The works of the famous Nicholas Machiavel, citizen and secretary of Florence written originally in Italian, and from thence newly and faithfully translated into English.

THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE. (Book 2)

Book II. (Book 2)

AMong the great and admirable orders of former Kingdoms and Common-wealths (though in our times it is discontinued and lost) it was the Custom upon every occasion to build new Towns and Cities; and indeed nothing is more worthy and becoming an excellent Prince, a well-disposed Common-wealth, nor more for the interest and advantage of a Province, than to erect new Towns, where men may cohabit with more Convenience,* 1.1 both for Agriculture, and Defence. For besides the Beauty and Ornament which follow'd upon that Custom, it render'd such Provinces as were Conquer'd, more dutiful and secure to the Conquerour, planted the void places, and made a commodious distribution of the people; upon which, living regularly and in order, they did not only multiply faster, but were more ready to invade, and more able for defence. But by the negligence and omission of Common-wealths and Principalites, this method being at present disused, the Provinces are become weaker, and some of them ruin'd. For (as I said before) it is this order alone that secures a Countrey, and supplies it with people. The security consists in this, that in a new Conquer'd Country, a Colony placed by Authority, is a Fortress and Guard to keep the Natives in obedience; neither without this can a Province continue inhabited, or preserve a just distribution of the people, because all places being not equally fertile or healthful, where it is barren, they desert; where unwholsome, they die; and unless there be some way to invite or dispose new men to the one, as well as the other, that Province must fail; the abandoning some places leaving them desolate and weak, and the thronging to others making them indigent and poor. And forasmuch as these inconveniences are not to be remedied by Nature, Art and Industry is to be apply'd; and we see many Countreys which are naturally unhealthful, much better'd by the multitude of Inhabitants; the Earth being purify'd by their Tillage, and the Air by their Fires, which Nature alone would never have effected. Of this, Venice is instance sufficient; for though seated in a sickly and watrish place, the concourse of so many people at one time, made it healthfull enough. Pisa by reason of the malignity of the Air, was very ill inhabited, till Genoa, and the Inhabitants upon its Rivers, being defeated and dispossess'd by the Saracens, it follow'd, that being supplanted all of them at once, and repairing thither in such Numbers, that Town in a short time became populous and potent. But the Custom of sending Colonies being laid aside, new Conquests are not so easily kept, void places not so easily supply'd, nor full and exuberant places so easily evacuated. Whereupon many places in the world, and particularly in Italy, are become desolate and deserted in respect of what

in former ages they have been, which is imputable to nothing, but that Princes do not re∣tain their ancient appetite of true glory, nor Common-wealths the laudable Customs they were wont.

In old time, by the virtue and courage of these Colonies, new Cities were many times built,* 1.2 and what were new begun inlarg'd. In which number the City of Florence may be reckon'd, which was begun by the Inhabitans of Fiesole, and augmented by the Colonies. It is a true Story (if Dante, and Iohn Villani may be believ'd) that the City of Fiesole, though plac'd it self on the top of a Mountain, nevertheless, that their Markets might be better fre∣quented, and their Commodities brought to them with greater convenience to the Mer∣chant, they order'd them a place, not on the top of the hill, but in the plain, betwixt the bottom of the Mountain, and the Rivor Arn••••s.

These Merchants (in my judgment) were the first occasion of building in that place, and what was originally but Store-houses for receipt of their Commodities, became after∣wards a Town, and place of Habitation.

After the Romans had Conquer'd the Carthaginians, and render'd Italy safe against For∣reign imbroilments, they multiply'd exceedingly; for men will not incommode themselves, but where they are constrain'd by necessity; and though the terrours of War may force them for shelter to fortify'd places and rocks, yet when the danger is over, their profit and con∣venience calls them back again to their houses, and they perfer Elbow-room, and Ease before any such restraint. The security which follow'd in Italy upon the reputation of the Roman Common-wealth, might possibly be the occasion that this place (from the aforesaid begin∣ning increasing so vastly) became afterwards a Town, and was call'd at first Arnina.

After this there arose Civil Wars in Rome, first betwixt Marius and Silla, then betwixt Caesar and Pompey, and afterwards betwixt them that Murder'd Caesar, and those which reveng'd his death. By Silla first, and after that by the three Roman Citizens (who re∣venged the Assassination of Caesar, and divided the Empire) Colonies were sent to Fiesole; all, or Part of which setled in the plain not far from the Town which was already begun. So that by this occasion, the place was so replenish'd with Houses, Men, and all things necessary for Civil Government, that it might be reckon'd among the Cities of Italy. But from whence it assum'd the name of Florence is variously conjectur'd. Some would have it call'd Florence from Florino one of the chief of that Colonie. Some say it was not called Florentia, but Fluentia in the beginning, in respect of its nearness to the River Arno; and they produce Pliny as a witness, who has this Expression, That the Fluentini are near to the Channel of the River Arnus. But that (in my opinion) is a mistake, because Pliny in his Book design'd to tell where the Florentines were seated, not what they were call'd.* 1.3 Nor is it unlikely but that word Fluentini might be corrupted, because Frontinus and Tacitus (who writ, and were near contemporary with Pliny) call'd the Town Florentia, and the people Florentini, forasmuch as they were Govern'd in the time of Tiberius, according to the same Laws and Customs with the rest of the Cities in Italy; and Cornelius Tacitus relates that Embassadors were sent from the Florentines to the Emperour, to desire that the Waters of the River Chiane might not be disimbogued, or diverted upon their Countrey; neither is it reasonable to think that City could have two names at one time. My opinion therefore is clear, that whatever might be the occasion of its Original or Denomination, it was always call'd Florentia; that it was founded under the Empire of the Romans, and began to be mention'd in History in the time of the first Emperours; that when that Empire was first afflicted by the Barbarians, Totila, King of the Ostrogoti demolish'd Florence; that 250 years after, it was rebuilt by Carolus Magnus, from whose time till the year 1215. it follow'd the fortune of the rest of Italy, and was subject to those that Commanded; during which it was governed first by the Successors of Charles, afterwards by the Berengarii, and last of all by the Emperours of Germany, as has been shewn in our general discourse. In those days it was not in the power of the Florentines to extend their bounds, or to perform any memorable action, by reason of their subjection to Forreign Dominion. Nevertheless in the year 1010. on St. Romulus day (which was a solemn Festival among the Fiesolani) they took, and destroy'd Fiesole, either by the connivance of the Emperours, or by the opportunity of an Interregnum betwixt the death of one Emperour and the Creation of another, at which time all the Cities were free. But afterwards when the Popes assum'd more Autho∣rity, and the Emperours power began to diminish, all the Towns in that Province began to comport themselves with less regard or reverence to their Princes; so that in the year 1080. in the days of Arrigo 3. though Italy was divided betwixt him and the Church, yet till the year 1215. the Florentines by submitting to the Conquerours, and designing no farther than their own preservation, kept themselves quiet and intire. But as in the Body of Man, the later they come, the more dangerous and mortal are the Diseases; so Florence the longer it

was before it fell into the paroxysms of faction, the more fatally it was afflicted afterwards when it did. The occasion of its first division is considerable, and being mention'd by Dante and several other Writers as remarkable, I shall take the liberty to discourse of it briefly.

Among other great and powerful Families in Florence,* 1.4 there were the Buondelmonti, and Uberti, and not long after them the Amidei, and Donati. In the Family of the Donati, there was a Lady (a Widow) very rich, who had a great Beauty to her Daughter. The Lady had resolv'd with her self to Marry her Daughter to Messr. Buondelmonte, a Young Gentleman, the head of that Family. This intention of hers (either by negligence, or presuming it safe enough at any time) she had not imparted to any body, so that before she was aware Messr. Buondelmonte was to be Married to a Daughter of the House of Amidei. The Lady much dissatisfy'd with her Omission, hoping nevertheless her Daughters Beauty might be able to dissolve the Contract, seeing him pass one day alone towards her House, she took her Daughter along, and went down to accost him, and opening the Gate as he went by, she saluted him, and told him, she could not but congratulate his Marriage, though indeed she had kept her Daughter (presenting her to him) in hopes she should have been the Bride. The young Gentleman beholding the Excellent Beauty of the Damotselle, con∣templating her Extraction, and that her Fortune was not at all Inferiour to the persons he had chosen, fell immediately into such a passion and desire to Marry her, that not considering the promise he had made, the injustice he should commit, nor the ill consequences that might follow, he reply'd, Seeing (Madam) you have preserv'd her for me (being not yet too late) it would be ingratitude to refuse her, and without more adoe, he Married her. The notice of his inconstancy was no sooner divulg'd, but it was taken in great indignity by the Families of the Amidei and Uberti, who at that time were nearly ally'd. Having consulted among themselves, and several others of their Relations, it was concluded, the affront was insupportable, and not to be expiated but by the death of Messr. Buondelmonte; and though some remonstrated the evils which might follow, Moscha Lamberti repli'd, That to consider every thing, was to resolve on nothing; super-adding an old Adage, That a thing once done, is not capable of Remedy: upon which the Fact being determin'd, the perpetration was com∣mitted to the said Moscha, Stiatta Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti. Upon Easter-day in the morning, they address'd themselves to the work, and being privately convey'd to a House belonging to the Amidei, between the Old Bridge and St. Stephans, Messr. Buondelmonte passing the River upon a White Horse, (as if an injury could as easily have been forgotten, as a Marriage have been broken) they set upon him at the foot of the Bridge, and slew him under a Statue of Mars, which was placed thereby. This Murder divided the whole City, part of it siding with the Buondelmonti, and part with the Uberti; and both the Families being powerful in Houses, Castles, and Men, the Quarrel continued many years before either could be ejected; yet though the animosity could not be extin∣guish'd by a firm and stable peace, yet things were palliated and compos'd sometimes for the present, by certain Truces and Cessations, by which means (according to the variety of accidents) they were sometimes at quiet, and sometimes together by the Ears. In this Con∣dition Florence continued till the Reign of Frederick 11. who being King of Naples, and desirous to strengthen himself against the Church; to corroborate his interest in Tuscany, joyn'd himself to the Uberti and their party, by whose assistance the Buondelmonti were dri∣ven out of Florence, and that City (as all Italy had done before) began to divide into the Factions of the Guelfs,* 1.5 and the Ghibilins. Nor will it be amiss to commemorate how each Family was ingag'd. The Families therefore which sided with the Guelfs were the Buon∣delmonti, Nerti, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Baldi, Pulchi, Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramonti, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati, Gianfiliazzi, Scali, Guallerotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Fosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Silii, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Pazzi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Theo∣baldi, Cerchi. With the Ghibilines there joyned the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infanganti, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Capprardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani, Agolanti, Brune∣leschi, Caponsachi, Elisei, Abbati, Fedaldini, Guiocchi, Galigai; to which Families of the Nobility, many of the populacy joyn'd themselves on each side, as their interest or affe∣ctions carried them, so that in a manner the whole City was ingag'd either on one side or the other. The Guelfs being driven out, retir'd into the Vale upon the River Arnus men∣tion'd before, and the greatest part of their Garrisons being there, they defended them as well as they could against the Attacks of their Enemies. But when Frederick dyed, those persons who were Neuters, retaining great interest and reputation with the people, thought it more serviceable to the City of Florence to reconcile their differences and unite them, than by fomenting them, to destroy it. Whereupon endeavouring a Composure, they prevail'd

at length that the Guelfs should lay aside their indignation, and return, and the Ghibilines renounce their suspicion and receive them. Being united in this manner, it was thought seasonable to provide for their liberty, and to contrive some Laws for their defence, before the new Emperour should get the power into his hands.* 1.6 In order thereunto they divided the City into six parts; They chose twelve Citizens (two for each part) which, under the title of Antiani, they invested with the Government, but chang'd them every year. To prevent any animosity that might arise from the determination of the matters judicial;* 1.7 they constituted two Forreign Judges, (one of them call'd the Captain of the people, and the other the Podesta) to decide all Civil and Criminal Causes which should occur.* 1.8 And because Laws are but transient, and of little duration, where there is no power to defend them, they establish'd XX Colours in the City, and 76 in the Territory, under which all the youth was listed,* 1.9 and oblig'd to be ready in their Arms under their respective Colours, as often and whenever the Captain, or Antiani should require them. Moreover, as their Ensigns were distinct, so were their Arms; some of them consisted of Cross-bows, some of them of Halbards. Their Ensigns were chang'd at every Pentecost with great solemnity, and dispos'd to new Men, and new Captains put over their Companies. Besides, to add Majesty to their Army, and provide a refuge for such as were wounded, or disabled in Fight, where they might refresh, and recruit again, to make head against the Enemy, they order'd a large Charriot cover'd with Red, and drawn by two white Oxen, upon which their Stan∣dard of White and Red was to be placed. Whenever their Army was to be drawn out, this Charriot was to be drawn into the Market-place, and with great formality consign'd to the Captains of the people. For the greater magnificence and ostentation of their Enter∣prizes, they had moreover,* 1.10 a great Bell (call'd Martinello) which Rung cotinually a month before they march'd with their Army, that the Enemy might have so much time to provide for his Defence. So much Gallantry there was then amongst men, and with so much Magnanimity they behav'd themselves, that whereas now adays it is reputed policy and wisdom to surprize an Enemy, and fall upon him while he is unprovided, it was then thought treacherous, and ignoble. This Bell, when they march'd, was carried along with the Ar∣my, and by it the Guards set, and relieved, and other Military Orders deriv'd. By this Discipline in Civil and Martial affairs, the Florentines laid the foundation of their liberty. Nor is it to be imagin'd what strength and authority it acquir'd in a short time, for it came not only to be the chief City in Tuscany, but to be reckon'd among the Principal of all Italy, and indeed there was no grandeur to which it might not have arriv'd, had it not been ob∣structed by new and frequent dissentions. Ten years together, the Florenties liv'd under this Government; in which time they forc'd the Pistoiesi, Aretini, and Sanesi to make peace with them, and returning with their Army from Siena, they took Volterra, demolish'd several Castles, and brought the Inhabitants to Florence. In these Expeditions, the Guelfs had the principal Conduct, as being much more popular than the Ghibilines, who had carried them∣selves imperiously during Frederick's Reign, and made themselves odious; or else it was be∣cause the Church party had more Friends than the Emperours, as being thought more consistent with their liberty. The Ghibilines in the mean time, being displeased to see their Authority so sensibly decrease, could not be satisfy'd, but attended all occasions to repossess themselves of the Government. When Manfredi the Son of Frederick King of Naples was in∣vested in that Kingdom, and had over-power'd the power of the Church, conceiving it a fair opportunity, they practis'd privately with him, to reassume their Government; but they could not manage it so cunningly, but their practice was discover'd to the Antiani, who summoning the Uberti thereupon; the Uberti not only refus'd to appear, but took Arms, and fortify'd themselves in their houses; at which the people being incens'd, took Arms likewise,* 1.11 and joyning with the Guelfs, drove them out of Florence, and forc'd the whole Ghibiline party to transplant to Siena. From thence they desir'd the assistance of Manfredi King of Naples, who sending them supplies, by the Conduct and Diligence of Frinata (of the House of Uberti) the Guelfs received such a blow upon the River Arebia, that those which escaped (supposing their City lost) fled directly to Lucca, and left Florence to shift for it self. Manfredi had given the Command of the auxiliaries which he sent to the Ghibilines, to the Conte Giordano, a Captain of no small reputation in those times. Gior∣dano, after this Victory advanced with his Ghibilines to Florence, reduc'd the City to the obedience of Manfredi; depos'd the Magistrates, and alter'd or abrogated all the Laws, and Customs that might give them the least figure or commemoration of their liberty: Which injury being done with little discretion, was receiv'd by the people with so much detestation, that whereas before they were scarce Enemies to the Ghibilines, they became thereby inve∣terate and implacable; and that mortal animosity was in time their utter destruction. Being to return to Naples upon affairs of great importance to that Kindom, the Conte

Giordano left Comte Guido Novello (Lord of Casentino) in Florence, as Deputy for the King. This Guido Novello call'd a council of Ghibilines at Empoli, wherein it was unani∣mously concluded, that Florence should be razed, being (by reason the people were so rigid Guelfs) the only City capable to reinforce the declining party of the Church.

