The works of the famous Nicholas Machiavel, citizen and secretary of Florence written originally in Italian, and from thence newly and faithfully translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE. (Book 6)

Book VI. (Book 6)

IT always was (and 'tis reasonable it be) the design and end of all those who make war, to enrich themselves, and impoverish the Enemy; nor is conquest and victory desir∣ed upon any other score, but to magnifie the one, and to depress the other: hence it is, that when ever victory impoverishes or debilitates you, you have either transgressed, or fallen short, of what you aimed at in the War. That Prince, or Commonwealth is enriched by Victory, when he exirpateth his Enemy, and impropriats the spoil. On the other side, his Victory impoverishes him, when (though he overcomes his Enemy) he can∣not utterly extinguish him, and the spoil and prey is left to the Souldiers. This Prince, this Commonwealth is unhappy in its losses, but more in its victories; for being defeated, it is lyable to the injuries of its Enemies; and being victorious, to the contumely of its friends, which as they are less reasonable, are less supportable, seeing it is again necessitated to oppress and disgust its subjects by new impositions and taxes: and if there be the least hu∣manity in Government, it cannot rejoyce or exult in a victory, which makes all its sub∣jects sad. The well Governed Commonwealths of old, were wont to fill their Bags with Gold and Silver; destribute donatives, remit subsidies and tribute to the people and so∣lemnize their victories with merriment and feasting; but those of whom we write, drain∣ed their Exchequer, impoverished the people, and never secured themselves of their Ene∣mies; which proceeded from the disorders in the management of the War; for having beaten, and pillaged the Enemy, they neither kept them Prisoners, nor killed them; so that (being incensed) they forbate revenging themselves upon the Conqueror no longer than he which cammanded them could recruit them with Horses and Arms: and the plun∣der and ransoms falling to the Souldiers, the Conquerours made no advantage of the spoils of the Enemy, but were forced to tear their supplies out of the bowels of their Subjects; no∣thing of benefit accurring to the people, they were rendred more imperious and cruel in their taxes: and those Souldiers had brought things to that pass, that both the Conqueror and conquered (if they intented to preserve their authority over their Men) were in ne∣cessity of more money; for the one side was to be recruited, the other to be rewarded; and as the one could not fight, unless he was newly equipped; so the other would not engage him without recompence for what was passed; from whence it happened, that one side had no great joy of its victory; and the other no great sence of its loss; for the conquered had time to recruit, and the Conqueror had none to pursue. This disorder and perversness in

the Souldier was the reason that Nicolo was recruited, and on Horse back again, before his defeat was known thorow Italy; and sharper war he made upon his Enemies afterwards, than he had ••ver done before. This it was, that after his rout before Brescia, enabled him to surprize Verona: this it was, that after he was worsted at Verona, gave him opportunity to invade Tuscany; this it was, that after his loss at Anghiari, recruited him again, and made him stronger in the field (ere he got to Romagna) than he was before, which gave the Duke new hopes of defending Lombardy, though by means of his absence he had looked upon it as lost: for whilst Nicolo was giving the Enemy an alarm at Tuscany the Duke of Milan was reduced to a condition of hazarding all, and therefore apprehending he might be undone, before Nicolo (who was sent for) would come to his rescue, to stop the Ca∣reer of the Count, and temper his fortune by industry, which he could not do by force; he had recourse to those remedies which in the like case he had many times used and sent Ni∣colo da Esti Prince of Ferrara to Peschiera to the Count, to persuade him in his name to a Peace;* 1.1 and to remonstrate to him that the prosecution of the War could not turn to his ad∣vantage; for if the Duke should be distressed, and unable to maintain his ••eputation, the Count would be the first which would suffer by it; by reason the Venetians and Florentines would have no farther occasion, and by consequence no farther esteem for him: and as a testimony of the sincerity of his proposal, the Duke offered to co••••mmate, his Marriage, and send his Daughter to Ferrara to be delivered to him as soon as the peace was concluded; to which the Count replied, that if the Duke did truly desire peace, he might easily have it; for the Venetians and Florentines were as much inclined to it as he, but the difficulty would be to persuade them he was in earnest, as knowing he would never have proposed any such thing, had not some necessity constrained him; and as soon as that should be removed, he would make War upon them again.

As to the business of his Marriage, he could not repose any confidence in his promise, ha∣ving been so often baffled by him before: nevertheless, if every thing else were agreed, he should proceed in it as his friends should advise. The Venetians, who are jealous of their Souldiers, where they have no reason to be so, had reason enough to be suspicious here, which the Count being desirous to remove, prosecuted the War with all diligence imagi∣nable; but his mind was so inflamed with ambition, and the Venetians so slack, and inte∣pidated with jealousie, little more was done that Summer: so that when Nicolo Piccinino returned into Lombardy, Winter came on, and the Armies were sent to their Winter quar∣ters. The Count to Verona; the Duke to Cremona: the Florentines into Tuscany, and the Popes Army to Romagna, which after the Battle of Anghiari, assaulted Furli and Bologna in hopes to have taken them from Francesco Piccinino, who kept them from his Father, and defended them so well, they could not get them out of his hands; nevertheless their com∣ing into those parts so terrified the people of Ravenna that to avoid the domination of the Church by consent of Os••asio di Potenta their Lord, they submitted to the Venetian, who (in recompence of his kindness, that he might never recover by force, what he had given them with so little discretion) sent Ostasio with his only Son to spend their days in Candia, where they died: in which expedition his Holiness wanting Mony, (notwithstanding the Victory at Anghiari) he was glad to sell the Castle of Borg•• a San Sepulcro to the Floren∣tines for 25000 Ducats.* 1.2

Things being in this posture, and all sides thinking themselves safe as long as it was Winter; all thoughts of peace were laid aside, especially by the Duke, who thought him∣self doubly safe, both in the season of the year, and the arrival of Nicolo; had therefore broke of his Treaty with the Count a little abruptly; and in great haste rigged out Nicolo again with all provisions and accoutrements that were necessary for the War: the Count having notice of his preparations, went to Venice to consult the Senate how affairs were to be ordered the next Summer. When Nicolo was ready (perceiving the Enemy out of or∣der) he never staid for the spring, but in the coldest of the Winter he passed the Adda, and Acri, surprized 2000 Horse, and took most of them prisoners: but that which touch∣ed the Count nearest and startled the Venetians, was the defection of Ciarpellone one of his principal officers, who went over to the Duke: the Count had no sooner the news, but he left Venice; and coming with all possible speed to Brescia, he found Nicolo retired, and gone back to his former station: the Count had no mind, finding the Enemy gone, to follow him at that time; but chose rather to defer, till some advantage should tempt him, and give him opportunity to revenge himself: he prevailed therefore with the Venetians to recal the forces they had in the Florentine service in Tuscany; and to confer the command of them upon Micheletto Attendulo, Gattamelata being dead. The spring being come, Nicolo Pic∣cinino was first in the field,* 1.3 and beseiged Cignano, a Castle some twelve miles distant from Brescia: to the relief of which, the Count addressed himself; and betwixt these two Gene∣rals

the War was managed as formerly. The Count being fearful of Bergamo, went with his Army and encamped before Martinengo, a Castle which (if taken) lay very conveni∣ent for the succouring of Bergaino (which City was by Nicolo greatly distressed) who find∣ing he could not easily be disturbed, but by the way of Martinengo, had supplied it plenti∣fully with all things, so as the Count was forced to besiege it with all his Army: whereupon Nicolo marched with his forces where he might most conveniently incommode him, and in∣trenched himself so strangely, the Count could not (without manifest danger) assail him so that thereby he brought things to that pass that the besieger was in more distress, than the besieged; and the Count than the Castle. For the Count could neither keep the siege for want of provisions, nor rise, for fear of Nicolo's Army; and every body expected vi∣ctory for the Duke, and destruction for his Enemy: but fortune, (which never wants ways of favoring her friends, and disobliging her Enemies) brought it about that Nicolo in confidence of his Victory was grown so insolent haughty, that without respect to the Duke, or himself, he sent him word that he had served him a long time, and as yet not gained so much ground as would bury him when he died; he desired therefore to know what recompence he was to expect for all his dangers, and fatigues; for it being now in his power to make him absolute Master of Lombardy and to put all his Enemies into his hands, he thought it but reasonable, as he was certain of his Victory,* 1.4 to be secured of his reward; and therefore he did propose he might have the City of Piacenza made over to him, that when he had tired and worn himself out in his Wars, he might have that Town for his re∣cess; and at the last he took the boldness to threaten the Duke with the quitting his enter∣prize, if he was not gratified in his demands. This contumelious and insolent way of ca∣pitulation, was so offensive, and detestable to the Duke, that he resolved to lose all, rather than comply; so that this arrogance in Nicolo wrought an effect upon him, to which the Arms nor the minaces of the Enemy could never reduce him; and that was to make peace with the Count, to whom he sent Guido Buone da Fortona with proposals of peace; and the proffer of his Daughter; which was embraced with both Arms by the Count and his Collegues.

All being privatly agreed among themselves;* 1.5 the Duke sent a message to Nicolo to re∣quire him to make a Truce with the Count, for a twelve month; pretending his treasure was low, and had been so exhausted with the War, that he could not but prefer a certain Peace, before a Victory that was doubtful. Nicolo admired his resolution, as not able to imagine what should make him reject so glorious a Victory; not in the least suspecting, that he bogled at the remuneration of his friends, and chose rather to let his Enemies escape; so that not obeying him readily, the Duke was constrained to threaten, that without imme∣diate compliance, he would deliver him up as a prey for his own Souldiers, and his Enemy. Whereupon Nicolo submitted, but with the same alacrity as on that is forced to forsake both his Country and friends; complaining, and lamenting his unhappiness, whose Victory over his Enemies was always interrupted either by his fortune, or the Duke. The truce being made, the Marriage betwixt Madona Bianca and the Count was consummated, and the City of Cremona given to her in Dower:* 1.6 after which, the peace was concluded in November 1441 at which for the Venetians, Francesco Barbadico, and Pagolo Frono; for the Florentines Agno∣lo Acciailo were present; the Venetians got by this peace Peschiera, Asola, and Leonata a Castle belonging to the Marquess of Manto••a.

The Wars in Lombardy being ended, the only part of Italy where there was any Hostility, was in the Kingdom of Naples, which not being able to be composed, was the occasion of new troubles in Lombardy. During the Wars in those parts, Alfonso of Aragon had over∣run the whole Kingdom of Naples, and left the King of Rinato nothing at all but the Country about the Metropolis. Whereupon Alfonso conceiving the Victory already in his hands, resolved whilst he besieged Naples, to seize upon Benevento, and the rest of the Towns which were yet remaining to the Count in those Countries, supposing it might be done with∣out much danger, the Count himself being imployed in Lombardy; and his design succeed∣ed as easily as he imagined; for he took all his Towns with little or no opposition. But the news arriving of the peace in Lombardy, Alfonso, began to apprehend lest the Count (to recover what he had lost) should joyn with Rinato, and Rinato being of the same opi∣nion, sent to invite, and solicite the Count, that he would come, and revenge himself of his Enemy, by relieving his friend. On the otherside Alfonso was as earnest with the Duke, that in respect of the friendship which was betwixt them, he would give the Count some diversion, and by imploying him in greater affairs, enforce him from undertaking of this. Philippo entertained the motion very readily; not considering it intrenched upon that peace, which not long before he had concluded with so much prejudice to himself: he caused therefore to be signified to the Pope E••genius, that then was the time to recover the

Towns which the Count had taken from the Churches, and for his easier success, he prof∣fered him Nicolo Piccinino (who was in his pay) during the War, but discharged upon the peace, and was at that time in Romagna with his forces: the Pope received the propo∣sition very joyfully upon a double account, both as he hated Francesco, and desired his own, and though he had been cheated by Nicolo once before, yet now the Duke interposing, he could not suspect him in the least; joyning his forces therefore with Nicolo's, he marched into la Marca: the Count being much alarm'd at the news, got what strength together he could, and went to encounter them.

