry: And because in this discourse I have proposed the Romans for a President, I shall not leave them in my manner of encampment, nevertheless I shall not follow their practice in every thing, but picking and selecting such parts as I think most agreeable with our times. I have told you often how the Romans in their Con∣sular Armies had two Legious of Romans, consisting of about 11000 Foot, and 600 Horse; they had moreover about 11000 more Foot, sent in by their Friends and Allies to their as∣sistance: but this was a rule, their Auxilaries never exceeded the number of the Legions, unless it were in Horse, and in them they were not so curious. I have told you likewise how in all their battels their Legions were placed in the middle, and their Auxiliaries in the flanks, and it was the same in their encampments, as you may read in such Authors as make any mention of their History: I will not therefore be so exact in my relation, I shall content my self only to tell you in what order I would lodge my Army at present, and you will understand by that what I have borrowed from the Romans. You know that in imitation of their Legions I have taken two Battalions consisting of 6000 Foot, and 300 Horse of service for the Battalion: you know into what Companies, into what Arms, and into what names I divided them. You know how in ordering my Army to march and to fight, I have said nothing of more men, only what was to be done, was to be done by doubling their ranks, not by any reinforcement of men. But being now to shew you the manner of encamping, I think it not convenient to stick to my two Battalions, but to unite our whole Army, composed according to the model of the Romans of two Battalions, and as many Auxiliaries, which I do the rather, that the form of our Camp may be the more compleat, by the reception of a compleat Army; which in my other demonstrations I have not thought altogether so necessary. Being therefore to lodge a compleat Army of 24000 Foot, and two thousand Horses of service, to be divided into four Battalions, (two of Natives, and two of Strangers) I would take this way.

CHAP. II.

The form of a Camp.

Fabr.

HAving found a place convenient for my Camp, I would set up my Standard in the midst of a square of fifty yards deep. The four sides of that square should respect the four quarters of the World, and look East, West, North, and South. In this square I would set up the Generals Pavilion: and because I think it discreet, and in part the practice of the Ancients, I would divide my men which carry arms, from them who have none; and those who are free, from those who are incumbred. All or the greatest part of my arm'd men I would lodge towards the East; my men that were disarm'd and incumbred, I would lodge towards the West, making my front towards the East, and my rear towards the West; and the North and South should be my flanks. To distinguish the quarters of those which bore arms, I would take this course, I would draw a line from the Standard towards the East of 680 yards long. Then I would draw two other lines, (with the first in the middle) of the same length, but each of them at a distance of fifteen yards from the first; at the end of these lines I would have my Eastern Port, and the space betwixt the two outward lines should make a Street which should go from that Gate to the General's quarters, and take up a space of thirty yards in bredth, and 630 in length, (for the General's quarter would take up fifty) and this should be called the General's street. Then I would cause another street to be drawn out from North to South, and it should pass by the end of the General's street, not far from the General's quarter towards the East, which should contain in length 1250 yards, (for it should take up all the bredth of the Camp) and be called the Cross-street. Having design'd the General's quarters, and these two Streets, I would mark out quarters for the two Battalions that were my own Subjects, and one of them I would dispose on the right hand of the General's street, and the other on the left. And then passing over the Cross-street, I would assign 32 lodgments on the left hand of the General's street, and as many on the right, leaving betwixt the sixteenth and seventeenth lodgment a space of thirty yards wide, as a traverse way to pass thorow all the lodgments of the Battalions. I would lodge the Captains of the men at Arms at the front of those two orders of lodgments which joyn to the Cross-street, and their men at Arms in

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the fifteen lodgments that are next them; so as every lodgment should contain ten men at Arms, the whole number that I have allotted to each Battalion, being an hundred and fifty. The Captains lodgments should ••••orty yards wide, and ten in lenght; and you must take notice that when I say wide, I mean from North to South; and when long, from East to West. The lodgment for the private men at arms should be fifteen yards long, and thirty wide. In the other fifteen lodgments which follow on both sides of the street, (which be∣gin at the traverse way, and should have the same allowance of ground as I have given to the other) I would dispose my light horse. And because there are likewise of them be∣longing to each Battalion 150, I would put ten of them into each of the fifteen lodgments, and the sixteenth I would reserve for the Captain with the same space of ground as is al∣lowed to the Captain of the men at arms; and so the lodgments of the horse of the two Battalions should come down to the middle of the General's Street, and be a direction to the quartering of the foot, as I shall shew. You have seen how I have lodged the 300 horse of both Battalions, with their Officers in 32 lodgments set up near the General's Street, and beginning at the Cross-street; and how betwixt the sixteenth and the seven∣teenth there was resrved a space of thirty yards to make a cross-way. Being therefore to lodge the twenty Battalia's or Companies in the two ordinary Battalions, I would ap∣point lodgments for every two Battalia's behind the lodgments of the horse, and they should each of them contain in length 15 yards, and in bredth thirty, according to the dimensions of the horse-lodgment, and they should be so close that they should touch one another.

In the first lodgment on each side butting upon the Cross-street, I would lodge the Cap∣tain of each Company over against the lodgment of the Captain of the men at Arms: and this lodgment alone should be twenty yards wide, and ten long. In the other fifteen lodgments which succeed on both sides as far as the traverse way, I would quarter a Com∣pany of foot, which being 450, should be disposed 30 to a lodgment. The other 15 lodgments should be set up on each side by the lodgments of the light horse, with the same dimensions of ground; and on each side I would place a Battalia of foot.

