The difference between the Church and Court of Rome, considered in some reflections on a dialogue entituled, A conference between two Protestants and a Papist / by the author of the late seasonable discourse.

THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE CHURCH and COURT OF ROME, CONSIDERED.

HAving fouud my self concern'd to Vin∣dicate the Seasonable Discourse, (which shew'd the Necessity of Maintaining the Establish'd Religion in Opposi∣tion to Popery) from the Passionate Cavils of the Full Answerer: I think it necessary further to advert to what is offered by a more temperate and knowing Writer, in Bar to my Asser∣tions, whether in direct contradiction to them, or inciden∣tally in order to the framing an Apology for those moderate men of the Roman Communion, who disown the Exorbi∣tances of the Pope, though they remain addicted to that Church.

Writers of this kind, who not onely joyn with, but seem∣ingly out-go us, in a just abhorrence of some of the odious parts of Popery, thereby gain an advantage to recommend both themselves and the other less scandalous, though equally

pernicious, Doctrines of the Roman Church; and also to bring in that Whole Religion at the Postern-Door, which would never be admitted at the Gate.

And if this be the natural Effect of the Pretences made to Moderation, however specious they appear, I presume 'twill be esteem'd by sober men no ill Office to detect the fraud and dan∣ger of them, and demonstrate the Unpracticableness and ut∣ter Impossibility of that Dream of Reconcilement with those our Adversaries; who cannot dismiss an Errour, but they must part with Infallibility to boot; nor incline to the De∣mands of Truth or Charity, without the forfeiture of Inte∣rest and Reputation: In a word, cannot acquit themselves of Treason, without renouncing an Article of their Faith.

Now our Author having thought fit to propose what he had to say in this Affair, in the form of a Dialogue, which though in it self a popular and perswasive method, is yet by reason of its frequent Transitions and Ornamental Appenda∣ges, not very very proper for the carrying on an Argumenta∣tive Debate: I shall therefore consider the Heads of Discourse which I find insisted on by him▪ those I mean which seem ma∣terial, distinctly and apart, and fairly give my thoughts upon them.

Where my first Enquiry shall be,

• I. Whether peaceful Pretences are Baits to catch the unwary Proselyte, who when he is once hung, there is no getting loose again; but Concessions are retracted, the painted shews washed off, and he has nothing left but a fruitless repentance▪ All which the Au∣thor peremptorily denies, pag. 8.
• II. Whether if the State would think fit to allow the English Papists, such, of whose Fidelity and Affection to their Country the Governours were well assured, to whom those Papists might have re∣course for their spiritual Concerns, they would remove our jealousies of their being over-much affected to Strangers, &c. Which is asserted, pag. 6.
• III. Whether the Popes power in deposing Kings be a Doctrine of the Roman Church? Which is denied, p. 9, 10, 11, 12.
• ...

• IV. Whether Princes of the Roman Communion have sufficient Powers to defend themselves from the Tyrannies and Encroach∣ments of the Pope. Which is said, p. 16, 17, 18.
• V. Whether Religion were the Cause of the Massacres in France and Ireland? Which is denied, pag. 29.

These severals being honestly discust, will I presume go ve∣ry far toward the undeceiving of all those, who without the mixture of Prepossession and Interest, which no evidence can convince, are led aside by fair Appearances; and are so credu∣lous to think every thing possible, which some bold Underta∣ker has the Confidence to say is easie; and every thing practi∣cable which someman of speculation demonstrates to be possi∣ble.

ENQUIRY I. Whether Peaceful Pretences are Baits to catch the unwary Prose∣lyte, who when he is once hung, there is no getting loose again, but Concessions are retracted, the painted shews wash'd off, and he has nothing left but a fruitless Repentance.

In which Enquiry concerning the insidious practising of the Romanists to draw men into Popery, It will be reasonable to observe the method used in this affair: Where I might very justly insist upon the down-right Cheats, Juglings, and Impo∣stures practised by the Factors for Popery, notoriously eviden∣ced not onely by creditable Testimony and flagrant Fact; but also by publick Acts of Court, and Judicial Records: Of which the Reader may have large accounts from Archbishop * 1.1 Hars net, Mr. Gee, Mr. Baddiley, Pots, and others. To which might be added the impudent Defences of pious Frauds, dire∣cting of Intention, and Apologies for that artificial way of ly∣ing called Equivocation; as also the Fallacies and empty Para∣logisms constantly used and solemnly recommended in the Af∣fair of gaining Proselytes to the Roman Church.