In the mean time Alfonso took Naples;* 1.7 and all that Kingdom fell into his hands except Castelnuovo: Rinato having left a strong Garison in Castelnuovo, went away himself for Florence, where he was most honorably received, but finding he was not able to con∣tinue the war, he stayed there but some certain days, and away he passed to Marsilia; du∣ring which time Alfonso had taken Castelnuovo, and the Count was got into La Marca, but not so strong as the Pope and Nicolo: wherefore he addressed himself to the Venetian, and Florentine, for assistance both of men and mony; representing to them that unless they now looked upon them, and did something to restrain the Pope and Alfonso, whilst he was in being, afterwards they would have enough to do to secure themselves; for they might joyn with Duke Philip, and divide all Italy betwixt them: for some time both Venetian and Florentine suspended their answer, either because they were unwilling to make his Holi∣ness, and Alfonso their Enemies; or else, because their hands were already full in Bologna. Hannibal Bentivoglio had driven Francesco Piccinino out of that City, and to enable himself to defend it against the Duke (who was a favourer of Francesco) he had desired the assi∣stance of the Venetians and Florentines; and they not denied it. Whilst the affairs in Bo∣logna were in this manner uncertain, they could not resolve to give the Count their assi∣stance; but Hannibal defeating Francesco afterwards, so that all things there seemed to be composed, they then concluded to supply him. Yet first to secure themselves against the Duke, they renewed the League with him, to which the Duke was not averse, for though he had consented to the War against the Count, whilst Rinato was in the field; yet now Rinato was routed, and his whole Kingdom taken from him, he had no mind the Count should be destroyed likewise: and to that end he nto only consented to the aid which they desired, but he writ to Alfonso to draw his forces back again into Naples, and not to pro∣secute the War there any longer; to which, although Alfonso was very unwilling, yet in respect of his obligations to the Duke, he quietly consented, and drew off his Army to the other side of Trento.

Whilst things were in this posture in Romagna, the Florentines were not unanimous at home: among the Citizens of chiefest reputation and authority in that Government, Neri the Son of Gino Capponi was one, of whose interest Cosimo de Medici was most particularly jealous, in respect of the great vogue he had both in the City, and Army: for having a long time had the Command of the Florentine forces, he had gained them exceedingly by his courage and deportment: besides the many great services performed by him and his father (the Father having taken Pisa, and the Son defeated Nicolo at the Battle of Anghiari) were fresh upon the memory, and caused him to be beloved by most people, but dreaded by such as were fearful of more Companions in their Government. Amongst other of their principal Officers, there was one Baldaccio d' Anghiari an excellent Souldier; not to be surpassed,* 1.8 either for courage or conduct in all Italy at that time: having always command∣ed their foot, he had gained so great influence upon them, that it was generally believed, with him they would undertake any enterprize what ever, when ever he desired them. This Baldaccio was a great lover of Neri, of whose bravery and prudence he had all along been a witness, which to the rest of the Grandees, gave great occasion of suspicion; and think∣ing with themselves that to let him alone would be dangerous, but to imprison him much more; they resolved to make him away, and fortune eflected it. Bartolomeo Orlandini was at that time Gonfaloniere di Giustitia: who having been sent to keep the pass at Marradi (as was said before) when Nicolo Piccinino made his inroad into Tuscany, had most base∣ly deserted it, and exposed a Country which was almost inaccessible of it self. Baldaccio was so much provoked, or rather ashamed at his cowardice, that he spake slightly of him, and writ several letters expressing his contempt; which Bartolomeo resenting highly, and being conscious it was true; he resolved to be revenged, and expiate his own fault with the death of his accuser: his resolution being known to other of his Enemies, they encouraged him to proceed, and at one blow to revenge himself for the injury he had received; and de∣liver the state from a person they could neither retain without danger, nor dismiss without ruine. Having fixed upon his way Bartolomeo shut up several armed Men one day in the Chamber; and Baldaccio being come to the Piazza (as he constantly did) to discourse with the Magistrats, and ••••quire orders for his conduct, the Gonfaloniere sent to speak

speak with him, and he presently obeyed: seeing him coming, the Gonfaloniere went to meet him, and entertained him about his affairs three or four turns in the Senators Cham∣ber; but at length having drilled him near the Chamber where his ambush was laid, he gave the Signal, and all of them rushing upon him (who was alone, and without arms) they killed him, and threw him out of the Palace window which looks towards the Dogana; and then cutting off his Head, and carrying his trunk into the Piazzo, they left it there all day as a spectacle for the people: he had only one Son by his Wife Annalena; which li∣ving not long after him, Annalena deprived both of Husband and Child, and resolving to have no farther conversation with Man, she made a Monastery of her house, and shutting her self up with several other Noble Persons, which came to her to that purpose; she spent the remainder of her days there in great piety and devotion; calling the Monastery by her own Name, and immortalizing her memory, both by the one and the other. This action was no small diminution to Neri; and took away a considerable part of his reputation and friends yet it did not satisfie the contrivers, for having been more than ten years at the helm, the authority of the Balia expired, and every body began to talk and act with more freedom than they thought convenient, they judged it necessary to revive that Court, for the encou∣ragement of their friends,* 1.9 and the depression of their Enemies; Hereupon, in the Year 1444, the Counsels created a new Balia, which re-established the Offices; contracted the number of the Officers which were to chuse the Senators;* 1.10 renewed the Chancery of refor∣mation; removing Philippo Peruzzi out of the Chancellorship, and putting one into his place who they believed would be Governed by them. They prolonged the banishment of those that were refractory; imprisoned Giovanni, the Son of Simone Vespucci; degraded the Ac∣coppiatori as Enemies to the State, and with them the Sons of Piero Baroncelli; all the Serag∣li, Bartolomeo, Francesco Castellani, and several others; by which means they pro∣cured great reputation, and authority to themselves, and no little prejudice and disparage∣ment to their Enemies; and having settled themselves at home in the Government, they be∣gan to look about, and inquire how things were managed abroad.

Nicolo Piccinino (as we said before) being abandoned by Alfonso; and the Count, by assistance of the Florentines, became formidably powerful, he assaulted Nicolo not far from Fermo, and gave him so great a defeat, that Nicolo was glad to fly (almost alone) to Montec∣chio, where he fortified himself so well, and defended himself so bravely, that in a short time his whole Army repaired to him again, and put him into a condition of supporting easily against the Count, and the rather, because Winter being come, both of them were constrained to send their Armies into quarters. All Winter long Nicolo was imployed in encreasing his Army, which was much furthered by the assistance of the Pope, and Alfon∣so; insomuch that when the spring appeared, and both Armies took the field, the Count was much too weak for Nicolo, and indeed brought to that extremity of want, that he must of necessity have been ruined, had not the Duke frustrated the advantage which Ni∣colo had got over him. Philip sent to Nicolo to desire he would come presently to him, for he must needs speak personally with him about business of very great importance; and Nicolo, being greedy to know it, left his command to his Son Francesco, and went to Milan to the Duke; relinquishing a certain victory, for an uncertain reward, which being perceived by the Count he thought that occasion of engaging the Son in his Fathers absence, was not to be slipped, and coming to a fight with him near the Castle di Monteloro, he overthrew Fran∣cesco, and took him Prisoner.

Nicolo arriving at Milan, finding himself deluded by the Duke, and understanding the defeat,* 1.11 and imprisonment of his Son, he took it to heart, and died with sorrow 1445 in the 64 year of his age, a more brave, than a fortunate General. He left only two Sons, Francesco, and Giacoppo, whose conduct was less, and fortune worse than their Fathers; so that the Disciples of Bracio were almost extinct, whilst the Sforzeschan being more succes∣ful, became more glorious. The Pope understanding Nicolo was dead, and his Army o∣verthrown (not daring to rely much upon the King of Aragons supplies) desired a peace of the Count, and obtained it by the meditation of the Florentines, by which the Pope was to have in la Marca, Osimo, Fabriano, and Ricanato restored, and all the rest were to re∣main to the Count. After this accommodation in la Marca, all Italy had been quiet, had not the Bolognesi disturbed it. there were two super-eminent families in Bologna, the Can∣neschi, and the Bentivogli; Hannibal was the head of the latter, and Battista of the first. To beget the greater confidence betwixt them, many matches had been made; but among Men that aspire to the same degree of greatness, an Allyance is sooner made, than a friend∣ship. Bologna was in League with the Venetians, and Florentines, which League was made by Hannibal Bentivogli's means after Francesco Piccinino was expelled.* 1.12 Battista un∣derstanding how earnestly the Duke desired the friendship of that City, contrived how he

might kill Hannibal, and deliver that City to the Duke; and having concluded the circum∣stances, on the 24th of Iune 1445, Battista and his accomplices set upon Hannibal, and slew him, and when they had done, declared themselves for the Duke. The Venetians and Florentine commissaries were at the same time in the Town; and at the first report of the tumult, returned privatly to their houses, but finding the people thronging in great num∣bers in the Market place, complaining, and exclaiming against the Murderers of Hannibal; they took courage; joyned themselves with them, and putting them into a posture, they fell upon the Canneschi, and in half an hours time, routed them, killed part of them, and and drove the rest out of the City. Battista not having opportunity to get away, nor his Ene∣mies to kill him, betook himself to his house, where hiding himself in a chest, or Bing to keep Corn in, they searched for him a whole day, and could not discover him: being assu∣red he was not gone out of Town, they came back again and threatened his Servants so, that one of his Lacqueys betrayed him, and carried them to him; then drawing him out of his hole in armour as he was, they killed him, and dragged him about the Sreets, and burned him; so that the Victory of the Duke was sufficient to encourage that enterprize, but his expedition in relieving it, was not great enough to make it good. By the death of Battista, and the expulsion of the Canneschi their tumults were composed; but the Bolog∣nesi remained in no little confusion, there being none of the family of the Bentivoglio's left to govern them; for Hannibal had only one Son, of about six years old called Giovanni; and it was feared lest some difference and division might arise betwixt the friends of Benti∣voglio (in whose power it was to restore the Canneschi) to the destruction of their party, and Country.

Whilst they were in this suspence, the Conte di Poppi being by accident in Bologna, sent word to the principal of the City, that if they would be governed by one of Hannibals blood he could direct them where they might have one; for about twenty years since, Hercules, a Cousin-German of Hannibals being at Poppi, had the enjoyment of a young Maid in that Town, who was brought to bed afterwards of a Son called Santi; which, Hercules affirm∣ed to him many times,* 1.13 was his, nor was it to be denied, for who ever knew them both, must needs ownea more than ordinary resemblance. The Citizens giving credit to what he said, dispatched some of their Citizens to Florence immediately, to see the Youth and to de∣sire Neri, and Cosimo, that he might be delivered to them: the reputed father of Santi was dead, and the Son lived with an Uncle called Antonioda Cascese, a rich Man, without Children of his own, and a great friend of Neri's: Neri out of respect to his Uncle, think∣ing the business not to be despised, nor on the other side, rashly accepted, proposed that Santi might be sent for; and that in the presence af Cosimo and the Bolognian Embassadors, they might hear what he could say for himself; he was sent for accordingly, and behaved himself so well, the Bolognesi were ready to worship him; so strangely prevalent sometimes is the love of a faction; yet there was nothing concluded at this meeting, only Cosimo took Santi aside and told him.

No Body can counsel you better in this case,* 1.14 than your self: because you may follow your own inclination. If you be the Son of Hercules Bentivogli, you will apply your self to such things as are worthy and sutable to the honor of that house But if you be the Son of Agnolo da Cascese; you will continue in Florence, and spend the rest of your days basely in the ordering of Wool.

This Speech netled the young Man, and whereas before he seemed to be irresolute, he now declared he would refer himself wholly to Cosimo, and Neri, and do as they directed him; and (it being agreed with the Embassadors) Clothes and Horses were bought, and equipage provided, and a while after being honourably conducted to Bolonia, he was made Governor both of Hannibals Son, and the City, which office he executed so well, that whereas all his predecessors were killed by their Enemies; he lived quietly all his time and died lamented at last.

