The works of the famous Nicholas Machiavel, citizen and secretary of Florence written originally in Italian, and from thence newly and faithfully translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE. (Book 7)

BOOK VII. (Book 7)

IN the reading of the last Book, it may appear (possibly) impertinent, and a digres∣sion, for a Writer of the Florentine History to have broke out, and expatiated upon the affairs of Lombardy and Naples. Yet I have done it, and shall do it for the fu∣ture; for though I never profess'd to write the transactions of Italy, yet I never bound my self up from giving a relation of such important and memorable passages, as would make our History more grateful and intelligible; especially seeing from the actions of other Princes and States, wars and troubles did many times arise in which the Floren∣tines were of necessity involved: for example, the War betwixt Giovanni d' Angio, and King Ferrando, proclaimed in them so great a hatred and animosity one towards the other, that it was continued afterwards betwixt Ferrando and the Florentines, and more particularly the House of Medici. For King Ferrando complaining, not only that they had refus'd him their assistance, but given it to his Enemies; that resentment of his, was the occasion of much mischief, as will be shown in our narration.

And because in my description of our Foreign affairs, I am advanc'd to the year 1463. (being return'd to our domestick) it will be necessary to look back for se∣veral years. But first by way of introduction (as my custom) I shall say, that they who imagine a Commonwealth may be continued united, are egregiously mistaken. True it is, dissention does many times hurt; but sometimes it advantages a State. It hurts when it is accompanied with parties, and factions; it helps, when it has none. Seeing there∣fore,

it is impossible for any Legislator or founder of a republick, to provide there should be no piques, nor unkindnesses betwixt Men; it is his business what he can, to secure them a∣gainst growing into parties and Clans. It is then to be consider'd, that there are two ways for Citizens to advance themselves to reputation among their Neighbours, and they are, ei∣ther publickly or privatly. The Publick way is, by gaining some battle, surprizing and distressing some Town; performing some Embassy carefully and prudently; or counselling their State wisely and with success; the private way is, by being kind to their fellow Citi∣zens; by defending them from the Magistrats; supplying them with mony, promoting them to honors; and with plays and publick exhibitions to ingratiate with the People. This last way produces parties and factions, and as the reputation acquir'd that way is dangerous and fatal, so the other way it is beneficial (if it sides with no party) as extending to the publick. And although among Citizens of such qualification, there must needs be emula∣tions and jealousies, yet wanting partisans, and People which for their advantage will fol∣low them, they are rather a convenience than otherwise, to a Government; for to make themselves more eminent and conspicuous than their Competitors, they imploy all their fa∣culties for its advancement, prying and observing one anothers actions so strictly, that nei∣ther dares venture to transgress.

The emulations in Florence were always with faction; and for that reason always were dangerous; nor was any party unanimous any longer than it had an adverse party in being; for that being overcome, and the predominant party having no fear, nor order to restrain it, subdivided on course: Cosimo de Medici's party prevail'd in the year 1434; but (the depress'd party being great, and many powerful Men amongst them) for a while they con∣tinued unanimous and supportable, committing no exorbitance among themselves, nor injustice to the People, which might beget them their hatred. Insomuch, as when ever they had use of the People for their readvancement to any place of authority, they found them always ready to confer it upon the chief of that party, whether it was the Balia or any other power which they desir'd: and so from the year 1434 to 55 (which was 21 years) they were six times created of the Balia by the Counsels of the People.

There were in Florence (as we have many times hinted) two principal Citizens, Cosi∣mo de Medici, and Neri Capponi.* 1.1 Neri had gain'd his reputation in the publick way, and had many friends, but few partisans: Cosimo on the other side had advanc'd himself both ways, and had friends and partisans both, and these two continuing friends, whilst they lived together, they could ask nothing of the People; but it was readily granted, because unanimity went along with the Power. But Neri dying in the year 1455, and the ad∣verse party being extinct, the Government found great difficulty to recover its authority, and Cosimo's great friends were the cause of it, who were willing to detract from his autho∣rity, now his adversaries were suppress'd. This was the beginning of the divisions in 1466, in which year, in a solemn counsel, where the publick administration was debated, those to whom the Government at that time belonged, advised that there should be no Balia for the future: that the way of imborsation should be laid aside; and the Magistrats be chosen by lots, as in the former Squittini's or elections. To obviate this humour, Cosimo had two ways, either to possess himself forcibly of the Government by the power of his party, and depose his Enemies: or to let things go which way they would, and attend till time should make his friends discern, that they did not take the Government, and authority so much from him, as from themselves. Of the two he made choice of the last; knowing that ac∣cording to that constitution, the purses being full of his friends, he could without any dan∣ger reassume his Authority when he pleas'd. The City being thus reduc'd to its old way of creation of Magistrats by lots, they thought they had perfectly recover'd their liberty, and that for the future elections were to be made not according to the influence of the Nobility, but the inclination of the People. So that sometimes the friend of one Grandee was reje∣cted, and sometimes of another, and those whose houses were formerly full of Clients and their presents, had now scarce housholdstuff left, or servant to attend them: those who were formerly their inferiors, were now become their equals, and their equals advanced to be their Superiours: they were not regarded nor respected, but rather derided and abus'd; all People taking the freedom to talk of them and their Government as they pleas'd, even in the streets and high ways, without any contradiction; so that it was not long after, they discovered, that as he had told them, it was not so much Cosimo, as themselves which were degraded.

However Cosimo took no notice, but in all propositions that would please the People, he was the first who concurr'd. But that which was most terrible to the Nobility, and made Cosimo look about him, was the receiving of the Catastro of the year 1427 by which the im∣positions were to be laid by order of Law, and not by the capriccio's of particular Men.

This Law being reviv'd, and Magistrats already chosen to put in execution, the Nobility assembled, and went to Cosimo to beg of him that he would be a means to rescue them out of the jaws of the people; and restore the State to a condition that might make him power∣ful, and them honorable. To which Cosimo replyed he would do it with all his heart, pro∣vided it might be done legally by the consent of the people and without any force, of which he would not endure to hear. Then they endeavoured in the Counsels to prevail for a new Balia, but they could not obtain it; whereupon they returned to Cosimo, and press'd him with all expressions of humility that he would consent to a Parliament; but Cosimo (re∣solved to make them fully sensible of their error) absolutely refused it, and because Donati Cochi (being Gonfaloniere di Giustitia at that time) presum'd to call a Parliament without his consent; Cosimo made him so ridiculous and contemptible in the Senate, he was not able to continue there but as a distracted Man, was sent home again to his house: Neverthe∣less, lest things should run too far to be recovered, Luca Pitti (a bold and tenacious Man) being made Gonfaloniere di Giustitia, ••e thought it a convenient time to have the Govern∣ment to him, that if any thing miscarried in that enterprize it might be imputed to Luca. And accordingly Luca in the very beginning of his office, urged the People many times to the restauration of the Balia, threatning those of the Counsels with opprobrious and insolent language; and not long after he executed what he had threatned; for in August 1453 in the vigil of San. Lownzo,* 1.2 having filled the Palace with armed Men, he called the people together in the Piazza, and constrained them by force to consent, to what they had vo∣luntarily refused. Having repossess'd themselves of the state, created a new Balia, and chang∣ed the Magistrats according to the pleasure of a few; that the biginning of their Government might be as terrible, as it was forcible, they confin'd Girolamo Machiavelli and some others,* 1.3 and deprived many of their honors. Girolamo not being exact in observing his bounds, was proscrib'd, and wandring up and down Italy to excite the several Princes against his own Country, by the Treachery of one of the Senators in Lunigiana, he was apprehended, brought back to Florence, and executed in Prison. This Government (which lasted eight years) was very violent, and insupportable: for Cosimo being grown old, weary of busi∣ness, and infirm in his body; could not be so sedulous as formerly, so that the City was become a prey to a few particular Citizens; who in requital of his good service to the State, made Luca Pitti a Knight, and he (in return of their kindness) appointed, that whereas before they were called Priori dell Arti, now (that they might at least retain the Title, though they lost the possession) they should be be called Priori della liberta. He ordered likewise that whereas formerly the Gonfalonieri sat on the right hand of the Retori, they should sit in the midst of them hereafter: and (that God might have his share in the revo∣lution) he caused solemn services, and processions to be performed, by way of thanks for the honors to which they were restored.

Luca was richly presented both by Cosimo and the Senate; after whom the whole City came in flocks, so that it was beleived he had given him that day to the value of 20000 Ducats by which means he grew into such reputation, that not Cosimo, but he was looked upon as the Governor of City; and he arrived at that point of vanity, to begin two stately and magnificent houses one in Florence, & the other at Rucina, not above a miles distance from the City: but that in Florence was greater, and more splendid, than the House of any other pri∣vate Citizen whatsoever; for the finishing of which he baulk'd no extraordinary way; for not only the Citizens and better sort, presented him, and furnish'd him with what was ne∣cessary about it; but the Common people gave him all of them their assistance: besides all that were banish'd, or guilty of Murder, Felony, or any other thing which expos'd them to pub∣lick punishment, had Sanctuary at that house provided they would give him their labour. The rest of his Brethren, though they built not such houses, they were no less rapacious than he, so that though Florence had no Wars abroad to destroy it, it had Citizens at home, in its own bowels, which would not suffer it to prosper. In the mean time, as we have said before, the Wars happen'd in the Kingdom of Naples, and the Pope had difference with the Malatesti in Romagna concerning Rimino and Cesana, which they had taken from him, and desired to recover: so that betwixt the thoughts of that, and the enterprize against the Turks, the time of Pius his whole Papacy was consum'd. But Florence fell again into its old factions and dissentions. The divisions in Cosimo's party began in 55 upon the occasions aforesaid, and by his wisdom (as is said before) they were restrained. But in 64 Cosimo fell sick,* 1.4 and dyed, generally lamented, both by his friends and his Enemies, for they, who lov'd him not whilst at the Helm, seeing their fellow Citizens so rapacious whilst he was living, (the reverence they bore to his Person making them less insupportable than otherwise they would be) could not but fear, now he was dead, and his influence lost; they should be utterly ruined, and in his Son Piero they could repose little confidence; for