In the last lodgment on each side I would place the Captain of the Company (right over against the Captain of the light horse) with a space of ten yards in length, and twen∣ty in bredth: and so these two first ranks of lodgments would be half horse, and half foot: but because (as I said before) these horses are all horses of service, which have no proper persons either to dress or to feed them, I would have the foot which are quartered behind, obliged to look to them, and for so doing they should be exempt from other du∣ties in the Camp; and this was the method of the Romans. After this I would leave a space of thirty yards on each side, which should make streets, and be called, one of them, the first Street on the left hand, and the other the first Street on the right. I would then on each side set up another row of 32 lodgments, with their backs one to the other, with the same spaces as I assigned to the other; and having separated sixteen of them, (as with the rest) to make a traverse way, I would dispose in each side four Companies with their Captains at the head of them, and other Officers in the rear. After I had left on both sides a distance of thirty yards for a way, which on one side should be called the second Street on the right hand, and on the other side the second Street on the left hand; I would set up another rank of 32 lodgments with the same distances and separations, where I would lodge on each side four Companies with their Officers: and by doing this, all the Cavalry, and the Companies of both the Battalions would be lodged in three rows of lodgments, and the General's quarter in the middle. The two Battalions of Auxiliaries (having made them to consist of the same number of men) I would quarter on both sides of the two ordinary Battalions, with the same number of rows, and in the same or∣der as they, placing first one order of lodgments consisting half of horse, and half of foot, distant from the next order thirty foot, which distance should make a Street, and be called on one side, the third Street on the right hand; and on the other side the third Street on the left hand. And then I would make on each side two more rows of lodgments with the same distances and distinctions as in the lodgments of the other Battalions, which should make two other Streets, and be called according to their number, and the hand on which they are placed; so that this whole Army will be lodged in twelve double rows of lodgments, and there will be thirteen Streets, reckoning the General's Street, and the Cross-street: when I have design'd my circumference, and appointed my lodgments for my four Battalions, I would leave a space betwixt the lodgments and the trenches of an hundred yards broad, which should go round my Camp: and if you compute all the spaces, you will find that from the middle of the General's lodgment, to the East Gate, are 680 yards. There are two other spaces, one from the General's quarter to the South Gate, and the

Page 499

other from the same place to the North Gate, each of them 635 yards commencing at the Center. Substracting afterwards from each of these spaces fifty yards for the General's quar∣ter, and five and forty more on each side for a Piazza, and thirty yards for a Street that di∣vides each of the said spaces in the middle; and an hundred yards round betwixt the lodg∣ments and the trenches; there remains on all sides for lodgments a space of four hundred yards wide, and an hundred long, measuring the lenght with the space which is taken up by the General's quarter; then dividing the said length in the middle, there will be on each side of the General forty lodgments, in length fifty yards, and twenty wide, which in all will be 80, in which the general Officers of the Battalions should be quartered; the Tr••••su∣rers, the Mastres de Campe, and all such as have any Office in the Army, leaving some spaces empty for strangers, or such Voluntiers as follow the Wars meerly out of affection to the General: on the back-side of the General's quarters I would make a Street from South to North thirty yards broad, and it should be called Front-street, and run along all the 80 lodgments abovesaid. From this Front-street, by the General's quarter I would have ano∣ther Street that should go from thence to the West Gate, thirty yards wide, answering both for situation and length to the General's Street, and it should be called the Piazza-Street. Having settled these two Streets, I would order a Piazza or Market-place, and it should be at the end of the Piazza-street over against the General's lodging, and not far from the Front-street. I would have it square, and every square to contain 121 yards: on the right and left hand of this Market-place I would have two rows of lodgments, each of them double, and consisting of eight lodgments, in length twelve yards, and in bredth thirty: so that on each side of the Piazza I would have sixteen lodgments, with that in the middle, so that in all they would be 32; in which I would place those horse which re∣main undisposed of, that belong to the Auxiliary squadrons: if these would not be suf∣ficient to receive them, I would consign them some of the lodgments about the General's quarters, especially those which look towards the trenches. It remains now that we lodge the Pikes, and the Velites extraordinary which I have assigned to each Battalion, which as you know consisted (besides the ten Companies) of a thousand Pikes extraordinary, and five hundred Velites. So that the two Battalions had 2000 Pikes extraordinary, and 1000 Velites extraordinary, and the Auxiliaries had the same, so that we have still 6000 foot to lodge, which I would dispose in that part toward the West, and along the ditch. From the end of the Front-street towards the North, leaving a space of 100 yards betwixt that and the ditch, I would have a row of five double lodgments, which should contain in length all of them 75 yards, and 60 in bredth: so as when the bredth is divided, there shall belong to each lodgment 15 yards in length, and thirty in breadth; and because there will be but ten lodgments in this rank, there shall be lodged 300 foot, 30 in a lodgment. After that, leaving a space of 31 yards; I would set up in the same manner, and with the same distances another row of five double lodgments, and after that another, till they came to be five rows of five double lodgments, in all fifty, placed in a right line from the North, all of them ten yards from the foss, and should entertain 1500 foot. Turning then to∣wards the West Gate, in all that space from them to the said Gate, I would have five other double orders, in the same manner, and with the same spaces, (but with a distance of but 15 yards from one row to another) where I would lodge 1500 foot more. And so all the Velites, and Pikes extraordinary of both the proper Battalions should be lodged from the North Gate to the West Gate, according to the turning of the trenches, and should be di∣stributed into 100 lodgments in ten rows, ten lodgments in a row. The Pikes and the Velites extraordinary of the two Auxiliary Battalions should be lodged in the same man∣ner betwixt the West Gate and the South, as the trenches incline in ten rows, ten lodgments in a row, as I said of the other: the Captains or their Lieutenants may take such quarters as they think most convenient on that side towards the trenches. The Artillery I would dispose every where upon the banks of the trenches, and in all the other space which re∣mains towards the West I would bestow all the baggage, and servants, and impediments of the Army. By impediments you must understand (and you know it very well) the anci∣ents intended all their train, and whatever else was necessary for an Army, besides the Soul∣diers, as Carpenters, Smiths, Shoomakers, Engineers, and Cannoneers, (though these in∣deed might be numbred among the Soldiers) Butchers with their Beefs and their Muttons, Cooks, Pastry-men, and all that prepared meat for the Army; and in short, all other pro∣fessions which followed the Camp for subsistence: they reckoned likewise among them all the carriages for publick provisions, and arms. I would not make any particular distinction of lodgments, only I would order the Streets so as that they might not be taken up by them. As to the other spaces betwixt the Streets, which would be four in all, I would con∣sign them in general to all the said impediments, that is, one to the Butchers, another to