After the death of Nicolo, and the peace concluded in La Marca; Philip wanting a new General to command his Army made private overtures to Ciarpellone one of the most expe∣rienced officers in the Counts Army; and at last coming to an agreement, Ciarpellone desi∣red leave of the Count to go to Milan, and take possession of certain Castles which Philip had given him in the late Wars. The Count suspecting the business (to disappoint the Duke, and prevent his serving against him) he caused him first to be stopped, and after∣wards to be killed, pretending to have found him engaged in Conspiracy against him; at which manner of proceeding the Duke was highly incensed, but the Venetians and the Flo∣rentines were pleased well enough, as apprehending the least amity betwixt the Count and the Duke; however this indignity set all La Marca in an uproar, and was the occasion of new War there. Gismondo Malatesti was Lord of Rimino; and being Son-in-Law to the

Count, he expected to have had the Government of Pesaro; but the Count having redu∣ced it, gave the Command of it to his Brother, which Gismondo took very ill; and to make it the worse, his mortal Enemy Federico di Monte Feltro, by the Counts means, had usurped the Dominion of Urbino: upon these provocations Gismondo joyned himself with the Duke, and solicited the Pope and the King of Naples to make War upon the Count; who to give his Son-in-Law a relish of the War to which he had such a mind, he resolved to begin, and to fall first upon him; whereupon the Countries of Romagna and La Marca were in a tumult immediately; for Philip, the King of Naples, and the Pope sent all of them assistance to Gismondo, and the Venetians and Florentines (though they sent him no Men) supplied the Count with what monies he wanted. Philip, not content to make War against him in Romagna only, designed to deprive him of Cremona and Pontremoli, but Pontr••moli was defended for him by the Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians; so that the War was received again in Lombardy;* 1.15 and many troubles ensued in the Country of Cremona, a∣mong which the Dukes General Francesco Piccinino was overthrown at Casale by Miche∣letto and the Venetian Army; and the Venetians conceiving hopes thereupon of deposing the Duke, sent their Commissary to Cremona, assaulted Ghiaradadda, and took all that Country, except▪ Cremona it self; and then passing the Adda, they made their excursions to the very walls of Milan: the Duke not satisfied with his condition, applied himself to Alfonso King of Aragon for succour; representing the ill consequences which would follow upon his Do∣minions in Naples, if Lombardy should fall into the hands of the Venetians: Alfonso promi∣sed to send him supplies, but their passage would be difficult without the permission of the Count, upon which consideration, Duke Philip addressed himself to the Count, and begged of him that he would not abandon the Father-in-Law who was both aged and blind. The Count was much offended with the Duke, for having pulled those Wars upon him; and on the other side the greatness of the Venetians did not please him at all; besides his mony was gone, and the League supplied him but coldly; for the Florentines were now freed from their apprehensions of the Duke,* 1.16 which was the great cause of their caressing the Count, and the Venetians desired his ruine, as the only person capable of carrying the whole state of Lombardy from them.

Nevertheless, whilst Philip was seducing him to his side, and promised him the Com∣mand of all his forces, upon a condition he would leave the Venetians, and restore La Mar∣ca to the Pope; they sent Embassadors to him, promising him Milan, when it was taken, and the Generalship of their Army in perpetuum, so he would prosecute the War in La Mar∣ca, and obstruct the supplies which were sending by Alfonso into Lombardy. The Veneti∣an proffers were great, and his obligations to them considerable, they having made that War on purpose to secure Cremona to the Count; again the Dukes injuries were fresh, and his promises not to be trusted. Yet the Count remained doubtful which he should accept; his obligation to the League; his Faith given, the late good offices which they had done him, and their many promises for the future, were great arguments on one side, yet he was loth on the other side to deny the importunities of his Father-in-Law; but that which swayed with him most of all, was the poison which he suspected was hid under the promises of the Venetians, to whose discretion he must leave himself (if he succeeded in their Wars) both for their performance, and his own preservation; which no wise Prince would ever do, till necessity compelled him. But this suspence and difficulty of resolution in the Count, was taken away by the Venetians; who having a design by some practices and intelligences in the Town, to get it for themselves, upon some other pretence they caused their forces to march into those parts, but their plot was discovered by him that governed there for the Count, and in stead of gaining Cremona, they lost the Count, who laid aside all respects, and joyned with the Duke.

Pope Eugenius was dead,* 1.17 Niolo V. created his successor, and the Count advanced with his whole Army to Cotegnola in order to his passage in Lombardy, when news was brought to him that Duke Philip was dead, which happened in the year 1447. on the last of August. These tidings much troubled the Count, whose Army could not be in good order because they had not had their full pay. The Venetians he feared, as being in arms, and his pro∣fessed Enemies, now upon his revolt to the Duke. Alfonso had been always his Enemy, and he was fearful of him; he could have no confidence in either the Pope or the Floren∣tines, for the Florentines were in League with the Venetians, and he was in possession of se∣veral Towns which he had taken from the Pope: however he resolved to bear up bravely; look his fortune in the face; and comport himself according to the accidents which should occur: for many times secrets are discovered in action, which dejection and despondency would have concealed for ever. It was no little support to him to believe, that if the Mi∣lanesi were oppressed; or that jealous of the ambition of the Venetian, no Man was so pro∣per

for them to apply to, for protection, as himself. So that taking courage thereupon, he marched into the Country of Bologna, and from thence passing by Modena and Reggio, he encamped upon the Lenza, and sent to the Milanesi to offer them his service: the Milane∣si, after the Dukes death, were divided into factions; part of them had a mind to be free, and part of them to live under a Prince; and of those which were for a Prince, part were for the Count, and part for Alfonso: but they which were for a Commonwealth, being more unanimous prevailed, and erected a republick according to their own model, to which ma∣ny of the Cities in that Dukedom refused to conform, supposing they might make them∣selves free as well as Milan if they pleased; and those who were not inclined to that Govern∣ment, would not submit to it in them. Lodi and Piacenza therefore surrendered to the Ve∣netian; Pavia and Parma made themselves free: upon which confusions the Count removed to Cremona, where certain deputies of his to that purpose, met with certain Commissioners from Milan,* 1.18 and came to an agreement, by which it was agreed that he should be General of their forces, and all conditions performed to him which were concluded in his last treaty with the Duke; to which was superadded that Brescia should be put into the Counts hands, till he should be posses'd of Verona. and that then keeping the last, the first should be re∣stored.

Before the death of the Duke, Pope Nicolo upon his assumption to that Chair endeavou∣red to make a general peace, betwixt all the Princes of Italy; and to that purpose he ne∣gotiated with the Florentine Embassadors which were sent to his creation, for a Diet to be∣held at Ferrara, to treat either of a long cessation, or a firm peace; and accordingly the Popes Legate was met there by Commissioners from the Venetians, the Duke, and the Flo∣rentines. Alfonso sent none, for he was at Tiboli with a great Army in favour of the Duke, and believed (as soon as the Count could be debauched from them) he should have a fair opportunity to fall upon both the Venetian, and Florentine. In the mean time the Count lay still in Lombardy, attending the consummation of the Peace, to which Alfonso would not send, but promised to ratifie what should be agreed by the Duke. This peace was a long time in debate, but at length it was concluded, it should either be a cessation for five years, or a perpetual Peace, as the Duke of Milan should chuse; the Dukes Commissioners, returning to know his resolution, they found him dead, however the Milanesi were wil∣ling to stand to their agreement, but the Venetians would not condescend, fancying great hopes to themselves of overrunning that State,* 1.19 because Lodi and Piacenza had submitted to them soon after the death of the Duke; and believing either by treaty or force they should be able to reduce the rest, before any Body could come in to their relief; and this they fancied the rather, because the Florentines were engaged in a War with Alfonso. Al∣fonso was at this time at Tiboli, and being impatient to pursue his designs upon Tuscany (ac∣cording to agreement betwixt him and the Duke) conceiving the Waralready commenced in Lombardy, would give him convenience, he had a great mind to have fome footing in the state of Florence,* 1.20 before the War should apparently break out; to that purpose he entred into correspondence with some persons in the Castle of Cennina, in the upper Vald' Arno, and took it: the Florentines were much surprized at so unexpected an accident, and seeing that King in motion against them, they listed Men, created a new Council of Ten, and provided themselves for War, with as much industry as any of their predecessors. The King was marched already with his Army into the Country of Siena, and had used his ut∣most endeavours to get that city into his clutches; but it continued firm to the Florentines; refused to admit him, and all the rest of the Towns, under its jurisdiction, did the same. Yet they furnished him with provisions, their weakness and the Kings great strength excu∣sing it.

The Kings resolution was changed of invading the Florentines by the way of the Val d' Arno, either because Cennina was taken from him again, or that the Florentines were too well furnished with Souldiers in those parts; wherefore he turned towards Volterra, and surprized many Castles in the County belonging thereto. From thence he passed into the County of Pisa, where, by the assistance of Arrigo, and Fatio (Counts of Gherardesca) he took some posts, and then assaulted Campiglia, which being defended by the Florentines; he was not able to carry; so that the King leaving Garisons in the places he had taken; and certain Troops to make excursions upon the Enemy; with the rest of his Army retired and took his quarters in the Country of Siena. The Florentines in the mean time being secured by the season of the year, provided themselves with Souldiers with all possible care, and gave the command of them to Federigo Lord of Urbino, and Gismondo Malatesta da Ri∣mino, betwixt whom there was some precedent difference, yet it was so prudently compo∣sed by Neri de Gino, and Barnardetto de Medici their Commissaries, that they took the field together before the Winter was over; recovered the places lost in the Country of Pisa; and

the Pomerancie in the Volterran; curbing and restraining his excursions of those who were left by Alfonso upon the Coasts, so, as they were scarceable to secure their Garisons. As soon as the Spring was come, the Commissaries had a Rendevous of all their Army (which consisted of about 5000 Horse, and 2000 Foot, at Spedalletto; and the King had another, of about 15000, some three miles from Campiglia: and when it was supposed he would have fallen upon that Town, he turned about to Piombino, believing it would be no hard matter to gain it, in respect that it was but indifferently provided; and if he did, it would be no little prejudice to the Florentines, seeing from thence he could harrass them with a te∣dious War, and by sending forces there by Sea, infest the whole Country of Pisa. This Policy of Alfonso•• startled the Florentines, and consulting what was to be done, it was con∣cluded, that if they could lye with their Army upon the coasts of Campiglia, he would run a hazard of being beaten, or be forced to draw off with no little disgrace. To this purpose they rigg'd out four Galliasses which they had at Ligorn, and sent three thousand foot in them to reinforce Piombino, and then posted themselves at Caldane a place of no easie access; for to lie upon the coasts in the plain, they judged it more dangerous, and more subject to at∣tacks: the Florentines were to be supplied from the neighbouring Towns, which being thin, and but ill inhabited, they were but indifferently furnished, so that the Army was much incommoded, especially for Wine, for none growing there, and coming with great difficulty from other parts, it was not possible to provide for them all. But the King (though straitned by the Florentines) had plenty of all things by the way of the Sea. The Florentines perceiving it, had a mind to try experiment, whether their forces could not be supplied by Sea likewise, whereupon they caused their Galliasses to be brought, loaded them with victuals, and having dispatched them accordingly, they were set upon by seven of Alfonso's Gallies, and two of them taken, and the other two fled. This disaster cut off all hopes of relieving that way: so that 200 of the looser sort of Souldiers ran away to the Kings Camp for want of Wine, and the rest mutiny'd, grumling that they should be con∣fin'd to so hot places where there was no Wine, and the Water very bad: hereupon the Commissaries took it into debate, and it was concluded that they should leave that Post, and address themselves to the recovery of certain Castles which remained in the hands of the King.

On the other side the King, though he wanted no provision, and was more numerous in Men; found himself no less distressed, for his Army was full of the diseases which those maritime Countries do produce, they were grown so general and fierce, that many Men died, and most of them were sick. Upon this consideration, a Peace was proposed, and the King insisted upon 50000 Florens, and that Piombino might be left to his discretion. Which demands being deliberated at Florence, many who desired peace, were earnest to have them accepted; affirming they could not expect success in a War, which required so vast an expence to maintain it: but Neri Capponi going to Florence, gave them such pre∣gnant reasons to the contrary, that the whole City agreed to refuse them, and the Governor of Piombino was well entertained, and promised to be relieved both in time of War and Peace, if he would defend it couragiously as he had hitherto done. The King having no∣tice of their resolution, and perceiving his Army too sickly and infirm to take the place, he brake abruptly from his siege; left above 2000 of his Men dead behind him; retreated with the rest of his Army thorow the County of Siena,* 1.21 and from thence into the King∣dom of Naples, highly dissatisfied with the Florentines, and threatning them with a new War when occasion offered.