Upon so cruel and barbarous a Sentence against so Noble a City,* 1.12 there was not one Friend or Citizen oppos'd, besides Ferinata delli Uberti; who publickly and couragiously undertook its defence: Declaring, That he had not run so many dangers, not expos'd himself to so many difficulties, but to live quietly afterwards in his own Countrey; nor would he now reject what he contended for so long, nor refuse that which his good fortune had given him; he was resolv'd rather to oppose himself (against whoever should design otherwise) with as much Vigour and zeal as he had done against the Guelfs; and if jealousie and apprehension should prompt them to endeavour the destruction of their Countrey, they might attempt if they pleas'd; but he hop'd, with the same Virtue which drove out the Guelfs, he should be able to defend the City. This Ferinata was a man of great Courage, excellent Conduct, Head of the Ghibilines, and in no small esteem with Manfredi himself. These qualifications, and the consideration of his Authority, put an end to that resolution, and they began now to take new measures, and contrive wayes of preserving the State. The Guelfs who had fled to Lucca, being dismiss'd by the Lucchesi, upon the Counts commination, they with∣drew to Bologna, from whence being invited by the Guelfs of Parma, to go against the Ghi∣bilines,* 1.13 they behav'd themselves so well, that by their Valour, the Adversary was overcome, and their possessions given to them: So that increasing in Honour and Wealth, and under∣standing that Pope Clement had call'd Carlo d' Angio into Italy, to depose Manfredi (if possibly) They sent Embassadours to his Holiness to tender their assistance; which the Pope not only accepted, but sent them his own Standard, which the Guelfs carry'd ever after in their Wars, and is us'd in Florence to this very day. After this, Manfredi was beaten, di∣spoyl'd of his Kingdom, and Slain, and the Guelfs of Florence having performed their share in that Action, their party grew more brisk and couragious; and the Ghibilines more timorous and weak. Whereupon those who with Count Guido Novello were at the helm in Florence, began to cast about how they might, by benefits, or otherwise, gain and cajole the people, whom before they had exasperated by all circumstances of injury: But those reme∣dies (which if us'd in time, before necessity requir'd, might possibly have prevail'd) being apply'd abruptly, and too late, did not only not contribute to their safty, but hasten'd their ruine. To coaks and insinuate with the people and their party, they thought it would do much if they restor'd them to a part of that Honour and Authority which they had lost. To this purpose they chose XXXVI. Citizens from among the People, and adding to them two Forreign Gentlemen from Bologna, they gave them power to reform the State of the City as they pleas'd. As soon as they met, the first thing they pitcht upon, was to divide the City into several Arts (or Trades) over each Art they plac'd a Master,* 1.14 who was to administer Justice to all under his Ward; and to every Art a Banner was assign'd, that un∣der that, each Company might appear in Arms, when ever the safty of the City requir'd it. At first these Arts, (or Companies) were twelve, seven greater, and five less; the lesser in∣creasing afterwards to fourteen, their whole number advanc'd to XXI, as it remains at this day. The Reformation proceeding quietly in this manner, and contriving many things for the common benefit of the people, without interruption; Count Guido thinking himself under an equal Obligation to provide for his Soldiers; caus'd a Tax to be laid upon the Citizens, to raise Money for their pay; but he found such difficulty in the business, he durst never collect it: Whereupon, perceiving all lost, unless something was suddainly done; he combin'd with the chief of the Ghibilines, and determin'd to take that back again by force from the people which so unadvisedly they had given.

With which design, having assembled the several Companies in their Arms, (and the XXXVI. Reformatori with them) causing a suddain Alarm to be brought in, the Reformatori being frighted, and retiring to their Houses, the Ensigns of the several faculties were display'd, and several Armed men behind them immediately; understanding that Count Guido and his party were at St. Iohns, they made a stand at St. Trinita, and chose Giovanni Soldanieri for their Captain.* 1.15 The Count on the other side, hearing where they had posted, advanced against them; and the people, not declining, they met in a place which is now call'd Loggia dei Tornaquinci, where the Count was worsted, and most of his party slain. Being off of his mettle, and fearful the Enemy would assault him in the night, and cut his Throat; his Men being cow'd, and unable to defend him, without considering other re∣medy, he resolv'd to preserve himself by flying, rather than by fighting; and accordingly (contrary to the perswasion of the Heads of the Ghibilines) he retired to Prato with what men he had left. When he found himself safe, and his fear over, he became sensible of

his Errour, and being desirous to have repair'd it next morning, at break of day he drew out his Men, march'd back to Florence, designing to recover that Honourably, which he had so Scandalously lost; but he found himself mistaken, for though it might have cost the people hot water to have expell'd him, they found it no hard matter to keep him out when he was gone; insomuch that being repuls'd, he drew off with great sorrow and shame to Casentino, and the Ghibilines return'd to their Houses. The people being Conquerours, out of affection to all such as had a love for their Countrey, they resolv'd to reunite the City once more, and call'd home all their Citizens which were abroad, as well Ghibilines as Guelfs. Hereupon the Guelfs return'd, after six years banishment, the Ghibilines late attempt was pardoned, and they receiv'd back again; but yet they continued odious both to the people, and Guelfs, the last not being able to extinguish the memory of their banishment; nor the first to forget their Tyranny and insolence, when the Government was in their hand; so that their animosity was deposited neither on the one side, nor the other.

Whil'st the affairs of Florence were in this posture, a report was spread, that Corradine, Nephew to Manfredi, was coming with Forces out of Germany, to Conquer the Kingdom of Naples; upon which the Ghibilines conceiv'd fresh hopes of recovering their Authority: and the Guelfs being no less solicitous for their security, begg'd the assistance of King Charles, in case Corradine should come. Charles having comply'd, and his Forces upon their March, the Guelfs became so insolent, and the Ghibilines so timorous, that two days before the French Army arriv'd, the Ghibilines fled out of the City, without staying to be expell'd. The Ghibilines departed, the Florentines new Modell'd their City, choosing Twelve principal Magistrates to continue in Authority only for two Months, not under the title of Antiani,* 1.16 but Ruoni-huomini. Next to them they constituted a Councel of 80 Citizens, which they call'd La Credenza: after which, 180 were chosen out of the people, which with the Credenza, and the 12 Buoni-huomini were call'd the General-Councel: besides which,* 1.17 they erected another Councel, consisting of 120. both Citiziens and Nobles, which Councel was to consummate and ratifie whatever was debated or resolv'd in the rest. Having setled their Government in this manner, and by new Laws, and Election of Magi∣strates of their own party, fortifi'd themselves against the Machinations of the Ghibilines, the Guelfs confiscated the Ghibilines Estates, and having divided them into three parts, one was assign'd to publike uses, another given to their Magistrates and Captains, and the third distributed among the Guelfs, to recompense the damage they had receiv'd. The Pope to preserve Tuscany to the Faction of the Guelfs, made King Charles Imperial Vicar of that Province. By this method, the Florentines having maintain'd their honour and reputation abroad by their Arms, and at home by their Laws, they remain'd firm and secure; in the mean time the Pope dyed,* 1.18 and after a two years vacancy, and a tedious dispute, Gregory X. was elected, who being at the time of his Election (and a long while before) in Syria, and (by consequence) ignorant of the humours of the Factions, he carry'd not himself with that caution towards them, as his Predecessors had done. But in his way to France, being arriv'd at Florence, he thought it the Office of a good Pastor to endeavour to compose their differences, and prevail'd with them to receive Commissioners from the Ghibilines to nego∣tiate the manner of their return; but though their Peace was made, and all particulars concluded,* 1.19 the Ghibilines were too jealous to accept them, and refus'd to come back. The Pope imputed the fault to the City, and excommunicated it in his passion, under which censure it continued whil'st he lived; but after his death, when Innocent V. was created, it was taken off.* 1.20 Innocent V. was succeeded by Nicholas III. of the house of the Orsini; and because the Popes were alwayes jealous of any great power in Italy (though rais'd by the favour of the Church) and constantly endeavour'd to depress it;* 1.21 great troubles, and frequent variations ensued;* 1.22 for the fear of a Person grown Potent to any degree, was the advance∣ment of another less powerful than he; who growing powerful by his preferment, as his Predecessor had done, became formidable like him; and that fear was the occasion of his debasement. This was the cause that Kingdom was taken from Manfredi, and given to Charles. This was the reason that Charles became terrible afterwards, and his ruine was conspir'd: for Nicholas III. (mov'd by the considerations aforesaid) prevail'd so, that Charles by the Emperours means, was remov'd from the Government of Tuscany, and Latino (the Popes Legat) sent thither in his place, by Commission from the Emperour. Florence at this time was in no very good condition, for the Guelfish Nobility being grown insolent, and careless of the Magistrates, several Murders and other violences were daily committed, the Malefactors passing unpunish'd by the favour and protection of the Nobles. To restrain these insolencies, it was thought good by the Heads of the City, to recall those who were banished,* 1.23 which gave opportunity to the Legate to reunite the City; and to the Ghibilines, to return: whereupon instead of XII. Governours which they had before, they

were increas'd to XIV. (VII. of each party) their Government to be Annual, and their Election by the Pope.* 1.24 Two years Florence remain'd under this Form, till Martino (a Frenchman) was created Pope, who restor'd to King Charles whatever Authority Pope Nicholas had taken from him: So that Florence being again in Commotion; the Citizens took up Arms against the Emperours Governour, and to restrain the Gbibilines, and correct the insolence of their Nobility, put the City under a new form of Government. It was in the year 1282.* 1.25 when the Corporation of the Arts having been invested with the Magistracy and Militia, had gain'd great reputation; whereupon by their own Authority they order'd that instead of the XIV. Three Citizens should be created (with the Title of Priori) who should Govern the Common-wealth for two Months,* 1.26 and be chosen indifferently out of Commons or Nobility, provided they were Merchants, or professed any Art. Afterwards the chief Magistracy was reduc'd to Six persons (one for each Ward) where it continued to the year 1342. in which the City was reduc'd into Quarters, and the Priori, to Nine, they having been advanc'd to 12. by some accident in the mean time. This Constitution was the occasion (as shall be shew'd in its place) of the Nobilities ruine, who upon sundry pro∣vocations were excluded, and afterwards without any respect, oppress'd by the people. At first the Nobility consented to its Erection, as an expedient to unite, and accommodate all differences; but afterwards incroaching, and interfering for the Government, all of them lost it. There was likewise a Palace assign'd for the constant Residence of this Councel, (in which the Magistrates were formerly accustom'd to confer with the Commissioners of the Church) and Serjeants, and other necessary Officers, for their greater honour, appointed to attend: Which Councel, though at first it had only the Title of Priori; yet afterwards for Magnificence sake, it had the addition of Segnori.

For a while the Florentines continued quiet within themselves, though they had Wars abroad with the Aretines (whohad driven out the Guelfs) with whom they ingag'd success∣fully in Compaldino,* 1.27 and overcame them. Upon which, the City increasing both in Wealth, and number of Inhabitants, it was thought good to inlarge their Walls, which they did to its present Circumference; whereas before its Diameter was only from the Old Bridge to S. Lorenzo. The Wars abroad, and Peace at home, had almost exterminated both the Ghibilines, and Guelfs in that City; there remain'd only those sparks of animosity (which are unavoidable in all Cities) betwixt the Nobles and the People; for the one solicitous of their freedom according to their Laws,* 1.28 and the other impatient to Command them, it is not possible they should agree. Whil'st they were apprehensive of the Ghibilines, this hu∣mour did not show it self in the Nobility; but when the Ghibilines were low and depress'd, it began to exert, and the people were injur'd daily, beyond the Vindication either of the Magistrates, or Laws; every Nobleman making good his insolence, by the multitude of his Friends and Relations, both against the Priori, and the Captain. The Heads there∣fore of the Arts (by way of remedy against so great inconvenience) provided that in the beginning of its Office,* 1.29 every Councel of the Priori should create an Ensign, or Gonfaloniere di justicia, out of the people, assigning him 1000 men in 20 Companies, which were to be ready with their Arms, and their Gonfaloniere to see Justice administer'd whenever the Court, or their Captain requir'd them. The first in this Office, was Ubaldo Ruffoli, who drawing out his Bands, demolish'd the Houses of the Galetti, because one of that Family had slain one of his Fellow-Citizens in France. The establishment of this Order by the Arts was not difficult, by reason of the jealousies and emulations amongst the Nobility, who were not in the least sensible it was intended against them, till they felt the smart of it, when 'twas put in Execution. This Constitution was terrible to them at first, but afterwards they return'd to their old insolence again; for having insinuated themselves into the Councel of the Priori, they found means to hinder the Gonfaloniere from executing his Office. Besides, Witness being always required upon any accsation, the Plaintiff could hardly find any body that would give Testimony against the Nobility. So that in a short time Florence was involved in its own distraction, and the people exposed to their former oppression, Justice being grown dilatory and tedious, and Sentence, though given, seldom or never executed. The Populace not knowing what resolution to take in this Case, Giano della Bella (a person of Noble extraction, but a Lover of the Liberty of the City) incourag'd the Heads of the Arts, to reform the City, and by his persusion it was Ordain'd that the Gonfaloniere should reside with the Priori, and have 4000 men under his Command; they likewise excluded the Nobility out of the Councel of the Segnori.