Page 500

the Artificers and Masters of several Professions; a third to the carriages for Provisions; a fourth for the carriages for Arms. The Streets that I would have left free, should be the Street to the Piazza; the Front-Street, and another Street called the middle Street, which should begin in the North, and pass thorow the middle of the Market-street (or Street to the Piazza) towards the South, which on the West side should do the same service as the Traverse-street does on the East. And besides this, I would have another back-street along by the lodgments of the Pikes and the Velites extraordinary, and I would have all these Streets thirty spaces wide. The Artillery I would place afterwards upon the trenches on the hinder part of the Camp.

Battista.

I do acknowledge my ignorance, nor do I think it reproachful where it is not my profession to be otherwise: nevertheless I am very well pleased with your order, only I would desire you to resolve me two doubts: one is, why you make the Streets and the spaces about the lodgments so large; the other (which troubles me most) is, how you would employ the spaces which you design for the lodgments.

Fabr.

You must understand I assign 30 yards to the breadth of the Streets, that a Battalia of foot may march together a breast; for (if you remember) I told you often that each Company took up in breadth betwixt 25 and 30 yards. That the space betwixt the trench and the lodgments should be 100 yards broad, is very necessary for drawing up the Batta∣lia's, managing the Artillery, conveying and disposing of the booty, besides the conveni∣ence of retiring upon occasion, and making new Ramparts, and new Intrenchments with∣in. Moreover, the lodgments are better at that distance from the trenches, as being farther from fire-works and other things which an enemy might cast in among them: as to your second demand, I do not intend that every space that I have designed for a lodgment should be covered with one Tent, or one Pavilion only, but that it should be employed as is most commodious for those who are to lodge there with more or fewer Tents as they please, pro∣vided they do not exceed their allowance of ground.

To make a just distribution of these lodgments, you must have persons that are well vers'd and experienced in that affair, and good Architects, who as soon as the General has made choice of his place, can immediately put it into form, distribute the lodgments by dividing the Streets, and distinguishing the places for the several lodgments with a cord and pikes thrust into the ground, with so much dexterity, that all things shall be presently in order. And if you would prevent confusion, you must turn your Camp always one way, that every man may know in what Street, and in what quarter he may find his Tent. This must be observable in all times and places, and in such manner that it may seem a moving City, which, where-ever it moves, carries with it the same Gates, the same Streets, the same Houses, and the same Figure; which is a thing that cannot be practised by those who make choice of places of natural strength, for they must frame their Camp according to the variety of the situation. But the Romans fortified their Camps with Trenches, and Ramparts, and Mounts; for they left a good space round about their Camp, and before it they made a ditch commonly six yards wide, and three yards deep. They made these spaces greater or less, according to the time which they design'd to stay there, or according to their apprehension of the Enemy: for my own part I would not enclose my Camp with Stoccado's, unless I intend to winter in it: I would have my Trench and my Parapet not less than theirs, but bigger upon occasion. Upon every corner and side of the Camp I would raise a kind of half-moon, from whence my Artillery might play, and flank any Ene∣my that should attempt the ditch. In this exercise, to understand how to mark out a Camp, your men are to be trained frequently, and your other Officers are by practice to be made ready in designing, and your Soldiers as dexterous in knowing their own quarters, nor is there any great difficulty in it, as I shall shew else-where, for at present I shall pass to the Guards of the Camp, because without them all the other pains and punctilio's would be vain.

Battista.

Before you proceed to the Guards, I would be informed when you would pitch your Camp near your Enemy, what method you would use; for I cannot imagine that you should have time enough to do it without manifest danger.

Fabr.

You must know no man incamps near an Enemy, but he who is desirous to fight when ever the Enemy will give him opportunity; and when the Enemy is disposed to it as well as he, the danger is no more than ordinary; for two parts of the Army are drawn out to fight, and the third orders the Camp. In this case the Romans committed the fortification and ordering of their Camp to the Triarii; whilst the Principes and Ha∣stai stood to their Arms. And this they did, because the Triarii being to fight last, had time (if the Enemy advanced) to leave their work, stand to their Arms, and fall every man into his place.

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You, if you would imitate the Romans, must cause your Camp to be made by the Battalia's in your Rear, which are instead of the Triarii; but now to the Guards of the Camp.

CHAP. III.

Of the several Watches and Guards about the Camp.

Fabr.

I Do not remember in History to have found that the Ancients for the security of the Camp in the night, did ever make use of out Guards or Sentinels without the Ditches, as we do now. The reason, as I take it, was because they thought the Army thereby might be easily surprized, by the difficulty of discerning their Sentinels, and Scouts; besides their Sentinels might be over-powred or corrupted by the Enemy, so that to rely upon them either in part or in whole, they concluded would be dangerous: wherefore all their Guards were within their Trenches, placed with such diligence and exactness, that it was no less than death for any man to desert his post. How these Guards were disposed by them, I think it unnecessary to relate, because if you have not seen it already, you may do it when you please; only this I shall tell you in short what I would do in the Case. I would have every night one third of the Army in Arms, and of them a fourth part upon the Guard, distributed all along the works, and in all convenient places quite thorow the Camp: with a main Guard in each of the four quarters of your Camp, of which a party should remain constantly upon the Guard, and another party should Petrole from one quarter to the other. And this order I would use likewise in the day time, if my Enemy was near. As for giving the word, and changing it every night, and other things which are observable in the like cases, I shall pass them by as notorious and known. One thing only I shall mention, as being of importance, and that which brings much advantage to any man that uses it, and as much disadvantage where it is neglected.