As a Specimen whereof, to avoid trouble to the Read•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 my self, I will mention those which are proposed by Thomas à Iesu, in his large work concerning the Conversion of all Na∣tions, borrowed as he tells us from Coster, Possevine, and other eminent Writers in that Cause. Where a 1.2 he advises not to dispute with Hereticks, but rather express an intimate kindness for their Souls; and first demand of them, What they think of all their Ancestors? Whether they imagine they were damn'd for being Pa∣pists? An Argument, which, had it any force, must perswade Jews, Mahumetans, and Heathens, never to be Christians, and as it happens here in England, must oblige us never to be Pa∣pists, lest we should condemn our Fathers, Grandfathers, and Great Grandfathers, all those Ancestors for whom we have the most sensible Concern, who all were Protestants. The next Direction is, To ask the Dissenter from the Church of Rome,* 1.3 Why he is of this Sect rather than that, why a Lutheran rather than a Calvinist, &c. And if he says, Because he sees more reason to be of this Sect than of another, to conclude he is a Heretick, be∣cause he chuses one Religion before another. One would wonder that they who are perswading men to prefer Popery before Protestantism, should at the same instant declare it a Mark of Heresie to chuse a Profession in Religion: That they should pretend to give Reasons why men should be Papists, and yet hold it a pernicious thing to be of that Religion which they have Reason to be of. The third Demand is as convincing as the former, To ask the Protestant where his Church was before Lu∣ther?* 1.4 As if Religion were therefore new, because freed from Innovations: Not to question the Age of the Popes Universal Monarchy, Transubstantiation, Image-Worship, the Sacri∣ledge of taking the Cup from the Laity, and one Command∣ment from the Decalogue; Encroachments which we all know when they came into the Church: 'twill be more than enough to ask where was the Roman New Creed, before the Council of Trent; which was invented many a fair year after that ve∣ry Reformation which is accus'd of Novelty.

These are the goodly Machines which are recommended to batter down the Protestant Cause, and which we see every day propos'd with such confidence as if they had really some

force or value in them; and where these Stratagems succeed, lest the fraud and folly of them should be detected, great pains is taken to perswade the unhappy Proselyte immediately to discard all Heretical Books, especially the Bible; and the con∣versation of Hereticks, especially Divines. But because in this Noon-day Light of Christian Knowledge, the Generali∣ty of Protestants▪ is not apt to be perswaded to quit their Faith on these slight terms, the next dexterity will be (which is the Head we are now immediately concern'd in) to make them believe that they are much mistaken if they mea∣sure Popery from Prejudice and common Fame, or the Expressi∣ons of the School-men, or peevish Writers of Controversie: The Church speaks in the Canons of her Councils; and if they be soberly considered, 'twill appear there is not so vast a distance between both parties, as is vulgarly imagin'd: This is at large inculcated, as by our Country-men, Sancta Clara, Hugh Cressy, Tilden, and others; so with great vouge and ostentation by the Bishop of Condom, in his celebrated Expo∣sition of the Doctrine of the Catholick Church concerning matters in Controversie; which he has transformed and molded to ren∣der it more soft and plausible several times b 1.5 over: So that we are so far from learning of him the Doctrine of his Church, that we cannot discern what is his own; every Edition alter∣ing the Scheme and way of Proposal. I may not omit to add upon this Head the mention of my Author, who spends whole pages of his little Dialogue in shewing the d 1.6 Moderation of the Church of England in difference to other Reformations; and the easiness by good handling to procure a Reconcilement. But all these Pacifick Men are so artificial as to conceal what ill Treat∣ment the Authors of such Discourses have ever had, where they were in earnest, and there was no collusion in the case: For instance, Erasmus▪ Cassander, Modrevius, The Interimists, F. Barnes, &c. And what is more material, the Bull of Pius* 1.7 the IV. who made the Trent Creed, and confirm'd the Dictates of that Assembly which forbids that any Person of whatsoever Order or Dignity in the Church, his Holiness onely excepted, do ex∣plicate the Decrees of the Council in any manner, or upon any pre∣tence; withal he nulls and makes▪ void all such Explications. So

that be we Protestants never so much disposed to a composure, there is no Concession to be look'd for on the Papists part, who are not only accountable for the Heterodoxy of their In∣terpretations, but for the very offer at interpreting. And therefore however the Heretick may be born in hand before his Reconcilement to the Church of Rome, of great Indulgence to Dissenters in Speculative Points: so soon as he is made a Pro∣selyte, the case is alter'd; and he must believe as the Church believes, or 'twere as good to believe nothing at all. I had thought here to have instanc'd in Mr. Hugh Cressy's Improve∣ments in the Catholick Faith after his first Conversion; Whereby all his kind Remembrances of the Church of Eng∣land, and offer of giving Security to the State, mentioned in the First Edition of his Exomologesis, are forgotten in the Se∣cond, with several other Remarkable Varieties, and Additio∣nal Periods and Sections in the place of those that were ex∣pung'd; with which, when the aforesaid Mr. Cressy was char∣ged, as gross and scandalous falsifications, he had no better ex∣cuse to make, than by protesting solemnly, f 1.8 That he knew nothing of the Alterations, they being put in by his Superiours, to whose diseretions he had entirely left his Book, and it seems his own Honesty and Honour. But I find my self prevented in this particular by the late honourable Animadverter on that incon∣stant man; and therefore unto him I remit the Reader.

George Cassander, who labour'd in the Affair of Reconcilement as much, and understood it as well as any man, lays it down as a fundamental Maxime, That the g 1.9 Church can never have the desired peace, unless they lead the way to it, who have given the cause to the distraction: that is, unless those who are in place of Ecclesia∣stical Government, will remit of their immoderate Rigour, and yield somewhat to the peace of the Church, and hearkening to the Ad∣monitions of pious men, will set themselves to correct manifest Abuses according to the Rule of Divine Scripture, and of the Primitive Church from which they have swerved.