Whilst these things passed in Tuscany, the Count Francesco being made General for the Milanesi, thought fit before any thing else, to reconcile himself with Francesco Piccinino, (who had a command likewise under him) that he might assist him in his enterprises, or at lest oppose them with more circumstances of respect: after which, he took the field with his Army, and the Citizens of Pania, suspecting their own ability to defend themselves against so formidable a force, and yet unwilling to bring themselves under the yoke of the Milanesi, they offered to surrender to him, upon condition they might not fall under their domination. The Count had a great mind to that City, and looked upon it as a fine ini∣tiation, and pretence, to the rest of his designs. Nor was it fear, or the imputation of breaking his Faith, that restrained him from taking it, for great Men think it dishonorable for to lose, but none to gain, though with fraud and injustice. His great doubt was, lest in taking it, he should disoblige the Milanesi so, as they should give themselves to the Veneti∣an; and in not taking it, he was jealous they should surrender to the Duke of Savoy, to which he saw too many of the Citizens inclin'd, in either of which cases, his authority in Lombardy would be lost. At length judging it less danger to take that City himself, than to let another Man get it; he resolved to accept it, persuading himself it would satisfie the

Milanesi, to let them know, how fatal it might have been for him to have refused it, see∣ing those Citizens would certainly have delivered it to the Venetian, or the Duke of Savoy; either of which ways their State had been undone; and that it was better in his possession who was their friend, than in either of theirs, both of them being too potent, and both of them their Enemies. The Milanesi, for all his compliments, were much unsatisfied with the business, as plainly discovering the ambition and ends of the Man; but they thought best at present to conceal it, not knowing whither they were to betake themselves (upon a rupture with the Count) but to the Venetians, whose pride, and arrogant terms, they dreaded and abhorred: so that they concluded not to break with the Count, but to obviate their present miseries, with his assistance, hoping when they were freed from the former, some propitious opportunity might happen to quit them of him; for they were not only infested by the Venetians; but by the Genoeses, and the Duke of Savoy in the name of Charles of Orleans, descended from a Sister of Philips; but the Count defended all against them without any trouble. Their greatest adversary was the Venetian, who was come near with a powerful Army to seize upon their state, and had Lodi and Piacenza already in their possession, which last, the Count beleagured, and after a long siege, took it, and sack'd it: after he had recovered that City, Winter coming on, he drew his Army into quarters, and went himself to Cremona, where all that Winter he entertained himself with his Wife: but as soon as the Spring appeared, the Venetian, and Milanesi were both in the field: the Milanesi had a great desire to retake Lodi, and afterwards to come to an agreement with the Venetian: for the expence of the War was encreased; and the fidelity of the Count suspected. In order to this, it was resolved their Army would march to Caravaggio and besiege it; supposing that upon the taking of that Castle, Lodi would surrender. The Count obeyed their Orders, though his own inclination was to have passed the Adda, and invaded the Country of Brescia. Being set down before Caravaggio, he intrenched and fortified his Army so well with Ditches and Ramparts, that the Venetians could not attempt to relieve it without great disadvantage.

However the Venetians advanc'd with their Army, under the Command of their Gene∣ral Micheletto, within two flights shot of the Counts camp; continued there several days, and had many skirmishes with them. Notwithstanding the Count persisted in his siege, and prest them so hard, they must of necessity surrender. The Venetians, believing the loss of that Castle would be the loss of their whole enterprize, were much dissatisfied with the news, and calling a Counsel, after many disputes it was concluded, there was no way but to attack the Count in his trenches, which was not to be done without great disadvantage; but the Senate of Venice, though naturally timorous, and not apt to any sudden or dange∣rous resolutions, was in this case so much transported, as rather to venture all than lose that, though the loss of that would be the ruine of all. It was concluded therefore to fall upon the Count, and standing to their Arms one morning very early, they assaulted that part of the camp which was the weakest guarded, and (as it usually happens in such surprizes as that) at the very first onslaught, they put the whole Sforescan Army into disorder. But the Count so rallied them again, that after many attempts, and irruptions upon their Works, they were not only repulsed,* 1.22 but so shattered and dispersed, that of their whole Army (in which there were more tha•• 12000 Horse, there were not above 1000 escaped, and their whole baggage and train of Artillery taken; so that never till that day had the Venetians received so considerable a defeat.

Among the rest of the prey and Prisoners there was found a Venetian Proveditore who be∣fore the Battle had spoken opprobrious words of the Count, calling him Bastard and Co∣ward: this Proveditore finding himself in the hands of his Enemies, being conscious of his offence; and expecting no otherwise, but that his reward would be sutable: according to the Nature of base Spirits, (who are always insolent in prosperity, and poor and abject in adversity) throwing himself with tears at the feet of the Count, he acknowledged his fault, and beseech'd his pardon. The Count took him up by the arm, and bad him be of good courage: but afterwards he told him, he could not but wonder a Person of prudence, and that gravity as he desir'd to be thought, should commit so great an error, and indecorum, as to speak reproachfully of those who did not deserve it. As to Bastardy he accused him of, he knew not the passages betwixt Sforza his Father, and Madona Lucia his Mother, for not be∣ing then present, he was not able to order them better, and therefore he did hope nothing which they did could be imputable to him. But this he knew, that since he had been ca∣pable of any thing himself, he had carried himself so, as no body could reprehend him, to which, both he and his Senate could give fresh and irrefragable testimony; at last he admo∣nish'd him to be more modest for the future, to have more caution in all his enterprizes, and then he dismiss'd him. After this Victory, the Count march'd his Army into the

Country of Brescia, possess'd himself of all wherever he came; and then encamped within two miles of the City. The Venetians upon their overthrow, suspecting (as it happen∣ed) that Brescia would be the first thing the Count would attempt, reinforc'd it as much as in so short a time they were able; got what forces they could together with all imaginable diligence; and sent to the Florentines to desire their assistance by vertue of their League: who being freed from their War with Alfonso, supplied them with a 1000 foot and 2000 Horse; with which forces having got an Army together, the Venetians began to think they were in a condition to treat; and for a long time, it had been the custom and fate of the Venetians to recover twice as much by peace, as they lost by the War. They understood very well, the Milanesi were jealous of the Count; whose design was not so much to be their General, as their Prince; they knew it was in their own power to make peace with which of them they pleased; for both of them desired it; one out of ambition, the other for fear. They concluded at last to compose with the Count, and to proffer him their as∣sistance for the subduction of Milan; presuming that the Milanesi finding themselves be∣traid by the Count, in their fury would submit to any dominion but his; and then they being most capable of defending them, were the most likely to be the Persons they would chuse for their protection.

Upon this resolution, they sent to try the Count, and found him very inclinable to a peace, as desiring the victory at Caravaggio might be appropriated to him, and not to the Milaneses. A peace therefore was struck up, and the Venetians obliged themselves to pay to the Count, (till Milan should be taken) 13000 Florens a month and maintain in his ser∣vice 4000 Horse,* 1.23 and 2000 Foot during the War. Th•• Count on the other side engaged to restore to them, all the Towns, Prisoners, and what ever else had been taken in that War by him; reserving to himself only such Towns as were in Duke Philips possession when he died. The news of this agreement, disquieted the Milanesi much more than their Victory had rejoyced them. The Magistrates storm'd; the People complain'd; the Women and Children lamented; all of them in one chorus pronouncing the Count a Traitor and an in∣fidel. And though they did not expect to reclaim him from his ingratitude, by any pray∣ers or promises they could make him, nevertheless they thought fit to send Embassadors to him, to see with what confidence, and expressions he could receive them after such barba∣rous disloyalty, and being brought into his presence, one of them spake to him to this Effect.

Those who desire to obtain any thing of other People,* 1.24 are wont to accost them with prayers, or promises, or threats; that either their compassion, or profit, or poverty might move them to condescend: but in Men that are cruel, and covetous, and prepos∣sest with their own greatness and authority; there being no room for either of the three, 'tis in vain for any Man to think to mitigate them with prayers, to oblige them with pro∣mises, or to fright them with threats. We therefore, understanding (though too late) you cruelty, your ambition, and your insolence; are come hither, not to beg any thing of you (for if we did, we are sensible it would not be granted) but to commemorate and charge you with the benefits you have received from the People of Milan; and to re∣monstrate with what ingratitude you have requited them; that among the many miseries which you have brought upon us, we may have at least the pleasure to reprehend you for them. You ought to remember your condition after the death of the Duke; you were at hostility with the Pope, and King Alfonso; you were discarded by the Venetians, and the Florentines, who, upon some just and late provocation; or else finding you useless, were become (as it were) your Enemies: you were tried and weary of the War you had maintained against the Church, you were left without Men, without mony, without friends, desperate of preserving your own, much more of gaining from others; under which exigencies, of necessity you must have sunk, had not our innocence, and plain∣heartedness supported you. We, we were they who received you into our Arms, moved by the reverence we retained for the memory of our Duke; with whom you had enter'd into so near and so late an allyance; presuming (and as we thought) with reason, that the love you profest to him, would have been extended to his People; and that our re∣wards being added to his, the amity betwixt us, would not only have been firm, but in∣dissolvable, and for that cause to your old articles with the Duke, we threw in Verona and Brescia. What could we give, or promise you more? and you, what could you have (or indeed ask) more of us, or any Body else at that time? You received from us a kindness you could not look for; and we, in recompence, have received a mischief we never deserved: nor was this the first instance of your falshood; for no sooner were you in possession of the command of our Army, but against all justice and obligation, you received Pavia into your hands; which, indeed, gave us the first hint of what was to be expected

from your friendship; however he swallowed that injury, in hopes such an acquest as that might have satiated your ambition. But alas! those who must have all, will not be sa∣tisfied with a part. You promised that all your conquests afterwards should be ours, be∣cause you knew, what you should give us at several times, you could take from us at once; this is verified since your victory at Caravaggio, which though won with the expence of our treasure and blood, is by your baseness perverted to our ruine. Oh! unhappy are those Cities who are constrained to defend their liberty against such as invade them, but much more unhappy are they who in their defence are inforced to imploy such mercenary and such treacherous instruments as you. May we be example to posterity, though Thebes and the King of Macedon could be no warning to us, who having beaten their Enemies, was made their General by them, and their Prince afterwards by himself. We are not, there∣fore, to be condemned for any thing, but our confidence in you; whose passed life, and in∣satiable appetite of dominion, ought to have taught us better than to have trusted a person which betraid the Prince of Lucca; squeez'd the Florentines and the Venetians, disrespe∣cted the Duke, despised a King; and committed several injuries (above all) both a∣gainst God and the Church. And indeed we had no reason to believe that so many Prin∣ces and Potentates should be of less authority with Francesco Sforza, that the Milanesi, or that he would be just in his engagements to us, when he had broke them with every body else. But our indescretion cannot excuse your treachery, nor clear you of that infamy, which our just and deplorable complaints will fix upon you all the World over. Nor can any thing secure you against the stings and compunctions of your own Conscience; for inverting those Arms which we had provided for our defence, against our own liberty and freedom; you cannot think any thing so proper for you, as the reward of a Parricide. And if yet your incontroulable ambition should blind you; the evidence the whole World will give of your impiety, will open your eyes, and God himself will open them, if either perjury, or falshood, or treason, do offend him; or if in his divine providence, for some occult good, he sees it fit to forbear it, and to show himself to us a favourer of ill Men. Do not therefore delude your self with the assurance of victory; the just anger of God will oppose you; and we are resolved to lose lives and liberties together: and if it so fall out that we should be constrained to submit, there is no Prince in Italy but we will choose before you; and if our sins be so great, as to pull down the greatest misery in the World upon our heads, and force us into your hands, be assured, that dominion which you begin with infamy and fraud, will end in the destruction of you or your Chil∣dren.

The Count was netled by every part of the speech, yet without any extraordinary commotion in either gesture or words, he made them this answer;

That being injured so highly as they thought themselves,* 1.25 he would bear with the in∣discretion of their language; though to persons capable of judging betwixt them, there was nothing that they had charged him with, which he could not easily refel. He could make it appear, that he had not injured the Milanesi, but secured himself only against their intelligence and designs. That if they reflected upon their carriage after the Battle of Ca∣ravaggio, they would find, that in stead of rewarding him with Verona and Brescia, as they had contracted, they were underhand negotiating a peace with the Venetians; that the burden and scandal of the War might be left upon his shoulders, whilst they ran away with the profits of it, and the honour of the peace: so that if they looked impartially into the matter, they would find, he had done nothing but what they had endeavoured be∣fore; and that if he had defer'd to do it so long, the more they were oblig'd to him; and with the more justice he might retort ingratitude upon them. That as to the truth, or falsity of what was on either side alledg'd, the end of the War would make it appear, in which, that God which they had so solemnly invocated to revenge them, would demon∣strate which of the two was most tender of displeasing him, and which with most equity he opposed.