though he was of himself a good Man, yet being infirm, and but young in the State, they supposed he would be constrained to comply with them, and they become more head-strong and incontrolable in their wickedness: so that Cosimo died universally lamented, and cer∣tainly he deserved it for he was the most famous and memorable Citizen (of a Person that was no Souldier) that ever Florence or any other City produc'd: he exceeded all his con∣temporaries, not only in Authority and Estate, but in liberality and prudence; which qualities made him a Prince in his Country, and beloved by all People: his munificence was more eminent after his death, than before, for when his Son Piero came to look over his writing, and to enquire into the particulars of his Estate, he found there was scarce a Man of any quality in the City, to whom Cosimo had not lent a considerable sum; and ma∣ny times when he heard of the exigencies of any Person of quality, he supply'd them unask∣ed. His magnificence appear'd in the multitude of his buildings; for in Florence he built the Convents of S. Marco, and S. Lorenzo, and the Monastery of S. Verdiano: in the Monti di Fiesoli, S. Giralomo, and the Abbey in Mugello, he not only repaired a Church of the Mi∣nor's, but he took it down, and rebuilt it from the ground: besides this in S. Croce, in Servi in Agnoli, in S. Mineato, he erected altars, and most sumptuous Chappels, all which besides the building, he adorn'd with all the utensels and decorations required in so sacred a place. Besides his religious houses, he built several private houses for himself, one in the City su∣table to his quality; four without, at Careggio, Fiesole, Cafaggivolo, and Trebi, all of them fitter for Princes, than private Men: and as if his buildings in Italy were too few to make him famous, he built an Hospital in Ierusalem, for the reception and relief of poor and infirm pilgrims brought thither by their devotion; in which fabrick, he laid out a vast sum of Money: and albeit in his actions and buildings he behaved himself like a King, and was the only Prince in Florence, yet he was so moderate, and untransported in all things, that in his conversation, his Parades, his allyances, and his whole manner of life, he re∣tained the modesty of a Citizen; for he was sensible that ostentation and Pomp in that which is every day to be seen, contracts more envy, than moderation, and gravity. Being to seek for matches for his Sons, he did not endeavour for the alliance of Princes, but married his Son Giovanni to Cornelia Alessandri, and Piero, to Lucretia Tornabuoni, and contracted his Grand-children by Piero, Bianca to Gulielmo di Pazzi, and Nannina to Bernardo Rucel∣lai. Among all the States, Princes, and civil Governments of his time; no person came near him for sagacity and intelligence. Hence it was that in all the variety of his fortunes, when the City was so uncertain, and the people so voluble; He kept his Authority 31 years, for being a wise man and of great prospect, he foresaw any mischief at a distance, and was ready to prevent it, before it proceeded too far; or to frustrate the effects of it, if it did Whereby he did not only subdue all domestick and private ambition at home, but restrained. it so happily in several Princes, that whoever confederated with him and his Country, came off upon equal terms, if not worsted their enemies; and whoever oppos'd him, either lost their money, their time, or their State: and of this the Venetians can give ample testimony, who whilst in League with him against Duke Philip, were always victorious; but that League was no sooner broken, but they were beaten both by Philip, and Francesco: and when they joyned with Alfonso against the Republick of Florence, Cosimo with his own credit drained Naples and Venice so dry, that they were glad to except what terms of peace he would allow. Of all the difficulties therefore which Cosimo encountred both within the City and without, the conclusion was still honorable for him, and destructive for his ene∣mies; so that the civil discords gain'd him authority at home, and his foreign Wars, pow∣er and reputation abroad; insomuch that to the territory and Dominion of his Country, he added the City of Borgo a Sepulcro, Montedoglio, Casentino, and Valdi Bagno, and by his virtue and fortune, snppress'd his Enemies, and exalted his friends. He was born 1389. on S. Cosimo, and Damiano's day. The first part of his life was full of troubles, witness his banishment, his imprisonment, and his dangers in being killed. From the Counsel of Constance, after Pope Iohn was ruin'd (whom he had attended thither) he was forced to fly in disguise, or otherwise he had been slain: but after the fortieth year of his age it was more pleasant and happy; not only such as were employ'd with him in publick affairs, but the managers also of his private treasure in foreign parts, participating of his felicity. From him many Families in Florence may derive their great estates: particularly the Fornabuoni, the Benci, the Portinari, the Sapetti, and in short all that had dependance either upon his counsel or fortune.

Though his disbursements were vast in building his Houses and Temples, and in his distri∣butions to the poor, yet he would complain sometimes among his friends, that he had not laid out so much to the honour of God, as he was oblig'd; and that if he had done much more, he must confess himself his debtor. His stature was ordinary, his complexion worthy, his

presence venerable: his learning was not great, but his eloquence admirable; he was na∣turally prudent, courteous to his friends, merciful to the poor, profitable in his converse, cautious in his counsels; speedy in his executions, and in his sayings and replies, both so∣lid and facetious. When he went first into Banishment, Rinaldo de gli Albizi) drolling upon his exilement) sent him word, The hen was hatching, to which Cosimo returned, that she would have but ill hatching so far from her nest. To some of his Rebels who in a threatning way sent him word. They were not asleep, he reply'd, he believ'd it, for he had spoil'd their sleeping. When Pope Pius was encouraging and pressing all Christian Princes against the Turk, Cosimo said the Pope was an old Man, but he had begun an enterprize as if he had been a Boy. To the Venetian Embassadors, who came to Florence with the Embassadors of Al∣fonso, to complain of that Commonwealth, putting his hat off to them, he demanded the co∣lour of his hair, they told him it was gray; he replyed, in time your Senators will be of the same colour. Not many hours before his death, his Wife seing him shut his eyes, enquired why he did so, and he told her to use them. Some Citizens after his return complaining to him that the City would be depopulated, and God Almighty offended, if he banished so many weal∣thy and Religious Men; he told them, the City had better be depopulated than destroyed. That two yards of Cloth were enough to keep a Man from the cold; and that States were not to be preserved by the beads a Man carried in his hand. These last expressions gave his Ene∣mies occasion to calumniate him, as a person that was a greater lover of himself than his Country; and one that took more care of this World than the next. Many other of his wise sayings might be inserted, but being unnecessary, they are omitted. Cosimo was likewise a great lover and advancer of learned Men; upon which score he entertained in Florence Argiropolo a Grecian, as learned as any in his time, that by him the youth of Florence might be instructed in the Greek tongue, and in several of his Tenets. He entertained likewise in his House Marcileo Ficino, a great Patron of the Platonick Philosophy, whom he loved so entirely; and that he might follow his studies with more convenience, he gave him a house near his own Palace at Caraggi. So that his prudence, his beneficence, his success, and his way of living made him be belov'd, and feared among the Citizens, and much esteemed by all Princes of Europe. Whereby he left such a foundation to his posterity, that by their virtue they might equal him, by their fortune transcend him, and obtain as much honor as he had in Florence, in all the Cities and Countries of Christendom. Nevertheless towards the latter end of his days, he had several afflictions, he had but two Sons, Piero and Gio∣vanni, of which Giovanni (the most hopeful) dyed, and Piero who survived, was infirm, and by the weakness of his body unfit either for publick or private business; so that after the death of his Son, causing himself to be carried about his house, he sighed and said, this house is too big for so small a Family.

It troubled him also that he had not (in his judgment) enlarged the dominion of the Florentine state, nor added to it empire, any considerable acquest: and its troubled him the more, for that he found himself cheated by Francesco, who when he was but Count, had promis'd him, as soon as he had made himself Master of Milan, to employ his Arms against Lucca in the behalf of the Florentines; but his mind chang'd with his fortune, and having got to be the Duke of Milan, had a desire to enjoy in peace, what he had obtained by War, so that after his elevation, he never medled in foreign concerns, nor made any more Wars, than were necessary for his own defence: which was a great disturbance to Cosimo, who now discerned he had been at great pains and expence to advance a Man who was both false and ingrateful. He perceived likewise that in respect of his age, and the infirmities of his body, he was not able to apply himself to publick or private business as he was wont; and he saw both the one and the other decline, the City going to wrack by the dissentions of the Citi∣zens; and his fortune by his Ministers and Sons. These considerations gave him no little disquiet towards his end; yet he died full of Glory and renown; all the Cities and Princes of Christendom sent their compliments of condolency to his Son Piero, the whole City at∣tended his Corps with great solemnity to the Grave, and by publick decree it was inscrib'd upon his Tomb Padre della Patria.

If in my description and character of Cosimo, I have rather followed the example of those who have written the lives of Princes, than of an Historian, it is not to be admir'd. He was a person extraordinary in our City, and I thought my self obliged to give him a more than ordinary commendation: during the time that Italy and Florence were in the condition a∣foresaid; Lewis King of France was infested with a furious War, which his Barons (at the instigation of Francis Duke of Britan, and Charles Duke of Burgundy) had rais'd. This War lay so heavy upon him, he could not assist Giovanni in his designs upon Genoa and Na∣ples, but believing he had need enough of all the supplies he could get, he call'd back his forces; and Savona being at that time in the hands of the French, he ordered it to be deli∣vered

to the Count, and left him if he pleas'd to pursue the enterprize against Genoa: the Count was easily persuaded to a thing so much to his advantage; so that by the reputation of his amity with the French King, and the assistance given him by the Adorni, he possess'd himself of Genoa, and in gratitude to the French King, sent him a supply of 1500 Horse in∣to France, under the Command of his eldest Son Galeazzo: by this means Ferrando of A∣ragon, and Francesco Sforza remain'd at quiet; the one Duke of Lombardy, and Lord of Genoa; the other King of the whole Kingdom of Naples, and having contracted alliances together, and married their Children the one to the other; they began to consider how they might secure their states to themselves whilst they lived, and to their heirs when they were dead.

In order to this, it was thought necessary, the King should make sure of such of his Ba∣rons as had sided against him in his Wars with Giovanni d' Angio, and the Duke should en∣deavour to extirpate all that had been favourers of the Bracci, who were mortal Enemies to the said Duke, and at that time in great reputation, under the conduct of Giacopo Piccinino. For Giacopo being the greatest Captain in Italy, and having no Soveraignty of his own; it concerned all who had any, to have an eye over him, and more especially the Duke, who thought he could not enjoy his Dominion safely himself, nor leave it to his Sons, whilst Gi∣acopo was living. Hereupon the King with all industry endeavoured an accord with his Ba∣rons, used all possible art to reconcile himself to them; and he succeeded with much diffi∣culty; for they found that whilst they were in Wars with the King, they must certainly be ruined; but by accommodation of their differences, and trusting themselves to him, there was only a hazard; and because Men do always avoid those evils with more readiness, which are most certain, Princes do easily deceive, such as are not able to contend. The Barons seeing nothing before them but destruction, if they continued the War, accepted his conditions, and threw themselves into his Arms; but not long after, sundry pretences were taken against them, and they were all of them extinguished. Which news, was so terrible to Giacopo Piccinino (who was then with his forces at Solmona) that by the mediation of his friends he immediatly practised his reconciliation with the Duke: and the Duke having offered him honorable terms, Giacopo resolv'd to accept them, and come in; and accordingly he went to Milan to present himself to him, attended by 100 Horse. Giacopo had served un∣der his Father, and with his Brother a long time; first for Duke Philip and then for the People of Milan; so that by long conversation in those parts he had got a good interest, and was generally belov'd, and the present condition of affairs, had much increas'd it; for the prosperity, and Grandeur of the Sforzeschi had created them envy; and Giacopo's adversity and long absence had gain'd him compassion among the People, and a great desire to see him advanced: all which kindness discovered it self at his arrival; there being scarce any of the Nobility but went out to meet him; the streets were full of People to behold him; and no talk in the whole City but of him, and his family. But their extravagant acclamations were his ruine; for as they increas'd the Dukes jealousie, so they confirm'd his resolution to remove him, and that it might be done the more plausibly, and with less danger of dete∣ction, he ordered that his marriage with Drusiano his natural daughter (to whom he had been contracted long before) should be consummate. After which he practis'd with Fer∣rando to entertain him as General of his Army, and to give him 100000 Florens by way of advance; upon conclusion of these Articles, Giacopo and his wife accompanied an Ambassa∣dor from the Duke to Naples: where they were all very well received, and for several days entertained with all imaginable affluence and diversion; but desiring leave to pass to his Army at Solmona, he was invited by the King into the Castle, and after supper both he and his Son Francesco were apprehended, and clapped up into Prison, where not long after they were murdered.