CHAP. IV.

To observe who goes and comes to the Camp.

Fabr.

HE who would be secure in his Camp, is to require notice with great exactness of all strangers that lodge in his Camp, and to have a strict account of all goers and comers; and this no hard matter to do, if the Tents be but viewed all along as they stand in their orders; because every lodgment had its precise and definitive number, and when you find them more or less than their proportion, let them be examined and punished. He who observes this course exactly, shall keep the Enemy from practising your Officers (at least without great difficulty) or from having knowledge of your affairs. Had not the Romans been very exact observers of this course, Claudius Nero (when Hani∣bal lay so near him) could never have stole so privately from his Camp in Lucania, and have marched into la Marca, and back again, before Hanibal had missed him.

CHAP. V.

Of Military Iustice, and the methods used by the Ancients in the punishment of Offenders.

Fabr.

BUt it is not enough to contrive good orders, unless they be strictly observed, for severity is no where so requisite as in an Army: wherefore to keep your Soldiers to their duty, strict and severe Laws are to be made, and they are to be executed as strictly: The Romans punished it with death to be absent from the Guard, when it was a mans duty to be there. It was no less capital to abandon the place assigned him in Battel. To carry any thing privately out of his Quarters. To boast and appropriate to himself some great exploit, which he never did. To fight without the General's order. To throw away ones Arms in fear. If at any time it happened a whole Troop or Company had of∣fended

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in that nature, they were all put to death, but an imbursation was made of their names, and drawing them out by lotts, every tenth man was executed. And this way of Decimation was used, that though all were not actually sensible, yet all might be affrighted. But because where the punishments are great, the rewards ought to be proportionable, that men may be as well encouraged as deterred, they ordain'd recompences for every remarka∣ble exploit. As to him who in the fight, saved the life of a Citizen. He who first scal'd the Walls of an Enemies Town. He who first entred into the Enemies Camp. He who wounded or killed the Enemies General, or dismounted him from his Horse. By this means no signal act was performed, but it was recompensed by the Consul, and applauded publickly by the rest: and those who received any of these prizes for any generous act, (besides the glory and fame which they acquired among their fellow Soldiers) when they returned home into their Country, they exhibited them to the view of their Relations and Friends, and were received with great acclamation. It is not then to be admired if that people extended its Empire so far, being so far in their discipline, and in the observation of their punishments and rewards, towards such as by the generosity of their actions had merited the one, or by their offences the other; of which things I am of opinion the greatest part should be observed now. I think it not amiss to mention one of their punish∣ments, and it was this; The Criminal being convict before the Tribune or Consul, was by him strook gently over the shoulders with a rod, after which the Malefactor had liberty to run, but as he had liberty to run, so the rest of the Soldiers had liberty to kill him if they could; so that immediately some threw stones at him, some darts, some stroke him with their Swords, some with one thing, some with another, so that his life was but short, for seldom any escaped, and those who did escape could not return to their houses, but with so much ignominy and scandal, that they had much better have died. This sort of punish∣ment is in some measure used still by the Swissers who cause those who are condemned, to pass thorow the Pikes, which is a punishment well contrived, and most commonly well executed; for he who would order things so that a man should not side, or defend a Male∣factor, cannot do better, than to make him an instrument of his punishment; because with another respect he favours, and with another appetite he desires his punishment, when he is Executioner himself, than when the execution is committed to another. To the end then that a Malefactor may not be favoured by the people, nor upheld in his offence, the best remedy is to refer him to their judgment. To confirm this, the example of Manlius Capitolinus may be brought, who being accused by the Senate, was defended by the people, till they were made his Judges; but when his case fell once into their Cognizance, and they were made Arbitrators in the business, they condemn'd him to death. This then is the true way of punishing, to prevent Seditions, and execute Justice. But because neither fear of the Laws, nor reverence to men was sufficient to keep Soldiers to their duties, and to a just observation of their discipline, the Ancients added the fear and authority of God. For this cause they made their Soldiers to swear with great Ceremony and Solemnity to preserve their discipline, that if they transgress'd they might be in danger not only of humane Laws, but divine Justice, endeavouring by all industry to possess them with principles of Religion, however they were false.

Battist.

I pray satisfie me whether the Romans permitted any Women in their Armies, and whether they suffered their Soldiers to game, as we do now adays in ours.

CHAP. VI.

The Ancients had neither Women, nor Gaming in their Armies; and of the manner how they discamp'd.

Fabr.

THe Romans allowed neither the one nor the other, and indeed it required no great difficulty to prevent them; for to speak truth, the exercises to which they kept the Soldier constantly, either in parties, or together were so many that they had no time either for dalliance or play, nor for any thing else that could make them mutinous or unserviceable.

Battista.

What you say pleases me very well: But pray tell me when your Army Dis∣camps, what orders do you observe?

Fabritio.

The General's Trumpet sounds three times: The first sound they take down the Tents, and the Pavillions, and pack them up: The second sound they load their Sumpters; and the third they march in the same order as I said before, with their Baggage

Page 503

and Train behind every Battalia, and the Legions in the midst. Then the Auxiliary Bat∣talion moves, and it's Baggage and Train after it, and a fourth part of the common Bag∣gage and Train, which should consist of all those who were lodged in either of the quarters, which I have shown before in the description of my Camp. Wherefore it was convenient that each of the said quarters should be assigned to a Battalion, that upon the motion of the Army every man might know in what place he was to march. So that every Battalion was to march with its own Baggage, and a fourth part of the common Baggage behind it, and this was the manner which the Roman Army observed in its march, as you may understand by what we have said.

Battista.

Tell us I beseech you, in the placing of their Camps, did the Romans use any other customs besides what you have related?