The Embassadors being departed, the Count prepared to invade them; and the Milanest for their defence; to which purpose they joyned themselves with Francesco and Giacopo Pic∣cinino, who upon the score of the old animosity betwixt the Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi, had been faithful to the Milaneses: hoping by their means to preserve their liberties, till they should have opportunity to divide betwixt the Venetians and the Count, which amity they did not think would be of any long continuance. The Count was of the same opinion, and thought it his best way to bind them by rewards, seeing they were ticklish in their pro∣mises. In the distribution therefore of the War, he was contented the Venetians should attack Cremona; whilst he with the remainder of the Army, assaulted the rest of that State: this article being proposed to the Venetians was so grateful, that upon that very reason they con∣tinued

their friendship to the Count, till he had overrun most of the Country of Milan; and so straitned that City, that no provisions could come at it. So that despairing of other relief, they sent Embassadors to Venice, to intreat, that they would commiserate their case, and (according to the practice of all Commonwealths) rather support those who stood for their liberty, than a Tyrant; who if he should gain their City, would be tooo strong af∣terwards for them. Nor ought they to believe he would be content with the terms of their capitulation, who had violated his League with that state. The Venetians were not ye•• Masters of Crema; and being loth to discover themselves till that were in their possession; they answered them in publick, that their alliance with the Count would not suffer them to assist them; but privatly they entertain'd them so, as they might give their Masters assured hopes of their friendship. The Count was got already so near Milan, that he had taken some part of the suburbs; and the Venetians having reduc'd Crema, they thought it time to publish their amity with Milan, with whom they were secretly agreed; and the first ar∣ticle they agreed to, was the conservation of their liberty. This League being rati••ied, the Venetians commanded such forces as they had with the Count, to march back to their Army, they signified likewise to the Count, the peace which they had concluded; and gave him twenty days time to accept it himself. The Count was not at all surprised at the inconstan∣cy of the Venetians; he had foreseen it long before, and expected it should happen every day. Yet he could not but regret it as much, as the Milanesi had been molested at his: he desired two days to give in his answer to the Embassadors, which time he resolv'd to detain the Venetians who were in his service, and go on with his enterprize. He gave out pub∣lickly he would accept of the peace; and sent Embassadors to Venice, with full power to ratifie it; but they had private instructions to the contrary, to spin out and protract the conclusion by all the cavils and subtleties they could invent: and that the Venetian might give the more credit to his pretences, he made a truce with the Milanesi for a month; drew of•• his Army, and dispers'd it into such places as he had taken in that Country: this strata∣gem of his was the occasion of his victory afterwards, and the ruine of the Milanesi; for the Venetians presuming upon the peace, were slower and more remiss in their preparations for War.

And the Milanesi, seeing the cessation confirmed; the Enemy removed, and the Venetian their friend; believed for certain the Count would trouble them no more: which opinion was pernicious to them two several ways, in making them more negligent for their de∣fence; and in sowing their land, which devour'd much of their corn, and was the reason they were sooner distressed. On the other side, nothing was hurtful to them, but was be∣neficial to the Count, and gave him time to respite, and look abroad for allies. During this War in Lombardy, the Florentines had not declar'd of either side: nor shown any fa∣vour to the Count when he took part with the Milanesi, nor afterwards; for the Count having no great need of them, had not sought their assistance; only after the defeat at Ca∣ravaggio, (as they were oblig'd by the League) they sent aid to the Venetians. But now the Count was alone, and had no body else to resort to, he was inforced to press their assi∣stance, publickly to the state,* 1.26 and privatly to his friends, but especially to Cosimo de Medi∣ci, who in all his undertakings had counsel'd him faithfully, and freely supplied him: nor did he desert him now in his distress; but furnish'd him with what could privatly be con∣vey'd, encouraged him to go on in his design; he propos'd likewise that the City would publickly own him; but he found difficulty, in that Neri the Son of Capponi was the most potent Man in Florence, and to him it appeared more for the interest of that City, that the Count should accept of the peace,* 1.27 than prosecute the War. His first apprehension was least out of indignation to the Count, the Milanesi should give themselves up to the domini∣on of the Venetian, which would be the ruine of them all: then, if the Count should suc∣ceed, and Milan come into his hands, so great an Army, with so great a territory added to it, must needs (in his judgment at least) become dangerous, and formidable; for if he were troublesom whilst but a Count, when a Duke he would be insupportable. For these rea∣sons he affirmed it would be better for the republick of Florence, and for all Italy besides that the Count should remain as he was, with his reputation in the Army; and Lombardy be divided into two Commonwealths, which were never like to joyn to the ruine of their Neighbours; and singly, and by themselves, they were not able to do hurt; to compass which; he saw no way so probable, as by preserving their old amity with the Venetians, and disclaiming the Count.

These arguments were not approved by Cosimo's friends; believing they were not so much Neri's judgment, as jealousie; lest the Count being made a Duke, Cosimo should grow too powerful by being his friend. Cosimo on the other hand persuaded that their alliance with the Count would be for the advantage both of Florence, and all Italy; for it was madness to

imagine Milan could continue a Commonwealth, seeing the humour of the Citizens; their manner of Life, and the old factions and differences among them, were not capable of any form or system of civil Government; so that of necessity the Count must be Duke of it, or the Venetians Lords: and in that case no body could be so weak, but to prefer a single Neigh∣bour, competently powerful; before an Enemy that was remote, but more great and in∣controulable. Neither could he believe the Milanesi would give themselves up to the Ve∣netians, for the Count had the bigger party in the Town, and when ever they found them∣selves unable to defend their liberties any longer; they would more probably surrender to the Count than the Venetian. These varieties of opinions kept the City a long time in su∣spence; but at length it was agreed that Embassadors should be dispatch'd to the Count, to treat about their alliance; if they found him so strong, that there was likelyhood he should prevail, then they should conclude; but if otherwise, they were to cavil, and protract. By the time these Embassadors had got to Reggio, they had news the Count was become Master of Milan. For the Count as soon as his truce was expired, and had clapped down again before it with his Army, hoping to carry it in a short time, in despight of the Venetians, for they could not come to relieve it, but by the river Adda, which was easie to be hinder'd; be∣ing Winter, he could not fear they would remove him with their whole Army, and before the Spring he doubted not to carry it, especially seeing Francesco Piccinino was dead, and Giacopo his Brother remained sole Captain of their forces. The Venetian had sent an Em∣bassador to Milan to encourage them to defend themselves, and to assure them of speedy and effectual relief; and so far they were as good as their words, that during the Win∣ter many skirmishes and conflicts passed betwixt the Venetians and the Count; till when the weather began to be open, they came down with their Army (under the command of Pandolfo Malatesta) and encamped upon the river of Adda; where it being debated in Counsel whether they should fall upon the Count,* 1.28 and run the hazard of a Battle, it was opposed by Pandolfo, (upon his experience both of the Count and his army) who advis'd, the Town might be relieved without any such danger, the Count being distressed already both for forrage and Corn. Wherefore his opinion was, that they should block him up where he was, and intercept his provisions, which would keep up the Spirits of the Mila∣nesi and divert them from surrendring to him.

This resolution was most plausible to the Venetians, because they thought it safe in it self, and did hope by keeping the Town in constant necessity, it would be forc'd at last to deliver up to them; for considering how the Count had provok'd them, they could not imagine they would surrender to him. In the mean time the Milanesi were reduced to ex∣tream misery, for being a populous City, the poor People fell down dead in the Streets for want of Bread; and this scarcity begetting murmurs and complaints in several places, the Magistrats were afraid of some tumult or other, and us'd all possible diligence to prevent their assembling. The multitude is not suddenly to be engaged in any mischief; but when once they are dispos'd, the lest accident imaginable sets them on work. It happen'd that two persons of indifferent condition being in discourse near the Porta Nuova about the ca∣lamities of the City, and what ways were left to preserve it; People got about them by de∣grees, so as in a short time they were in a considerable number; upon which a rumour was spred in the Town, that they were in Arms against the Magistrats at Porta Nuova: here∣upon, the whole multitude (who expected some occasion) put themselves in Arms, made Gasparre da Vico Mercato, their leader, and marching up to the place where the Magistrats were in Council, they fell upon them with such fury, that all which could not escape, were slain; among the rest Lionardo Veneto the Venetian Embassador, who had laugh'd at their miseries, and was judg'd the principal occasion of their wants: having made themselves Masters of the City, they deliberated which way to relieve themselves of their distresses, and it was unanimously resolv'd (seeing their liberty was not to be preserved) that they should throw themselves under the protection of some Prince which should be able to de∣fend them, but they were divided about the Person; some were for King Alfonso, some for the Duke of Savoy, some the King of France, not one word all the while of the Count; so great and implacable was the indignation of the People against him; yet at last, not agree∣ing in the rest, Gasparre da Vico Mercato mentioned the Count,* 1.29 and display'd gravely before them, that if their design was to rid themselves of the War, the Count was the only person to be chosen; for the People of Milan were in necessity of a certain and present peace, not of a tedious and only possible supply.

Then he fell with great words to mitigate the proceedings of the Count; he accus'd the Venetians: he accus'd all the Princes of Italy, (who some for ambition, and some for ava∣rice) would not permit them to live free. And now since their liberty was lost; and they must yield to some Body or other, his opinion was, they should do it to one that knew

them; and was able to defend them; that they might be sure of peace for their servitude, and not be engaged in greater, and more pernicious War. The People heard him with great intention, and when he had done, they cryed out with one voice that the Count should be the Man;* 1.30 and Gasparre their Embassador to invite him; who carrying him the joyful news, was kindly entertain'd, and the Count enter'd into Milan 26th of February 1450, and was received with great acclamation, even by those Persons which not long before had so highly traduced him.* 1.31 The news of this conquest arriving at Florence, they despatched or∣ders immediatly to their Embassadors who were upon the way, that instead of treating an agreement with him as Count (which was their instruction before) their business should now be to congratulate him as Duke. These Embassadors were honorably entertain'd, and bountifully presented by the Duke;* 1.32 who knew, against the Power of the Venetians, he could not have in all Italy more faithful nor more potent allies, than the Citizens of Florence, who though freed from their apprehensions of the House of the Visconti, were nevertheless ob∣noxious to the forces of the King of Aragon, and the Venetians; for they knew the Kings of Aragon would be their Enemies, for the amity and correspondence they had always main∣tain'd with the French; and the Venetians knew their old fears of the Visconti were occasi∣oned by them, and remembring with what eagerness the Visconti were persecuted, and that if they came into their power, they were like to fare no better, they were bent wholly up∣on their ruine. For these reasons the new Duke embrac'd an agreement with the Floren∣tines, very willingly,* 1.33 and the Venetians, and the King of Aragon confederated against them; the King of Aragon undertaking the Florentines, and the Venetians, the Duke; who be∣ing new, and scarce setled in his Government, they suppos'd would not be able to confront them with all his own forces, nor all the friends he could make. But because the League betwixt the Florentines and the Venetians, was not yet fully expir'd; and the King of A∣ragon, upon conclusion of the War at Piombino, had made an accord with them, it did not seem convenient to break the peace abruptly, but rather to attend some accident that might give them pretence to invade them. Whereupon they sent Embassadors to Florence (each of them, apart) to let the Florentines know, that the Leagues which had passed betwixt them were not made to offend any body,* 1.34 but to defend one another. Then the Venetians complained that the Florentines had suffer'd Alexander the Dukes Brother to pass with his forces into Lombardy by the way of Lunigiana: and besides had been the authors and Counsellors of the agreement betwixt the Duke, and the Marquess of Manto••a; all which they affirmed was done to the prejudice of their State, and contrary to the amity betwixt them; insinuating as friends, that who ever injures another Person wrongfully, gives him a right to revenge himself:* 1.35 and who ever breaks peace, must prepare for War. The answer to these Embassies was committed to Cosimo, who in a wise and eloquent oration, re∣capitulated the benefits the republick of Venice had receiv'd from that State; declaring what empire and dominion they had gain'd with that treasure, and forces, and advice of the Flo∣rentines; demonstrating that as the amity betwixt them was propos'd by the Floren∣tines; they would not be the first which would break it. For having been always lovers of peace, they were well satisfied with their friendship; and would always endeavour to pre∣serve it. The truth was, all people wonder'd at their complaints & that so grave and judicious a Senate, should concern themselves for things so trivial and vain; but seeing they thought them worthy of their consideration, they could not but declare, that their Country was free and open to any body; and that the Duke was a Person of such qualifications, that he needed not the advice, or favour or any in the choice of his Allies; and therefore he was afraid there was something more at the bottom, than they had hitherto discovered; which if hereafter it should appear, the Florentines doubted not, but to manifest it easily to the World, that as their friendship had been profitable, their enmity could be dangerous. How∣ever things were smoothed over pretty handsomly for that time; and the Embassadors seemed to go away well enough content: yet the alliance the King of Aragon & the Venetians had made, and the manner of their deportment, gave the Duke, and Florentines both, more reason to prepare for a War, than to rely upon their peace: upon which the Floren∣tines confederating with the Duke the Venetians discover'd themselves, made a League with Sienna, and banish'd all the Florentines, and their subjects, out of Venice and its do∣minions: and not long after, Alfonso did the same, without any respect to the League he had made with them the year before; and without any just, or so much as pretended oc∣casion. The Venetians were desirous to get Bologna into their hands, and to that end fur∣nishing certain of their exiles with a proportionable force, they marched thither in the night and by the common shore got into the Town so privatly, their entrance was not perceived, till they gave the alarm themselves; upon which Santi Bentivogli, leaping out of his bed, was inform'd the whole City was in the possession of the Enemy. Santi was advised by ma∣ny