Thus were the Princes of Italy jealous of that virtue,* 1.5 which they had not in themselves; and not enduring it in other People, they exposed that Country to calamities which not long after afflicted and destroyed it.

Pope Pius, having in the mean time accommodated the differences in Romagna, and find∣ing an universal peace all over Europe; thought it a convenient time to solicite the Christi∣ans against the Turks, and reassumed the whole methods which his predecessors had taken, by which all the Princes of Christendom were prevailed withal to assist either with mony, or Men: Matheo King of Hungary, and Charles Duke of Burgundy engaged to go in Person; & were made Generals of that enterprize by the Pope, who was so well pleas'd with what he had done, that he went from Rome to Ancona to be at the Rendezvous of the Army, which was to meet there, and (by Ships which the Venetians had promis'd to furnish) be trans∣ported into Sclavonia. After the arrival of his Holiness, there was so great a throng and confluence of People, that in a few days all their provision was devoured; and the neigh∣bouring

Towns not being able to supply, every Body was ready to starve for hunger: be∣sides which they neither had mony to pay the Souldier, nor weapons to Arm them; there was neither Duke of Burgundy, nor King of Hungary there; the Venetians indeed had sent a few Gallies under one of their Captains, but it was rather to show their Pomp, than to perform their promise; so far were they unfit for the transportation of an Army. So that in the midst of these disasters by reason of his great age and infirmities, the Pope died; the whole A•••••• disbanded and returned to their own homes. Pope Pius dying in the year 1465, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (by birth a Venetian) was elected in his place. And as most of the Principali∣ties in Italy had changed their Governors about that time,* 1.6 so Francesco Sforza Duke of Mi∣lan died after he had enjoyed that Dukedom sixteen years, and Galeazzo his Son was declared his successor. The Death of this Prince was the occasion that the divisions in Florence encrea∣sed, & broke out much sooner than otherwise they would have done. Cosimo being dead, Piero his Son succeeded both to his authority and Estate; and having call'd to him Diotisalvi Neroni as honorable and great a Man as most in the City, (by whom, Cosimo upon his death bed had commanded his Son Piero to be governed in all his affairs) he let him know the great confi∣dence his Father had repos'd in him, and that being desirous to obey him after his Death, as he had done whilst he was living, he did intreat his advice not only in his private and domestick affairs, but in his publick administration of the Government: & that he might begin first with his own particular business, he would show him the accounts and Books of his Estate, that he might understand how things stood; and direct him afterwards as he pleas'd. Diotisalvi pro∣mised to be ready, and faithful; but the accounts being produced and examined, were found very disorderly and imperfect: Diotisalvi (as a Person which respected his own interest, more than his professions to Piero, or his obligations to his Father, supposing it easie to rob him of his reputation, and divest him of the Authority which Cosimo had left him as heredi∣tary) came to him therefore with Counsel very fair and reasonable in appearance, but in∣wardly destructive and pernitious. He represented to him the disorder of his accounts; and what sums of mony would be necessary to have by him, if he meant to keep up his credit, or preserve his preferment in the State: he told him that those disorders were not any way so readily to be redress'd; nor his Coffers so naturally supplied, as by calling in such sums as were owing to his Father both abroad and at home. For Cosimo (to gain himself an inte∣rest) had been very ready to accommodate any body that wanted; and the monies he had lent amounted to an incredible sum. Piero was well satisfied with his advice, and thinking it but just, he called in his mony. But no sooner had he done it, but the Citizens cryed out upon him; declaimed against him as ingrateful and covetous, and used him as opprobri∣ously, as if he had robbed them, and not demanded his own. Diotisalvi finding his de∣sign succeed, and that Piero was fallen into disgrace with the People, he consulted with Luca Pitti, Agnolo Acciaivoli, and Nicolo Soderini, how they might depose him: they were all of them ready to embrace the design; but upon several grounds and provocations; Luca desired to succeed Piero in his command, for he was grown so great, he disdained to obey him: Diotisalvi, knew Luca was not fit to be chief in the Government, and therefore he thought, if Piero was removed; in a short time that authority would devolve upon him: Nicolo Sodoreni had a mind the City should be more free, and governed by direction of the chief Magistrats: Agnolo, had a private quarrel to the Medici for several reasons, and parti∣cularly these. Raffaello his Son had long before married Alessandra de Bardi, and had a great fortune with her: this Lady, either for his own defects, or other Peoples, was ill treated by both Father-in-Law, and Husband. Lorenzo d' Ilarione a young Gentleman her relation, pitying her condition, went with certain of his Comerads one night well Armed, and took her by force out of the house of Agnolo. The Acciaivoili complained heavily of the out∣rage, and the cause being refer'd to Cosimo, he awarded that the Acciaivoili should refound her portion, and that then it should be left to the Ladies election whether she would return to her Husband or no. Agnolo did not think Cosimo in this determination, had dealt with him as a friend, and not being able to revenge it upon him, he resolv'd to do it upon his Son. Yet though their reasons and ends were diverse, the Conspirators agreed all in their pretence, that the City should not be governed by a peculiar Council, but by the Magistrats. The hatred of the People, and their occasions to revile him, were much exaggerated by the failing of several Merchants about that time, which was objected to Piero as a great pre∣judice to the City, as if the calling in of his mony had broke them. To this aspersion it was added that he was negotiating a match for his eldest Son Lorenzo, with Clarice a Daughter of the Orsini, which they took in great dudgeon, and upbraided him by it, decla∣ring that it was now apparent what he drove at; and that thinking his Son too good for any alliance in Florence, it was manifest he did not now look upon himself as a Citizen, but was casting about how he might make himself Soveraign: for he was too proud to have the Citizens to his kindred, had a desire to make them his subjects; and therefore he did not

deserve to have them his friends. These Conspirators believed they had all sure in their hands, for the greater part of the Citizens being deluded with the name of liberty, (with which the Conspirators had guilded and embellished their designs) had profess'd themselves on their side. There being a general ebullition of these sort of humors at that time in the City; it was thought convenient by some that were not at all taken with them, seeing they could not be absolutely depress'd, to find out a way to discuss and divert them; for whilst the People are idle, they are proper instruments for any commotion: to employ them therefore, and remove their thoughts from contriving against the Government (it being a compleat year since Cosimo died) for the entertainment and recreation of the City, they took occasion to make two publick and solemn Feasts, or shows (which are usual there) one of them represented the three Wise men, who were conducted by the Star to the place where our Saviour was born, and this was performed with so much Pomp and magnificence that for several months together the whole City was employed about the Pageants and pre∣paration. The other was called a Tornament (which is a kind of skirmishing on Horse∣back) in which the young Gentlemen of the City had challenged the most eminent Knights of Italy; and among these young Gentlemen, Lorenzo the eldest Son of Piero carried the applause, not by favour or partiality, but by his own valour and dexterity. But these sports and divertisements were no sooner over, but the Citizens returned to their old jealousies, and every one pursued his own fancy with more eagerness than before; which occasioned great feuds, and they were augmented much by two unfortunate accidents. The one was, that the authority of the Balia was expired; the other that Francesco Duke of Milan was dead; upon whose death, the new Duke Galeazzo, sent Embassadors to Florence to confirm the capitulations which his Father Francesco had made with that City; one of the articles obli∣ging them to pay Francesco an annual sum of mony: the chief of the adverse party think∣ing this a fair opportunity, opposed the Medici in the ratification; alledging that the agree∣ment was made with Francesco, not with his Son; and that Francesco being dead, the obli∣gation was void; for Galeazzo was not so great and considerable as his Father, and there∣fore his amity unlikely to be so profitable; so that though indeed there was not much gain'd by Francesco, there was less to be expected from his Son; and if any Citizen, to maintain his own private interest would pay him his annuity, it would be against the freedom and the safety of the City.

To this Piero replyed, that so important an alliance, was not so carelesly to be lost, that nothing was more advantagious and necessary (as well for all Italy as Florence) than their alliance with the Duke; for thereby the Venetians would be discouraged from attempting upon that Dutchy, either by counterfeit friendship, or manifest War. But should this alli∣ance be dissolv'd, no sooner would it be known to the Venetians, but they would fall im∣mediately upon the Duke; and finding him young, without friends, and scarce warm in the State; they would easily carry it from him, either by fallacy or force; and in either of those cases, the Commonwealth of Florence must be destroyed. But his reasons could not be accepted; the sedition began to break out openly: the adverse party assembled in seve∣ral Companies in the night, the greatest part of them in La Pista, and the friends of the Medici in the Crocetta: the Conspirators being impatient to have Piero destroyed, had got∣ten the subscription of several Citizens as favourers of their designs: but being got together, one night above the rest, after solemn debate in Counsel which way they were to proceed; it was unanimously agreed that the power of the Medici should be rebated; but they were divided in the way; the most moderate part proposed that seeing the Balia was extinct, they should only take care it should not be revived; for if the Government fell into the hands of the Counsels and Magistrats (as it would do of course) in small time Piero's authority would evaporate; and with that, his interest among the Merchants; for his affairs were now in such a posture, that unless he could relieve himself by the publick Treasure, he would be certainly ruined: and when that should happen, there would be no farther danger of him, their liberty would be recovered without banishment or blood, which all good Citizens ought to desire; but if force was applyed, infinite hazards might occur. If one be falling of himself, no body thrusts him; if any one thrusts him, every body sustains him. Besides, if nothing extraordinary being acted against him, he will have no occasion to Arm, or strengthen his party; and if he should, it must be with great charge, and disadvantage; for every one would suspect him, which would facilitate and hasten his ruine. Others were not sa∣tisfied with this delay; affirming that time would be more for his benefit, than theirs; and if they would proceed by cold delatory gradations, Piero would run no hazard, but they should run many. For the Magistrats (though they were his Enemies) suffering him to enjoy the priviledges of the City; his friends would make him Prince (as had happened in 58) to their utter destruction: and that though that Counsel was honest and peaceable,