They made a Law that all Accessaries, or Abettors, should be liable to the same punish∣ment with those who were actually Guilty; and decreed that Common report should be sufficient to convict them. By these Laws (which were called Ordinamenti della Giustitia) the people gain'd great reputation: but Giano della Bella, being look'd upon as the contriver

of their Destruction, became odious to the Nobility; and not to them only, but to the wealthiest of the Populace, who began to suspect his Authority, and not without reason, as appear'd afterwards upon the first occasion was given him to abuse it. It happened one of the Commons was killed in a fray, where several of the Nobility were present; Corso Donati being one amongst the rest, the Murder was laid to his Charge, as the most furicus and desperate. He was taken into Custody by the Captain, but (however causes went) whether he was innocent of the Crime, or the Captain fearful to condemn him, he was presently discharg'd. The people offended at his discharge, betook themselves to their Arms, ran to the House of Giano della Bella, and beg'd of him, that he would be the means that the Laws he had invented might be put in Execution. Giano had privately a desire that Corso should be punish'd, and therefore advis'd not the people to lay down their Arms, (as many co••ceived he ought) but incouraged them to address to the Segnori with their Complaints, and desire their Vindication. The people full of rage, thinking themselves abused by the Captain, and abandon'd by Giano, went not to the Segnori (as directed) but away they ran to the Captain's Palace, and plunder'd it; which action displeased the whole City, and was laid upon Giano, by such as meditated his ruine; whereupon some of his Enemies happening afterwards to be of the Segnori, he was accused to the Captain as an Incendiary and Debaucher of the people.

Whil'st his Cause was in agitation, the people took Arms again, flocked in great num∣bers to his House, and offer'd to defend him against the Segnori his Enemies. Giano had no mind to experiment the popular favour, or trust his life in the hands of the Magistrates, as fearing the Malignity of the one, no less than the unconstancy of the other; but to se∣cure himself against the malice of his Enemies, and his Countrey against the commotion of his Friends, he resolved to give way to their Envy, and Banish himself from that City which he had preserv'd from the Tyranny of the Nobility by his own danger and charge. The Nobility, after his departure, to recover their dignity, which they conceived lost by the dissentions among them, united, and apply'd themselves by two of their Number, to the Senate or Segnoria (which they judg'd to be their friends) to intreat them to mitigate in some measure the acerbity of those Laws which were made against them: which demand was no sooner known, but the people (fearing the Signoria should comply) began immediately to tumultuate, and, betwixt the ambition of the one, and suspicion of the other, they fell soon after to blows. The Nobility stood upon their Guards in three places, at St. Iohn's, in the Mercato nuovo, and the Piazza de Mozzi, under three Commanders, Forese Adinari, Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people were not got together under their Ensigns in great Numbers at the Senator's Palace, which at that time not far from St. Pruocolo; and because the people were jealous of the Signori, they deputed six Citizens to share with them in the Government. In the mean time, while both parties were prepa∣ring for the Combat, some both of the Nobility and Commons,* 1.30 with certain Religious persons of good Reputation, interpos'd themselves, remonstrating to the Nobility, that the Honour they had lost, and the Laws made against them, were occasioned by their arrogance and ill Government; that now to take Arms, and betake themselves to force, for the recovery of what was lost by their own dissention and ill-management, would be the ruine of their Countrey, and a detriment to themselves. That they should consider in number, riches, and malice, they were much inferiour to the people. That that Nobility they so vainly affected, by which they thought to advance others, when they came to sight would prove but a meer Title and Name, unable to defend them against the advantages which their Enemies had over them. To the people it was represented imprudence to drive things too far,* 1.31 and make their Adversaries desperate; For he that hopes no good, fears no ill. That it ought to be considered, their Nobility were they which had gain'd so much Honour to their City in its Wars, and were not therefore in justice to be used at that rate. That they could be content to have the Supream Magistacy taken from them, and endure it patiently; but they thought it unreasonable, and insupportable to be at every bodies mercy (as their new Laws rendered them) and subject to be driven out of their Countrey upon every Cappriccio. That it would be well to mitigate their fury, and lay down their Arms, rather than to run the hazard of a Battel, by presumption upon their Numbers, which had many times fail'd, and been worsted by the less. The people were divided in their Judgments, some were for ingaging, as a thing some time or other would necessarily be; and better now, than to deser till their Enemies were more powrful: and if it could be imagined the mitigation of the Laws would content them, they should be mitigated accordingly; but their insolence and pride could never be laid by, till by force they were constrain'd to't. To others more mo∣derate and prudent, it appeared that the alteration of the Laws would not signifie much, but to come to a Battel might be of very great importance; and their Opinion prevailing, it was

provided that no accusation should be admitted against a Nobleman without necessary testi∣mony. Though upon these terms both parties laid down their Arms, yet their jealousies of one another were mutually retain'd, and they began again to fortifie on both sides. The People thought sit to re-order the Government,* 1.32 and reduc'd their Signori to a less number, as suspecting some of them to be too great favouers of the Nobility, of whom the Mansini, Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruzzi, and Cerretani were the chief. Having setled the State in this manner in the year 1298. for the greater Magnificence and Security of their Signori, they founded their Palace, and made a Piazza before it, where the houses of the Uberti stood for∣merly: About the same time also the Foundation of the Prisons were laid, which in few years after were finished. Never was this City in greater splendor, nor more happy in its condition than then, abounding both in men, riches, and reputation. They had 3000. Citizens in the Town ••it to bear Arms, and 70000. more in their Territory. All Tuscany was at its devotion, partly as subjects, and partly as friends. And though there were still piques and suspicions betwixt the Nobility and the People, yet they did not break out into any ill effect, but all lived quietly and peaceably together; and had not this tranquillity been at length interrupted by dissention within, it had been in no danger from abroad; being in such terms at that time, it neither feared the Empire, nor its Exiles, and could have brought a force into the Field equivalent to all the rest of the States in Italy. But that diseas•• from which ab extra it was secure, was ingendred in its own bowels. There were two Families in Florence, the Cerchi, and the Donati, equally considerable, both in numbers, riches, and dignity; being Neighbours both in City and Countrey, there happened some exceptions and disgust betwixt them, but not so great as to bring them to blows, and perhaps they would never have produc'd any considerable effects, had not their ill humours been agitated and fermented by new occasion. Among the chief Families in Pistoia, there was the Family of the Cancellieri. It happened that Lore the Son of Gulielmo, and Geri the Son of Bertaccio, fell out by accident at play, and passing from words to blows, Geri received a slight wound. Gulielmo was much troubled at the business,* 1.33 and thinking by excess of humility to take off the scandal, he increased it and made it worse. He commanded his Son to go to Geri's Fa∣thers house, and demand his pardon; Lore obey'd, and went as his Father directed: but that act of humanity did not at all sweeten the acerbity of Bertaccio's mind, who causing Lore to be seiz'd by his servants (to aggravate the indignity) he caused him to be led by them into the stable, and his hand cut off upon the Manger, with instruction to return to his Father, and to let him know, That wounds are not cured so properly by words, as amputation. Guli∣elmo was so enraged at the cruely of the fact, as he and his friends immediately took Arms to revenge it; and Bertaccio and his friends doing as much to defend themselves, the whole City of Pistoia was engaged in the quarrel, and divided into two parties. These Cancellieri being both of them descended from one of the Cancellieri who had two Wives, one of them called Bianca: that party which descended from her,* 1.34 called it self Bianca; and the other in opposition was called Nera. In a short time many conflicts happened betwixt them, many men killed, and many houses destroyed. Not being able to accommodate among themselves, though both sides were weary, they concluded to come to Florence, hoping some expedient would be found out there, or else to fortifie their parties by the acquisition of new friends. The Neri having had familiarity with the Donati, were espoused by Corso, the head of that Family. The Bianchi, to support themselves against the accession of the Donati, fell in with Veri the chief of the Cerchi, a man not inferiour to Corso in any quality whatever. The ma∣lignity of this humour being brought hither from Pistoia, began to revive the old quarrel be∣twixt the Cerchi and Donati in such manner, that the Priori, and other Principal Citizens be∣gan to apprehend they should fall together by the ears, and the whole City come to be divi∣ded. Hereupon they applyed themselves to the Pope, desiring he would interpose his Au∣thority to asswage those differences which were too great for their private power to compose. The Pope sent for Veri, and prest him earnestly to a reconciliation with the Donati. Veri seemed to be surprised at his importunity, pretended he had no prejudice to them at all, and because reconciliation presupposed a quarrel, there being nothing of the latter, he thought there was no necessity of the first. So that Veri returning from Rome without any other conclusion, the Malevolence increas'd, and every little accident (as it happened afterwards) was sufficient to put all in confusion. In the Moneth of May, several Holidays being pub∣lickly celebrated in Florence, certain young Gentlemen of the Donati, with their friends on Horseback, having stopt near St. Trinity, to see certain Women that were Dancing, it fell out that some of the Cerchi arrived there likewise with some of their friends, and being desirous to see as well as the rest, not knowing the Donati were before, they spurr'd on their horses, and justled in among them. The Donati looking upon it as an affront, drew their Swords; the Cerchi were as ready to answer them, and after several cuts and slashes given and received,

both sides retir'd. This accident was the occasion of great mischief; the whole City (as well People as Nobility) divided, and took part with the Bianchi and Neri, as their in∣clinations directed them. The chief of the Bianchi were the Cerchi, to whom the Adi∣mari, the Abbati, part of the fosinghi, the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Norli, Mannilli, all the Mozzi, the Scali, Gerrardin••, Cavalcanti, Matespini, Bestichi, Giandionati, Vecchietti, and Arriguelzi, joyn'd themselves; with these sided several of the populace and all the Ghibiline faction in Florence; so that in respect of their Numbers, they seem'd to have the whole Government of the City. The Donati on the other side were heads of the Neri, and follow'd by all the rest of the before mentioned Nobility, who were not ingag'd with the Bianchi; and beside them all the Parzi, Bisdonini, Manieri, Bagn••sit, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfigliazzi, and Brunelteschi; Nor did this humour extend it self only in the City, but infected the whole Countrey. In so much that the Captains of the Arts and such as favour'd the Guelfs, and were Lovers of the Commonwealth, very much apprehended least this new distraction should prove the ruine of the City, and the restauration of the Ghibilins. Whereupon they sent to the Pope, beseeching him to think of some remedy, unless he had a mind that City (which had been always a bulwark to the Church) should be destroy'd or become subject to the Ghibilins. To gratifie their request, the Pope dispatch'd Matteo d' Aquasparta (a Portugal Cardinal) as his Legate to Florence, who sinding the party of the Bianchi obstinate and untractable, as presuming upon the advantage of their Numbers, he left Florence in an anger, and interdicted them; so that the Town remained in more confusion a•• his departure, than he found it. All parties being at that time very high, and dispos'd to mischief, it happen'd that several of the Cerchi and Donati meeting at a Burial, some words pass'd betwixt them, and from words they proceeded to blows, but no great hurt done, for that time. Both sides being returned to their houses, the Cerchi began to deliberate how they might fall upon the Donati, and in Conclusion they went in great numbers to attack them, but by the Courage of Corso they were repell'd, and several of them Wounded. Hereupon the City fell to their Arms; the Laws and the Magistrates were too weak to contest with the fury of both parties. The wisest and best Citizens were in perpetual fear. The Donati and their friends having less force, were more anxious and solicitous of their safety, to pro∣vide for it as well as was possible: At a meeting of Corso with the heads of the Neri, and the Captain of the Arts, it was concluded that the Pope should be desired to send them some person of the Blood Royal to reform their City, supposing that way the most probable to suppress this Bianchi. The Assembly, and their resolution was notify'd to the Priori, and aggravated against the Adverse party as a Conspiracy against their Freedom. Both facti∣ons being in Arms, Dante, and the rest of the Signori taking Courage, with great Wis∣dome and prudence causing the people to put themselves in Arms, by Conjunction of se∣veral out of the Countrey they forc'd the heads of both parties to lay down their Arms, con∣fin'd Corso, Donati and several of the faction of the Neri to their houses; and that their proceedings might seem impartial, they committed several of the Bianchi, who afterwards upon plausible pretences were dismiss'd. Corso and his accomplices were discharg'd like∣wise; and supposing his Holiness to be their friend, took a journey to Rome to perswade him personally to what by Letters they had begg'd of him before. There happen'd to be at the Popes Court at that time Charles de Valois the King of France his brother, call'd into Italy by the King of Naples to pass over into Sicily. The Pope (upon the impor∣tunity of the Florentine Exiles) though sit to send him to Florence to remain there till the season of the year serv'd better for his transportation.* 1.35 Charles arrived, and though the Bianchi (who had then the Supremacy) were jealous of him, yet being Patron of the Guelfs, and deputed thither by the Pope, they durst not oppose his coming; but on the Contrary, to oblige, him they gave him full Authority to dispose of the City as he plea∣sed. Charles was no sooner invested with his Authority; but he caus'd all his friends and Partizans to Arm, which gave the people so great a jealousie that he would Usurp upon their Liberties, that they also put themselves in Arms, and stood ready every man at his door to resist any such attempt. The Cerchi and the chief of the Bianchi (having had the Government in their hands and managed it proudly) were become generally odious, which gave incouragement to Corso and the rest of the Neri who were banish'd, to re∣turn to Florence, being assur'd that Charles, and the Captains of the companies were their friends. Whilst their suspicion of Charles had put the City in Arms, Corso, his Comrades, and many of their followers enter'd into Florence without any impediment: And although Veri de Cerchi was perswaded to oppose, he refus'd it, and told them, he would leave their Chastisement to the people of Florence, against whose interest Corso did come. But he was mistaken in his Measures, for in stead of being punished, he was re∣ceived