CHAP. VII.

The safety and health of a Camp is to be regarded, and it is by no means to be besieged.

Fabr.

I Must tell you again that the Romans in their Encampments, were so constant to their old method, that to retain that they applyed themselves with incredible di∣ligence, not regarding what pains, or what trouble it required: But two things they observed with a curiosity more than ordinary; one was to place their Camp in an Air that was healthful and fresh. And the other was to place it where the Enemy might not easily besiege them, or cut off their provisions. To avoid the unhealthfulness of the place they avoided all fenny and boggish places, or where the wind was cold and unwholsom, which unwholsomness they did not so much compute from the situation of the place, as from the complexion of the Inhabitants, and when they found them swarthy or blowsy, they never encamped there. As to the other thing, never to be besieged or streightned by an Enemy: you must consider the nature of the place both where your Friends are placed; and where your Enemies; and then to make your conjecture whether you can be besieged or no. It is necessary therefore a General be very skilful in the situation of the Country, and that he have those about him who understand it as well as he. Besides this, there is another way of preventing diseases, and that is by providing that no disorder be used in your Army: for to keep it sound and in health, the way is that your Army sleep in Tents, That they be lodged as often as may be under Trees that are shady, (where they may have firring to dress their meat) that they may not be obliged to march in the heat. So that in the Sum∣mer time you must dislodge them before day, and have a care in the Winter that they march not in the snow, nor upon the ice, without the convenience of fires. That they want not necessary cloths, nor be constrained to drink ill water; you must command the Physi∣tians of the Army to have a particular care of those who are sick, for a General will find himself overlaid, when he is at once to contend with an Enemy and a Disease. But of all remedies, nothing is so powerful as exercise, and therefore it was a custom among the Ancients to exercise them continually. Think then of what importance exercise is, when in the Camp it keeps you sound, and in the Field it makes you Victorious.

CHAP. VIII.

Directions as to Provisions.

Fabr.

AS to Famine, you must not only have a care that the Enemy cannot cut off your Provisions; but you must consider from what place you may be supplyed, and see that what you have already be not imbezled. It is convenient therefore that you have with you always a months Provision before hand, and then you are to oblige your Neigh∣bours and Friends to furnish you daily with more. You must likewise have a good Maga∣zine for Ammunition, in a strong place, which is to be distributed with great care, giving every man a reasonable proportion every day, and keep such an eye over it, that want of it may occasion no disorder: for in matters of War every thing else may be repaired in time, but hunger the longer it lasts, will the more certainly destroy you. Nor will any Enemy

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that can master you with Famine, ever seek to attach you with his Arms; because though the Victory be not so honourable, it is more easie and secure.

That Army therefore in which Justice is not observed: That Army which squanders and consumes lavishly as it pleases, cannot so well barricado, or fortifie its Camp, but that Famine will find the way in; for where Justice is neglected, Victuals is not constantly sup∣plyed; and where Soldiers are lavish and profuse, though they have plenty, it is quickly consumed: For this cause among the Ancients it was commanded that the Soldiers should eat what was given them, and at a prefixed time, for no Soldier durst eat but when the General went to dinner; but every body knows how little this is observed in our days, and if then the Soldiers might be justly term'd sober and orderly, they may now with as much justice be said to be licentious and debauched.

Battista.

When you began first to order your Camp, you told us you would not confine your self to two Battalions, but take four, that you might shew us how a just and com∣pleat Army was to be lodg'd: I desire therefore that you would satisfie me in two things: One is, when I have either more or less than four Battalions, how I am to dispose of them. The other is, what number of Soldiers would suffice you, to expect, and engage any Ene∣my whatever.

CHAP. IX.

How to lodge more or less than four Battalions, and what number of men is sufficient to make head against an Enemy, be he as numerous as he may.

Fabr.

TO your first demand I answer, that be your Army composed of more or less than four or six thousand men you may increase or lessen their lodgments as you please, and in the same manner, you may proceed to less or more in infinitum: Never∣theless when the Romans joyn'd two Consular Armies together, they made two Camps, and turned the place of the unarmed men one against the other.

To your second demand I reply, That the ordinary Roman Army consisted of about 24000 men, but when by accident they were over-pressed with numbers, they never ex∣ceeded 50000, with this number they opposed 200000 Gauls which assaulted them after their first War with the Carthaginians; with this number they opposed themselves against Hanibal: and you must observe that the Romans and the Greeks always carried on their Wars with a few men, fortifying themselves with their good order, and the excellence of their discipline; whereas the Eastern and Western Nations did all by their multitudes, but the Western people performed all by their natural fury, and the Eastern by their sub∣mission and obedience to their King. In Greece and in Italy where their natural fury, and their natural reverence to their King was not so great, it was necessary to apply themselves to discipline, which was of such efficacy, that it has made a small Army prevail against the fury and natural obstinacy of a greater. I say therefore that if you would imitate the Romans and the Greeks, you are not to exceed the number of 50000 men, but rather to be fewer, because more do but breed confusion, and hinder the order and discipline that you have learn'd. Pyrrhus used ordinarily to say, that with 15000 men he would go thorow the world.

But let us pass now to another part of our discipline.

CHAP. X.

Certain Artifices, and Advertisements of War.

Fabritio.