which were about him, to fly, and preserve himself that way, seeing there was not any left to secure the State. However he resolv'd to try his fortune, and taking arms, and en∣couraging his servants to follow him, he went forth, and having joyn'd them to some of his friends, he charg'd a party of the Enemy, beat them, kill'd several, a••d forc'd all of them out of the Town; by which action he was thought to have given ample testimony of his extraction from the house of the Bentivogli. These passages made it clear to the Flo∣rentines that a War was intended; and therefore they betook themselves to their ancient methods of defence. They created a Council of Ten. They entertain'd new officers. They sent Embassadors to Rome, Naples, Venice, Sienna, and Milan, to desire aid of their friends; to discover such as were suspicious: to gain such as were irresolute; and to prie into the Counsels of their Enemies. From the Pope, they could obtain nothing but gene∣ral words, civility, and exhortations to peace. From the King of Aragon nothing but idle excus••s for having dismiss'd the Florentines;* 1.36 offering his passport to any which de∣manded it: and although he ende avoured by all means to conceal his preparation for War, yet the Embassadors found him a juggler, and peceived several of his practices against their State. With the Duke therefore they renewed their League; procured an amity with the Genoeses; compos'd the differences about the reprisal, and many other things which had formerly obstructed it: they tryed all ways to frustrate or break the Treaty; and they went so far as to supplicate the great Turk, to banish all Florentines out of his Country; but that Emperour would not hearken. The Florentine Embassadors were prohibited entrance into the Dominions of the Venetian, because (forsooth) they were in League with the King of Aragon, and could not send any Embss••••aes without his participation. The Siennesi received their Embassadors, treated them well▪ lest they should be overrun, before the League could relieve them; and therefore they thought it best to collogue, and lull those Arms a sleep, which they were not able to resist. It was conjectured then, that the Vene∣tian and King both, sent Embassadors to justifie the War; but the Venetian Embassador be∣ing refus'd likewise to be admitted into the territories of Florence, the King's denied to do that office alone, and the whole Embassie came to nothing: by which the Venetians found themselves us'd with the same rudeness and contempt, which not many months before they had exercis'd upon the Florentines.

In the midst of these apprehensions, the Emperour Federigo 3. pass'd into Italy to be crown'd,* 1.37 and on the 30th of Ianuary 1451, enter'd into Florence with an equipage of 1400 Horse. He was honorably entertain'd there by the Senate; and continued with them to the 6th of February, upon which day he departed for Rome, in order to his coronation; where having performed that ceremony, and celebrated his nuptials with the Empress, (which was come thither by Sea) he departed again for Germany; returned by Florence, (where all the old honors were retreated) and having been oblig'd in his passage by the Marquess of Fer∣rara, he gave him a grant of Modena and Reggio as a reward. But the Florentines were not by all those solemnities diverted from their preparations; for their own reputation, and the terror of their Enemies, the Duke and they had enter'd into a League with France, which with great joy, and ostentation they publish'd all over Italy.

In the month of May 1452 the Venetians, not thinking it fit to dissemble any longer, in∣vaded the territories of the Duke of Milan, by the way of Lodi with 16000 Horse, and 6000 Foot; whilst at the same time the Marquess of Monferrat (upon some designs of his own, or the stimulation of the Venetians) assaulted him on the other side by the way of Alexan∣dria. The Duke had got an Army together of 18000 Horse, and 3000 Foot, with which (after he had furnish'd Alexandria, and Lodi, with strong Garisons, and fortified all pla∣ces where the Enemy might offend him) he fell into the Country of Brescia, where he did great mischief to the Venetians, both parties plundring the Countries, and burning such Towns as were not able to defend themselves: but the Marquess of Monferrat, being defeat∣ed not long after by the Garison at Alexandria, the Duke was at more leisure to infest, and make his inroads into the Countries of the Venetian. Whilst the War was carried on in Lombardy in this manner, with various, but inconsiderable accidents, the Wars in Tuscany was commenced betwixt the King of Aragon and the Florentines,* 1.38 and manag'd with as little ardour, and success as the other. Ferrando (a natural Son of Alfonso's) march'd in∣to Tuscany with 12000 Men under the command of Federigo Lord of Urbin. His first enterprize was to assault Faiano in Valdisciana (for the Siennesi being their friends, they enter'd that way into the Florentine dominions) the Castle was weak; the walls but indif∣ferent; the Garison but small; yet those they had within it were valiant and faithful; the whole number which were sent for the security of that place, not exceeding 200. Be∣fore this Castle Ferrando encamped, and either their courage was so little without, or theirs

so great within) that it took him up 36 days before he could master it. Which time gave the Florentines great convenience of providing other places of higher importance, and draw∣ing their force together and disposing them into better order, than otherwise they could have done.

This Castle being taken, the Enemy march'd into Chianti where they attempted two little Towns which were held by a few private Citizens, and were repuls'd. Leaving them, they remov'd to Castellina (a little Castle upon the confines of Chianti) and sate down before it. This Castle was about ten miles from Sienna; weak in its works, but weaker in its situation; yet in neither so weak, as the courage of the assailants; for after 44 days seige, and all the art, and force they could use, they were glad to draw off, and leave the Castle as they found it. So little formidable were the Armies in those days, and so inconsiderable the Wars, that those places which are now deserted as impossible to be kept, were then defended as if they had been impossible to have been taken. Whilst Fer∣rando was with his Army in Chianti, he made many incursion into the Country of Florence, running up with his parties within six miles of the Town, to the great terror and detri∣ment of their subjects, who, having got together about 8000 Souldiers, under the Com∣mand of Astorre de Faenza, and Gismondo Malatesta, held off from the Enemy towards the Castle of Colle, being unwilling to come to a Battel, because they knew if they lost not their Army, there was no danger of the War; for the little Castles which should be taken would be restored upon the peace; and the great Towns were secure. the King had like∣wise a Fleet of about twenty Vessels (Gallies and Foists) in the Sea of Pisa, which Fleet (whilst La Castellina was assaulted by Land) was imploy'd by the King to batter the Castle of Vada that stood upon the Sea; and they did it so effectually, that in a short time by the inadvertency of the Governor, they got it into their hands: from whence afterwards they ran over the whole Country thereabouts, but those excursions were presently restrain'd by certain Florentine Souldiers which were sent to Campiglia. The Pope in the mean time concerned himself no farther, than to mediate an accord. But though he was so tender in engaging abroad in any action of War, he found himself at home in no little danger. There was at that time in Rome a person call'd Stephano Porcari,* 1.39 a Citizen born, of good extra∣ction, and learning, but most eminent for the Generosity of his mind. This Stephano was ambitious (as most are which are desirous of Glory) to perform, or at least attempt some thing that might make him memorable to posterity. And nothing occur'd so honourably to his thoughts, as to deliver his Country, from the insolence of the Prelats, and reduce it to its primitive liberty; hoping if he effected it, he should be call'd either the Father or the Restorer of his Country. His great hopes and encouragement in this enterp••ize was deduc'd from the iniquity and ill lives of the Prelates; which were highly displeasing both to the Ba∣rons and People of Rome. But his greatest confidence was grounded upon certain verses of Petrarch's in that Canto which begins, Spirito Gentile &c. The verses are these.

Sopra ill monte Tarpeio Canzon vedrai. Un Cavalier ch' Italia tutta honora, Pensoso piu d' altrui che di se stesso.

Stephano was of opinion that Poets were many times inspir'd, and had perfect and divine inflations from above. So that he concluded what Petrarch had prophesied in that Canto would certainly come to pass, and he did not know any man fitter than himself to accom∣plish it, in respect of his eloquence and learning and favour, and friends. Having taken up this fancy, he could not contain himself, but his words, gesture, and manner of living discover'd him, and render'd him suspicious to the Pope; who to secure himself against his plots, confin'd him to Bologna, and sent instructions to the Governor to have an eye over him every day. But Stephano was not to be discouraged by one disaster; it rather animated him in his design; in so much that with the greatest caution he could, he continued his pra∣ctices with his friends, and now and then would steal to Rome and back again with such expedition, as he would be sure to present himself before the Governor at that time he was to appear. But afterwards, having drawn in as many as he thought necessary for his work he resolved to proceed to action, without farther delay; and sent to his correspondents in Rome, that at a prefix'd time, a splendid supper should be prepar'd; all the conspirators to be invited to it; and each of them have private orders to bring his Confident along with him, and he promised to be there himself precisely at the time. All things were ordered exactly to his directions; and he himself was punctually with them; for as soon as supper was rea∣dy, and serv'd up to the Table, he presented himself amongst them, in a Robe of cloth of Gold, his collar and other ornaments about him; to give him Majesty and reputation (and

having embrac'd all the Conspirators) in a long oration he exhorted them to be couragious, and dispose themselves chearfully in so glorious an enterprize. Then he appointed the way, ordering one of them to seize the Popes Palace the next morning, and the other to run a∣bout the streets, and excite the People to Arm. But his Conspiracy coming to the ear of the Pope (some say by the treachery of his confederats, others by his being seen in the Town) which way soever it was,* 1.40 the Pope caus'd him and the greatest part of his Comerads to be apprehended the very same night after supper, and put to death, as they deserved. This was the end of that enterprize, and though among some People perhaps, his intention might be commended, yet his judgment must necessarily be blam'd; for such attempts may have some shadow of glory in the contrivance, but their execution is certain destru∣ction.

The War in Tuscany had continued about a year, and in the spring 1453* 1.41 both Armies had taken the field, when in relief of the Florentines Alexandro Sforza the Dukes Brother arriv'd with a supply of 2000 Horse, by which the Florentine Army being much encreas'd, and the Kings Army become inferior in number, the Florentines thought fit to recover what they had lost, and with little labour took some of their Towns again: after which they encamped at Foiano, which by the carlesness of the Commissaries was sack'd; so that the in∣habitants being dispers'd, they were hardly got to inhabite there again: and when they did come, it was not without great exemptions and reward. The Castle of Vada also was retaken; for the Enemy perceiving they could not hold it, they set it on fire, and depar∣ted. Whilst the Florentine Army was imploy'd in this manner, the King of Aragons Ar∣my, not having the courage to come near them, were retreated towards, Sienna, from whence they made frequent excursions into the Country about Florence, where they made great hububs; committed many outrages, and brought great terror upon the People, Nor was the King defective in contriving other ways of assaulting his Enemies, dividing their forces or detracting from their reputation. Gherardo Gambatorti was at that time Lord of Valdi∣bagno. This Gherardo and his Ancestors, had always been in the Florentine service, either as hired, or recommended. Alfonso was tampering with this Gherardo to deliver up his territory to him, and he promis'd to give him an equivalence in the Kingdom of Naples. This transaction was not so private, but they had news of it in Florence, and an Embassa∣dor was dispatch'd to remember him of his own and his predecessors obligations to that State; and to admonish him to presevere in his amity with them, as they had constantly done. Gherardo pretended to be surpriz'd at what the Embassador told him; swore a thousand oaths that never any such wickedness enter'd into his thoughts; proffer'd to have gone in person to Florence, and resided there, to secure them of his fidelity; but being unhappily indispos'd himself, his Son should go a long with him, and remain there as a perpetual Ho∣stage. His proffers, and his imprecations together made the Florentines believe that Ghe∣rardo was honest, and his accuser the Knave, in which opinion they acquiesced. But Ghe∣rardo went on with the King, and rather with more eagerness than before; and when all was agreed, Alfonso sent Fryer Puccio (a Knight of Ierusalem) to take possession of the Castles and Towns which belong'd to Gherardo.