yet this was wiser and more secure, and therefore to be executed, whilst the minds of the People were incensed: the way they proposed was to arm at home, and to entertain the Marquess of Ferrara into their pay abroad; and when a Senate of their friends happened to meet, then to rise, and secure themselves as well as they could. The result of all was, that they should attend such a Senate, and then make the best of their time. Nicolo Fedmi (who was employed as Chancellor) was one of this Council; who being tempted by greater, and more practicable hopes, discovered the whole Plot to Piero, and gave him a list of the Con∣spirators, and a Catalogue of the subscriptions. Piero was astonished at the number and quality of his adversaries; and upon consultation with his friends, it was concluded, that he also should take subscriptions, and having committed the care of them to some of his confidents, he found the Citizens so sickle and unstable, that many of them who had sub∣scribed to the Enemy came over, and obliged themselves to him. Whilst things were in this distraction, the time came about in which the supream Magistracy was to be renewed; to which Nicolo Soderini was advanced by the Gonfaloniere de Giustitia. It was a wonder to see the concourse not only of the better sort of Citizens, but of the common People which attended him to the Palace, and put on an Olive Garland upon his head by the way, (to signifie that he was the Person upon whom the safety, and the liberty of their City did de∣pend.) By this, and many examples of the same nature it is evident, how inconvenient it is to enter upon the Magistracy, or Government, with more then ordinary acclamation; for not being able to perform as is expected (and for the most part more is required) the People abate of their esteem, and come by degrees to despise you. Thomaso and Nicolo So∣derini were Brothers, Nicolo was a person of greater Spirit, but Thomaso the more prudent. Thomaso being a friend to Piero and knowing the humor of his Brother; that he desired the liberty of the City, and that the Government might be preserved without offence to any body, he encouraged him to a new Squittini, by which means the Borsi might be filled with the names of such Citizens as were lovers of liberty, and the Government continued without violence, as he desired. Nicolo was easily persuaded by his Brother, and suffered the time of his Magistracy to expire in the vanity of that opinion, and his friends which were of the Conspiracy were well enough contented, as being already emulous of him, and not desiring the reformation should fall out during his authority; presuming they could effect it when they pleas'd, though another was Gonfaloniere. Whereupon his office ex∣pired with less honor than he entred upon it; by reason he had begun many good things, but perfected nothing.

This accident fortified the party of Piero exceedingly; confirmed his friends, and brought over such as were neuter: so that though all things were ready on all sides, they were de∣laid for several months, and not the least tumult appeared. Nevertheless Piero's party en∣creasing, his Enemies began to resent it, and met together, to perform that by force, which they might more easily have done before by means of the Magistrates; in order to which they concluded to kill Piero (who was at that same time sick at, C••rreggi) and cause the Marquess of Ferrara to advance towards the City; for when Piero was dead, they resolved to come armed to the Palace and force the Senate to settle the Government as they should direct: for though all of them were not their friends, yet they doubted not but to fright them into a concurrence. Diotisalvi, to disguise his designe visited Piero very often; dis∣coursed with him about unit••••ing the factions, and advised him very frankly. But Piero was informed of the whole conspiracy, and besides Domenico Martegli had given him notice that Francesco Neroni the Brother of Diotisalvi had been tempting him to their party, assuring him of success: Hereupon Piero resolved to be first in arms, and took occasion from their practices with the Marquess of Ferrara. He pretended he had received a Letter from Gic∣vanni Bentivogli Prince of Bologna, importing that the Marquess of Ferrara was with cer∣tain forces upon the River Albo, and that it was given out, his design was for Florence; upon which intelligence, Piero pretended to arm, and (attended by a great number of armed men) he came to the City. At his arrival his whole party took arms, and the adversary did the same, yet not in so good order as Piero, for his men were prepared, and the other sur∣prised. Diotisalvi's Palacebeing not far from Piero's, Diotisalvi judged himself insecure at home, and therefore went up and down, sometimes exhorting the Senate to cause Piero to lay down his Arms; sometimes seeking out Luca, and encouraging him to be constant; but the briskest and most couragious of them all was Nicolo Soderini, who taking Arms imme∣diatly,* 1.7 and being followed by most of the Populace of his quarter, went to Luca's house, in∣treated him to mount, and march with him to the Palace for the security of the Senate, who (he assured him) were of his side; by doing of which, the Victory would be certain; but if he remained in his house, he would run the hazard of being slain by those who were ar∣med, or abused by those who were not; and then he would repent him when too late,

whereas now it was in his power by force of Arms to ruine Piero if he pleased: or if he de∣sired peace, it was more honorable to give conditions, than to receive them. But all his Rhetorick could not work upon Luca; he had altered his mind, and received new pro∣mises of Alliances and rewards from Piero; and already married on of his Nieces to Giovan∣ni Tornabuoni; so that instead of being persuaded by him, he admonished Nicolo to lay down, and return quietly to his house; for he ought to be satisfied, that the City should be governed by its Magistrats: for whether he was satisfied or not, it would be so; all People would lay down their Arms; and the Senate having the stronger party, would be Judges of their quarrel. There being no remedy, and Nicolo having no where else to dispose him∣self, went back to his house; but before he departed he told him thus.

I cannot alone do this City any service. but I can prognosticate its miseries. The reso∣lution you have taken, will deprive your Country of its liberty; your self of your autho∣rity; me of my Estate; and others of their Country.

At the first news of this tumult, the Senate had caused their Palace to be shut up, where they kept themselves close with the Magistrats, without appearing for either side: the Citi∣zens (especially those who had followed Luca seeing the party of Piero armed, and the o∣ther disarmed) began to contrive how they might shew themselves his friends, not how they might express themselves his Enemies. Whereupon the principal Citizens, and the heads of the factions met in the Palace before the Senators, where many things were deba∣ted relating to the Government of the City in that juncture, and the ways of reconciliation: but because Piero could not be there in respect of his indisposition, all agreed to go to him to his house, except Nicolo Soderini, who (having recommended his Children and family to the protection of Tomaso) was retired to his Country house, to attend there, the conclusion of these troubles, which he expected would be unhappy to him, and fatal to his Country. The rest being arrived at Piero's Palace, one of them being deputed, complained to him of the condition of the City by reason of the tumults;* 1.8 declared that they who took Arms first, were most conscious of them; that understanding Piero was the Man, and his design un∣known, they were come to him to be informed from himself, and if it appeared to be for the advantage of the City, they promised to comply. To which Piero replyed, that he who takes Arms first is not in the fault, but he who gives the occasion: that if they considered more seriously of their behaviour towards him, they would not wonder at what he had done for his own preservation: for they would find it was their conventions in the night; their sub∣scriptions, and practices to defeat him both of his Authority and life, which had forced him to his Arms, yet having extended them no farther than his own house, he conceived it was good evidence his intentions were innocent, and rather to defend himself, than injure any body else, that he desired nothing, but his own security, and had never given them oc∣casion to suspect him of other, that when the Authority of the Balia expired, he never at∣tempted to revive it in any extraordinary way; but was willing (if they were so themselves) that the Magistrats should have the Government of the City; that Cosimo and his Sons knew how to live honorable in Florence, either with or without the Balia; and that in 58 it was for their interest, not his, that it was restored. But this was not sufficient, he found them of opinion, that whilst he was in Florence, there would be no safety, no tranquillity for them: a thing truly so far from his belief, he could never have imagined or thought up∣on it, that his own friends and his Father should not endure to live with him in the same City, seeing no action of his had ever express'd him otherwise, than a quiet and peaceable Man.

Then turning about to Diotisalvi, and his Brothers who were all present, he reproached them severely by the favours they had received from Cosimo; by the confidence he had pla∣ced in them; and the great ingratitude which they had returned (which reprimende was delivered with so much zeal and efficacy, that, had not Piero himself restrained them, some there present were so much enraged at their deportment towards him, they would certainly have killed him) and at last he concluded, that what ever they and the Senate determined, he would consent to, for he desired nothing of them but to live quiet and in peace. Hereup∣on many things were proposed but nothing concluded; only in general it was thought ne∣cessary the City should be reformed, and new Laws created: The then Gonfaloniere de Gi∣ustitia was Bernardo Lotti, a person in whom Piero had no confidence, and so resolved not to do any thing whilst he was in office, which he conceived would be no great prejudice to his affairs, because his time was almost expir'd. But at the election of Senatours in Septem∣ber and October following, 1466. Roberto Lioni was chosen Gonfaloniere, who was no sooner settled in his office, but (all others thing being prepared to his hand) he called the People together into the Piazza, and created a new Balia, all of Piero's creatures, who fell presently upon the creation of new Magistrats, and chose them as Piero directed. Which

manner of proceeding so terrisied the heads of the adverse party, that they fled out of the City most of them; Agnolo Acciaivoli to Naples, Diotisalvi Neroni, and Nicolo Soderini to Venice. But Luca Pitti remained behind, presuming upon his late alliance, and the pro∣mises; which he had received from Piero:* 1.9 Giovanni the Son of Neroni, at that time Archbi∣shop of Florence (to prevent the worst) banished himself voluntarily to Rome. All the fugitives were proclaimed rebels; and the family of the Neroni dispersed. Many other Ci∣tizens were banished likewise, and consined to particular places; nor was this all; a solemn procession was ordered, to give God thanks for the preservation of the State, and the unity of the City: in the time of which solemnity, certain Citizens were apprehended, tortured, and then part of them put to death, and part of them banished. But in all the inconstancy and variations of fortune,* 1.10 nothing was so remarkable as the fall of Luca Pitti. He quickly learned the difference betwixt Victory and misfortune; betwixt honor, and disgrace, His house (which was formerly thronged with the visits and attendancies of the better sort of Citi∣zens) was now grown solitary and unfrequented. When he appeared abroad in the streets, his friends and relations were not only afraid to accompany him, but to owne or salute him; some of them having lost their honors for doing it, some of them their Estates; and all of them threatned, The noble structures which he had begun, were given over by the work∣men; the good deeds which he had done were requited with contumely, and the honors he had confer'd, with infamy and disgrace. So that many persons who in his authority had presented him largely, in his distress required it again. pretending it was lent, and no more, and these very People who before commended him to the skies, cried him down again as fast, for his ingratitude and violence: so that now when it was too late, he began to repent himself that he had not taken Nicolo's advice, and died honorably seeing he could not live so. Ne∣vertheless Agnolo Acciaivoli being than at Naples, before he attempted any thing of inno∣vation, he resolved to try Piero, and see if there was no hopes of reconciliation; to which purpose he writ to him this following letter.