very kindly by the people; and Veri was forc'd to fly for his safety. For Corso ha∣ving forc'd his entrance at the Porta Pinti, drew up and made a stand at S. Pietro Mag∣giori (a place not far from his Palace) and having united with such of the people, and his friends as desir'd Novelty, and were come thither on purpose; the first thing he did was to discharge all Prisoners whatever and however committed, whether by private or pub∣lick Authority. He forc'd the Signori to return privately to their houses, and elected a certain Number (of the faction of the Neri) out of the people, to supply their places. For five days together they ransack'd and plunder'd the houses of the chief of the Bianchi. The Cerchi and the heads of that faction, seeing the people for the most part their Enemies, and Charles none of their friend, were retir'd out of the City, to such Castles as they had, and whereas before they would not entertain the Counsel of the Pope, they were now glad to implore his assistance, and to let him understand that Charles was not come to the advantage, but to the prejudice of the City. Whereupon the Pope sent his Legate Matteo di Aquasparta to Florence the second time, who not only made a peace betwixt the Cerchi and Donati, but fortified it by several marriages and alliances. Nevertheless in∣sisting to have the Bianchi participate of the Chief Offices, and being deny'd by the Neri who had them in possession, he left the City as ill satisfi'd as before, and again Excom∣municated it for its disobedience. Thus both parties continued discontented. The Neri, seeing their Enemies so near, were apprehensive least by their destruction they should re∣cover the Honours and Authority which they had lost; and as if these Fears and Animo∣sities had been not sufficient to do mischief, new affronts and injuries were offered. Ni∣cholas de Cerchi, being going with some of his friends to some of his houses, as he pass'd by the Ponte ad Africo, was assaulted by Simon son of Corso Donati. The Conflict was sharp, and on either side deplorable, for Nicholas was kill'd upon the place, and Simon so wounded that he died the next Morning. This accident disturb'd the whole City afresh, and though the Neri were indeed most Culpable, yet they were protected by the Govern∣ment, and before judgment could be obtain'd, a Conspiracy was discover'd between the Bianchi and Piero Terranti (one of Charles his Barons) with whom they practis'd pri∣vately to be restor'd to the Government. The Plot was detected by several letters from the Cerchi to the said Piero, though some imagin'd they were counterfeited by the Donati, to divert the infamy they had incurr'd by the assassination of Nicholas. The Cerchi and all their Clann were at this time Prisoners to the Donati (and among the rest Dante the Poet) their Estates were Consiscated, and their houses demolish'd. Their party, with several of the Ghibilines that had joyn'd themselves with them, were dispers'd up and down in sundry places, attending new troubles to better their Condition; and Charles having finish'd what he design'd when he came thither, return'd to the Pope in pursuance of his Expedition into Sicily, in which he managed himself with no more prudence than he had done in Florence; but losing many of his men, he went back into France, with no little dishonour. After Charles was departed, for some time Florence was quiet, only Corso was dissatisfied, as not thinking himself in Authority suitable to his deserts: for the Go∣vernment being in the hands of the people,* 1.36 he believed it managed by such as were much his inferiours. Moved therefore by these provocations, to varnish over a foul design with a fair pretence, he calumniated several Citizens who had had charge of the Publick money, for imbeziling of it, and applying it to their private use; giving out that it was fit they should be inquir'd after, and punished: several of his mind did the same, and many others by their ignorance and Credulity were persuaded that what Corso did was out of pure care and affection to his Country. On the other side the persons accus'd, having the favour of the people, stood upon their justification, and so far these differences proceeded, that after several expostulations, and civil controversies, they came at length to take Arms. On one side there were Corso, Lotieri Bishop of Florence, with many of the Nobility, and some of the Commons. On the other side there were the Signori, and the greatest part of the people: so that there was sighting in many places of the City. The Signori, perceiving their affairs in some danger, sent to Lucca for aid, and immediately all the people in Lucca came in to their assistance; by whose supervention things were presently compos'd, the tumults asswag'd, and the people continued in their former Liberty and Government, without any other punishment of the Author of the scandal. The Pope had heard of the tumults at Florence, and sent thither Nicholas da Prato his Legate to appease them, who, for his quality, learning and behaviour, being a man of great reputation, he quickly ob∣tained such credit with the people, that they gave him Authority to reform, or Model their Government as he pleas'd. Being of the Ghibiline faction, he was inclin'd to call home those of that party who were banish'd; But first he thought it convenient to in∣gratiate with the people, by restroing their Ancient Companies, which Act added as much

strength to their interest, as it took away from the Nobless. When he had, as he thought, sufficiently oblig'd the multitude, The Legate design'd to call home the Exiles, and try'd many ways to effect it, but was so far from succeeding in any of them, that he render'd himself suspected to the Governors, was forc'd out of the City, and leaving all in confusion, in a great passion he Excommunicated it at his departure. Nor was this City molested with one humour only, but several; there being at one the factions be∣twixt the Nobility and the people, the Guelfs and the Ghibilines, the Bianchi, and the Neri, At that time all the City was in Arms, and many bickerings happend'd. Many were discontented at the Legates departure, being willing the banish'd Citizens should re∣turn.* 1.37 The Chief of them who rais'd the report were the Medici and the Giugni, who (with the Legate) were discover'd to be favourers of the Rebels; in the interim Skir∣mishes and Rencounters pass'd in several places of the Town, and to add to their Calamity, a fire broke out in the Orto S. Michel among the houses of the Abbati, from thence i•• went to the houses of the Caponsacchi, and burn'd them, from thence to the houses of the Macci, Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, Cavalcanti, and all the New Market; from thence it pass'd to the Porta S. Maria, burn'd that, and then wheeling about to the Old Bridge, it consum'd the Palaces of the Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, Lucardesi, and with them so many other houses, that the number of all that were consum'd by that fire amounted to more than thirteen hundred. Some were of opinion it began by accident in the height of the Conflict. Others affirm it was done on purpose by Neri Abbati, Prior of S. Piero Scharagio (a dissolute and mischievous person) who seeing every body ingaged, thought he might commit a piece of wickedness then, which no body should be able to remedy; and to the end it might succeed the better, and give less suspicion of him, he set the houses of his own party on fire, where he could do it with convenience. These Conflicts, and this Conflagration happen'd in Iuly 1304.* 1.38 at which time Corso Donati was the only person who did not arm in those tumults; and not without reason, for thereby he presumed (when weary of their fighting they should incline to an agreement) he should more easily be chosen Umpire betwixt them; at length all Arms indeed were layd down, but more that they were tyr'd, and weary of their miseries, than from any relentment or conde∣scension on either side. The whole consequence of all was, that the Rebels were not suffer'd to return, and the party which favour'd them was forc'd to comply. The Legate being come back to Rome, and understanding the new distractions in Florence, persuaded the Pope, that if he design'd to compose them, it would be necessary to send for twelve of the Principal Malecontents of that City, which being the nourishment and fomentors of their miseries, their miseries would cease as soon as they were remov'd. The Pope took his Counsel, sent for twelve of the Chief Citizens (who came to Rome in obedience to his summons) and among them Corso Donati was one. Upon the departure of these Citizens the Legate signifi'd to the Exiles, that now was their time (the City being destitute of their heads) to return. Whereupon the Citizens which were banish'd, getting what force toge∣ther they were able, they march'd to Florence, enter'd where the walls were unfinish'd, and pass'd on as far as the Piazza of S. Iohn. It was a remarkable passage to consider, that those people who fought in their behalf whilst humbly and unarm'd they begged to be admitted, seeing them come forcibly into the City with their weapons in their hands, turn'd against them immediately, and joyning with the people, beat them out of the City. This Enterprize was lost by leaving part of their forces at Lastra, and not attend∣ing the arrival of Tolosetto Uberti who was coming from Pistoia with three hundred horse; but supposing Expedition of greater importance to their success, than Strength, they found (as many had done before) That delay takes away the opportunity, and celerity the force. The Rebels ••epuls'd, Florence return'd to its old divisions. To lessen the Au∣thority of the Cavalcanti, the people assaulted and took from them the Castle of Stinche in the Val di Greve, which had belong'd anciently to that family; and because those who were taken in this Castle were the first which were put in the new built Prisons, that building took its name from the Castle from whence they came, was call'd le Stinche from thence, and is call'd so to this day. After this, those who had the Go∣vernment in their hands re-establish'd the Companies of the people; gave them the En∣signs which had been us'd at first under the discipline of the Arts. The Captains, the Gonfalonieri of the Companies, and the Colledge of the Signori were call'd, and Orders were given that they should assist the Signoria or Senate at all times, in time of Com∣motion or injury, with their Swords, and in time of peace with their Counsels. To the two old Governours they added another call'd Essecutore, whose Office it was by conjun∣ction, with the Gonfalonieri to restrain and correct the insolence of the Grandees. In the mean time the Pope dying, Corso and his fellow Citizens return'd from Rome, and

might have liv'd quietly, had not the insatiableness of Corso's ambition created new troubles. To gain reputation it was always his Custom to oppose the sentiment of the Nobility in whatever was propos'd; and which way he observed the people to encline, thither he constantly directed his Authority, to work himself into their favour; so that in all Innovations and Controversies he was the Head; all persons resorting to him who had any thing extraordinary in design. Hereupon he became so odious to several con∣siderable Citizens, that the faction of the Neri subdivided, and fell into open division among themselves, because Corso made use of private Force and Authority, and of such Persons as were enemies to the State.* 1.39 Yet such was the Awe and Majesty of his Person, that every body fear'd him; to deprive him of the peoples favour (which, that way, was ea∣sily disingaged) it was given out that he design'd upon the Government, and meant to make himself King: Which from his extravagant way of living was credible enough, and much confirm'd when afterwards he married a daughter of Uguccione della Faggivola chief of the Rianchi, and Ghibilius, and the most powerfull Person in the City. This Alliance was no sooner known among his Enemies, but his adversaries took Arms, and the people for that reason were so far from appearing in his defence, that the greater part of them joyn'd with his Enemies. The Cheif of his Enemies (and who were at the head of them) were Rosso della Tosa, Pazzino de Pazzo, Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi. They, their followers and the greatest part of the people, ran with their Swords drawn to the foot of the Palace of the Sig∣nori, by whose Order an accusation was prefer'd to Plero Bianca Captain of the people, against Corso, as a person who (by the assistance of Uguccione) conspired to be King. Upon this im∣peachment he was summon'd, and refusing to appear, was declared a Rebel for his Contuma∣cy; there having been but two hours time betwixt the accusation and sentence: judgment pronounc'd,* 1.40 the Signori, with the several Companies of the people (their banners display'd) went presently to apprehend him. Corso on the other side not at all dismay'd either at the se∣verity of the sentence, the authority of the Signori, nor the unconstancy of his friends (who had many of them forsaken him) fell to fortifying his house, hoping to have defended him∣self there till Uguccione (to whom he had sent word of his condition) should come to his rescue. His houses, and Avenues were fortifi'd and barricado'd by him, and strengthen'd with such Garrisons of his friends, that though the people were very numerous and press'd hard to have enter'd them, they could not prevail. The Conflict was smart, many kill'd and wounded on both sides, and the people finding there was no entrance that way by force, got into the houses of his Neighbours, and through them they brake unexpectedly into his. Corso finding himself inviron'd by his Enemies, and no hopes of relief from Ugncci∣one, dispairing of Victory, he resolv'd to try what was possible for his Escape; advancing therefore with Gherardo Bondini and several other his most faithful and valiant friends, he charg'd so furiously upon his Enemies, that he brake them, and made his way thorow them (fighting) out of the P••••ta della Croce: Nevertheless being pursu'd, Gherardo was slain by Boccaccio Cavicciulli upon the Africa, and Corso was taken Prisoner at Rouezano by certain Spanish horsmen belonging to the Signoria. But, disdaining the sight of his Victorious Ene∣mies, and to prevent the torments which they would probably inflict, as they were bringing him back towards Florence, he threw himself off his horse, and was cut to pieces by one of the Company; his body was gather'd together by the Monks of S. Salvi, and bury'd, but without any solemnity.* 1.41 This was the sad end of that Magnanimous Person, to whom his Country, and the Neri, ow'd much both of their good fortune and ill; and doubtless had his mind been more Moderate, his memory would have been more honourable; however he de∣serves a place among the best Citizens this City did ever produce, though indeed the turbu∣lency of his Spirit caus'd his Country and party both to forget their obligations to him, and at length procur'd his death, and many mischiefs to them. Uguccione coming to the relief of his Son in Law as far as Remoli, and hearing he was taken by the people, presuming he could do him no good, to save his own stake, he return'd back as he came.

Corso being dead in the year 1308.* 1.42 all tumults ceas'd, and every body liv'd quietly till news was brought that Arrigo the Emperor was come into Italy with all the Florentin•• Exiles in his Company, whom he had promis'd to reinstate on their own Country. To obviate this, and lessen the number of their Enemies, the Magistrates thought fit of themselves to reinvite all those who had been rebels, but some few which were particularly excepted. Those which were excepted, were the greatest part of the Ghibilines, and some of the faction of the Bian∣chi, among which were Dante Aleghieri, the Sons of Veri de Cerchi, and Giano della Bella. They sent likewise to desire the assistance of Robert King of Naples, but not prevailing in an amicable way without terms, they gave him the Government of their City for five years, upon condition he would defend them as his subjects. The Emperour in his passage

came to Pisa, and from thence coasting along the shore, he went to Rome, where he was Crown'd in the year 1312; after which, addressing himself to the subduction of the Florentines, he marcht by the way of Perugia and Arezzo to Florence, and posted himself with his Army at the Monastery of St. Salvi, where he continued fifty days without any considerable exploit. Despairing of success against that City, he remov'd to Pisa, con∣federated with the King of Sicily to make an Enterprize upon Naples, and marched forward with his Army; but whilst he thought himself sure of Victory, and Robert gave himself for lost, the Emperour died at Buonconvento, and that Expedition miscarri'd. Not long after it fell out that Uguccione became Lord of Pisa, and by degrees of Lucca, where he joyn'd himself with the Ghibilines, and by the assistance of that faction, committed great depredations upon the Neighbours. The Florentines to free themselves from his Excursi∣ons, desir'd King Robert that his Brother Piero might have the Command of their Army. In the mean time Uguccione was not idle. To increase his numbers, and extend his domi∣nion, partly by force, and partly by stratagem, he had possess'd himself of many strong Ca∣stles in the Vallies of Arno, and Nievole, and having advanc'd so far as to besiege Monte Catini, the Florentines thought it necessary to Relieve it, left otherwise that Conflagra∣tion should consume their whole Country. Having drawn together a great Army, they March'd into the Val di Nievole, gave battel to Uguccione, and after a sharp sight, were de∣feated. In the battel, they lost 2000. men besides Piero the Kings Brother, whose body could never be found. Nor was the Victory on Uguccione's side without some qualification, he ha∣ving lost one of his Sons, and several Officers of Note. After this disaster, the Florentines fortifi'd at home as much as they could, and King Robert sent them a new General call'd the Conte di Andrea with the title of Conte Novello. By his deportment (or rather by the Genius of the Florentines, whose property it is to increase upon every settlement, and to fall afterwards into factions upon every accident) notwithstanding their present War with Uguc∣cione,* 1.43 they divided again, and some were for King Robert, and others against him. The chief of his Adversaries were Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and other popular familes, who had greatest interest in the Government. These persons sent first to France, and then into Germany, to raise men, and invite Officers, that by their assistance they might be able to rid themselves of their new Governour the Conte. But their fortune was ad∣verse, and neither could be procur'd. Nevertheless they gave not their Enterprize over, though they had been disappointed both in Germany and France; they found out an Officer in Agobbio; having driven out King Roberts Governour, they sent for Lando from Agobbio, and made him Essecutore, (or indeed Executioner) giving him ab∣solute power over their whole City.* 1.44 Laudo being naturally cruel and avaritious, march'd with arm'd men up and down the City, plundering this place, and killing in that, as those who sent for him gave him directions; and not content with this inso∣lence, he Coyn'd false money with the Florentine stamp, and no man had the power to oppose it; to such grandeur was he arriv'd by the dissention of the Citizens. Miserable certainly, and much to be lamented was the Condition of this City, which, neither the Consequences of their former divisions, their apprehension of Uguccione, nor the Au∣thority of a King was sufficient to unite. Abroad they were infested by Uguccione; at home they were pillag'd by Laudo; and yet no reconciliation. The Kings friends, many of the Nobility, several, great men of the Populace, and all the Guelfs, were Enemies to Laudo and his party. Nevertheless, the Adversary having the Authority in his hand, they could not without manifest danger discover themselves; however, that they might not be deficient in what they were able to do towards the freeing themselves of so dishonourable a Tyranny, they writ privately to King Robert, to intreat that he would make Conte Guido da Buttifolle his Lieutenant in Florence. The King granted their request, sent the Conte to them forthwith, and the adverse party (though the Signori also were Enemies to the King) had not the Courage to oppose him. But the Conte for all that, had not much Authority confer'd, because the Signori, and Gonfalo∣nieri of the Companies were favourers of Laudo and his accomplices. During these trou∣bles in Florence, the daughter of Alberto coming out of Germany, pass'd by the City in her way to her husband Charles Son to King Robert. She was very honourably received by such as were friends to the King, who complaining to her of the sad Condition of their City, and the Tyranny of Laudo and his party, she promis'd her assistance, and by the help of her interposition, and such as were sent thither from the King, the Citizens were re∣concil'd, Laudo depos'd from his Authority, and sent home to Agobbio full of treasure and blood. Laudo being gone, they fell to Reform, and the Signoria was confirm'd by the King for three years longer; and because before there were VII in the Senate of Laudo's party, VI new were chosen of the Kings, and they continu'd XIII. for sometime;