Now can any one be so fond to think that his Holiness will tamely strip himself of the Regalia Petri, and be reduced to the Neighbour-like Terms of the old Regulae Patrum? Will he part with his Universal Monarchy, and be satisfied with a pri∣macy

of Order, his Suburbicarian Region, and a little Dio∣cess in a part of Italy? Will he leave off to have his feet up∣on the necks of Kings, and his hands in theirs and their sub∣jects pockets, and be in earnest servus servorum? I need not ask whether the Cardinals will come off from their Pontifi∣cal Sloth and Luxury, and quitting their Pensions and Com∣mendams; remember they were poor Parish Priests and Dea∣cons? But will the meanest Father or Curé perswade himself to disown his power of making God, and disposing of him at his pleasure in the language of Pere Cotton, loose the omni∣potence of having his God in his hand, and Prince at his feet▪ and in pure self-denial quit the power of the Keyes in the grinful pretences of being able by the vertue of the Sa∣crament of Penance, and some grains of Attrition added to it, to remit all sins how horrid soever; and sneak into a Mi∣nisterial Stewardship of a Clave non errante. Or farther, shall the bartering for Masses, whose whole merit is said to be applied by the intention of the Priests, and the Lay-mans payment for them; though neither understand a word of the whole Office, and the later do not so much as hear it read, and can have no concern therein, unless perchance his share in the idolatrous Worship of the elevated Wafer: upon which work alone so many thousand lazy Friers are constant∣ly maintained, be laid aside for the reasonable service insti∣tuted by our Saviour, and the entire perception of the holy Eucharist, according to that his Institution of it.

I know men are apt to believe that which they vehement∣ly wish, and very wise and sober men were induced to think heretofore a closure with the Church of Rome no impossible matter; but the case is quite altered since the time of the Council of Trent, which has establisht every thing that ought to be remov'd; and shew'd the world how vain their hopes were from Synods, and universal Councils; how formidable the very approaches to Reformation were to those Fathers abundantly appears from that History of Padre Paolo; and this is acknowledged abundantly by my h 1.10 Author.

And now let us suppose an easie-going, good-natur'd man, by very fair words or perchance visions or exorcisms chous'd

of his Religion: and at last awakened from the pleasant dream of being in the bosom of the Roman Church; disco∣vering the guilt and folly of his vile Apostacy from that Holy Mother, in whose Faith he was Baptized; and also the fraud of those that had seduced him from her. Shall he start back and render himself abhorred unto that Party to which he was so lately reconciled; and suffer the reproaches of the other he so unworthily deserted? Will it not be easier for him to sit down with the contempt of Levity in one Instance, than to repeat the shameful Act; desert what he had chose, and chuse again what he deserted? Since he must be contemn∣ed and hated, will it not seem better to have some to own him, than none at all? What effect a perverse bashfulness has in other cases, we all know▪ it being proverbial, That 'tis a greater shame to bring home the Bridle than steal the Horse: and the Renegado Turke we find by common experience is so far from resuming the Profession of Christianity, that he is sure to be its mortal and inveterate Enemy: so that there needs little more security of having one continue in the Pro∣fession of Popery, than by any means to beguile him to ad∣mit it; a second Revolt being abundantly precluded by the first. But let us go on forward and examine, how honestly we are treated when we are made believe that there is a fair retreat afforded, for that the i 1.11 Papists have no prisons in which to keep men against their wills, as our Author tells us. 'Tis very well they have no Lollards Tower in England, but we cannot but remember what has been heretofore. I am sure in those Countreys where the Inquisition is on foot, men may easily get into a Goal, upon the least surmise of an intention to quit the Roman-Catholick Religion. Nay, where that Tyranny takes no place, 'tis plain enough that Votaries are not at large to go when, or whither they have a phansie. What think we of the Monasteries and Nunneries in Popish Countries, whither young children are spirited away from their Friends, or barbarously exposed by them. Were the doors of those Houses left open, would it not soon appear by their providing for their Liberty on such an opportunity, that there was something of restraint that held them in? But by

our Authors leave, is there nothing can confine a man be∣sides a Prison? He that being taken by the Enemy in War, goes at large on his Parole to get himself exchanged; is, I humbly conceive, no less a Prisoner, than when under Guard, and in the Marshals custody. And if the word of a Souldier, the bare engagement upon honour have this force, what shall we say to a solemn Oath, backed with direful execrati∣ons in case of failance? Now that Proselytes to Popery are in this strict manner tyed not to desert it, I demonstrate from the Roman Pontifical, and the order of reconciling a Here∣tick to the Church; The words are these,

I. N. being convinc'd of the snare of Division wherein I* 1.12 was held; after long deliberation, with ready and unconstrained will, the Divine Grace being my Guide, am returned to the uni∣ty of the Apostolick See. But lest I may be thought not to have returned with a pure mind, or with dissimulation: I engage under the penalty of falling from my Estate, and the obligation of an Anathema; and Promise to you N. Bishop, and by you to St. Peter Prince of the Apostles, and our most holy Father in Christ and Lord, our Lord N. the Pope and his Successors; that I by no perswasions of any persons, or by any other means will return to the Schism, from which I am freed by the Grace of our Redeemer: but will alwayes remain in the Unity of the Ca∣tholick Church, and the Communion of the Pope of Rome. Where∣fore I Swear by the Omnipotent God, and the holy Gospels, that I will stedfastly continue in the Unity and Communion aforesaid. And if (which God forbid) I should divide my self from this Unity upon any occasion or argument, incurring the guilt of Perjury, let me appear bound over to eternal Punishment, and have my Portion in the World to come with the Author of Schism. So help me God, &c.