WE have gained a Battel with our Army, and shown most of the accidents which may happen in it: We have caused it to march, and discoursed with what impediments it might be incumbered in its march, and at length we have brought it into its Camp, where it is to take not only a little repose after its travel and fatigues, but consider and deliberate how it is to finish the War. For in the Camp many things are transacted, especially there being an Enemy in the Field, and Towns to be suspected, of which it is good to secure your self, and to reduce such as are in hostility. It is necessary

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therefore to come to some demonstrations, and pass these difficulties with the same glory and honour with which we have proceeded thus far. To descend therefore to particulars, I say, that if many people or persons have any thing in controversie betwixt them to your advantage, and their own detriment, (as if they should beat down the walls of their City, or send several of their Citizens into banishment) you must cajole them in such man∣ner that none of them may think it has any relation to them, to the end that neither of them relieving one another, they may all of them be oppressed without remedy; or else you must command all of them what they are to do the same day, that each of them be∣lieving himself particularly commanded, may think rather of obeying than looking out for a remedy; and by that means your commands be executed without sedition or disorder. If you suspect the fidelity of a people, and would assure your self of them, and surprize them unawares, you cannot do better than to communicate some design with them, desire their assistance, and pretend to some farther enterprize, without the least ombrage or suspi∣tion of them: and by doing so, (not imagining you have any jealousie of him) he will neglect his own defence, and give you opportunity of effecting your designs.

If you suspect that there is any body in your Army that gives advice of your designs to the enemy; the best way to make your advantage of his treachery, is, to impart some things to him which you never intend to do; and to conceal what you intend; to pre∣tend doubts where you are perfectly resolved; and to conceal other things that you have absolutely determined: by this means you will put the Enemy upon some enterprize (upon presumption that he knows your designs) in which you may easily circumvent and defeat him.

If you resolve (as Claudius Nero did) to lessen your Army, and send relief to your friend so privately that the Enemy should not perceive it; you must not take down your Tents, nor diminish the number of your Hutts; but keep up your Ensigns and preserve your ranks intire, with the same fires and guards as before. If any supplies come up suddenly to your Army, and you would not have your Enemy perceive you are reinforced, you must not aug∣ment the number of your Tents; for nothing is more useful than to keep such accidents secret. Metellus being in Spain with his Army; one took the confidence to demand of him what he intended to do the next day: He replyed, That if he thought his shirt knew, he would burn it. Marcus Croesus being asked by one when he would discamp, answered him, Are you the only man think you that will not hear the Trumpets?

If you design to understand the secrets of your Enemy, and to know his order and con∣dition; you must do as others have done, send Embassadors to him, with wise and expe∣rienced Soldiers in their Train, who may take their opportunity to view his Army, and consider his strength and weakness so, as may give occasion to overcome him. Some have pretended to banish some one of their Confidents, and by that means had information of his Enemies designs. They are discovered likewise sometimes by the taking of prisoners: Marius whilst he was at War with the Cimbrians, to feel the fidelity of the Gals, (who at that time inhabited Lombardy, and were in League with the Romans) sent to them two sorts of Letters, one open, the other seal'd. In the Letters that were open, he writ that they should not open those which were sealed till such a time as he directed, before which time he sent for them again, and finding them open, he found he was to repose no con∣fidence there.

CHAP. XI.

How to rid ones self of an Army that is pressing upon ones heels.

Fabr.

SEveral Generals have been invaded, and not marched their Army immediately against the Enemy, but made an inroad into his Country, and constrained him to return to defend it; and this way has many times succeeded, because yours are flesh'd with victory, and loaden with plunder, whilst the Enemy is terrified, and instead of a hopeful victory, like to go by the loss: so that they who have used this kind of diversion, have many times prospered. But this is practicable only to those whose Country is stronger than the Enemies Country; for if it be otherwise, that diversion is pernicious. If a General be block'd up in his Camp by the Enemy, he cannot do better than to propose an accord, or at least a truce with him for some days, for that makes your Enemy the more negligent in every thing; of which negligence you may take your advantage, and give him the slip. By this way Silla disintangled himself twice, and cleared himself of his Enemies: by the

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same Artifice Asdrubal extricated himself in Spain from the forces of Claudius Nero who had block'd him up; it would likewise contribute much to the freeing a man from the power of the Enemy, to do something (besides what has been said already) that may keep him in suspence. And this is to be done two ways, by assaulting him with part of your forces, that whilst he is employed upon them, the rest may have time to preserve themselves. There is another way likewise, and that is by contriving some new thing or other that may amuse or astonish the Enemy, and render him uncertain which way he is to stear: so Ha∣nibal served Fabius Maximus when he had shut him up on the mountains; for causing little wisps of brush-wood to be tied to the horns of several Oxen, he set them on fire; and Fabius not understanding the depth of the stratagem, supposing it worse than it was, kept upon his guard within his Camp, and suffered him to pass.

CHAP. XII.

How a man may make a Princes Favourite suspected, and divide his Forces.

A General above all things is to endeavour to divide the Enemies Forces, either by ren∣dering his Confidents suspicious; or by giving him occasion to separate his Troops, and by consequence weaken himself. The first is done by preserving the Estates or Goods of those he has about him; as in time of War, to spare their Houses, or Possessions; and returning their Children or Relations safe, and without ransom. You know when Ha∣nibal burned all about Rome, he exempted what belonged to Fabius Maximus. You know how Coriolanus coming with a strong Army to besiege Rome, preserved the Possessions of the Nobility. Metellus being at the head of an Army againts Iugurtha, moved it to the Embassadors which the Enemy sent to him, to deliver up Iugurtha Prisoner, and writing Letters to them afterwards to the same purpose, he continued his Correspondence till Iu∣gurtha got the alarm, suspected his whole Counsel, and made them away after several manners.

When Hanibal was fled to Antiochus, the Roman Embassadors practised so cunningly, that Antiochus grew jealous, and trusted him no farther.