But Bagno retaining its affection to Florence,* 1.42 promis'd obedience to the Kings Commis∣sary, with no little regret: Puccio was in possession of almost all that State, only the Castle of Corzano was behind, which was likewise to be deliver'd. When Gherardo made this sur∣render, among the rest of his own creatures about him there was one Antonio Gualandi, a Pisan, a young Gentleman and brave, and one that highly detested this treachery in Ghe∣rardo. Pondering with himself the situation of the place, the number of the Garison; the dissatisfaction he observed both in their gestures and looks, and finding Gherardo at the Gate ready to introduce the Enemy; he convey'd himself betwixt the Castle and Gherardo and taking his opportunity with both his hands thrust him away; and then causing the wicket to be shut, he exhorted the guards to stand faithfully to the Florentines against so false and so flagitious a Man: the report of this action arriving at Bagno, and the Towns which were about it, they unanimously took Arms against their new Masters; and setting up the Florentine colours upon the walls they drove them all out of that Country: this news coming to Florence, they immediately clap'd their young Hostage into Prison, and dispatch'd supplies to Bagno and those parts to secure them, and made that Country de∣pendant upon themselves. Gherardo (a Traitor in the mean time, both to his friends and his Son) had much ado to escape; leaving his Wife, Family, and fortune in the hands of his Enemies. This accident was lookt upon as a great deliverance in Florence: for had the King made himself Master of those parts, he might with little expenso have overrun all as far as Valdi Tevere, and Casentino, and brought such distraction upon their affairs, that the Florentines must have divided their Army, and been disabled thereby from attending the

Aragonian forces about Sienna, with their Army entire. Besides the provisions which the Florentines had made in Italy to oppose the confederacy of their Enemies; they sent Agriolo Acciaivoli their Embassador into France, to negotiate with that King for the sending King Rinato d' Angio into Italy, in the behalf of the Duke and themselves, and to represent to him, that coming thither for the defence of his friends, when he was once entred, and had settled them, he might set up his own claim to the Kingdom of Naples and they would be engag'd to assist him, and so whilst in Lombardy and Tuscany the War was carried on (as we have related) in France, the Treaty was concluded, and Rinato oblig'd in Iune to come into Italy with 2400 Horse; and the League on the other side obliged at his arrival at Alex∣andria, to pay him 30000 Florens, and 10000 per men. afterwards whilst the War should continue: but being ready (upon this stipulation) to pass into Italy, he was obstructed by the Duke of Savoy and the Marquess of Monferrat, who were friends to the Venetians, and would not suffer him to pass. Hereupon Rinato was desired by the Florentine Embassa∣dor to march with his Forces into Provence, and for the encouragement and reputation of his friends, to pass himself and part of them into Italy by Sea, leaving the rest in Provence, till the King of France should prevail with the duke of Savoy that they might march through his Country: and as the Embassador advised, it was done; for Rinato went by Sea, and the rest at the King of France's mediation, were permitted to pass into Italy through the Dominions of the Duke of Savoy. King Rinato was received by the Duke of Milan with all the demonstrations of Kindness imaginable; and having joyned their Forces, they as∣saulted the Venetians with such terror, that in a little time, all the Towns they had taken about Cremona were recovered; and not contented with them, they took almost all the Country of Brescia; for the Venetian Army, not thinking it self secure in the field, was retreated under the very walls of that City. Winter coming on, and the Duke at Verona, he thought fit, for the refreshment of his men, to put them into quarters, and consigned Pia∣zenza for the quarters of Rinato; where having remained all that Winter in the year 1453,* 1.43 without any action considerable; when the spring was come, and the Duke resolved to draw into the field, and drive the Venetians out of all they had upon the terra firma, Ri∣nato signified to the Duke, that of necessity he must return into France. This resolution of Rinato's was unexpected to the Duke, and gave him no little anxiety. He went to him immediately, himself, and endeavoured with all possible importunity to dissuade him; but neither prayers nor promises could prevail with him any farther, than to leave part of his forces with them, and to engage himself to send his Son Giovanni, who in his room should continue in the service of the League. How unwelcome so ever it was to the Duke, Rina∣to's departure was not at all displeasing to the Florentines for having recover'd what they had lost themselves, and being grown fearless of Alfonso, they had no maw, that the Duke should get more than his own Towns in Lombardy. Rinato continuing his resolution, de∣parted for France, and (as he had promis'd) sent his Son Giovanni into Italy; who staid not in Lombardy, but remov'd presently to Florence, where he was honorably entertain'd. This departure of Rinato dispos'd Duke Francesco to peace; the Venetians, the Florentines, and Alfonso, were all weary of the War, and ready to embrace it; and the Pope desir'd it above all, by reason that that very year Mahomet the great Turk had taken Constantinople and made himself Master of all Greece: which alarm'd all Christendom, but especially the Venetians and the Pope, who imagined already they felt his Talons in Italy. The Pope therefore desired all the Potentates of Italy that they would send their several Plenipotentia∣ries to him, to negotiate a general peace. His motion being accepted and the Embassadors met; when they came to the matter, so much difficulty arose, as there was but small hopes of accommodation.

Alfonso required that the Florentines should reinburse him for all the charges he had been at in the War: and the Florentines expected the same. The Venetians demanded Cremona of the Duke; and the Duke Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema of them. So that these difficulties seem'd impossible to be remov'd. Nevertheless, what was so desperate at Rome, among so many, was easily concluded betwixt two of them, at Milan, and Venice; for whilst the peace was negotiating at Rome, and proceeded thus slowly; on the ninth of A∣pril 1454 it was determined betwixt the Duke and the Venetians, that each of them should be restor'd to what they were possess'd of before the War.* 1.44 That the Duke should have li∣berty to recover what the Marquess of Monferrat, and the Duke of Savoy had taken from him; and that three months time should be allow'd to the rest of the Princes of Italy to come in. The Pope, the Florentines, the Siennesi, and other little Potentates came in within the time prefix'd, and ratifi'd it; and the Venetians, Florentines and Duke, made a peace betwixt them three for 25 years. Alfonso was the only Prince of Italy who seem'd to be re∣fractory;

conceiving he could not concur without diminution, in respect he was to be ad∣mitted rather as an auxiliary, than a principal: upon which score he continued irresolute a good while, and would not declare; at length upon several Embassies from the Pope and other Princes, he suffered himself to be prevailed upon, and he and his Son entred into the League for 30 years.* 1.45 After which the King and the Duke made several alliances and cross-matches together; marrying their Sons and Daughters reciprocally into one another families. Yet, that Italy might not be left without feed or foundation for a new War, Alfon∣so would not enter into the League, till he had leave by consent of the colleagues to make War upon the Genoeses; and Gismondo Malatesta; and Astorre Prince of Faenza: Peace being concluded upon those terms, Ferrando Alfonso's Son, who had been at Sienna, re∣turned into Naples, having done nothing considerable in Tuscany, but lost many of his Men.

This Peace being made, and most of the Princes comprehended, the only fear that re∣mained, was, lest the differences betwixt Alfonso and the Genoeses might disturb it. But it prov'd otherwise, for Alfonso did nothing openly to molest it; it was the ambition and avarice of the Mercenary Souldier which interrupted it; the Venetians (as their custom is upon the conclusion of peace) disbanding their Army,* 1.46 Giacopo Piccinino one of their Ge∣nerals, with several other considerable officers (without leave) departed into Romagna, and from thence to Sienna, where he began new Hostilities, and took several Towns. In the beginning of these troubles, and of the year 1455 Pope Nicolo died, and Calisto 3. was chosen to succeed. This Pope, to repress these new and approaching Wars, rais'd what forces he could, under the command of his General Giovanni Ventimiglia, and joyning them with the forces of the Florentines and the Duke (who were likewise got together to suppress those commotions) they march'd together in a Body against Giacopo, and coming to an engagement with him near Bolsena, notwithstanding Ventimiglia was taken prisoner Gi∣acopo was worsted, and got off in disorder to Castiglione della Pescaia; where, had he not been supplied with money by Alfonso he had been utterly ruin'd. Which relief made all People believe that that enterprize was undertaken, and prosecuted by Alfonso's order, and direction: and Alfonso perceiving he was discover'd, to reconcile himself to the Colleagues, (whom he had disoblig'd with that pitiful War) he brought it about that Giacopo should restore all he had taken in the territory of Sienna, upon the payment of 20000 Florens; after which conclusion, he receiv'd Giacopo and his forces into the Kingdom of Naples. In these times, though the Pope was very intent upon the curbing of Piccinino, yet not so but he had eye still upon the interest of Christendom, which was then much overlaid by the Turk.

To this end he sent Embassadors, and preachers into all the Provinces of Europe, to per∣suade them to arm against the common Enemy of their Religion;* 1.47 and with their persons and purses to give what assistance they were able: so that in Florence great store of alms were collected; and several People wore the red corss, to intimate that they were ready in their Persons to engage in that War. Besides which, several solemn processions were made; nor was there any thing in publick or private wanting, to show them among the forwardest of the Christians in that enterprize, either for Counsel, or Money, or Men. but the edge of this Croisad was taken off, by a late intelligence they receiv'd, that the Turk having be∣sieg'd Belgrade a Town in Hungary, not far from the Danube; was beaten off by the Hun∣garians, and himself wounded: so that the terrour which all Christendom conceiv'd upon the taking of Constantinople, being abated, they went on but cooly in their preparations for War; and in Hungary likewise upon the Death of the way-wod their General, their Vi∣ctory was prosecuted but faintly. But to return to the affairs in Italy. The troubles com∣menced by Giacopo Piccinino, being compos'd in the year 1456, and all humane contenti∣on in appearance at an end; it pleased God to begin a new War of his own, and to send such a storm and tempest of Wind in Tuscany, as produc'd most strange and memorable ef∣fects, above the records of time past,* 1.48 or the credit of time to come. Upon the 24 of Au∣gust, about an hour before day near the upper Sea towards Anconia, a thick dark cloud, of about two miles wide, was seen crossing over Italy, and pointing towards Pisa; which cloud being driven by an extraordinary impulse (whether natural or supernatural I cannot say) was divided into several parts; sometimes hurried up to the sky; sometimes as furi∣ously towards the Earth; sometimes twisting round like a Cylinder, knocking and dashing one against the other with unconceivable violence, with great lightnings and flashes of fire before them; which concussions made a noise more dreadful and loud than ever any thun∣der or Earthquake was known to have done. The terror of this tempest was so great, eve∣ry one believed the World was at an end; and that the Heavens, the Earth, the Waters, and the rest of the Elements, were resolving into their first chaos and confusion: nor were the effects less formidable where it pass'd, especially about the Castle of S. Casiana. This Castle

is about eight miles from Florence, situate upon the mountain which parts the vales of Pisa and Grieve; betwixt this Castle, and the Town of S. Andrea (upon the same mountain) this whirlwind passing, reach'd not to the Town; and of the Castle it carried away only the battlements and chimnies; but betwixt the said places it laid several houses flat with the ground; tore up the Churches from their foundations, and carried the Roofs of the Chur∣ches of San. Martino a Bagnuolo, and of Santa Maria della pace, whole and entire, above the distance of a mile. A Messenger and his mules were hurried out of the way, into the neighbouring valley, and found dead the next day. The sturdiest Oaks and the strongest trees, were not only blown down, but carried an incredible distance from the place where they grew. Insomuch that when day appeared, and the tempest was over, the people re∣mained stupid, and in strange consternation. The Country was desolate, and wasted; The ruines of the houses and Churches terrible; The lamentation of those whose houses were subverted and their cattel, servants, or friends found dead in their ruines, was not to be seen nor heard without great horror and compassion. But God sure intended rather to affright, than chastise the Tuscans; for had this tempest happened in any of their Cities where the houses were thick, and the inhabitants numerous, as it fell upon the hills where the oaks and trees and houses were thin; doubtless the mischief and desolation had been greater than the mind of man can comprehend. But God Almighty was pleased to content himself with this essay, to make mankind more sensible of his power, if they per∣sisted to offend him.