I cannot but smile to observe the wantonness of fortune, and what sport she makes her self in turning friends into Enemies,* 1.11 and Enemies into friends, according to her own hu∣mor a••d capriccio; you may remember how at the banishment of your Father (resenting the injury done to him above any danger of my own) I lost my Country, and escaped narrowly with my life. In Cosimo's days I refused no opportunity of honoring your fa∣mily; and since he died, I have entertained none to offend it. True it is the weak∣ness of your complexion, aud the minority of your Sons, gave some kind of disquiet, and I was willing our Country might be put in such a posture, as to subsist after your Death; what ever I have done, was only to that end; not against you so much, as for the be∣nefit of my Country: if that was an errour, I am sorry for it, and do hope the innocence of my intention, and the service of my former actions may attone it: nor can I fear but I shall find mercy in a Family which has had so long experience of my fidelity; or that one single fault will be able to extinguish so many obligations. Piero having received this Letter, by the same hand returned him this answer.

Your smiling at that distance, is the reason I weep not where I am: were you so mer∣ry in Florence,* 1.12 I should be more melancholy at Naples. I grant you have been a well wisher to my Father, and you confess he gratified you for it; so that if there be obligati∣on on any side, 'tis on yours, because deeds are more valuable than words; and if you have been already rewarded for your good actions, it's but reasonable you should be punished for your evil: your pretence of love to your Country cannot excuse you, for no body but will believe the Medici as great lovers and propagators of their Country as the Acci∣aivoli. Live therefore where you are, in dishonor, since you had not the discretion to live honorably here.

Agnolo upon the receipt of this letter, desparing of Pardon, removed his quarters to Rome; wher associating with the Archbishop, and the rest of the exiles; they consulted what was the best way of lessening the reputation of the Medici; which at that time was tottering in Rome, and gave Piero no small trouble to sustain it; but by the assistance of his friends, they failed of their design. Diotisalvi, and Nicolo Soderini on the other side, used all possible diligence to provoke the Venetian Senate against their Country▪ supposing its Government being new, and ungrateful to many People, the first invasion would shake it, and that it would not be able to stand. There was at that time in Ferrara Giovan Frances∣co the Son Palla Strozzi, who in the revolutions in 34 was banished with his Father out of Florence: this Giovanni was a Man of great credit, and reputed as rich a Merchant as any in the City. These new Rebels insinuating with him, persuaded him how easie it would be to recover their Country when ever the Venetians would undertake it; and they doubted not but they would undertake it, if part of the charge could be defrayed; other∣wise

it was not to be expected: Giovanni was willing to revenge the injuries he had re∣ceived; believed what they said, and promised to assist with all the Mony he could make; upon which Diotisalvi, and Soderini addressed themselves to the Doge.

Complained to him of their Banishment, which they pretended was for no other cause, but that they were desirous their Country might be governed by the Laws; and the Magi∣strats (not a few of their Grandees) have the powe•• to put them in execution. Upon this account it was, that Piero de Medici and his followers, having been used to a tyranni∣cal way, had taken arms by an artifice, disarmed them by a cheat, and banished them by a fallacy, and as if this were not enough, God Almighty must be brought in, and made an accessary to their cruelty, whilst in a solemn Procession, and the sacred exercise of their devotion, many Citizens who (upon faith given that they should be safe) had remai∣ned behind, were seized, secured, tortured, and executed: a thing of most execrable and nefarious example. To revenge the inhumanity of those actions, and avert the judgments which they would otherwise pull down upon their Country, they knew not where to apply themselves with more hopes then to that illustrious Senate which having done so much for the preservation of their own liberty, must need have some compassion for such as lost have theirs. They beseeched them therefore as, free-men, to assist them against their Tyrants; as merciful, against the merciless; and remember them how the Family of the Medici had defeated them of Lombardy, when Cosimo (contrary to the in∣clinations of all the rest of the City) assisted Francesco against them: so that if the equi∣ty of their cause did not move them, the justice of their own indignation might provoke them,

These last words prevailed so far upon the Senate, that thy resolved, Bartolomeo Coligni (their General) should fall upon the Dominion of the Florentines, and to that purpose their Army being drawn together with all possible speed, and Hercules da Esti being sent by Borso Duke of Ferrara, joyned himself with them. Their first enterprize was upon the Town of Doadola which (the Florentines being in no order) they burned, and did some mis∣cheif in the Country about it. But the Florentines (as soon as Piero had banished the ad∣verse party) had entred into a new League with Galezzo Duke of Milan, and Ferrando King of Naples;* 1.13 and entertained Federigo Count of Urbin for their General: so that being fortified by such friends, they did not much value their Enemies: for Ferrando sent his Son Alfonso; and Galeazzo came in person (both of them with considerable forces) to their relief; and all of them together made a head at Castracaro, a Castle belonging to the Flo∣rentines at the bottom of the Alps which descend out of Tuscany into Romagna. In the mean time, the Enemy was retired towards Imola; so that betwixt the one and the other, according to the custom of those times, there happened several light skirmishes, but no be∣sieging nor storming of Towns, nor no provocation to a battle on either side, both parties keeping their tents, and staring one upon another, with extraordinary cowardize. This manner of proceeding was not at all pleasing to the Florentines, who found themselves enga∣ged in a War, which was like to be expensive, and no profit to be expected: insomuch that the Magistrats complained of it to those Citizens which they had deputed as commissa∣ries for that expedition; who replyed, That Galeazzo was wholly in the fault; and that having more Authority than experience, he knew not how to make any advantagious resolution; nor would he believe them which were able to instruct him, and that therefore it was im∣possible (whilst he was in the Army) that any great action should be atchieved. Here∣upon the Florentines addressed themselves to the Duke, and let him know.

That he had done a great honor (and it had been much for their advantage) in coming personally to their assistance; for his very name and reputation had made their Enemies retire: Nevertheless they could not but prefer his safety and the good of his State, before their own; because whilst he was safe, they could not be capable of fear; and if lost, they should be incapable of comfort. They could not therefore discharge themselves, nor express the respect they had for him better, then by remembring him, that (besides the danger where he was) it could not be secure for him to be any longer at that distance from Milan; for being but young in the Government, and his Enemies powerful and industrious; who knew what mischief they might meditate? and how ea∣sily execute it when they had done? so that they made it their request to him for the safe∣ty of his own person, and the preservation of his State, that he would leave only part of his forces with them, and return himself with the rest.

Galeazzo was as well pleased with their Counsel, as they were to give it; and without more ado returned from whence he came. The Florentine Generals (being rid of this incombrance, and that it might appear to the World who was the impediment before) advanced against the Enemy, so that they came presently to a battle, which continued half a

day without any disadvantage; for there was not one Man killed, a few Horse hurt, and but a few Men taken prisoners. When Winter was come, and the time that their Armies were accustomed to go into quarters, Bartolomeo rereated towards Ravenna; the Floren∣tines into Tuscany; and the forces of the King and the Duke into their several Countries: but finding no tumult nor commotion in Florence, as they were promised by the Rebels; and the Souldiers which were hired not being punctually payed; the Venetians thought fit to treat, and in a short time a peace was concluded: this peace having deprived the rebels of all hopes,* 1.14 they divided, and went to several parts. Diotisalvi went to Ferrara, where he was entertained and relieved by the Marquess Borso: Nicolo Soderini removed to Ravenna, where he lived long with a small pension from the Venetians, and at last died: this Nicolo was accounted a just and couragious Man, but slow, and irresolute: which was the cause that he slipped an oportunity when he was Gonfaloniere, that he could never afterwards retrieve. Grown insolent upon their success, those of the Florentines who were in power (as if they fansied they had not prevailed, unless their cruelty did testify it,) plagued and tor∣mented not only their Enemies, but how ever else they thought good to suspect; and ob∣tained of Bardo Altovili to divest several Citizens of their honors, and that others should be banished; which was so great a strengthening to that party, and depression to the other; that they exercised the power which they had usurped, as if God and fortune had given them that City for a prey.

These practices Piero understood not; and if he had, his ilness would not have permit∣ted him to redress them: for he was so stiff, and contracted with the Gout, he had the use of nothing but his tounge, with which he could only admonish and advise them to live civilly, and enjoy their Country in peace, and not be accessary to its destruction. To please and entertain the People, he resolved to celebrate the Marriage of his Son Lorenzo, to whom he had contracted Claricia a Daughter of the house of Ursina; which wedding was perfor∣med with a Pomp and magnificence answerable to the persons by whom, and for whom it was made; several days were spent in Balls, in Banquets, and Shows, and to demonstrate the Grandure of the House of the Medici, two martial spectacles were exhibited; one represen∣ting Horse and Men charging as in a field fight; the other the siege and expugnation of a Town; both of them contrived and discharged with the greatest glory and gallantry ima∣ginable. Whilst affairs were in this posture in Florence, all Italy was at peace; but under great apprehensions of the Turk, who advancing in his designs, had taken Negro∣pont, to the great scandal and detriment of all Christendom: Borgo Marquess of Ferrara died about this time, and was succeeded by his Brother Hercules. Gismondo da Rimini di∣ed (a perpetual Enemy to the Church) and left the Dominion to his Son Roberto, who was reckoned afterwards among the best Commanders of that age. Pope Paul died like∣wise, in whose place was created likewise Sextus called first Francesco da Savona, a Person of mean or rather base extraction, but for his courage made General of the order of S. Fran∣cis; and after that, Cardinal: This Pope was the first which shewed to the World what the Papacy could do: and that many things called errors before, might not only be excu∣sed, but hid and obtected by the Papal Authority. He had in his Family two persons (Piero and Girolamo) who (as was Generally believed) were his natural Sons, though they passed under more specious and honorable appellations. Piero being a Frier, was by degrees promoted to the Cardinalship, with the Title of SanSesio. To Girolamo he gave the Government of Furli, which he had taken by violence from Antonio Ordelaffi whose predecessors had a long time been Princes of that City: this secular and ambitious way of proceeding, procured his Holiness great estimation among the Princes of Italy; insomuch as all of them desiring his friendship, the Duke of Milan gave to Girolamo, his natural Daughter Catharine in Marriage, and in Dower with her, he gave him the City of Imola, which by the like violence he had taken from Taddeo Alidossi. Betwixt this Duke and Fer∣rando the King, a new alliance was contracted; for Elizabeth the Daughter of Alfonfo, (the Kings eldest Son) was Married to Giovan Geleazzo eldest Son to the Duke. In the mean time Italy was full of tranquillity; no care incumbant upon those Princes, but to pay their respects one to the other, and by mutual matches, new obligations, and leagues, to fortifie and secure one another. Yet in the midst of this Peace, Florence was not without its convulsions; the ambition and dissention of the Citizens distracting their affairs; and Piero being interrupted by his own distempers, could not apply any remedy to theirs. How∣ever to discharge his Conscience, endeavour what he was able, and try whether he could shame them into a reformation, he called them all to his House, and saluted them in this manner.