but they were reduced afterwards to VII their old number. About this time Ugucciene was driven out of Lucca, and Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a Citizen of Lucca, suc∣ceeded him in the Government; and being a brave and Couragious young Gentleman, and Fortunate in all his Undertakings,* 1.45 in a short time he made himself Chief of the Ghibilin faction in Tuscany. For this cause, laying aside their private discords, the Flo∣rentines for several years made it their business, first to obstruct the growth of Castruc∣cio's Power, and afterwards, (in case he should grow powerful against their will) to consider which way they were to defend themselves against him: and that the Signori might deliberate with more Counsel, and Execute with more Authority, they Created XII. Citizens (which they call'd Buonhuomini) without whose advice and concurrence the Signori were not to do any thing of importance. In the mean time the Authority of King Robert expir'd; the Government devolv'd once more upon the City, which set up the old Rectori and Magistrates as formerly, and their fear of Castruccio kept them Friends, and united. Castruccio after many brave things performed against the Lord's of Lunigiana, sat down before Prato: The Florentines alarm'd at the news, resolv'd to relieve it, and shut∣ting up their Shops, they got together in a confus'd and tumultuous manner about 20000 Foot and 1500 Horse; and to lessen the force of Castruccio and add to their own, Procla∣mation was made by the Signori, that what ever Rebel of the Guelfs should come in to the relief of Prato, should be restor'd afterwards to his Country: upon which Procla∣mation more than 4000 of the Guelfs came in and joyned with them, by which accession, their Army being become formidable, they march'd with all speed towards Prato, but Castruccio, having no mind to hazard a Battail against to considerable a force, drew off and retreated to Lucca. Upon his retreat, great Controversie arose in the Army betwixt the Nobility and the people. The people would have pursued, and fought in hopes to have overcome and destroyed him; the Nobility would return, alledging they had done e∣nough already in exposing Florence for the relief of Prato. That there being a necessity for that, it was well enough done, but now, no necessity being upon them, little to be gotten, and much to be lost, fortune was not to be tempted, nor the Enemy to be follow'd. Not being able to accord among themselves, the business was referred to the Signori, which consisting of Nobility and Commons, they fell into the same difference of opinion, which being known to the City, they assembled in great multitudes in the Piazza, threatning the Nobility highly, till at last they condescended. But their resolution coming too late, and many constrain'd to joyn in it against their persuasions, the Enemy had time, and drew safely off to Lucca. This difference put the people into such a huff against the Nobility, the Signori refus'd to perform the Promise they made to the Rebels which came in upon Proclamation, which the Rebels perceiving, they resolv'd to be before hand, if possible, and accordingly presented themselves at the Gates of the City to be admitted before the Army came up; but their design being suspected, miscarryed, and they were beaten back by those who were left in the Town: To try if they could obtain that by trea∣ty, which they could not compass by force, they sent eight Embassadors to the Signori, to commemorate to them the Faith they had given; the dangers they had run thereupon; and that it could not be unreasonable they should have their promised reward. The Nobi∣lity thought themselves obliged, having promis'd them particularly as well as the Signori, and therefore imploy'd all their interest for the advantage of the Rebels; but the Commons (be∣ing inrag'd that the Enterprize against Castruccio was not prosecuted as it might have been) would not consent; which turn'd afterwards to the great shame and dishonour of the City. The Nobility being many of them disgusted thereat, endeavoured that by force, which was denyed them upon applications; and agreed with the Guelfs, that if they would attempt their entrance without, they would take up Arms in their assistance within; but their Plot being discover'd the Day before it was to be Executed, when the banish'd Guelfs came to make their attack, they found the City in Arms, and all things so well dispos'd to repell them without and suppress those within, that none of them durst venture, and so the Enterprize was given over without any effort. The Rebels being departed, it was thought fit those Persons should be punish'd who invited them thither; nevertheless though every Body could point at the delinquents, yet no Body durst Name them, much more ac∣cuse them. That the truth might impartially be known, it was ordered that the Names of the Offendors should be written down; and deliver'd privately to the Captain; which being done, the Persons accused were Amerigo Donati, Teghiaio Frescobaldi, and Lo∣teringo Gherardini, whose Judges being now more favourable than (perhaps) their crime de∣serv'd, they were only condemn'd to pay a Sum of Money, and came off.

The tumults in Florence upon the alarm by the Rebels, demonstrated clearly that to the Company of the People one Captain was not sufficient; and therefore it was ordered for

the future, that every Company should have three or four, and every Gonfalonier two or three join'd to them, which should be call'd Pennonieri, that, in case of necessity, where the whole Company could not be drawn out, part of it might appear under one of the said Officers. And as it happens in all Common-wealths, after any great accident, some or o∣ther of the old Laws are abrogated, and others reviv'd to supply them, so the Signoria being at first but occasional and temporary, the Senators and Collegi then in being (having the power in their hands) took Authority upon themselves to make a Council of the Sig∣nori, which should sit forty Months for the future,* 1.46 their Names being to be put into a purse, and drawn out every two Months. But for as much as many of the Citizens were jealous their Names were not in the purse, there was a new Imborsation before the forty Months began. Hence it was, the custom of the purse had its Original, and was us'd in the Creation of their Magistrats, both at home and abroad, whereas formerly they were cho∣sen by a Council of the Successors, as the term of the Office began to expire. At first this way of election was call'd Imborsationi, and afterwards Squittini. And because every three, or at most five years, this custom was to be us'd,* 1.47 it was thought they had prevented great mischiefs to the City, occasion'd by multitude of Competitors, and tumults at every e∣lection of Magistrats, which tumults being to be corrected no way (in their Judgments) so readily, they pitched upon this, not discerning the evils which they conceal'd under so small a convenience. It was now in the year 1325. when Castruccio having seiz'd on Pistoia, was grown so considerable, that the Florentines (jealous of his greatness) resolv'd before he had setled his new conquest, to fall upon him, and recover it (if possible) out of his hands. Whereupon of Citizens and their Friends they assembled 20000 Foot, and 3000 Horse, and encamp'd before Alto Pascio, by taking it, to render the relief of Pistoia the more difficult. The Florentines took that pass, and when they had done, they march'd towards Lucca, forraging and wasting the Countrey. But by the Imprudence and Treache∣ry of their Commander, little progress was made. This Person (call'd Ramondo da Car∣dona) observing the Florentines to have been very liberal of their liberty, and to have confer'd the Government sometimes upon Kings, sometimes upon Legats, and sometimes upon more inferiour Persons; he thought with himself, that if he could bring them into any exigence, or distress, it might easily fall out that they would make him their Prince; to this purpose he frequently desir'd and press'd to have the same Authority invested in him in the City, as he had in the Army, otherwise he could not require nor expect that Obe∣dience which was necessary for a General. The Florentines not hearing on that Ear, their Captain proceeded but slowly,* 1.48 neglecting his time, as much as Castruccio improv'd it; for Castruccio having procur'd supplies from the Visconti, and other Princes of Lombardy, and made himself strong, Ramondo (who before lost his opportunity of conquering for want of fidelity) now lost the possibility of preserving himself, for want of discretion; for march∣ing up and down lazily with his Army, he was overtaken by Castruccio near Alto Pascio, assaulted, and after a long fight, broken to pieces; in which Action many Florentines were taken Prisoners and Kill'd, and their General among the rest, who receiv'd the reward of his infidelity and ill Counsel from Fortune her self, which had been more properly bestow'd by the hands of the Florentines. The calamities which Castruccio introduced upon the Floren∣tines after his Victory; the Depradations, Imprisonments, Ruin's, and Burnings, are not to be express'd; having no Body to oppose him, for several Months together, he went where, and did what he had a mind to, and the Florentines thought themselves happy, (af∣ter such a defeat) if they could save the City. Nevertheless they were not so desperatly low, but they made great provisions of Money, rais'd what Soldiers was possible, and sent to their Friends for assistance; but no providence was sufficient against such an Enemy: they were forc'd therefore to make choice of Carlo Duke of Calabria (the Son of King Robert) to be their Soveraign; If it would please him to undertake their defence; for that Family having been us'd to the Supremacy of that City, they promis'd him rather their Obedience, than Friendship. But Carlo being personally imploy'd in the Wars of Sicily, he sent Gual∣tieri (a French Man and) Duke of Athens,* 1.49 to take possession in his behalf. He as his Masters Leiutenant, took possession of the Government, and created Magistrats as he plea'sd. Not∣withstanding his behaviour was so modest, and in a manner so contrary to his own Nature, every one lov'd him. Having finish'd his War in Sicily, Charles came with a thousand Horse to Florence, and made his entry in Iuly 1326. His arrival gave some impediment to Castruccio, & kept him from rummaging up and down the Country with that freedom and security which he had formerly done. But what the City gain'd abroad, it lost at home, and when their Enemies were restrain'd, they became expos'd to the insolence and oppressi∣on of their Friends: for the Signori acting nothing without the consent of the Duke, in a years time he drain'd the City of four hundred thousand Florins, though in the Articles of

agreement it was expresly provided he should not exceed 200000. So great were the Impo∣sitions which he, or his Father laid upon the Town; and yet as if these were too few, their miseries were increas'd by an accumulation of new jealousies, and new Enemies. For the Ghibilines of Lombardy were so fearful of Carlos advance into Tuscany, that Galiazzo Vis∣conti, and the rest of the princes of Lombardy, with Money and fair Promises persuaded Lewis of Bavaria,* 1.50 (who had been Elected Emperour against the Popes will) to pass into Italy with an Army. Being arriv'd in Lombardy, he pass'd forward into Tuscany, made himself Master of Pisa by the assistance of Castruccio, and having receiv'd a considerable supply of Money there, he march'd on towards Rome: Whereupon Charles (being fear∣ful of his Kingdom) and leaving Philippo da Saginitto his Lieutenant in Florence, went Home with the Force he brought with him. Upon his departure, Castruccio seiz'd upon Pisa, and the Florentines got Pistoia by stratagem: Castruccio march'd immediatly to reco∣ver it, sat down before it, and manag'd his business with so much Conduct and resolution, that though the Florentines made many attempts to relieve it, both by Insults upon his Army, and incursions into his Country, their Attacks, and their diligences were all in∣effectual, they could not possibly remove him; for so firmly was he resolv'd to chastise the Pistoians, and weaken the Florentines, that the Pistoians were constrain'd to surrender, and receive him once more for their Lord; by which Action as he contracted much Ho∣nour and Renown,* 1.51 so he thereby contracted so much Sickness and Infirmity, that he di∣ed shortly after upon his return to Lucca. And, because one ill or good accident goes sel∣dome alone; Charles Duke of Calabria and Lord of Florence died at Naples much about the same time; so that in a very small space the Florentines were freed from the oppression of the one, and the apprehension of the other. They were no sooner free, but they fell to reforming,* 1.52 null'd all the Laws and Ordinances of the ancient Councils, and created two new, one of them consisting of three hundred of the Commons, the other of two hun∣dred both Commons and Gentlemen; the first was call'd the Council of the People, and the second the Common Council.

The Emperour being arriv'd at Rome, he created an Anti-Pope; decreed many things to the prejudice of the Church; and attempted more, which he was not able to carry; so that at length he removed (with no little disgrace) from Rome to Pisa, where, either dis∣daining his Conduct, or for want of their Pay, eight hundred German Horse mutiny'd, fortifi'd themselves at Monte Ariaro, and as he was departed from Pisa towards Lombardy, posses'd themselves of Lucca, and drave out Francisco Castracani, whom the Emperour had left Governour of the Town. Being Masters of that City, and their intentions to make what profit of it they could, they offered it to the Florentines for twenty thousand Florins, but by the advice of Simon della Tosa it was refus'd; this resolution would have been much to the advantage of our City, had the Florentines persever'd; but changing it afterwards, it prov'd much to their detriment; for refusing it at that time when they might have had it so cheap, they bad much more for it afterwards, and were denied it; which was the occasion that Florence chang'd its Government often, to its great inconvenience. Lucca, being re∣fus'd in this manner by the Florentines, was purchased for 30000 Florins by Gherardino Spinoli a Genovese, and (because People are more slow and indifferent in accepting what is offer'd, than in conceiving what is not) as soon as it was known to be bought by Ghe∣rardini, and at how cheap a rate, the Florentines were much troubled they had it not themselves, and blam'd all those who had any way discouraged them. To buy it being too late, they sought to gain it by force, and to that end sent their Army to over-run and spoil the Country about it. About this time the Emperour was return'd out of Ita∣ly, and the Pope, by Order of the Pisani, sent Prisoner into France. The Florentines up∣on the Death of Castruccio (which follow'd in the year 1328) till the year 1340 conti∣nued quiet at Home;* 1.53 Intent only upon their Wars abroad. In Lombardy upon the coming of Iohn King of Bohemia, and in Tuscany upon the account of Lucca; they adorn'd their City likewise with many new Buildings, and particularly the Tower of St. Reparata accord∣ing to the directions of Giolto the most Famous Painter in his time.* 1.54 Moreover, upon an inundation of the River Arnus in the year 1333 (in which the Water swelling twelve fa∣thoms high in some places of Florence carried away several Bridges, and many Houses were ruin'd) they repair'd all, with great care and expence. But in the year 1340 this tran∣quillity was disturb'd, and they had new occasion of alteration. The Grandees of the Ci∣ty had two ways to maintain, and increase their Authority. One was by ordering the Im∣borsations so, as the Magistracy should fall always either to them or their Friends. The o∣ther was by making themselves chief in the Elections of the Rettori, and thereby obliging them to be favourable to them afterwards in all their determinations. And of this second way they were so fond and conceited, that not content with two Rettori (as they had for∣formerly).