As to the way of dividing the Enemy, there is not any more certain than to cause an in∣cursion to be made upon his Country, that he may be constrained to leave the War, and go back to defend himself. This was the way which Fabius used when he had an Army against him of French and Tuscans, Umbrians and Samnites. Titus Didius having a small Army in respect of the Enemy, expecting another Legion from Rome, which the Enemy was de∣sirous to intercept; he gave out in his Army that the next day he would give the Enemy Battel, and ordered it so, that certain Prisoners which he had in his Camp at that time, took their opportunity to escape, and gave intelligence to the Enemy that the Consul had given orders to fight; upon which news, that they might not lessen their Forces, they did not march against the other Legion, and by that means it was preserved; some there have been who to divide or weaken the force of their Enemy, have suffered him to enter into their Country, and possess himself of several Towns, that by putting Garrisons into them, he may lessen his Army, and give them occasion to attack and defeat him. Others design∣ing against one Province, have pretended to invade another, and used such industry in the business, that being entred unexpectedly into that Country, they have conquered it before the Enemy had time to relieve it: for the Enemy being uncertain whether you will return back and invade the Country which you threatned before, is constrained to keep his Post, and not to leave one place to secure another, and it falls out many times that he is unable to defend either the one or the other.

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CHAP. XIII.

In what manner seditions and mutinies in an Army are to be appeased.

Fabr.

BEsides what has been said already, it is of great use and reputation to a General, if he knows how to compose mutinies and dissentions in his Army. The best way is by punishing the Ringleaders, but then it is to be done so neatly, that they may have their reward before they have news that it is intended. The way to do that is, if they be at any distance, to summon both nocent and innocent together, that they thinking themselves safe, and not in danger of any punishment, may not be refractory, and stand up∣on their guard, but put themselves quietly into your hands to be punished. If they be present, and at hand, the General is to make himself as strong as he can with those who are innocent, and others in whom he can confide, and then punish as he thinks fit. When the quarrel is private, and among themselves, the best way is to expose them to danger, and let them fight if they think good; for the fear of that does many times reconcile them. But above all things, there is nothing that keeps as Army so unanimous as the re∣putation of the General, which proceeds principally from his courage; for it is neither birth nor authority can do it without that.

The chief thing incumbent upon a General is to pay well, and punish well; for when∣ever the Soldiers want pay, 'tis but reasonable that they should want punishment; for you cannot in justice chastise any exorbitance in a Soldier, when you disappoint him of his pay; nor can he forbear stealing, unless he be willing to starve: but if you pay, and do not punish them, they are insolent again; and you will become despicable in holding a Command that you are not able to manage, and by not maintaining your dignity and authority, of necessity tumults and disorders must follow, which will be the utter ruine of your Army.

CHAP. XIV.

How the Ancients relied much upon their auguries, and other accidents.

Fabr.

THe Generals of old were subject to one molestation, from which in our days we are exempt: and that is how to pervert an ill augury, and interpret it to their advantage: for if an Arrow fell down in an Army: if the Sun or the Moon was Eclip∣sed: if there hapned an Earth-quake, or it was the General's fortune to fall down, either as he got up on horse-back, or dismounted, it was look'd upon by the Soldiers as an ill omen, and was the occasion of such fear in them, that coming afterwards to a Battel they were easily beaten: and therefore the Generals in times past when such an accident hap∣pened, immediately gave some reason for it, and referr'd it to some natural cause, or else wrested and perverted it to their own profit and advantage.

Caesar

passing over into Africa, tumbling down upon the ground as he came out of the Ship, grasping the grass in his hands, he cryed out, Teneo te O Africa; Africa you are mine, for I have you in my hands. And several others have given reasons (according to their own interest) for the Earth-quakes and Eclipses of the Moon: but in our days these artifices cannot pass, because our men are not now so superstitious, and our Religion ex∣plodes such opinions as heathenish and vain: but whenever we should be so blind as to reassume those superstitions, we must revive the custom of the Ancients.

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CHAP. XV.

That we are not to fight with an Enemy reduced to despair; and several arts that may be used to surprize him.

Fabr.

WHen famine, natural necessity, or human passion has brought your Enemy to such despair, that impelled by that, he marches furiously to fight with you, you must keep within your Camp, and decline fighting as much as possibly you can. The La∣cedemonians acted in that manner against the Messeni; Caesar did the same against Afranius and Petreius. When Fulvius was Consul against the Cimbrians, he caused his horse to attack the Enemy for several days together; and observing in what numbers they came forth to engage them, he placed an ambush one day behind their Camp, caused them again to be assaulted; and the Cimbrians issuing forth in their old numbers to encounter them; Fulvius fell in the mean time upon their Camp, entred it, and sack'd it. Some Generals have made great advantage (when they lye near the Enemies Army) to send out parties with the Enemies Colours to plunder their own Country; for the Enemy supposing them supplies sent to relieve them, have issued forth to meet them, and assist them to plunder, whereby they have been put to disorder, and given opportunity to the adversary to over∣throw them. Alexander of Epirus did the same against the Sclavonians: and Leptene the Syracusan against the Carthaginians, and both with success: many have been too hard for their Enemies by giving them opportunity of eating and drinking too much, making a shew of being afraid, and leaving their Camp full of wine and provisions; with which the Ene∣my having gorg'd himself without measure, the others have fallen upon them with advan∣tage, and put them to the sword. Tomyris provided such an entertainment for Cyrus; and Tiberius Gracchus regall'd the Spaniards in the same manner: others have poysoned their meat and their drink, to ruine the Enemy that way the more easily. I said before, that I did not find it in any History that the Romans did ever in the night place any Centinels without their Camp, supposing they omitted it to prevent the mischiefs that might ensue; for it has been often seen that the Centinels which are placed abroad in the day time to hear and descry the Enemy, have been the destruction of those who have sent them; for being often times surprized by the Enemy, they have been forced to give the signal with which they were to call their own men, and they coming immediately according to the sign, have been all killed, or taken prisoners.

To over-reach and circumvent an Enemy, it is good sometimes to vary your custom, that the Enemy depending upon it, may be disappointed and ruined. Thus it happened with a General, who being accustomed to give the signal of the approach of the Enemy in the night by fire, and in the day time by smoke; commanded that they should make smoke and fire together without intermission, and that when the Enemy came, they should put them both out; the Enemy supposing he was not perceived, (because he saw no signal given) marched on in disorder, and gave his Adversary the victory.