What effect such Imprecations naturally have, 'tis obvious to apprehend. I my self know several persons, that having been perverted to Popery, were afterwards convinced of the Errors of it, and returned into the bosom of the Church of England: but then being hazen'd with the remembrance of those Curses they had laid on their heads, if at any time they should leave the Roman Communion, went, after some years

continuance in our Church, back again to that of Rome. Which I the rather mention, because our Author is so very peremptory, that no such thing is done, and wages his re∣putation in the case.

ENQUIRY II. Whether if the State would think fit to allow the English Papists, such, of whose Fidelity and Affection to their Country the Governours were well assured, to whom those Papists might have re∣course for their spiritual Concerns, they would remove our jealousies of their being over-much affected to Strangers, &c.

It may here in the first place be well worth the enquiry, whether it be possible for Papists to give the State where they live such an assurance as is talkt of? For beside that, their Clergy, and all those in Religious Orders, have separate In∣terests from the State, and by their Caelibate have given no Pledges to it: Certainly all they whose faith it is that Prin∣ces may be Excommunicated, and then deprived of their Dominions by the Pope, can by no imaginable way give secu∣rity to the State for their Obedience to their Prince, and Fide∣lity to his Government: And it is not only altogether unde∣niable, that this is the Faith of most Romish Confessors, and Priests, and Orders; but also that it is the Faith of the Church of Rome it self, I shall sufficiently prove in the follow∣ing Section.

But secondly, They who hold that no Faith is to be kept with Hereticks, who teach equivocation, as laudible and innocent, who believe they can be dispenced with for any outward compliance with Dissenters in Religion by the Pope, do evidently by such Doctrines set themselves without the terms of humane Society, and are not to be trusted upon those Obligations, which other men of narrower Principles are bound by. How probable the former Doctrines are esteem∣ed in the Church of Rome, we may learn from their celebra∣ted Writers. As to the later, I mean his Holiness giving Com∣mission to his Factors to dissemble their Profession, I have

shewed at large in the seasonable Discourse, and justified my Allegation against the Exceptions of the full Answerer in my Reply to him. Though indeed the Compliance of, in a manner, all the Papists of England, and coming to our Church-Ser∣vice for the first 11 years of Q. Elizabeth, would to true Eng∣lish-men, be a competent account of this matter, especially since 'tis notoriously known▪ that not long after in Scotland there were intercepted the very Dispensations from Rome, whereby generally the Roman-Catholicks were permitted to pro∣mise,* 1.13 swear, subscribe, and do what else should be required of them, so as in mind they continued firm, and did use their dili∣gence to advance in secret the Roman Faith. Which being shewed to the King, were the cause of some Severities, as the judicious Spotswood observes, which were then in that Kingdom used against the Papists.

I might add to this the Oath of Subjection and Obedience to the Pope, to keep and defend his Regalities, and not discover his Secrets, which every Popish Bishop takes at his Consecra∣tion,* 1.14 set down at large by my Author himself, and which he pretends he would not take for the best Bishopwrick in Chri∣stendom. Now this Oath being part of the Office for a Bi∣shops Consecration in the Roman Pontifical, must be pre∣sumed (however my Author would dissemble it) to be taken by every Prelate of that Church: And if so, I demand what security one so obliged can give to any State? If he bind him∣self by an Oath of Allegiance, that will come too late, and the former Engagement must take place against the latter. Besides, he who shall be so profligate to take a second Oath contrary to a first, gives no security thereby, it justly having no more esteem with other men, than it had with the un∣happy Swearer himself. As also, I demand whether any per∣son so obliged can reasonably be thought in the Examination previous to the conferring of Orders, to have passed over this fundamental Point on which the Roman Hierarchy de∣pends, or to be willing to confer Orders on those who are Heteredox therein? Withal, whether the Bull of Pius IV. sub∣scribed, and the Oath of Canonical Obedience taken perpe∣tually by every Priest of the Roman Church, do not involve

them in the strict Obligations before recited, and the Conse∣quences appendant to them?

'Tis true, our Author talks very freely of the disorders of the Papacy, and pretends that those of his way are excommu∣nicate. For all this, it may not be safe to trust them without better assurance. We remember from sad Experience, that no persons did so boldly rail at the Tyrant Cromwel, as those that were his Pensioners, who merited by saying those very things which others were to lose their Lives or their Estates barely for hearing. Nay, we have not forgot, that some of these perfidious Wretches lay under the common calamity of honest men, Sequestrings, Restraints, and Decimations, that they might continue unsuspected Villains. And we are not sure but his Holiness may be as dextrous in his Managery as that Ty∣rant was; making a shew of great Displeasure against those Agents of his which are hired to pretend a disagreement with the Court of Rome, and sufferings by it, thereby to gain se∣curely Proselytes to the Church, and a Reward unto them∣selves.