A while after they set up a third; with the Title of the Captain of the Guards, in which Office they plac'd Iacomo Gabrieli d' Agobbio,* 1.55 with absolute Power over the Citi∣zens. Iacomo in the sight of the Government, committed daily many Injuries, but more especially to Piero de Baldi, and Bardo Frescobaldi. Being Nobly descended, and by con∣sequence proud, they could not endure, to have a stranger do them wrong, in defiance of their other Magistrates. To revenge themselves of him; and the Government, they enter'd into a Conspiracy with several Noble, and Popular Families in the City, who were disgusted with their Tyranny. The manner concluded upon was, that every one should get as ma∣ny Arm'd Men into his House as he could, and that on All-Saints Day in the Morning, when all the People were at Mass, they should take Arms, kill the Captain, and the chief of their Governours, and afterwards make new Magistrates, and new Laws for the State. But because dangerous enterprizes, the more considered, are always the less willingly under∣taken; it happens that Plots which allow too much time for their Execution, are gene∣rally discover'd: There being among the Conspirators a Gentleman call'd Andrea di Bar∣di, whose fear of Punishment prevailing upon him, beyond his desire of Revenge, he be∣tray'd all to Iacomo Alberti, his Kinsman, Iacomo imparted it immediatly to the Priori, and the Priori to the Governors. And because the design was so near Execution, All-Saints day being at hand, many of the Citizens assembled in the Palace, and judging it unsafe to defer, they would needs persuade the Signori to cause the great Bell to be rung, and the People commanded to their Arms. Taldo Valori was at that time Gonfaloniere, and Fran∣cisco Salviati one of the Signori. Being Relations of the Bardi they dissuaded the sounding of the Bell, alledging it was not secure to Arm the People upon trivial Occasions, because Authority given to them, without some power reserv'd to restrain them, was never known to produce any good, and that it was much easier to raise a Tumult, than to suppress it. They judg'd it better therefore to inquire farther into the verity of the thing, and punish it rather Civilly (if it appear'd to be true) than in a furious and tumultuous manner to cor∣rected it, perhaps with the destruction of the whole City. But these Arguments serv'd not the turn, but with Vilanous language, and Insolent behaviour the Signori were constrain'd to cause the Bell to be rung, upon which the People immediately took Arms, and away to the Piazza. The Bardi, and Frescobaldi perceiving they were discover'd, and resolving to o∣vercome with Honour or die without Shame, betook themselves to their Arms, hoping they would be able to defend that part of the City beyond the Bridge where their Houses were; whereupon they broke down the Bridges, and fortifi'd themselves, till they should be reliev'd by the Nobility of the Country, and other Persons their Friends. But that de∣sign was frustrated by the People which lived among them in the same part of the City, who took up Arms for the Signori; finding themselves entermixt, and that design not like to succeed, they abandon'd the Bridges, and retreated to the Street where the Bardi dwelt, as stronger than the rest, where they made a most valient defence. Iacomo d' Agobbio knew well enough that all this Conspiracy was against him; and having no great inclination to be kill'd, in a terrible fright, with his hair standing right up, he ran to the Palace of the Signori, and secur'd himself among the thickest of the Arm'd Men. The other of the Ret∣tori,* 1.56 though not so conscious, were much more couragious, especially the Podesta call'd Maffeo da Maradi, who presenting himself where they were fighting, and passing the Bridge Ru∣baconte, threw himself undauntedly among the Swords of the Bardi, and made a sign for a Parly. Upon which, out of reverence to his Person, his Courage and good qualities, they let fall their Arms, and stood quietly to attend him. In a modest and grave harangue he blam'd their proceedings; remonstrated the danger they were in, if they did not yield to the indignation of the People; he gave them hopes likewise of a fair hearing, and a merci∣ful sentence, and promis'd his intercession for them; then returning to their Signori he per∣suaded that they would not use extremities, and conquer with the loss of so many Citi∣zens lives; nor condemn without hearing. In short, so far he obtain'd, that by consent of the Signori, Baldi, Frescobaldi and their Friends left the City, and retir'd to their Castles without any Impediment. They being gone, and the People disarm'd, the Signori pro∣ceeded only against such of the Families of the Baldi and Frescobaldi as had taken Arms, and to lessen their Power, they bought the Castles of Mangona, and Vernia of the Bardi, and made a Law that no Citizen should for the future possess any Castle within twenty miles of Florence. Not many months after Stialta Frescobaldi, and several others of that Fami∣ly were beheaded, having been proclaim'd Rebels before. But it was not sufficient for these Governours to have conquer'd and suppress'd the Baldi and Frescobaldi; like other People (whose insolence for the most part increases with their Power) they grew impe∣rious as they grew strong. Whereas, before the Florentines had only one Captain of the Guards to afflict them, they chose another now for the Country, investing him with great

Authority, that those Persons whom they suspected, might not be suffered to live quietly either within the City o•• without▪ and besides this they abus'd and provok'd the Nobility in such manner, that they were ready to Sacrifice, and ••ell both themselves and City to be rev••ng'd, and watching for an occasion, they met one, and improv'd it. By the many troubles in Lombardy, and Tuscany, Lucca was fallen under the Dominion of Mastino del∣la Seala Lord of Verona, who ingaged to deliver it up to the Florentines, but did not per∣form; for being Lord of Parma he thought himself able to keep it, and valued not the breach of his Faith. The Florentines, in revenge, joyn'd with the Venetians, and made such war upon him, he had well ••igh lost most of his territory; but the Florentines got little by it, more than the satisfaction to have distress'd Mastino: for the Venetian (accord∣ing to the practice of all States when enter'd into League with People less powerful than themselves •• having taken Trevigi, and Vicenza; ••ade a peace without any regard to the Florentines. A while after, the Visconti Lords of Milan, having taken Parma from Ma∣stino, conceiving himself unable to keep Lucca any longer, he resolv'd to sell it. The Flo∣rentines and the P••san•• were competitors in the purchase, and whilst the bargain was dri∣ving, the Pisan•• perceiving th•• Florent••nes like to carry it, in respect that they were the more wealthy of the two;* 1.57 they betook themselves to force, and joyning with the Visconti, they sat down before it. The Florentines not at all discourag'd, proceeded in their bar∣gain, and having concluded their terms, they paid down part of the Money to Mastino, and giving Hostages for the rest, the Town was to be deliver'd, whereupon Naddo Ruc∣cellat, Giovanni di Bernardino de Medi••i, and Rosso d•• Ricci••rdo de Ricci, were sent to take possession, who passing by force into Lucc••, they were receiv'd by Mastino, and the Town deliver'd up into their hands. However, the Pisan•• continued their siege, and endea∣vour'd by all possible industry to gain it by force. The Florentines on the other side were as solicitous to relieve it, but after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 long War, with great dishonor, and the loss of their Money,* 1.58 they were driven out of it, and the Town became subject to the Pisans. The loss of this City (as in such cases doth frequently happen) put the People of Florence into a Mutiny against their Governors, so that in all places they upbraided the conduct and ad∣ministration of their Superiors. At the beginning of the War the management of the Mili∣tary affairs was committed to XX. Citizens, who made Maletesta di Rimini their General, who having executed his Command with little courage, and less discretion, they apply'd themselves to Robert King of Naples for assistance. In complyance with their request, King Robert sent them supplies under the Command of Gualtieri Duke of Athens,* 1.59 who (the Hea∣vens ordaining that all things should concur to their future misery) arriv'd at Florence at the very time when the Enterprize of Lucca was ••tterly lost. The XX Governors of the Militia, seeing the People inrag'd, thought by choosing a new General, either to inspire them with new hopes, or take away the occasion of their obloquy; and because their fears were still upon them, that the Duke of Athens might defend them the better, they first made him Conservator, and afterwards General. The Nobility, upon the reasons above said, being highly discontented, and many of them retaining a correspondence with Gualtieri ever since he was Gove••••or of Florence in the behalf of Charles Duke of Cala∣bria, they began to think now was their tim•• to wreck their malice, and to ruine the Ci∣ty, believing there was no way left them to subdue the People who had insulted so long, but by subjecting them to a Prince, who knowing the Generosity of the Nobless, and the insolence of the Commons, might recompense both according to their deserts; besides they presum'd it would be something meritorious, if upon their motion, and by their coopera∣tion he acquir'd the Government. In pursuane of this design, they had many private meet∣ings, in which they prest him to take the Government wholly into his hands, and they would assist him to the utmost. Nor were the Nobility alone in this business, some of the Popular families (as the Peruzzi, Acciaivoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi) joyn'd them∣selves with them; for being much in debt, and unable out of their own Estates to clear themselves, they Plotted against other Peoples, and to free themselves of their Creditors, made no scruple of enslaving their Country. These persuasions exasperated the Ambiti∣on of the Duke, who, to gain the reputation among the people of being just and exact, per∣secuted those who had the management of the Wars against Lucca, caus'd Giovan de Me∣dici, Naddo Ruccellai, and Gulielmo Altoviti to be put to death, banish'd several others, and others he fined. These executions startled the middle sort of the Citizens, only the Grandees, and the Common People were satisfi'd; the last▪ out of their natural pleasure in mischief, the first to see themselves so handsomly reven'gd for the insolencies they had receiv'd from the People. Whereupon, when ever the Duke appear'd in the streets, he was pursued with acclamations, and applauses of his integrity, every one exhorting him to go on in finding out, and punishing the fraud•• of their Neighbours. The Authority

of the XX. was much lessen'd, the Dukes reputation increas'd, and a general fear of him overspread the whole City; so that to show their affections towards him, all People caus'd his Arms to be painted upon their Houses, and nothing but the bare title was wanting to make him a Prince. Being now in a condition (as he thought) of attempting any thing securely, he caus'd it to be signifi'd to the Senate, that for the good of the Publick he judg'd it necessary they should transfer their Authority upon him, and that (seeing the whole City approv'd it) he desir'd he might have their resignation. The Signori, having long foreseen the ruine of their Country approaching, were much troubled at the message: They were sensible of the danger they were in, yet not to be deficient in any Act of duty to their Country, they refus'd him couragiously. As a pretence and specimen of his Religion, and humility, the Duke had taken up his quarters in the Monastery of St. Croce, and being desi∣rous to give the finishing stroke to his wicked designs, he by Proclamation requir'd all the People to appear before him the next morning in the Piazza belonging to that Monastery. This Proclamation alarmed the Signori more than his message, whereupon joyning them∣selves with such as were lovers both of their liberty and Country, upon consideration of the Power of the Duke, and that their force was insufficient, it was resolv'd they should address themselves to him in an humble and supplicatory way, to try if by their P••ayers they might prevail with him to give his Enterprize over, or else to execute it with more moderation. All things being concluded, part of the Signori were sent to attend him, and one of them accosted him in this manner.* 1.60 My Lord, we are come hither, mov'd first by your Proposal, and next by your Proclamation for assembling the People, presuming your resolution is to obtain that by force, to which upon private application we have not consented: it is not our design to oppose force against force, but rather to remonstrate the burden and heaviness of that load you would take upon your self, and the dangers which will probably occur. And this we do, that you may hereafter remember, and di∣stinguish betwixt ours, and the Counsel of such as advise the contrary, not so much out of respect and deference to your advantage, as for the venting their own private fury and revenge. Your endeavour is to bring this City into servitude, (which has always liv'd free) because the Government has been formerly given by us to the Kings of Naples, whereas that was rather an association, than a subjection. Have you consider'd how important and dear the Name of Liberty is to us? A thing, no force can extirpate, no time can ex∣tinguish, nor no merit preponderate. Think, Sir, I beseech you, what Power will be ne∣cessary to keep such a City in subjection. All the strangers you can entertain will not be sufficient; those which are Inhabitants you cannot prudently trust; for though at pre∣sent they are Friends, and have push'd you forward upon this resolution, yet, as soon as they have glutted themselves upon their Enemies, their next Plot will be to expel you, and make themselves Princes. The People, in whom your greatest confidence is placed, will turn, upon every slight accident, against you, so that in a short time you will run a hazzard of having the whole City your Enemies, which will infallibly be the ruine both of it and your self; because those Princes only can be secure, whose Enemies are but few, and they easily remov'd either by banishment or death; but against universal hatred there is no security, because the spring and fountain is not known, and he that fears every Man, can be safe against no Man. If yet you persist, and take all possible care to perserve your self, you do but encumber your self with more danger, by exciting their hatred, and making them more intent and serious in their revenge. That time is not able to eradicate our de∣sire of Liberty, is most certain. We could mention many good Cities in which it has been reassum'd by those who never tasted the sweetness of it, yet upon the bare character and tradition of their Fathers, they have not only valu'd, but fought and contended to re∣cover it, and maintain'd it afterwards against all difficulties and dangers. Nay, should their Fathers have neglected, or forgot to recommend it, the publick Palaces, the Courts for the Magistrats, the Ensigns of their freedom (which are of necessity to be known by all Citizens) would certainly proclaim it. What action of yours can counterpoize a∣gainst the sweetness of Liberty? For what can you do to expunge the desire of it out of the Hearts of the People? Nothing at all, no, though you should add all Tuscany to this State, and return every day into this City with new victory over your Enemies. The Honor would be yours, not ours; and the Citizens have gain'd fellow-servants rather than subjects. Nor is it the power of your deportment to establish you. Let your Life be never so exact, your conversation affable, your judgments just, your liberality ne∣ver so conspicuous, all will not do, all will not gain you the affections of the People; if you think otherwise, you deceive your self, for to People that have liv'd free, every link is a load, and every bond a burthen. And to find a state violently acquir'd, to accord quietly with its Prince (though never so good) is impossible; of necessity one must

comply and frame it self to the other, or else one must ruine and destroy the other. You have this therefore to consider, whether you will hold this City by violence (for which all the Guards and Citadels within, and all the friends could be made abroad, have been many times too weak •• or be content with the Authority we give you, to which last we do rather advise, because no Dominion is so durable as that which is voluntary, and the other (however your ambition may disguise it) will but conduct you to a height, where being neither able to advance, nor continue, you must tumble down of necessity, to your own great detriment as well as ours. But the Dukes heart was too hard for such impres∣sions as these.* 1.61 He reply'd, That it was not his intention to extirpate, but to establish their Liberty: that Cities divided were the only Cities that were servile, and not those that were united. That if he by his conduct could clear their City of their Schisms, Ambitions, and Animosities, he could not be said to take away, but to restore their liberty. That he did not assume that Office out of any ambition of his own, but accepted it at the importunity of several of the Citizens, and that they would do well to consent themselves, as their fel∣lows had done. That as to the dangers he was like to incur, he did not consider them; It was the part of an ignoble Person to decline doing good, for fear of evil that might follow; and of a Coward to lay aside a glorious Enterprize, upon the meer doubtfulness of the success. That he hop'd so to demean himself, that they should in a short time confess, they had fear'd him too much, and trusted him too little. The Senate finding by this answer no good was to be done, consented the People should meet next morning, as appointed, and the Government by their Authority to be transfer'd upon the Duke for a year, with the same conditions it had been formerly given to the Duke of Calabria. On the 8th. of September 1342.* 1.62 The Duke, accompany'd by Giovan della Tossa, all his Consorts, and many Citizens besides, coming into the Piazza, taking the Senate with him, he mounted upon the Ringhieria, (which are the Stairs at the foot of the Palagie de Signori) and caus'd the Articles of agreement betwixt the Senate and Him to be read. When the Person who read them came to the place where the Government was mentioned to be given to him for a year, the People cry'd out, For his Life, For his Life. Francesco Rustichesi, one of the Sig∣nori, rose up to have spoke, and endeavor'd to compose the tumult; but he was interrup∣ted, and could nor be heard. So that he was chosen Lord by consent of the People, not for a year, but for ever, and afterwards taken and carried thorow the multitude with gene∣ral acclamation.* 1.63 It is a custom among the Florentines that whoever is intrusted with the Guard of their Palace, is to be shut up in it in the absence of the Signori. That trust was at that time in the hands of Rinieri di Giolto, who being corrupted by some of the Dukes Creatures, receiv'd him into the Palace without any constraint. The Senate being surpriz'd, and much affronted, return'd to their Houses, left the Palace to be plundred by the Dukes servants, the Gonfalone del Populo to be turn'd out, and the Dukes Standard to be set up, all which were immediatly done to the inestimable trouble of all good Men, but to the joy and satisfaction of those who maliciously or ignorantly had consented to his exaltation. The Duke was no sooner setled in his Dominion, but to suppress their Authority, who were the greatest propugnators of their liberty, he forbid the Signori to meet in the Palace, and con∣sign'd them a private house.* 1.64 He took away the Ensigns from the Gon••alonieri of the com∣panies of the People. He discharg'd all Prisoners, he recall'd the Baldi and Frescobaldi from banishment, prohibited the wearing of arms; and to defend himself within, he made what friends he could abroad: to that purpose he caress'd the Aretini and all others which depended any way upon the Florentines jurisdiction. He made a peace with the Pi∣sani (though he was become a Prince) that with the more advantage he might make War with them afterward. He took away their Bills and assignments from the Merchants, who had lent the Sate money in their War with Lucca. He increas'd the old Gabells, and im∣pos'd new. He dissolv'd the Authority of the Signori, and in their places he set up three Ret∣tori, Barglione da Perugia, Guglielmo da Soesi, and Cerretieri Bisdomini, with whom he constantly advised. The Taxes he laid upon the People were great, his judgments unjust, and that humanity and preciseness which he counterfeited at first, was now turn'd most ma∣nifestly into cruelty and pride, by which means many Citizens of the more Noble and Wealthy sort, were Condemn'd, Executed, and some time Tortur'd. And that his Go∣vernment might be as unsupportable abroad as at home, he instituted six new Rettori for the regiment of the Country, who carryed themselves with the same insolence and oppressi∣on there, as he did in the City. He was jealous of the Nobility; though he had been of∣ten oblig'd by them, and some of them had been recall'd from their banishment by him; yet he could not imagine it compatible with the generosity of a Noble Spirit to submit and truckle to him. Hence it was, he apply'd himself to the People, cajoling them, and scru∣ing into their favour, by which and his power abroad, he doubted not to be able to justifie