Memnon the Rhodian desiring to draw his Enemy out of his strong hold, sent one by the way of a fugitive into their Army, with news that Memnon's Army was in a mutiny, and that the greatest part of them were gone from him; and to confirm it the more, he caused disorders and tumults to be pretended in his Camp; whereupon the Enemy taking en∣couragement, advanced out of his hold to attack Memnon, but was cut off himself.

Besides the things above-mentioned, great care is to be had never to bring your Enemy to despair. Caesar was very cautious of this in his War with the Germans, and opened a way for them, when he saw that not being able to fly, they must of necessity fight, and that more couragiously than otherwise; wherefore he chose rather the trouble of pursuing them when they fled, than the danger of fighting them when they were forced to defend themselves. Lucullus observing a party of his horse going over to the Enemy, caused a Charge to be founded immediately, and commanded other parties to follow them; where∣upon the Enemy believing Lucullus intended to fight, sent out a party to charge those Ma∣cedonians who were running away; and they did it so effectually, that the Macedonians were glad to stand upon their guard, by which means of fugitives intended, they became good Subjects in spight of their teeths.

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CHAP. XVI.

How a suspected Town or Country is to be secured, and how the Peoples hearts are to be gained.

Fabr.

IT is a great thing in a General to know how to secure a Town that you suspect, either after a Victory or before; as several ancient examples do demonstrate. Pompey being jealous of the Catinenses, beg'd of them that they would give entertain∣ment to some of his sick men, and under the disguise of sick, sending stout and valiant men, they surprized the Town, and kept it for Pompey. Publius Valerius was diffident of the Epidauni, and caused a General indulgence to be given in one of the Churches with∣out the Town, the people thronging thither for pardon, he shut the Gates upon them, and received none back again but such as he could trust. Alexander the great being to march into Asia, and by the way secure himself of Thrace; carried along with him all the principal persons of that Province, giving them commands in his Army, and leaving the people to be governed by those of their own condition; by which means he satisfied all parties; the Nobility by paying them, and the Populace, by leaving no Governor that would oppress them. But among all the ways wherewith the people are to be cajoled, nothing goes so far as examples of chastity and justice, as that of Scipio in Spain, when he returned a beautiful young Lady to her Parents, and Husband untouched, a passage that contributed more than his Arms to the subduction of that Country. Caesar only for paying for the wood which he caused to be cut down to make Stoccadoes about his Camp in France, got such a name for his justice, that it facilitated the Conquest of that Province. I know not now that there remains any thing to say further about these acci∣dents; or that there is any thing which we have not already examined. If there be any thing, it is the way of taking and defending of Towns, which I am willing to show, were I sure I should not be tedious.

Battista.

Your civility is so great, that it makes us pursue our desires without the least fear of presumption; for you have offered us that frankly, which we should have been a∣shamed to have requested. We do assure you therefore you cannot do us a greater favour than to finish this Discourse; but before you proceed, let me entreat you to resolve me, whether it be better to continue a VVar all VVinter long (as they do now adays) or carry it on only in the Summer, and in the VVinter go to their Quarters.

CHAP. XVII.

War is not to be continued in the Winter.

Fabr.

OBserve Gentlemen, had it not been for the prudence of Battista, a very consi∣derable part of our Discourse had been omitted: I tell you again that the An∣cients did every thing with more prudence and discretion than we, who if we be defective in any thing, are much more in matters of War.

Nothing is more imprudent and dangerous for a General than to begin a War in the Winter, and he who is the aggressor is more liable to miscarry, than he that is invaded. The reason is this, all the industry employed in Military Discipline, consists in preparing your men and putting them into order for a Battel. That is it, at which a General is prin∣cipally to aim, because a Battel does commonly decide the business, whether it be lost or won. He therefore who knows best how to put his Army in order, and he who knows best how to prepare and equip them, has doubtless the advantage, and is in most hopes to overcome. On the other side, nothing is more inconsistent with good order than steep places, or cold rainy weather; for steep places will not suffer you to open or extend your ranks according to discipline; cold and wet weather will not permit you to keep your men together, nor present them in close order before the Enemy, but constrains you of necessity to lodge them up and down, asunder without order, at the mercy of all the Castles, and Towns, and Villages that receive you; so that all the pains you have taken to discipline your Army, is (for that time) utterly useless.

Do not admire, If now adays we make War in the Winter, for our Armies being with∣out discipline, it is not to be imagined what inconveniences they suffer by not being quar∣tered

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together; for it troubles them not, that they cannot keep those orders, and observe that discipline which they never had. Yet it ought seriously to be considered what preju∣dice has followed upon encampments in the Winter: and it ought likewise to be remembred that the French in the year 1503. were broken and ruined near Garigliano, rather by the extremity of the weather, than the magnanimity of the Spaniards. For as I told you before, the Invador is under greatest incommodity, as being more exposed to the weather in an Enemies Country, than at home: for to keep his men together he is necessitated to endure the cold and the rain; or to avoid it, to divide his men, which is mightily to ex∣pose them. But he who is upon the defensive part can choose his place and his way, attend him with fresh men, which he can joyn in a moment, and fall upon some party of the Enemies with such fury, as they will not be able to endure the shock. It was the weather therefore which disordered the French, and 'tis the weather that will always ruine any man that begins War in Winter, if his adversary have any share of discretion. He therefore who would have his force, his order, his discipline, and his courage of no use or advan∣tage to him, let him keep the Field, and carry on his War in the Winter: For the Romans (who desired all those things in which they employed their industry and diligence should be useful to them) avoided the incommodities of Winter, as much, as the asperities of the Alps, the difficulty of places, and whatever else might hinder them from showing their dexterity and courage. And thus much as to your demand, we will discourse now of ta∣king and defending of Towns, and of their Natural, and Artificial strength.

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