Nor will this be esteem'd an uncharitable Surmise, when we consider what usually is done by this sort of men, upon* 1.15 like pretensions. I shall, to avoid giving trouble to the Rea∣der, bring but one single instance, yet it shall be so close and commensurate a Parallel in all respects, as not to admit of any colourable Exception to it. 'Tis that of F. Watson the Se∣cular Priest, who having wrote at large in the defence of Soveraign Princes, against the Dictates of the Jesuites, where∣in* 1.16 he openly confesses, That all the sufferings brought upon the Papists here in England, was the due Reward of their own Deme∣rit: And withal detected the Frauds and Villanies of the Jesu∣ites,* 1.17 not onely in reference to the State, but their Cheats of* 1.18 private persons by means of Auricular Confession, and other gainful Methods of Hypocrisie, setting down the Names of the persons wrought upon, and theirs who practised upon their easiness, with the particular sums thus gained, the place, and time, and manner of the Action; proofs one would think of the greatest sincerity imaginable; especially since he for this was with all possible violence pursued and railed at by his Ad∣versaries

in the Church of Rome, and seemingly persecuted by his Holiness, and Arch-Priests commissioned by him: Yet after all, we find this man at last was discovered to be engag'd in Treason against his Soveraign, and plotting all those Villa∣nies he had before so solemnly declaimed and wrote against: the account whereof we have in all our Histories.

Hitherto we have seen how the overture of admitting and tolerating such Priests as will profess the plausible Opinion of the power of Princes above the Popes, is Unreasonable▪ upon the General Head of Security to be given by them. Let us now consider how far it is Practicable under a Protestant Prince, who cannot make Popish Bishops nor Priests; and such as are already made by the Pope or his Authority, if they profess these Tenets, (if we could be sure they did hold them) will, as is confess'd, not only be disabled to officiate, but also be sent for away, and others of another sort sent in their place; and I believe they think they are oblig'd to so much Obedi∣ence to the Pope, as to remove upon his Call, at least while they have no Churches proper to them.

The truth is, all correspondence between the Crown and the Papists is matter of so much Jealousie, that I cannot see any possible advantage that can recompence it. The little in∣tercourse which was in King Iames his time, (notwithstanding his Writings * 1.19 against the Pope and his Usurpations, his fre∣quent Speeches in Parliament, and that strange Solemnity of Attestation, the apprecating Destruction to those of his Fa∣mily in succeeding Generations, who should attempt a depar∣ture to Popery, and dereliction of the Religion profest in the Church of England: Which remarkable passage is recorded by Judge Crook in his ‖ 1.20 Reports: I say notwithstanding all this done here in England to assure his Subjects, besides all that had past in Scotland;) the Umbrage then given by the Relaxa∣tions afforded at that Treaty with the Spaniard, was never re∣cover'd in the minds of the people, but those Jealousies con∣tinued had the greatest share in those dismal Effects we have seen in our days; And I heartily wish we never see more; It is matter of my Fear, as well as of my Hopes and Wishes. This one consideration is enough to me to overthrow all those

plausible projects which some have had of dividing the Pa∣pists, &c. We shall reap much prejudice, but never advantage by these attempts. Under shelter so obtain'd, Converts will be made, who must afterward believe as the Church believes, which the shifting of a Confessor turns quite about, and there will always be▪ found difference enough in opinion amongst their Doctors, to make Rebellion a probable Opinion, and Massacres too, when the season is fit for it.

Great Ostentation is made of the Loyalty of Romanists, from the frequent repetition of the Statutes against Provisors in the time of our Ancestors, and applied as a competent Se∣curity against those Usurpations of the Pope, which were said by the seasonable Discourse to tend so much to the impove∣rishing of this Nation. But in the mean time the Author doth not consider that the frequency of those Statutes sheweth as much their insufficiency, as the making them argues the good will of the Legislators: nor is it probable that any Remedy can be sufficient, when the Supremacy of the Pope is ac∣knowledged, and where the whole belief of the Professors is concluded in that one rule of believing as the Church be∣lieves. For the Pope being supposed to be the Head of the Church, what Interpreters of the Churches Faith can they meet with equal to the Head of it? Not to speak of those who believe in the infallibility lodged in the Pope; General Councils are not every day assembled, nor is it probable the Pope will permit them, if likely to contradict or lessen his Au∣thority. In their absence, what is there which can be put in ballance with the Reverence given to St. Peters Chair, amongst the Professors of that Religion? Shall the opinion of one or two Priests stand in competition with the Pope? Can any man believe this plausible Doctrine of the power of Kings, and contempt of the Pope's in comparison of theirs, can have any other aim or effect than to procure a connivance or admit∣tance of that Religion, which (whatever the opinion of some few Professors may be, and what their sincerity is, may be another question) when it recovers its strength, must turn like the Countrey-man's snake, to sting those who with so much charity and kindness shall cherish and favour it.

To make this whole matter obvious to a common un∣derstanding; let us suppose some loyal person stumbling at the irregular claims of the Pope, and confusion and miseries brought into the world by that exorbitance; and upon the con∣viction of that one Point, which for its plainness he best un∣derstands, and for its influence and effect upon his secu∣lar Interests, he most studiously minds, holding fast the loyal Principles of the Church of England, since no other batteries can shake him, comes Father N. and tells him he is in a great mistake to think that the great exaltation of the Pope's Authority is so necessary a Doctrine, that for his own part he doth not believe it: Well, that stumbling-block be∣ing removed, there is a Convert made to the Romish Church, perhaps eminent enough to lead many others by his Ex∣ample; at least it is highly probable he wants not influence upon his Wife and Children, if not others of his Relations and Acquaintance, to pervert them also, probably without conditioning so severely for their loyalty. But what will be∣come even of that capitulation, when after (perhaps some years of confirmation in all the Romish Opinions, and parti∣cularly that of submission to the Churches Authority) death or the censure of the Pope may have removed, or a prefer∣ment have converted F. N. or such loyal Casuist: For why may he not change his Opinion as Father Cressy did his in that very particular, who in the first Edition of his Exomologesis made a Protestation of his Duty and Obedience, which is cor∣rected in the second? And in any of these cases our Prose∣lyte shall find himself entangled with the new Doctrines of his Confessor, who in a season when Factions of State or other Circumstances prepare men for such dangerous Doctrines (as they are too subtle to avow them, or at least press them un∣seasonably) shall urge the submission to the Churches opinion; and then the quotations of so many Doctors (which are now by our Author rejected and sleighted in comparison of one or two plausible opinions) shall sound loud in concurrance with the Head of the Church, who besides the credit of his own determination, has the prescription of so many Ages, the actual deposition of Princes in all parts of Europe from time