I never imagined the time could come in which the carriage of my friends should* 1.15 have made me inclinable to my Enemies; or the consequences of my Victory, have made

me wish I had been beaten. I thought my party had consisted of Men whose appetites might have been bounded and circumscribed, and such as would have been satisfied to have lived quietly and honorably in their own Country, especially after their Enemies were expelled. But I find now, I was mistaken; ignorant of the natural ambition of the World; and more particularly yours. It is not enough (it seems) for you to be chief and Principal in so illustrious a City, and (though but a few) to have the honors, and offices, and emoluments, with which heretofore a much greater number was satisfied. It is not enough, to have the forfitures and confiscations of your Enemies divided among you; it is not enough that (exempting your selves) you load, and oppress the rest with taxes; and appropriate them to your own private uses when they come in, but you must abuse and afflict your neighbours with all the circumstances of injury: you rob them of their Estates; you sell them justice; you abhor the Laws; you oppress the peaceable, and exalt the insolent: I did not think there had been such examples of ra∣pine and violence in all Italy, as I find in this City. Has this City given us the Authori∣ty, to Subvert it? Has it given us preheminence to destroy it? Has it honored us, to afflict it? I do profess by the Faith of an honest Man, and declare here publickly to you all, that if you persist in these courses, and force me to repent of my Victory, I will or∣der things so, that you shall have but little comfort in abusing it.

The Citizens replyed modestly at that time, but not a jot reformation; whereupon Piero sent privatly to Agnolo Acciaivoli to meet him at Cafaggiolo, where they had long discourse about the condition of the City; and it is not doubted but if he had lived, he would have recalled his Enemies to have restrained the exorbitances of his friends; but death would not suffer it,* 1.16 for after great conflicts both in his body and mind, in the 53 year of his age, he died: his virtue, and his bounty could not be perfectly conspicuous to his Country, being eclipsed by his Father, who died not long before him; and these few years he survived, were wholly taken up either by his own sickness, or the dissention of his friends. He was enterred in the Temple of San. Lorenzo near his Father, and his exe∣quies performed with a Pomp proportionable to his quality, and deserts. He left behind him two Sons Lorenzo and Guiliano; pregnant, and hopefull enough of themselves, but the tenderness of their age was that which made every body apprehensive, Among (or ra∣ther above) the principal of that Government was Thomaso Soderini, whose prudence and authority was not only eminent in Florence, but in the Courts of all the princes of Italy after the death of Piero, Tomaso had the respect of the whole City, most of the Citizens flocking to his House, as their Chief; and many Princes directed their correspondencies to him:* 1.17 but he being wise, and sensible of his own fortune and the fortunes of his Family, re∣fused their correspondence; received none of their letters, and let the Citizens know, it was not upon him, but the Medici they were obliged to attend: and that his actions might qua∣drate with his exhortations, having called all the chief families together in the Convent of S. Antonio, he brought in Lorenzo and Guiliano de Medici amongst them, where after a long and solid discourse about the condition of that City, Italy, and the several principalities within it; he concluded that if ever they would live happily and in peace; secure against foreign invasion, and dissention at home; it was necessary to continue their observance to the family of the Medici, and to give those young Gentlemen the Authority of their prede∣cessors; for Men are not troubled at the promotion of ancient familes; but upstarts, as they are suddenly advanced, are suddenly forsaken, and it has been always found more easie to preserve a family in power (where time has worn out his Enemies) than to raise a new one which will unavoidably be subject to new emulations: after Tomaso had spoke, Lorenzo be∣gan, and (though but young) delivered himself with so much gravity and composedness; that he gave them great hopes of his future abilities; and before they parted both of them were perfectly adopted. Not long after, they were installed in the dignities of their Fa∣ther; entertained as Princes of the Government; and Tomaso appointed their chief Mini∣nister; by which means they lived quiety for a while both abroad and at home,* 1.18 without the least prospect or apprehension of troubles; but on a sudden, a new tumult unexpectedly a∣rose to desturb them, and given them a hint of their following miseries.

Among the Families which suffered with Luca Pitti, and his party, was the Family of the Nardi; Salvestro and his brothers (the chief of that house) were first banished, and then (upon the War with Bartolomeo Coglione) proclaimed rebels. Among the Brothers, there was one of them called Bernardo, a brisk and couragious youth, who (not being able to subsist abroad by reason of his poverty, and having no hopes of returning by reason of the peace) resolved to attempt something that might be an occasion of reviving the War: ai slight and inconsiderable beginning, producing great effects many times, because People are generally more prone to assist and improve a commotion, than to contrive and begin it

Bernardo had good acquaintance in Prato, and in the Country about Pistoia, but more espe∣cially with the Palandre, which (though a Country family) was numerous, and brought up, like the rest of the Pistolesi, in arms and in blood. He knew they were highly discon∣tented, as having been ill used in the time of the Wars by the Magistrats in Florence: he knew likewise the disgusts of the Pratisi; the pride and rapacity of their Government, and some body had told him how ready they were for any practice against the State: so that from all these circumstances he conceived hopes (by debauching of Prato) of kindling such a fire in Tuscany, as by supplying it by fewel, they should not be able to extinguish: he com∣municated his design with Diotisalvi, and inquired of him, in case Prato should be surpri∣zed, what assistance he could procure him from the Princes of Italy. Diotisalvi looked up∣pon the business as desperate and almost impossible; however seeing the part he was to bear in it, was secure enough; and that the experiment was to be made at another Mans cost; he encouraged him to go on, and promised him assistance from Bologna and Ferrara, if he could but secure the Town for a fortnight. Bernardo (tickled with his promises, and persuading himself his success would be good) conveyed himself privatly to Prato, and imparting his designs to some persons, he found them readily disposed: the same compliance and alacrity he found in the Palandre, and having agreed with them both of the time, and the place, he sent the news immediatly to Diotisalvi. The Potesta or Governor of Prato at that time was Cesare Pretucci; who being put in by them, preserved it for the Florentines. The Go∣vernors of such Towns had a custom to keep the keys of the castle themselves; yet (espe∣cially where there was no jealousie) if any of the Town desired to go in or out in the night, they were so civil, as to suffer them: Bernardo understanding the custom, came himself, and the Palandre with about a hundred armed Men, and lay close near the gate which goes towards Pistoia,* 1.19 whilst those in the Town who were privy to the conspiracy, armed likewise, and sent one of their number to the Governor to beg the favour of the keys, pre∣tending there was a Citizen which desired to enter. To Governor suspecting nothing, sent one of the servants with the Keys, who being gone a convenient distance from the Pa∣lace, was knocked down, his charge taken from him; and the Gate being opened, Bernar∣do and his party were let in. Having entered, and discoursed a little while with their friends in the Town, they divided into two bodies; one of them under the conduct of Salvestro a Pratese, surprized the Castle; the other commanded by Bernardo, possess'd themselves of the Palace, took the Governor and his whole Family Prisoners, and committed them to the custody of some of his Men: which done, they set up a great cry for liberty in the Streets, and upon it many of the People resorted to the Market place: It being now day, and the Magi∣strats informed that the Castle and Palace were surprized, and the Governor and all his Fa∣mily in Prison, they could not imagine from whence this accident should proceed. The eight (who in that City were supream) met together in the Palace to consult what was to be done. But Bernardo and his accomplices, having run some time about the streats, and found few or no body come in; upon information that the eight were assembled, they went directly to them, and Bernardo took occasion to let them know, that their design was only to deliver their Town from servitude; and that if they would take Arms, and joyn with them in it, they would create immoratal honor to themselves, perpetual peace to the People; then he remembred them of their ancient Liberty, and compared it with their present condition; and promised them such assistance in a few days, as the Florentines should not be able to contend withal: besides he assured them he had intelligence in Flo∣rence, and they would show themselves as soon as they understood their success in this Town: but the eight were not to be moved with bare words, and answered that they knew not whether Florence was in liberty or bondage, nor did it belong to them to inquire; this they knew that for their parts they desired no further liberty, then to continue under the same Magistrats which had then the Government of Florence, from whose hands they had never received any injury that might provoke them to take Arms against them: they admo∣nished him therefore to release the Governor, leave the Town as he found it; and with∣draw in time from an enterprize which he had rashly begun. But Bernardo was not to be discouraged so easily; for seeing intreaties and fair means had no better success, he resolved to try how far terror would work; and as a taste of what was to be expected, concluded to put the Governor to Death; having caused him to be haled out of Prison: he gave or∣ders he should be hanged out of one of the Windows in the Palace: Petrucci was brought almost to the Window with a rop about his neck, when he spied Bernardo attending to see him executed; and turning to him, he said.

Bernardo you think by cutting me off, to make the Pratesi follow you; but the effect will be quite contrary. The Veneration they bear to the Governors which are sent hither from Florence, is so great, it will incense them to see me destroyed, and your cru∣elty

to me, will turn to your ruine; so that 'tis that 'tis my life, not my death, must do your bu∣siness; if I command then what you think fit to direct, they will obey me before you, and I following your direction, your design will be fulfilled.

Bernardo (who was no conjurer) thought his counsel was good, and therefore orde∣red him (out of a back window which looked into the Market-place) to require the obedi∣ence of the People, which as soon as he had done, he was carried back from whence he came. The weakness of the Cospirators was by this time discovered; and several of the inhabitants were got together, and Giorgio Ginori (a Knight of Rhodes) among the rest. The Giorgio being the first who took Arms, advanced against Bernardo who was riding up and down the Streets, sometimes persuading, and sometimes threatning the City. Ha∣ving found him and charged him with a considerable number that followed,* 1.20 Bernardo was wounded, and taken prisoner, after which it was not hard to release the Governor, and over-power the rest; for being but few, and divided into several parties, they were most of them either taken or killed.