his proceedings, how unjust and Tyrannical so ever. The month of May being come, in which the People were wont to make merry; he caus'd the inferiour sort of the People to be dispos'd into several Companies, gave them Ensigns and mony, and honoured them with splendid titles, so that half of the City went up and down feasting and junketting a∣mong their Brethren, while the other half was as busie to entertain them. The fame of his new Dominion being spread abroad, many Persons of French extraction repair'd to him, and he prefer'd them all, as the most faithful of his friends; so that in a short time Flo∣rence was not only subject to the Frenchmen, but to the French customs and garb; all People, Men as well as Women, without respect of indecency or inconvenience, imita∣ting them in all things; But that which was incomparably the most displeasing, was the violence he and his Creatures us'd to the Women, without any regret. Upon these provo∣cations the Citizens were full of indignation. It troubled them to see the Majesty of their Government prostitute and ruin'd; It troubl'd them to see Ordinances abolish'd; their Laws abrogated; honest conversation corrupted, and civil modesty dispised; for they who had never been accustom'd to any regal pomp whatsoever, could not without sor∣row behold the Duke environ'd with his Guards both on foot and on horse-back. But their destruction being in his hands, they were necessitated to dissemble, and to court and honor him outwardly whom they hated at their hearts; another inducement was the fear they had conceiv'd upon the frequent executions, and continual taxes with which he im∣poverish'd and exhausted the City; and the Duke understood very well both their fear, and their anger. It happen'd that Mattco di Morrozzo, to ingratiat with the Duke, or to disintangle himself, had discover'd to him a certain Plot which the house of Medici and some others had contriv'd against him.* 1.65 The Duke was so far from inquiring into the matter, that he caus'd the informer to be put to death, by which act he discourag'd such as would otherwise have advertis'd him, upon occasion, and animated those who were dis∣pos'd to destroy him. He likewise caus'd the tongue of B••toni Cini to be pull'd out with such cruelty that he died of it, and for no other cause but that he had spoke against the taxes, which he impos'd upon the City. This last outrage compleated the rest; the People grew perfectly mad, and the Duke perfectly odious: for that City, which was accustomed heretofore to speak of every thing freely, and to do what they listed, could not possibly brook to have their hands tyed, and their mouths stop'd up by a stranger. Their fury and passion increasing at this rate, not only the Florentines (who neither know how to maintain liberty, nor endure slavery) were incens'd, but the most servile Nation in the World would have been inflam'd to have attempted the recovery of its freedom. Whereupon many Citizens of all qualities and degrees resolv'd to destroy him; and it fell out, that, at the same time, three Conspiracies were on foot by three sorts of People, the Grandees, the People, and Artificers. Besides the General oppression, each party had its peculiar reason. The Nobility were not restor'd to the Government; the People had lost it;* 1.66 and the Arti∣ficers trade was decay'd. The Archbishop of Florence, Agnolo Acciaivoli, had in his Sermons highly magnifi'd the qualities of the Duke, and procur'd him great favour among the People; but after he was Governor, and his tyranny became notorious, they found how the Arch∣bishop had deluded them. To make them amends for the fault he had committed, he thought nothing could be more reasonable, than that the same hand that gave them the wound should endeavour to cure it, and therefore he, made himself head of the first and most consider∣able Conspiracy, in which were ingag'd with him the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali, Al∣toviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. The Principals of the second Conspiracy were Manno and Corso Donati, and with them the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cerchi, and Albizzi. Of the third Antonio Adimari was the head, and with him the Medici, Bordini, Ruccellai, and Aldobrandini. Their design was to have kill'd him in the house of the Albizzi, whi∣ther it was suppos'd he would go on Midsummer day to see the running of the Horses; but he went not that day, and that design was lost. The next proposition was, to kill him as he was walking in the streets, but that was found to be difficult, because he went always well arm'd, and well attended, and his motions being various and uncertain, they could not tell where it was most proper to way-lay him. Then it was debated to slay him in the Council, but that also was not without danger, because though they should kill him, they must of necessity remain at the mercy of his Guards. Whilst these things were in de∣bate among the Conspirators, Antonio Adimari, in hopes of assistance from them, disco∣ver'd the Plot to some of his Friends in Siena, told them the Principal of the Conspirators, and assur'd them the whole City were dispos'd to redeem themselves; whereupon one of the Siennesi communicated the whole business to Francesco Brunelleschi (not with in∣tention to have betraid it, but in presumption he had been privy to it before) and Franc••s∣co, out of fear, or malice to some that were ingag'd in it, discover'd all to the Duke. Pagolo

de Mazzeccha, and Simon de Monterapoli being immediatly apprehended, they confess'd the whole matter, with the number and quality of the Conspirators; at which the Duke was much surpriz'd, and counsel being given him, rather to summon the Conspirators to appear, than to secure them abruptly (because if they fled of themselves, he would be as safe without scandal) he summon'd Adimari, who appear'd in confidence of the num∣ber of his Accomplices. Adimari was arrested, and the Duke advis'd by Francesco Brunel∣leschi, and Uguccione Buondelmonti, to betake himself to his arms, and go up and down to their houses, and kill all of them they met. But, his force in the Town was Judg'd too small, for that resolution, and therefore he pitch'd upon another, which (had it succeeded) would have secured him against his Enemies, and provided him with Men. The Duke was wont upon any great Emergencies, to call the chief Citizens together, and to advise with them. Having first sent to prepare what force he was able, he caus'd a list of three hundred Citizens to be made, and deliver'd to his Sergeants, to summon them to Council by their Names, resolving when they were met, to kill, or imprison them as he pleas'd. Antonio Adimari being secur'd, and so many great Citizens summon'd (which could not be done without noise) many of them (and especially those who were conscious) began to su∣spect, and some refus'd absolutely to obey. The list having been brought to them all, and perus'd by every one of them, they began to understand, and incourage one another to take Arms, and dye manfully like Men, rather than be driven quietly like sheep to the slaughter: so that in few hours all the Conspiracies were known, and the Conspirators u∣nited: holding Counsel among themselves, it was concluded, that the next day being the 26 of Iuly 1343. a tumult should be rais'd in the old Market-place, upon which all were to take Arms, and excite the people to liberty. The next day, the Signal being given by sounding a Bell (as it was agreed before) every Body took Arms, and crying out Li∣berty, Liberty, the People betook themselves to their Arms likewise, and fell to fortify in their several Quarters, under their respective Ensigns, which was done by the contrivance of the Conspirators.* 1.67 The chief of all Families, both Nobility, and People met, and took an Oath to live and die with one another in the destruction of the Duke (except only the Buondelmonti, the Cavalcanti, and the four Families of the People, which consented to make him Prince, who, with the Butchers and Rascality of the City, ran down arm'd to the Pi∣azza in defence of the Duke.) The Duke, alarm'd at these proceedings, fortifi'd his Pa∣lace, call'd home his Servants, which were lodg'd in several parts of the Town, and sally∣ing forth with them on Horseback towards the Market-place, they were many times as∣saulted by the way, and many of them slain, being forced back, and recruited with 300 fresh Horse, he was in doubt with himself, whether he had best fall upon them again, or stand upon his guard; and in the mean time the Medici, Cavicciulli, Ruccellai, and other families that were most disoblig'd by the Duke, were in no less fear, that if he should make a sally, many who had taken Arms against him in the uproar, would show themselves his friends; desirous therefore to keep him from sallying, and by that means, increasing his numbers, drawing what force together they were able, they advanc'd towards the Market, place, where some of their fellow Citizens had posted themselves indefence of the Duke. The Citizens which were there in the front, and had appear'd first for their Prince, seeing them∣selves so briskly confronted, chang'd their sides, left their Duke in the lurch, and joyn'd with their fellow Citizens, all but Uguccione Buondelmonti, who retired into the Palace, and Giannozzo Cavalcanti, who retreating with some of his party into the New-Market, and getting upon a bench made an earnest speech, exhorting the People to stand firm to the Duke, and having got more force to him, to fright them (if his perswasion fail'd) he threat∣ned to kill them all, Man, Woman, and Child, if they joyn'd or persisted in any design a∣gainst him. But seeing no body follow him, nor no body near to chastise him for his in∣solence, perceiving he had troubled himself hitherto in vain, he resolv'd to tempt his for∣tune no farther, and so retir'd peaceable to his house. The conflict, in the mean time, in the Market-place, betwixt the People and the Dukes party was great, and though the Dukes Creatures were reinforc'd from the Palace, yet they were beaten, part taken Prisoners, and part leaving their Horses to their Enemies, got on foot into the Palace. Whilst the contest continu'd in the Market-place, Corso, and Amerigo Donati, with part of the People broke up the Stinche, burn'd the Records of the Potesta, and publick Chamber, sack'd the Houses of the Rettori, and kill'd all the Dukes Officers they could meet with. The Duke on the other side, finding he had lost the Piazza, the whole City was become his Enemy, and no hopes left him of being reliev'd, He resolv'd to try if by any act of kindness or huma∣nity he might work upon the People. Calling his Prisoners (therefore) to him, with fair and gentle language he gave them their liberty, and made Antonio Adimari a Knight, (though not at all to his satisfaction) he caus'd his Ensign to be taken down, and the Stan∣dard

of the People to be set up upon the Palace. Which things being done unseasonably, and by force, they avail'd but little. In this manner he remain'd block'd up in his Palace, not at all delighted with his condition; having coveted too much formerly, he was now like to lose all, and in a few days was in danger of being famish'd or slain. The Citi∣zens, to give some form to their Government, assembled themselves in the S. Reparata, and created XIV. Citizens (half of the Nobility, and half of the People) who with their Bishop should have full Power to model and reform the State as they pleas'd. The Autho∣rity of the Potesta they committed to VI Persons of their own election, which they were to exercise till he that was elected should come. There were at that time many strangers resorted to Florence, in assistance to that City, among the rest the Siennesi had sent six Em∣bassadors (of honorable condition in their own Countrey) to negotiat a peace betwixt the Duke and the People. The People refus'd any overture, unless Guglielmo da Scesi, his Son, and Cerrettieri Bisdomini were deliver'd into their hands, which the Duke obstinatly de∣ny'd, till the threats of those who were shut up with him in the Palace constrain'd him to consent. Greater, doubtless, is the insolence and contumacy of the People, and more pernicious the mischiefs which they do, whilst they are in pursuit of their Liberty, than when they have acquir'd it. Guglielmo and his Son were brought forth, and deliver'd up a∣mong thousands of their Enemies; his Son was a young Gentleman, not yet arriv'd at eighteen years of age; yet neither his youth, his comliness, nor innocence were able to preserve him; those who could not get near enough to do it whilst he was alive, wounded him when he was dead; and as if their swords had been partial, and executed the dictates of their fury with too much moderation, they fell to it with their teeth, and their hands, biting his flesh, and tearing it to pieces. And that all their Senses might participate in their revenge, having feasted their ears upon their groans, their eyes upon their wounds, and their touch upon their bowels (which they rent out of their bodies with their hands) their taste must (likewise) be treated and regal'd, that their inward parts, as well as their outward, might have a share of the Ragoust. This Barbarous outrage, how fatal soever it was to them two, was very lucky to Cerrettieri, for the People being tyr'd in the formali∣ties of their execution, forgot they had any more to punish, and left him in the Palace, not so much as demanded, from whence the next night he was safely convey'd by his Relations, and friends. The People having satiated themselves upon the Blood of those two, the peace was concluded;* 1.68 the Duke to depart safely himself, and all that belong'd to him, for which he was to renounce all his Claim and Authority in Florence, and to ratify his renunciation when he came out of the Florentine Dominions to Casentino. The Articles being agreed, on the VI. of August, attended by a multitude of Citizens, the Duke departed from Florence, and arriv'd at Casentino, where he ratify'd the renuntiation, but so unwillingly, that had not Conte Simone threatned to carry him back to Florence, it had never been done. This Duke (as his actions demonstrate) was covetous, cruel, difficult of access, and insolent in his answers. Not being so much effected with the kindness and benevolence of People, as with their servitude and servility;* 1.69 he chose to be fear'd rather than belov'd. Nor was the shape and contexture of his Body less contemptible, than his manners were odious. He was very little, exceeding black, his beard long and thin, not apart about him, but concurr'd to make him despicable. In this manner the exhorbitancies of his administration in ten Months time depriv'd him of his Dominion, which had been plac'd upon him by the Coun∣sels of ill Men. These accidents happening thus in the City, all the Towns under the juris∣diction of Florence, took courage, and began to stand up for their liberty; so that in a short time Arrezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle St. Gimignano rebell'd, and the whole territory of Florence (after the example of its Metropolis) recover'd its freedom. After the Duke and his Creatures were removed, the XIV. chief Citizens, and the Bishop, consulting together, thought it better to pacify the People with peace, than to provoke them again by War, and therefore pretended to be as well pleas'd with their liberty as their own. They sent Embassadors therefore to Arrezzo, to renounce the Authority they had over them, and to enter into an alliance of amity with them, that though they might not hereafter command them as subjects, they might (upon occasion) make use of them as friends. With the rest of the Cities, they made as good terms as they could, retaining amity with them all. This resolution being prudently taken, succeeded very happily; for in a few months Arrezzo, and all the other Towns return'd to their Obedience, and it is frequent∣ly seen, to decline, or renounce things voluntarily, is the way to gain them more readily, and with less danger and expence, than to pursue them with all the passion and impetuo∣sity in the World. Affairs abroad being compos'd in this manner, they apply'd them∣selves to a settlement at home, and after some debates and alterations betwixt the Nobility and the People, it was concluded the third part of the Signoria ••r Senat should consist

of the Nobility, and half the other Magistracies to be executed by them. The City (as is said before) was divided into six parts, out of which sixth, six Signori were chosen, (one out of every sixth) only by accident now and then their number was increas'd to XII. or XIII.* 1.70 and reduc'd it again to six afterwards; at length they resolv'd to reform in that parti∣cular, either because the Sesti or sixths were ill distributed, or else (designing more Au∣thority to the Nobility) they thought it convenient to increase the number of the Senators. Hereupon they divided the City into Quarters, and in every Quarter, three Signori were created, to superinspect it. The Gonfaloniere della Iustitia, and Gonfalonieri of the Popular Companies, were laid aside, and instead of them they created XII. Buon-Huomini, and VIII. Consiglieri, four of each sort.