to time, and the decrees of Universal Councils, to justifie his claim. In vain shall the Penitent alledge to his Confessor, that Father N. was of that opinion: The Reply will be easie, that Father N. was a good, yea and a learned man in things where he agrees with the Church, but still he was a man, and sub∣ject to error, and therefore not to be credited when he dis∣agreed with the Church, of which the Pope, Colledge of Car∣dinals, General Councils, and so many Doctors who have wrote before and after Father N. are better and more credible Expositors than he. It will be hard for any body to disentan∣gle himself from this Argument, if he have once surrender∣ed his Faith implicitely to that of the Roman Church, or as we have shewed, under the usual Obligations been engaged in its Communion. And if a person of so remarkable loyalty, as we in this Instance suppose our Proselyte to be, cannot be able to withstand and secure himself, what shall we suppose of those his Relations and Acquaintance, whom his Authority and Example turned to the Church of Rome, perhaps with less Circumspection.

I have many Reasons to believe F. N. to be a very ho∣nest man; as I know him to be ingenuous and learned: and therefore stand amaz'd to see him offer to the World a Proposal so unreasonable as this is. If he be in earnest as I must suppose him to be, his Address to one of our Church, whom he would bring over to his Part, will run in this or such like Form.

Those only belong to the Fold of Christ, who are under the conduct of the Universal Pastor, his Holiness the Pope, and they alone are sound in the Faith, and consequently capa∣ble of Salvation, who believe the Doctrine received by the Catholick that is, the Roman Church; It is therefore necessa∣ry for you, as you tender the eternal welfare of your Soul, religiously to obey this Pastor, and believe all the Proposals of this Church. But notwithstanding, though this Pastor and (as I shall presently demonstrate) this Church have solemnly declared that Princes may be Excommunicated, and then deprived of their Dominions by his Holiness, you must by no means believe that damnable Doctrine; and though you

are sure to be excommunicated for your stubbornness therein (as F. N. at this day is for this only crime) you must en∣dure* 1.21 it, rather than comply with those false and rebellious Tenets, that subvert the Laws, destroy the Peace, and en∣danger the Sacred Persons of Soveraign Princes. In short, upon pain of damnation you must be in Communion with the Roman Church, and yet under the same penalty you must be content to be excommunicated, you must believe as the Church believes, and yet you must not believe so.

Before I leave this Point, I must beg leave to add one Ob∣servation, which may be useful to the determining, how far it will consist with Prudence to hearken to the Proposi∣tion made for the encouraging, by the relaxation of Penal∣ties those who are in the Communion of the Roman Church: It is plainly this, They are a sort of men who are alwayes the worse for Favour and Indulgence. I mentioned but now the case of F. Watson, who after his many publick declarations of himself against the traiterous Jesuits, confu∣ted all his Writings by his Actions.

But the particular which I now refer to, is the time of this his Enterprize, which was the entrance of K. Iames into this Kingdom, when all the severities of the Laws against the Romanists were laid asleep, and they received not only to a peaceful enjoyment of their Consciences and Estates, but were admitted to the Court, to Trust▪ to Honours and Pre∣ferments; nor was this treachery and falseness his singular Demerit: At the same time, and under the same circum∣stances was the Agency of the Romish Factors with the King of Spain, for the procuring a second Invasion of their Na∣tive Country, which might expiate that of 88. as also that* 1.22 hollish Machination of the Gun-Powder-Treason. These, though so barbarous in the intendment as to be capable of no aggravation; had, besides the forementioned Ingrati∣tude, of being attempted in a season of Indulgence; this particular brand upon them, that they were designed by those* 1.23 very men who had been guilty of Treasons in the time of Q. Elizabeth, and had been graciously forgiven by K. Iames, and personally had sued out their pardons from him under

seal. So that we may conclude it as reasonable an attempt to still a Tempest by whispering gently to it, put out a Fire by pouring Oyl upon it, or reclaim a Viper by receiving him in∣to the Bosom, as to hope by any Acts of Kindness and Indul∣gence to assure the Duty of a Roman Votary, of whatever Principle or Subdivision he pretend to be.

ENQUIRY III. Whether the Popes power in deposing Kings be a Doctrine of the Roman Church?