In the mean time the news of this accident arrived at Florence, and was represented much greater than the truth. The first report was that Prato was surprized; the Governor and his whole Family slain; the Town full of the Enemies forces; Pistoia in Arms, and seve∣ral Citizens of that City engaged in the Plot: so that of a sudden the Palace was full of Ci∣tizens, expecting orders from the Senate for what was to be done. There was in Florence at that time an eminent Captain called Roberto San Severino; it was resolved to send what forces they could get together of a sudden under his command towards Prato; that he should advance as near it as he could, give them particular notice of all passages, and act, as he in his discretion should see occasion. Roberto was presently dispatched, and marched with his party as far as the Castello di Campi, when he was met by a messenger from Petrucci with the news that Bernardo was taken, his party defeated, and all things in quite; so that he marched back again to Florence, and not long after Bernardo was brought thither to be ex∣amined by the Magistrats. Being questioned upon several things, and particularly what induced him to that enterprize, he replyed, that choosing rather to die in Florence, then to live any longer in exile, he determined to do semething which might make him memo∣rable when he was dead. This tumult being composed almost as soon as begun, the Ci∣tizens began to return to their old way of security, thinking (without any regard or con∣sideration) to enjoy the profits of a Government which they had so lately re-established and confirmed; from whence all those incovenences ensued, which are too often the followers of peace; the youth being more vain and extravagant than formerly, squandred away vast sums, in Cloaths, and Treats, and all manner of Luxury; and having nothing to do, spent their whole time and Estates among dancing Masters, and Women: their whole study and ambition was to be thought glorious in their habit; and smart and poinant in their dis∣course, for he that could retort or bite the most readily, was thought the gretest wit, and had the greatest applause: and yet these effeminacies were much encreased, by the arrival of the Duke of Milan, who with his Lady and whole Court was come to Florence (to fulfil a pretended vow) where he was entertained with magnificene sutable to his quality,* 1.21 and the alliance betwixt them. Then was the first time it ever was seen in that City that in Lent when all flesh was forbidden by the Church, it was eaten publickly, without dis∣pensation, or respect to the Laws of God or of Men. Among the rest of the Shows which were made to entertain him, the Holy Ghost's descending upon the Apostles, being repre∣sented and exposed in the Church di S. Spirito; so many candles were used in the solemnity that some of them took fire, and burnt the Church to the Ground, which was looked up∣on as a judgment, and a manifest expression of Gods anger towards us; if then the Duke found the City of Florence full of niceness, and delicacy, and exorbitance in their manners, he left them much worse when he went away; so that the soberer sort of the Citizens thought it necessary for sumptuary Laws, and edicts of restraint for the regulation of expences in Cloaths, Funerals, and Feastings, to confine them within the compass of frugality and dis∣cretion.

In the midst of the peace, there happened a new and unexpected tumult in Tuscany, about this Town of Volterra,* 1.22 it was the fortune of some of those Citizens to find a mine of Allum, who knowing the usefulness of it, and the advantage which might accrew, that they might be the better supplied with monies, and justified by better authority, they applied themselves to some of the considerable Citizens of Florence, and made them sharers in the profits. The business at first (as all things of that nature are) was little reguarded by the Volterrans, but after, when they grew sensible of their gains, they strove too late, to do what at first might have been easily prevented. They began to examine and argue it in the Councils, alledging there was no reason a commodity found in the publick lands, should be converted to parti∣cular

use: hereupon Embassadors were sent to Florence, and the cause referred to a Committee of Citizens, who, being either bribed, or convinced, reported that the desires of the People of Volterra, were (in their judgment) unjust. That they could not find any reason why the defendants should be deprived of what by their own labour and industry they had acquired; and that therefore the mine was in all equity to be continued to them: though if they pleased they might command them to pay an annual sum of mony, as a fee and acknowledgement of their Superiority. This being reported it rather encreased than les∣sened the mutiny of the Volterrans; nothing was discoursed of in the whole City, but this affair: the People pressed hard for what they thought, themselves robb'd of: The Partizans were as zealous to keep what they had got, and upon reference to the Florentines it was confirmed to them; so that in a dispute, there was one eminent Citizen called Picorino slain, and after him several more of his party, and their houses plundered and burned; in the heat of their rage, they had much ado to forbear the same violence to the Florentine Magistrats, the sierceness, of their fury being over, they sent Embassadors to Florence to re∣present to that Senate that if they would preserve to them their old priviledges, they would continue their subjection, and maintain the City in its ancient dependance. But there was great argument about the answer: Tomaso Soderini was of opinion the Volterrans were to be received upon any terms, as thinking it dangerous as that time to kindle a fire so near their own Houses: for he was fearful of the disaffection of the Pope and the power of the King; nor durst he depend upon the amity either of the Duke or the Venetian, as not be∣ing certain of the courage of the one, or the fidelity of the other; harping still upon an old adage, that a lean peace was better than a fat Victory. Lorenzo, on the other side, think∣ing this a fair opportunity to demonstrate his Wisdom, and his magnanimity together; and the rather because encouraged by such as envy'd Tomaso, he declared against the tumult; re∣solved to punish them by force, and affirmed that if these were not corrected in terro∣rem, upon the least trivial and impertinent occasion, the rest of the Territories would do the same, without any fear or reverence in the World. The result of all being that they should be corrected; answer was returned to the Embassadors, that the Volterrans were not to expect the continuation of their priviledges, having broken them themselves, and that therefore they were either to submit to the Senate without any Capitulation, or to expect the consequence of War. The Volterran Embassador being returned with this answer; they prepared for their defence; fortified their Town; and sent for supplies to all the Prin∣ces of Italy; but none of them gave them any encouragement, but the Siennesi, and the Governor of Piombino.

The Florentine, on the other side, placing much of their success in their speed, dispatch∣ed away 10000 foot and 2000 Horse under the command of Federigo Lord of Urbin, who falling upon the Country of Volterra, did easily subdue it; after which he sat down before the City; but that standing high, and the hill being steep, it was not to be assaulted but on that side where the Church of S. Alessandro stood. The Volterrans for their better de∣fence had hired about 1000 Souldiers, who observing the Florentines resolution to carry it, and that they were very strong in their Leaguer, believing it untenable, they began to be remiss and careless in their duties; but in anything of mischief to their Masters, they were vigorous enough: so that the poor Citizens being assaulted without, and abused within, began to incline to a peace; but not being admitted to conditions, they were glad to throw themselves into the arms of their Enemies; who having caused them to open the Gates, the greatest part of the army marched in, and advancing to the Palace where their Priori were assembled, they commanded them to return to their houses; but by the way one of them was unluckily Pillaged and reviled by a Souldier,* 1.23 and from that Action (the disposition of Mankind prompting him more naturally to mischief than good) proceeded the destruction of that City, which for a whole day together was robb'd, and rummaged by the Souldiers, neither Women, nor Children, nor Churches, nor any place being exempt from the ra∣pacity as well of their Mercenaries, as Enemies. The news of this Victory was entertained in Florence with extraordinary joy, and being Lorenzo's own enterprize, it turned highly to his reputation: and one of his most intimate friends upbraided Tomaso Soderini by his Coun∣sel to the contrary; what think you now, Sir (said he to him) Volterra is won? To whom Tomaso replyed, I think it rather lost; for had you received it upon terms, it might have been serviceable, and contributed to the security of this City but being so be kept by force it will be a trouble and weakness to you in time of War, and an expence and in∣convenience in time of Peace.

In those dayes, the Pope being desirous to keep the Lands of the Church in their natural obedience, had caused Spoliro to be sacked, which Town by instigation of the Factions within it, had been in rebellion; and the City of Castello having been in the, same contuma∣cy,

was afterwards besieged. In that Town Nicolo Vitelli was Prince, who retaining a great correspondence and friendship with Lorenzo di Medici, had supplies sent him from Flo∣rence. though not enough to defend Nicolo, yet sufficient to sow the seeds of such enmity betwixt the Pope and the Medici, as produced most pernitious effects. Nor had it been long before they had discovered themselves, had not the death of Piero Cardinal di S. Si∣sto intervened. For that Cardinal (having travelled thorow all Italy, and spent some time both at Venice and Milan, in honor (as he pretended) to the Marquess of Ferrara's wed∣ding) had sifted the Princes to see how they stood inclined to a difference with the Floren∣tines: but being returned to Rome, he died, not without suspition of being poisoned by the Venetians, out of an apprehension of his power, when ever he should have opportuni∣ty to exert it; for though his humor and extraction were mean, and his education retired, in a Covent, yet upon his promotion to the Cardinalship, he discovered more pride and ambition, than was becoming not only a Cardinal, but a Pope. For he had the vanity to make a feast at Rome which cost him above 20000 Florens and would have been thought an extravagance in the greatest King of his time. Pope sixtus having lost his Minister, proceeded more coolly in his designs nevertheless the Florentines, the Duke, and the Ve∣netians entred into a League;* 1.24 Sixtus and the King of Naples entred into another, and left room for several other Princes to come in if they pleased. By this means all Italy was divided into two factions, every day producing something or other which augmented the feuds; and particularly a dispute about the Isle of Cyprus, to which Ferrando pretended, but the Venetian had got the possession; upon which the Pope and Ferrando confederated more strictly: the great Captain of those times, and the most eminent for conduct was Fe∣derigo Prince of Urbin, who had served under the Florentine a long time: that their League might not have the advantage of such a General, the Pope and Ferrando resolved, if pos∣sible to debauch him from them, and to that end both of them invited him to Naples. Fe∣derigo obeyed, with great astonishment, and displeasure to the Florentines, concluding he would run the same fate which Giacopo Piccinino had done before him; but they were ut∣terly mistaken; for Federigo returned with great honor from Naples and Rome, and was made General, of their League. In the mean time the Pope and the King were not idle but still feeling and tempting the Senats, of Romagna, and Sienna, to make them their friends, and enable themselves thereby to be revenged on the Florentines; of which the Florentines having advertisement, they provided such remedy against their ambition, as would consist with their time; and having lost Federigo, they entertained Roberto do Pi∣mino into their pay: they renewed their Leagues with the Citizens of Perugia, and the Se∣nate of Faenza.

The Pope and the King pretended that the grounds of their dissatisfaction was, for that they had seduced the Venetians from their League, and associated with them themselves, and the Pope did not think that he could preserve the honor and reputation of the Church, nor Count Girolamo his Sovereignty in Romagna, whilst the Venetian and Florentine were united. The Florentines on the other side feared that they did not desire to seperate them from the Venetians so much, to make them their friends, as to enable themselves more easi∣ly to injure them; so that for two years together Italy remained under these jealousies, and diversities of humors, before any tumult broke out. The first which happened (and that was no great one) was in Tuscany. Braccio of Perugia (a Person as we have said before, of great reputation in the Wars) left two Sons Oddo,* 1.25 and Carlo, whilst the last was very young, his Brother was slain unhappily in a tumult in the Val di Lamona. And Carlo (when capable for his age) was preferred by the Venetians to a command in their Army, out of respect to the memory of the Father and the hopefulness of the Son. The time of his Commission expired about that time, and Carlo would not suffer it to be renewed by the Senate; being resolved to see whether his own reputation, or his Fathers, could bring him back again to Perugia. To which the Venetians readily consented, as People which added something to their Empire, by every commotion: Carlo therefore, marched into Tuscany, but finding the Perugians in League with the Florentines, and his enterprize by consequence more uneasie then he expected, that nevertheless he might do something wor∣thy thy to be talked of, he assaulted the Siennesi (pretending an old debenture to his Father for service he had done them) and fell upon them with such fury, that their whole Coun∣try was overrun. The Siennesi seeing themselves so fiercely invaded (and being natural∣ly jealous of the Florentines) persuaded themselves, it was done by their consent, and made their complaints to the Pope and the King: they sent Embassadors likewise to Flo∣rence; who complained of the injuries they had received; and remonstrated, that with∣out their privacy and connivance Carlo could never have assaulted them so securely. The Florentines excused themselves, assuring them they would employ their greatest interest that