The Common Wealth being setled in this Method, might have continued quiet and happy, had the Grandees been contented to have fram'd it themselves to such modesty of Conversation as is requisit in a Civil Government. But their practices were quite contrary; when they were but private Persons, no Body was good enough to be their Companions, and being in Office, scarce any too good to be their Subjects, every day producing new instances of their Arrogance and Pride, insomuch that the People were exceedingly troubl'd, to consider with what impatience and fury they had remov'd one Tyrant to make room for a thousand. In this manner things stood at that time, the insolence of one side, and the indignation of the other fermenting to that degree, that the Chief of the People (complain∣ing of the Enormity of their great Ones, and their haughtiness to the People and to the Bi∣shop) desir'd that he would be an instrument to restrain the Grandees to their share in the other Offices, and effect that the Senate might consist only of the People. The Bishop was naturally a good Man, but easie and unconstant; from that unconstancy of temper it was, that his Associats first wrought upon him to favour the Duke of Athens, and afterwards persuaded him against him: in the late Reformation he appear'd highly for the Nobility, now upon the instance and solicitation of the Popular Citizens, he was as earnest for the People, and supposing to have found the same irresolution in other People, as was eminent in himself, he fancy'd himself able to prevail with the Nobility to consent. Hereupon con∣voking the XIV. (who were as yet in possession of their Authority,) with the best lan∣guage he could use, he exhorted them to resign the dignity of the Senate to the People, if they bare any respect to the tranquillity of the City, or their own safety and preservation. But these Words wrought a contrary effect in the minds of the Nobility Ridolfo de Bardi repre∣hending him very smartly, upbraided the Levity and Treachery of his behaviour with the Duke, and concluded at last, that the Honours and imployments they were in, they had ac∣quir'd with hazzard, and would defend them with the same; and in this squable he and his Brethren left the Bishop, and went to the rest of the Nobility to communicate with them. The People were made acquainted with their answer on the otherside, and whilst the Gran∣dees were providing what strength they could for the defence of their Senators, the Com∣mons thought it no time to attend for Orders, but ran immediatly to their Arms, and with them to the Palace, calling out to the Nobility to renounce. The noise and tumult were great; the Signori found themselv••s forsaken; for the Grandees finding the People univer∣sally in Arms, durst not appear, but kept themselves close at home as obscurely as they could: whereupon the Popular Senators, endeavouring to pacifie the People, alledg'd that they were honest and good Men, and prevail'd (though with great difficulty) that they might be sent safe to their houses.* 1.71 The Senators of the Nobility being dismiss'd, the Office was taken away from the four Grand Cou••sellors, and transfer'd upon XII. of the People, and the eight Popular Senators which remain'd. They restor'd the Gonfaloniere della Iustitia, and XVI. Gonfalonieri of the Companies of the People, and re••orm'd all Counsels in such manner that the Government remain'd entirely in the People. When those exorbitances happen'd, there was a great scarcity in the City, which occasion'd the discontents both of Nobility and People (the People for want of Victuals, the Nobility for want of Command) and gave incouragement to Andrea Strozzi to usurp upon their liberty. Andrea selling his Corn at a cheaper rate than his Neigbours, had greater resort of poor People to his House, which he observing, mounted on Horseback one morning, with several of the Rabble at his heels, he cry'd out to the rest to take Arms, and in a few hours he got together more than 4000 Men, with whom he march'd to the Palace of the Senate, and demanded to have it open'd: but the Senators partly by threatning, and partly by force, disingag'd themselves of them, and afterward, when they were gone frighted them so with their Proclamati∣ons, that by little and little they dissolv'd, and went every Man to his Home, and left Andrea alone to escape as he could. Though this accident was rash, and had the common end of such desperate attempts, yet it gave no little hopes to the Nobility of prevailing against the People, seeing the Refuse and Rascallity of the City had an animosity against

them. That they might not slip so fair an occasion, it was resolv'd that they should fortify themselves with their assistance (if they could gain it) and recover by force,* 1.72 what by in∣justice was taken from them. And so bold they grew in their confidence of V••ctory, that they began to provide Arms publickly, to fortify their Houses, and send to their friends in Lombardy for help and supplies. The People and their Senators were as busie on the other side,* 1.73 they provided themselves with what Arms they could get, and sent to the Sanesi, and Perugini for relief. The Auxiliaries on both sides being arriv'd, the whole City was im∣mediatly in Arms. The Nobility had posted themselves in three places on this side the River Arnus, at the Palace of the C••vicciulli near S. Iohns; at the Palaces of the P••zzi, and Donati near S. Piero Maggiore; and at the Palace of the Cavalcanti in the new-Mar∣ket: those of the Nobility who were on the other side of the River, had fortifi'd the Brid∣ges and Streets which were in the way to their Houses. The Nerli possess'd themselves of the Ponte alla Carraia; the Frescohaldi and Mannelli, of S. Trimita; the Rossi and Bardi were upon their guard at the old Bridge; and the Rubaconte. The People in the mean time form'd themselves into a posture under the Gonfalone della Giustitia, and the Ensigns of the People, and being drawn up in array, it was thought best immediately to fall on; the first that march'd were the Medici and Rondinelli who assaulted the Cavicciulli on that side which is towards the Piazza de S. Giovanni. The service was very hot (great stones being tumbled upon them from above, and vollies of Arrows sent liberally among them from below) and continued three hours compleat; but the numbers of the People increa∣sing, and no relief like to get near them, the Cavicciulli submitted to their multitudes, and surrendred. The People sav'd the House and the furniture, only they took away their Arms, and Commanded them to distribute and disperse themselves into such Popular Houses as were there acquaintance and friends. The Cavicciulli being beaten from their Post, the Pazzi and Donati (being less powerful) were sooner remov'd. The Cavalcanti were only re∣maining on that side of the River, yet more considerable than the other, both in respect of their numbers & situation. But they, seeing all the Gonfalonieri advancing against them, where as three of them only had overpower'd the rest, surrendred like their Nighbours without any remarkable defence: and now three parts of the City were in the Hands of the People, there was but one left in the Power of the Nobility, but more difficult and inaccessible, by rea∣son it was so secure by the River Arno, the Bridges and Avenues were of necessity to be clear'd before any good could be done, and they (as is said before) were abundantly pro∣vided. The first of them that was assaulted was the old Bridge, which was as bravely de∣fended, and the People repuls'd. Finding their further Attempts there would be but in vain, they try'd what could be done at the Ponte Rubaconte; but finding their entertainment no better, they left four Gonfaloni, and some other Ensigns to block up those Passes, and march'd with the rest to the Ponte alla Carraia. The Nerli had the defence of that Quar∣ter, and behav'd themselves Valiantly, yet their Bridge (as having no Towers) being weaker or else overlaid with the numbers of their Enemies, (which were much increas'd by the accession of the Capponi and other Families about them) they were on every side op∣press'd, forc'd from their Barricadoes, and constrain'd to retire. When they were Defea∣ted, they advanc'd against the Rossi, and from them against the Frescobaldi, overwhelming them both, the whole Populace beyond the River being come in to their assistance. The Bardi was the only party remaining, but that so obstinatly couragious, neither the fortune of their Comerades, the unanimity of the People against them, nor the impossibility of re∣lief could prevail with them to surrender, but they would rather die fighting, or see their Houses pillag'd or burn'd, than submitted themselves quietly into the hands of their Enemies. And they defended themselves; for though many times they were assaulted, both at the old Bridge, and the Ponte Rubaconte, the People were alway repuls'd, and with considerable loss. There was in old time a Lane to pass from the Via Romana, betwixt the Palaces of the Pitti to the Wall upon S. Gorges-hill. To this Lane the People sent six Gon∣falonieri with Orders to fall upon the Bardi behind, who pursued them so effectually, the Bardi were disheartned, and the People prevail'd; those of the Bardi who were appointed for the keeping of the Barricadoes, no sooner hearing that their houses were attack'd, but they quitted their Posts, and ran in in hopes to defend them. By this means the Barracades at the old Bridge were won▪ and the Bardi discomfitted, who (as many as could) betook themselves to their heals, and were received by the Quaratesi, Panzanesi, and Mozzi. The People (especially the baser sort) greedy of Prey, plunder'd their Houses; demolish'd their Castles; and when they had done, burn'd them all with such inhumanity, as the greatest Enemy the City had would have been asham'd to have committed. The Nobility being utterly subdued, the People took upon them the Government of the State, and be∣cause it consisted of three sorts (the more potent, the middle sort and the base) it was or∣dain'd

that the more potent should have the Nomination of two Senators; the midle sort of three, and the meaner of three. The Gonfalonieri to be chosen (Alternatim) of the one and the other. Besides this, all the Old Laws against the Nobility were reviv'd and put in force,* 1.74 and to weaken them the more, many of them were mingl'd with the Common People. The destruction of the Nobility was so great at this time, and their party so ir∣recoverably debilitated, that not daring to take Arms again, against the People, they be∣came pusilanimous and abject, which was the Occasion that Florence lost not only its Gen∣try but its Generosity also. From this depression of the Grandees, the City continued qui∣et to the year 1353, in which interval happen'd the Famous Pestilence (so Eloquently ce∣lebrated by Giovanni Boccacio) in which there died in Florence above 96000 People. The first War the Florentines made, was against the Visconti, being provok'd by the Ambition of the Archbishop, who at that time was Prince of Milan: which War was no sooner fi∣nished, but new factions began in the City; for though the Nobility was so cow'd, and intimidated, there was no danger of them; yet fortune had her ways to create them new troubles by new and different dissentions.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Conve∣nience of Co∣lonies.
• * 1.2

  The Origi∣nal of Florence
• * 1.3

  The Denomi∣nation of Florence.
• * 1.4

  The first Di∣vision of Flo∣rence.
• * 1.5

  The Guelfs, and Ghibilin Faction in Flo∣rence.
• * 1.6

  The Union & Government of the City of Florence.
• * 1.7

  The Antiani.
• * 1.8

  The Captain of the People, and Podesta.
• * 1.9

  Their Militia.
• * 1.10

  A generous Custome.
• * 1.11

  Manfredi. King of Naples, a great Patron of the Ghibili∣nes.
• * 1.12

  Ferinata U∣berti.
• * 1.13

  Carlo d' An∣io call'd into Italy by the Pope.
• * 1.14

  A new Model in Florence.
• * 1.15

  New Commo∣tion.
• * 1.16

  A second Mo∣del by the Guelfs.
• * 1.17

  The 12 Buo∣ni Huomini. La Credenza.
• * 1.18

  Gregory X.
• * 1.19

  Florence un∣der Excommu∣nication.
• * 1.20

  Innocent 5.
• * 1.21

  The Jealousie of the Popes.
• * 1.22

  Nicolas 3.
• * 1.23

  The Ghibi∣lines return.
• * 1.24

  Martinus Pope.
• * 1.25

  The Govern∣ment reformed by the Citizens.
• * 1.26

  The three Priori to go∣xern two Months, to be chosen▪ out of the City indif∣ferently.
• * 1.27

  The Segnori.
• * 1.28

  Discord be∣twixt the No∣bility and peo∣ple.
• * 1.29

  The Priori The Gonfa∣loniere.
• * 1.30

  Perswasion to the Nobility to be quiet.
• * 1.31

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the people.
• * 1.32

  New reforma∣tion in Florence 1298.
• * 1.33

  The diffe∣ren ••ein the fa∣mily of the Can∣cellieri, the oc∣casion and consequence.
• * 1.34

  The Bia••chi and Ner••••
• * 1.35

  Charles of Valo••s made Governor of Florence.
• * 1.36

  New troubles occasioned by Corso Donati.
• * 1.37

  The Medici and Giugni.
• * 1.38

  Florence burned, 1304.
• * 1.39

  Corso Donati.
• * 1.40

  Condemned.
• * 1.41

  His death.
• * 1.42

  1308.
• * 1.43

  New divisi∣ons.
• * 1.44

  Laudo de A∣gobbio.
• * 1.45

  Castruccio Castracani.
• * 1.46

  The Coun∣cil of the Sig∣nori to ••it for∣ty Months, whereas before it was occasi∣onal.
• * 1.47

  Election of Magistrats by Imborsation
• * 1.48

  Ramondo da Cardona Gene∣ral of the Flo∣rentines.
• * 1.49

  The Duke of Athens Gover∣nor of Florence.
• * 1.50

  Lod the Em∣perour called into Italy.
• * 1.51

  The Death of Castruccio and the Duke of Calabria.
• * 1.52

  New refor∣mation.
• * 1.53

  The Floren∣tines quiet at Home.
• * 1.54

  Their Build∣ings.
• * 1.55

  A Captain of the Guards.
• * 1.56

  Maffeo da Muradi.
• * 1.57

  Lucca sold to the Floren∣tines.
• * 1.58

  Taken from them by the Pisans.
• * 1.59

  The Duke of Athens.
• * 1.60

  The Speech of one of the Senators to the Duke of Athens
• * 1.61

  The Dukes Answer.
• * 1.62

  1342.
• * 1.63

  The Dukes of Athens cho∣sen Prince by the People.
• * 1.64

  The Duke of Athens his pra∣ctice in Florence.
• * 1.65

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Morrozz••
• * 1.66

  Three Con∣spiracies aganist the Duke at one time.
• * 1.67

  Commotion in Florence.
• * 1.68

  The Duke expell'd.
• * 1.69

  His Cha∣racter.
• * 1.70

  New Refor∣mation.
• * 1.71

  The Nobilty depos'd.
• * 1.72

  The Nobili∣ty attempt to recover their Authority.
• * 1.73

  The People Arm against them.
• * 1.74

  The Nobili∣ty utterly de∣press'd.