Having debated this point already in the Seasonable Dis∣course, and defended what I there asserted in my Reply to the Full Answerer, there is really no need I should trouble my self or Reader in the proof of a thing perfectly evident. But since the Gentleman with whom I had first to do, and our pre∣sent Author after him, think they have abundantly cleared themselves, by quoting a few Romanists who have denied the Exorbitant Tyrannies of the Pope, and separating the Inte∣rests of the Court and Church of Rome, with this Difference, that whereas the Full Answerer quite slips over the mention of Councils, this my Author after a short Reflection lightly passes the Allegations which I made from the Canons of the said Councils, which I pretend to have been receiv'd as Universal, not onely by the high-flown Papalins, but these moderate pretenders; (and consequently what is by those Councils de∣creed, must beyond all subterfuge be concluded to be the Do∣ctrine of the Church.) And whereas the said Author onely addes some few colourable pretences to elude the Arguments drawn from the aforesaid Councils, I shall (which I take to be the alone remaining possible way of inforcement) set down the express words of those Councils in plain English; And then I hope there will need no infallible Interpreter to inform us of the meaning and importance of them. And having done this, I shall reply to those thin Sophisms which are brought to elude my Argument.

In the Seasonable Discourse I first cited the 27 Canon of the* 1.24 Third Lateran Council, Cap. Sicut ait: Where the Fathers having condemned the Cathari, &c. and subjected the Fautors of them to the same punishment with them, 'tis added, They shall forfeit all the Fealty, Homage, and Obedience which was due to them. Now we know who they are to whom Fealty and Homage, in its remarkable and most proper importance, is due. But to avoid all Cavil, this is determined to extend to Soveraign Princes by the express words of the Council of Con∣stance, as we shall see anon. And therefore in the next place I proceed to the Fourth, and as it is stiled by the Romanists, the most General Council of Lateran: Where the Fathers ha∣ving* 1.25 condemned all Hereticks that exalt themselves against the Catholick Faith by them explained; an Article whereof is, That in the Sacrament of the Altar the Body and Blood of Christ are really contained, the Bread being transubstantiated into the Body of Christ, and the Wine into his Blood; that is, to wave all the monstrous Absurdities of Transubstantiation, that they who receive onely the Bread, receive onely the Body; and they who receive the Cup, onely receive the Blood of our Saviour, (for concomitancy cannot suit with things entirely separate.) And having required the Aid of the Secular Powers against the said Hereticks, the Council proceeds in this form: If the Tem∣poral Lord, requir'd or admonish'd by the Church, shall neglect to purge his Territory from Heretical pravity, let him be Excommuni∣cated by the Metropolitan and his Suffragans, and if he persist in neglecting to give satisfaction for the space of a year, let him be sig∣nified to the Pope, that he from thenceforth may pronounce his Sub∣jects discharg'd from their Obedience, and expose his Territory to be seiz'd by Catholicks, who having exterminated the Hereticks, with∣out Contradiction shall possess it and preserve it in the Purity of Faith: So as no injury be done to the Right of the Superiour Lord, where there is such; provided he do not any way oppose himself: and the same Law is to take place on them who have no superiour Lord. Where we may observe how pitiful the Excuse is, which is commonly brought, that Soveraign Princes are not here meant, but onely Feudatary; when, as if it were on purpose to exclude this plea, those who are most Absolute and Su∣preme,

are particularly level'd with the other. In the mean time, we of this Nation may take notice, That besides our own Runagates, whom I cited in the Seasonable Discourse, who make our Kingdom to be held in fee from the Pope, in a man∣ner all Foreign Writers go away with it as a thing confest and evident, and bring, as the common instance of the Popes power to depose Kings, that his Holiness may dispose of the Crown of England, even where they exempt the King of France from such subjection. But this upon the by. The same Council goes on, and says, That the Excommunicate Fau∣tors of Heresies shall have no Votes in Councils or Elections, shall not be allowed to make a Will, to give Testimony, or bear any Office, or inherit an Estate. If any happen to be a Iudge, his Sentence shall be null and void: If an Advocate, he shall not be admitted to plead; if a Clark or Notary, the Instruments drawn by him shall be of no moment: And so in all other like Cases. Whence we may gather what assurance we are likely to have of the possession of our Estates, if Popery prevail: All Acts of Law, all Bequests of Wills, and Judiciary Proceedings since the Re∣formation, (and I suppose most English men hold under some of them) are absolutely void and null by the Decree of this Council, and we must come to new Purchases to be secur'd in the possession of whatsoever we possess, or challenge for our own. And how fair Chapmen we shall meet with in that Case, it will not be difficult to determine.

My next Allegation is of the Council of Lyons, where the* 1.26 Pope after mature deliberation had with his Cardinals and the Council, having depos'd and deprived the Emperour, and ab∣solv'd all those from their Oaths of Allegiance, who had sworn it to him, and commanded that no person should own him from thenceforth as Emperour, or any way obey or intend to obey him, and excommunicated all such as should give him Counsel, or any way favour him; and ordered that the Ele∣ctors should proceed to a new Choice, the aforesaid particu∣lars being read in the Council, the Pope and Prelates sitting in Council, with Candles burning in their hands, thundred out their Excommunication against the deposed Emperour Frederick, &c. The words of the Council are plain enough, but when illu∣strated

by such a Comment as the Actual Deposing of an Em∣perour, I cannot think it needful to subjoyn any farther En∣forcement; but proceed to the remaining Allegation from the Determination of the Council of Constance; which in the se∣venteenth Session decrees, defines, and ordains, that whosoever, whether he be King, Cardinal, Patriarch, Archbishop, Bishop, Duke, Prince, Earl, Marquess, or of any other Condition or Dig∣nity, either Ecclesiastical or Secular, shall hinder, disturb, or molest Sigismund King of the Romans and Hungary, and the King of Arragon, from meeting, &c. shall incur the Sentence of Excommunication, &c. and shall be deprived of all Honour, Dig∣nity, and Office, &c. Where, by the way, we may take no∣tice, that this Council, who lay so severe Penalties on the Violators of their Safe Conduct, were not asham'd perfidi∣ously to violate it themselves on Iohn Huss, who in confi∣dence thereof put himself into their hands.