But to return where I left. Alfonso, as I said before, was not at all satisfied with the peace; and seeing the War which he had caused Giacopo Piccinino to make, upon the Sien∣nesi (without any reasonable occasion) had produced no considerable effect; he had a mind to try what that would come to, which by the League he was permitted to undertake: So that in the year 1456. (desiring to fix that Government in the family of the Adorni, and to supplant the Tregosi who were then in possession) resolved to invade the Genoes•• both by Sea and by Land.* 1.49 To this end, he caused Giacopo Piccinino to pass Tronto with his Forces and fall upon Gismondo Malatesta, (by way of diversion) who having secured his Towns was not much terrified at his reproach, so that his enterprize on that side turn'd to little account▪ but his invasion of Genoa created him and his Kingdom more troubles, than he ever desir'd: Piero Fregosa was at that time Duke of Genoa. This Piero, finding himself unable to bear up against so powerful a King: upon consideration of his own weakness, resolv'd at lest to surrender that State to one that should be able to defend it, and perhaps sometime or other give him a reasonable reward; he sent Embassadors therefore to Charles 7 of France to desire his pro∣tection, and tender him the Government. Charles accepted the offer, and to take posses∣sion of the City,* 1.50 he sent Giovanni d' Angio (King Rinato's Son) who not long before was returned from Florence into France; for Charles was persuaded that Giovanni being ac∣quainted with the humors, and customs of the Italians, was properer for that Government, than any Man he could send: besides from thence he believ'd he might prosecute his de∣signs against Naples with more ease and covenience; his Father Rinato, having been ex∣pel'd that Kingdom by Alfonso of Aragon. Hereupon Giovanni departed for Genoa, was receiv'd honorably by the Town, and invested with the whole power both of the City, and State.

This accident was not at all pleasing to Alfonso; he found now he had pull'd an old house over his head; however he carried it bravely, went on with his enterprize and was advanc'd with his Fleet under Villa Marina at Porto Fino, when surpriz'd with a sudden distemper, he died.* 1.51 The death of Alfonso, put an end to the Wars against Giovanni, and the Genoeses: and Ferrando succeeded his Father Alfonso in the Kingdom, was in no little trouble, having an Enemy upon his hands of such reputation in Italy; and a jealousie of several of his Barons, who being inclin'd to new changes, he was afraid might side with the French: besides he was acquainted with the ambition of the Pope, and being scarce set∣led in his Kingdom, was fearful lest he should attempt something to supplant him: his on∣ly hopes were in the Duke of Milan, who was no less solicitous for the affairs of that King∣dom, than himself; apprehending that if ever the French came to be Masters of Naples, their next enterprize of course would be against him; for he knew they might pretend to Milan as an appendix to that Crown. For these reasons, as soon as Alfonso was dead, Francesco sent letters and Men to Ferrando; the first to keep up his heart, the other his reputation. Upon the death of Alfonso the Pope designed to give his Nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, the Government of that Kingdom; and to gloss over the business, and make it more plausible to the Princes of Italy, he gave out that that Kingdom belonging formerly to the Church, his intention was only to reduce it to that condition, and therefore he desired the Duke of Milan would not give any assistance to Ferrando; and offer'd him such Towns as he had

possess'd formerly in that Kingdom. But in the midst of his contrivances Calisto died, and Pius 2.* 1.52 succeeded him, who was a Si••nnesi of the Family of the Piccol Huomini, and his Name Aeneas.

This Pope imploying his thoughts wholly for the benefit of Christendom, and the Honour of the Church, and laying aside all private passion, and advantage at the intreaty of the Duke of Milan, crown'd Ferrando King of Naples: judging it a readier and safer way to compose the differences of Italy by confirming him that was already in possession, than by assisting the pretences of the French; or setting up (as Calisto did) for himself. However Ferrando took it for a favour, and to requite it he made Antonio the Popes Nephew Prince of Malfi; married him to his natural Daughter; and besides this, restor'd Benevento and Ferracina to the Church. And now all the Arms in Italy were visibly laid down, and Pius (as Calisto had begun before) was moving all Christendom against the Turk; when a new quarrel sprung up betwixt the Fregosi, and Giovanni the Lord of Genoa, which produc'd a greater, and more important War than the last:* 1.53 Petrino Fregosi was retir'd to a Castle of his in Rive∣ria; much discontented, that Giovanni d' Angio having been prefer'd to his dignity in Genoa by him and his Family, had not gratified them as they deserved: so that by degrees it was come to a feud. Ferrando was very well pleas'd with the difference; as being the only way to secure him in his Kingdom, and therefore he sent Pietrino supplies both of men and mony, hoping thereby Giovanni might be expuls'd out of the State of Genoa. Giovanni having notice of their intelligence sent for relief into France, which having received, he march'd out against Pietrino; but Pietrino by the access of more supplies from sundry places, being grown too strong, Giovanni retreated, and applyed himself to securing the City; which he did not do so carefully, but Pietrino in one night surprized several Posts in it, but was beaten the next morning, himself, and most of his Men slain. this victory elevated Gio∣vanni so far, that he resolv'd to attempt upon Ferrando; departing from Genoa in Octo∣ber 1459 with a great Fleet,* 1.54 he sail'd to Baia, and from thence to Sessa, where he was ho∣norably received by that Duke.

There had joyn'd themselves with Giovanni,* 1.55 the Prince of Taranto, and the Citizens of Aquila; besides several other Princes and Cities; so that already that Kingdom was more than half lost. Upon which Ferrando desir'd aid of the Pope, and the Duke of Milan, and to lessen the number of his Enemies, made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, which peace disgusted Giacopo Piccinino so highly (Gismondo being his natural Enemy) that he deserted Ferran∣do, and took up Arms under Giovanni. Ferrando sent mony likewise to Federigo Lord of Urbin, and as soon as could be expected, got together a considerable Army (according to those times) with which he march'd against the Enemy, and finding them upon the River Sarni, he engaged them, but was defeated and his most considerable officers taken; after this victory, most of the Towns and Castles surrendred to Giovanni only Naples & some few neighbouring Towns and Princes, adher'd still to Ferrando. Giacopo Piccinino advis'd to march directly for Naples,* 1.56 and make himself Master of the chief City, but Giovanni re∣plyed he would first ruine the Country, and then the City would come with more ease; but his rejecting the Counsel of Piccinino, was the loss of that design; for he did not know that the members follow the head more naturally, than the head the members: Ferrando was fled into Naples, and there resorted to him diverse of his Subjects who were driven from their homes, whom he receiv'd, and having with all possible gentleness, gained some mo∣nies of the Citizens, he got a small body of an Army together; he sent new Embassies to the Pope and Duke for supplies and was reliev'd with more plenty and speed than before; for they were both of them afraid, that the loss of that Kingdom would turn to their preju∣dice. Much strengthened by their supplies, Ferrando march'd out of Naples; and having recover'd his reputation, in part, he recover'd some of his Towns: But whilst the War was carried on in that Kingdom with such variety, an accident happen'd which rob'd Gio∣vanni of his opportunity of compleating that enterprize. The Genoesi were extreamly dis∣satified with the insolent Government of the French; had taken Arms against the Gover∣nor, and forc'd him into the Castle; in this action the Fregosi and Adorni concur'd; and the Duke of Milan, supplyed them both with mony and men: King Rinato passed that way with a fleet towards the relief of his Son, imagining by the help of the Castle he might recover the Town; and landing his men in order thereunto, he was beaten in such sort, that he was forc'd back into Provence. This news dismaid Giovanni not a little: however he gave not his enterprize over, but continued the War by the help of such Barons whose revolt from Fer∣rando had render'd them desperate of pardon: at length after many occurencies, both Armies came to a Battle near Troia, in which Giovanni was routed, but his defeat troubled him not so much, as the loss of Piccinino, who left his side, and went back again to Ferrando. His

Army being broke, he got off into Histria and from thence into France. This War conti∣nued 4 years,* 1.57 and miscarried by the negligence of the General, when the Souldiers had many times overcome. In this War however the Florentines were not publickly concern'd. The truth is upon the death of Alfonso, his Son Iohn of Aragon being come to that Crown, sent his Embassadors to desire their assistance for his Nephew Ferrando, according to their obligation by their late League with Alfonso; but the Florentines returned, that they did not think themselves oblig'd to assist the Son in a quarrel commenced by the Father; and as it was begun without their consent or knowledg, so without any assistance from them it might be continued or ended. Whereupon, in behalf of their King, the Embassadors pro∣tested them guilty of the breach of the League, and responsible for all the losses which should follow; and having done that, in a great huff they departed. During the revo∣lutions in this War, the Florentines were at quiet abroad, but at home it was otherwise, as shall be shown more particularly, in the following Book.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Duke proposeth a peace.
• * 1.2

  The ingrati∣tude of the Ve∣netians.
• * 1.3

  Micheletto General for the League.
• * 1.4

  Nicolo's inso∣lence to the Duke.
• * 1.5

  Peace betwixt the Duke and the Count.
• * 1.6

  1441
• * 1.7

  Naples ta∣ken by Alfonso.
• * 1.8

  Baldaccio Ge∣neral of the Flo∣r••ntine foot.
• * 1.9

  1444.
• * 1.10

  Florence refor∣med.
• * 1.11

  Nicolo dyes. 1445
• * 1.12

  Troubles in Bologna.
• * 1.13

  Santi Benti∣voglio.
• * 1.14

  Cosimo's speech to Santi
• * 1.15

  New war in Lombardy.
• * 1.16

  The Count courted by all Parties.
• * 1.17

  Duke Philip died. 1447.
• * 1.18

  The Count made General for the Milanesi.
• * 1.19

  The Venetians ambition of the Dutchy of Milan.
• * 1.20

  Alfonso▪ Invades the Florentines.
• * 1.21

  Alsonso retreats of Tuscany.
• * 1.22

  The Venetians totally defeated.
• * 1.23

  Peace betwixt the Venetians and the Count excluding the Milanesi.
• * 1.24

  The Oration of one of the Milan Embassadors to the Count.
• * 1.25

  The Counts answer.
• * 1.26

  Cosimo de Me∣dici a friend to Francesco.
• * 1.27

  Neri Cappon•• against him.
• * 1.28

  The Veneti∣ous assist the Milanesi.
• * 1.29

  Gasparre da Vico Mercato his advice.
• * 1.30

  Francesco enter'd Milan, and made Duke of it.
• * 1.31

  1450
• * 1.32

  The Duke of Milan and the Florentines Confederate.
• * 1.33

  The King of Aragon and the Venetian••.
• * 1.34

  Embassadors from them to ••lorence.
• * 1.35

  The Floren∣tines answer.
• * 1.36

  Preparations for War in Flo∣rence.
• * 1.37

  Federigo the Emperor en∣ters into Flo∣rence.
• * 1.38

  Tuscany inva∣ded by the King of Aragons for∣••es.
• * 1.39

  Stephana Porcari.
• * 1.40

  Stephano and his confederats put to Death.
• * 1.41

  1453.
• * 1.42

  The vale of Begno revolts.
• * 1.43

  1453.
• * 1.44

  Peace betwix•• the Duke and Venetians.
• * 1.45

  Alfonso enters into the League.
• * 1.46

  New troubles by Giacopo Pic∣cinino encou∣rag'd privatly by Alfonso.
• * 1.47

  Calisto 3. so∣licits War a∣gainst the Turks.
• * 1.48

  A prodigi∣ous tempest.
• * 1.49

  The Genoesi assaulted by Alfonso
• * 1.50

  Genoa deli∣vered to the French.
• * 1.51

  Alfenso dies.
• * 1.52

  Calisto 3. dies and Pius 2. chosen in his chair.
• * 1.53

  The Genoesi revolts from the French.
• * 1.54

  1459.
• * 1.55

  The King∣dom of Naples invaded by Gi∣ovanni d' An∣gio.
• * 1.56

  Ferrando dis∣comfited.
• * 1.57

  Giovannis defeated.