Carlo should not injure them any farther; and that in what way soever their Embassadors should propose, they would require him to desist: of which proceeding Carlo complained as much on the other side, declaring that for not having supplied him, the Florentines had robb'd themselves of a considerable acquist and him of great honor, and reputation; for he promised them the possession of that City in a short time; so much cowardize he had observed in the People, and so much disorder in their defence: whereupon Carlo drew off, and retired to his old Masters the Venetians: and the Siennesi (though delivered by the Florentines means) remained full of disgust, as not thinking it an obligation to rescue them from a calamity they had brought upon their heads. Whilst the affairs in Tuscany were carried on in this manners, by the Pope and the King, there fell out an accident in Lom∣bardy of greater importance, and threatened greater destruction. There was a person called Cola (of Mantoua) who taught the Latine tongue to several young Gentlemen in Milan; this Cola, being a learned, but ambitious man, out of pique to the Dukes conversation, or some private exceptions of his own, took occasion in all his discourse, wherever he came, to declaim against subjection to an ill Prince; and to magnifie their felicity whose fortune it was to be born, and brought up in a Commonwealth, affirming that all famous Men, had their education; not under Princes but Republicks; the latter prferring them as virtuous, the other destroying them as dangerous. The Gentlemen with whom he had entred into more particular familiarity were Giovanandrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Olgiatto, and to these he had may times inculcated the excellence of the one Government, and the periciousness of the other, and by degrees he became so confident both of their courage and inclination, that he persuaded them to a solemn oath, that as soon as their age would give them leave, they should employ all their faculties to redeem their Country from the Tyranny of their Prince.

The young Gentlemen, full of his documents, and a desire of observing their oaths: de∣testing the courses of the Duke, and resenting some particular injuries of their own, were impatient to put his directions in execution. Galeazzo was in his carriage both cruel and lascivious (each of which good qualities were sufficient to make him odious) it was not e∣nough for him to debauch and vitiate the noblest Ladies of the City, but he took delight to publish it; no man (in his judgment) was handsomly punished who was not executed with some unusual circumstance of cruelty. He was suspected likewise to have murdered his Mother, for not fancying himself Prince enough, whilst she was in the way, he beha∣ved himself so towards her, that she desired to retire to Cremona (which was the place of her dower) in which journey she was surprized with a sudden sit of sickness, and died, and her death, by many People, imputed to her Son. By tampering with or reflect∣ing upon some Ladies of their relations, Galeazzo had highly disobliged both Carlo and Girolamo; and to Giovanandrea he had refused to give the possession of the Abbey of Mi∣ramando, which was granted to his predecessors by the Pope: these private injuries, egg'd on the young Gentlemen to revenge themselves, and deliver their Country; presuming if they could kill him, not only the Nobility, but the whole body of the People would fol∣low them: resolved therefore upon the fact, they met many times to consult of the way, and their old familiarity rendered them unsuspected. Whilst they were contriving their business, to make themselves more dexterous and couragious when they came to it, their way was to strike and stab one another with the sheaths of those daggers which they had pre∣pared to do the work,* 1.26 sometimes upon the arms, and sometimes upon the breasts of one another. At length they came to consider of the time and the place: in the Castle it was thought unsafe; a hunting, dangerous and uncertain; a walking, difficult, and unpra∣cticable; in the conventions impossible; at length it was concluded he should be assassinated at some show or publick festivity, to which he would certainly come, at which time upon sundry pretences they might have opportunity to assemble their friends. They concluded likewise, that if any of them, upon any occasion whatever should be absent, or apprehen∣ded the rest should proceed, and kill him upon the place.

In the year 1476 Christmas coming on, and the Duke accustom'd on S. Stephens day with great solemnity to visit the Church of that Martyr, they pitched upon that for the time and the place. The morning arriving, they caused some of their principal friends and servants to arm, pretending they were to assist Giovanandrea who (contrary to the inclinations of some of his Enemies) was to bring certain pipes of Water into his grounds for his greater convenience: being armed according to directions, they conducted them to the Church, alledging that they would get leave of the Prince to justifie what might happen: they cau∣sed several others likewise of their friends and allies to meet there, upon several pretences, presuming when the stroke was struck, and the business done to their hand, they would hall in then without any difficulty or scruple. Their resolution was, ••as soon as the Duke

was killed, to get all those armed Men at their heels, and to march into that part of the Town where they thought they could raise the People with most ease, and persuade them to arm against the Dutchess, and the Ministers of the State not doubting but the People would readily follow them, being much distressed for want of provisions and promised (as they intended) the houses of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, Francesco Lucani, and all the rest of the Governors, to plunder. Having laid their design thus, and encouraged one another toxecute it bravely, Giovanandrea with his accomplices, went to Church be∣times, and heard Mass together, after which Giavanadrea turning towards the image of San. Ambrogio, he said, Most, venerable Patron of our City, thou knowest our intention, and for what end we expose our selves to so many dangers; be I beseech you kind and propitious to our enterprize, and by favouring of justice, let the World see how much injustice displeases you. To the Duke on the other side, before side, before he came to Church, many things happened which seemed to presage his Death. When he dressed himself that morning, he put on a Coat of mail which he usually wore, but on a sudden thinking it unhandsome or troublesom, he caused it to be pulled off and laid by. He had a mind to hear Mass in his own Chappel, but his Chaplain was gone to Saint Stephens Church, and carried all the implements along with him; having news of that, he ordered the Bishop of Como, should officiate for him, but he excused himself upon very reasonable impediments: so that he was necessitated (as it were) to go to Church: before he went, he caused Giovan Galeazzo and Hermes, his Sons to be brought to him, and when they came, he kissed and embraced them, as if he was never to see them again; at length (and very loath) being parted from them, he resol∣ved to go to Church, and marching out of the Castle betwixt the Embassadors of Ferrara and Mantoua, he went towards S. Stephens. The conspirators in the mean time, to give the less suspicion, and avoid the cold, which at that time was very great, were go up into a Chamber belonging to the Arch-priest, who was of their acquaintance; but hearing the Duke was coming they went down and placed themselves in the Porch, Giovanandrea and Girola∣mo on the right hand, and Charles on the left. Those who marched before the Duke were already entred, then came the Duke himself encompassed with a great multitude of People. As is usual in such pompous solemnities. The first which addressed themselves to their work was Giovanandrea,* 1.27 and Girolamo, who pretending to make room, pressed up to the Duke, and with short daggers which they had ready drawn in their sleeves, they stab'd him. Giovanan∣drea gave him two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat: Girolamo struck him in the throat likewise, and in the belly, Carlo Visconti being placed nearer the door, the Duke was past him before he was assaulted, and therefore he could not strike him before he was dead, however he must do his share, and with a schine gave him two deep wounds up∣on his shoulders; his blows were so sudden and thick, he was cut down and dead, before almost any body perceived it. Nor had he time to do or say more than to call upon the name of our Lady, (and that but once) as he fell. The Duke being slain, great hubub was rais'd, many Swords drawn, and (as it happens frequently in such cases) many people ran in great confusion about the streets, without any certain knowledge of what had passed. However those who were about the Duke, had seen him killed, and knew who they were that did it, pressed hard upon them to revenge it.

Giovanandrea being willing to have disengagedhimself, got out of the church, thrust himself among the women who were there in great numbers upon their knees, but being intangled, and stopped by their coats, a Moor (who was one of the Dukes foot-men) got up to him, and killed him: Carlo was slain also by those who were by; but Girolamo Oligato got out of the Church among the crowd; for seeing his companions dead, and not knowing whither to be∣take himself, he went to his own house, but was refused by his Father and his Brothers: his Mother having more commiseration recommended him to a Priest who had been an ancient friend of that family which Priest changed habits with him, and conveyed him to his house; where he remained two days in hopes some tumult or other would fall out, and he might have opportunity to save himself. But finding he was mistaken in that, and fearing to be found out where he was, he disguised himself, and endeavoured to get off, but was discover'd, secur'd, and delivered up to the Magistrate, to whom he confessed the whole process of the Conspiracy. This Girolamo was about twenty three years old, no less couragious and resolute at his death, than at the perpetration of the fact. Being strip'd and the Executioner with his knife in hand ready to give the stroke, he spake these words in Latine Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria fac••s. This Plot was carried on with strange secrecy, and execu∣ted with prodigious courage by these unhappy young gentlemen: but being neither follow'd nor defended by those whom they expected, they miscarried, and were slain. Let Princes by this example live so as to make themselves honor'd and belov'd, that no body may hope to kill then and escape; and let other People have care of relying upon the multitude too

far, how discontented soever; for in their distress they will be sure to forsake them. This ac∣cident put all Italy into an amaze, but much more what happen'd in Florence not long after; for that brake the Peace of all Italy which had continued for 12 years, as shall be shown in the next Book, whose end will be no less sad and deplorable, than the beginning is bloody and terrible.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Cosimo de Medici and Ne∣ri Capponi the two great Ci∣tizens in Flo∣rence.
• * 1.2

  Luca Pitti.
• * 1.3

  Girolamo Machiavelli.
• * 1.4

  Cosimo dies.
• * 1.5

  Giacopo Pic∣cinino murder∣ed.
• * 1.6

  Francesco Sforza died.
• * 1.7

  Nicolo Sode∣rini persuades Luca to take Arms against Piero.
• * 1.8

  The Senate and chief Citi∣zens attend Piero at his house.
• * 1.9

  The Ene∣mies of the Me∣dici∣depress'd
• * 1.10

  Luca Pitti deserted.
• * 1.11

  Agnolo's letter to Piero de Medici.
• * 1.12

  Piero's an∣swer.
• * 1.13

  The Floren∣tines invaded by the veneti∣ant.
• * 1.14

  Peace be¦tween the Flo∣rentines and the Venetians
• * 1.15

  Piero's speech to the florentines.
• * 1.16

  Piero de Me∣dici dies.
• * 1.17

  Tomaso so∣derini in great favour with the Florentines, de∣clines it di∣screetly.
• * 1.18

  Lorenzo and Guiliano de Medici made Princes of the City.
• * 1.19

  A Conspira∣cy of the Nard••.
• * 1.20

  Bernardo defeated and taken.
• * 1.21

  The Duke of Milan in Florence.
• * 1.22

  Tumults in Volterra.
• * 1.23

  Volt••rra surrendred and sacked.
• * 1.24

  Italy in two Factions.
• * 1.25

  Troubles in Tuscany.
• * 1.26

  Conspiracy against the Duke of Milan.
• * 1.27

  The Duke of Milan slain.