Besides this, we alledge from this Council Pope Martin's Letter, approved by the last Session of the same Council, where his Holiness admonishes and requires all Professors of the Christian and Catholick Faith, the Emperour, Kings, Dukes, Princes, Marquesses, Earls, Barons, &c. that they drive out of their Kingdoms, Provinces, Cities, &c. all Hereticks, accor∣ding to the tenour of the Lateran Council, which begins, Sicut ait, &c. And then decrees, That all Hereticks, Partakers or Defenders of them, though they shine in the Dignity of Patri∣archs, Archbishops, Bishops, Kings, Queens, Dukes, or any other Ecclesiastical or Mundane Title, &c. shall be pronounced Excommunicate in the presence of the People, every Sunday and Holy-day, &c. and requires that they proceed to deprivation of Dignities, &c.

Now our Author to all this given in proof by me from these oecumenical Councils, as the Romanists stile them, op∣poses the Authority of one Iohn Bishop, who in a Book written in the time of Q. Elizab. proved that the Constitution of the La∣teran Council, upon which the whole authority of absolving Sub∣jects from their Allegiance and deposing Princes is founded, is no other then a Decree of Pope Innocent the III. and was never* 1.27 admitted in England: yea, that the said Council was no Council

at all, nor was any thing at all there decree'd by the Fa∣thers.

So then we are come to a Resolution of Faith, if one single man shall write a Book against a received Doctrine in the Church, that founds it self on the Decree of a Universal Council, and shall deny that Council to be valid, or received in a particular Church, that Doctrine however received or founded, as is above mentioned, ceases to be the Doctrine of the Church: Which, if it be true, I believe 'twill be almost impossible for any man to be a Heretick; some one or other having wrote a Book in the defence of his Tenet, how Hete∣rodox soever it were, and disparaged the Authority of that Council that condemned it. But this Author, who relies so much on the credit of Iohn Bishop, should have adverted to those very cogent Arguments which Cardinal Perron pro∣duces* 1.28 in his long Speech to the third Estate, and Dr. Vane has since brought in favour of that Council, and his Con∣futation of all Suggestions alledged on the contrary part.* 1.29 Also he should have taken notice of the Subsidiary proof lately added by F. Labbe, and Cossart, Editors of the Coun∣cils now at Paris, who there from a Copy supposed to be written in that very Age, give the Canons of that Council in* 1.30 Greek deficient, chiefly in those parts, where the Controver∣sie between the Eastern and Western Church was determined to the disadvantage of the Greeks. And lastly, he should have considered that the Council of Trent, whose Authority he* 1.31 will not dispute has alledged the Canons of this fourth La∣teran Council, and therefore it will not be very reasonable to oppose I. Bishop to all those Fathers.

But to pass this: How comes it about that our Author tells us, this Council was never admitted in England? Did he* 1.32 consider what power the Pope then claimed in this Island, when he had rendered, and openly stiled the King his* 1.33 Vassal? As also how much work the English had, to do in* 1.34 that Assembly, particularly in the case of Stephen Langton, then Archbishop of Canterbury, and that the Canons of that Council were allowed and confirmed in the National Synod held at Oxford, A. 1222. Had he told us that this convention,

notwithstanding all its pompous pretences of so many Pa∣triarchs, Emperous, Kings and Princes, Bishops and Doctors that attended at it, was nothing but a Scene dressed up in Masquerade; he would perchance have said something to the purpose: For instance, That the man who play'd the Greek Emperour, was Hen. brother to Baldwyn Earl of Flan∣ders, that had lately before seised Constinople and some few more of the Greeks Towns, with the Arms of the Croisade; and had no other Title to his Conquests, besides the Pope's gift: That the Latin Emperour, who yet was but Elect, was the Popes Pupil; so made by the will of his Mother Constance, and chosen Emperor by the Popes influence, who had unmade two Emperors before, of whom one, i. e. Otho. 4. was then living, and the next Pope save one, Innocent the IV. deposed this very Emperour: Farther, that Iohn de Brenne and Almerick held the Kingdomes of Ierusalem and Cyprus of the Popes gift: That our King Iohn was become his Feudatary, and as his Holi∣ness was pleased to stile him his Vassal; that Iames King of Ar∣ragon held by the same Copy, who besides was a Minor and Pupil to the Pope, who was so favourable as to give him a Crown, whose Father had deserved so ill as to forfeit to his Holiness both Kingdom and Life. Then farther, that Philip King of France had his Kingdom twice put under Interdict by this very Pope, and was threatned worse: That Andrew of Hungary was also by this very Pope threatned with Depri∣vation, and having thereby learnt Obedience, became his Creature and Favourite; and was made by him General of the Croisade against the Mahumetans, as Simon de Monifort was of that against the Hereticks of France; and the Prin∣ces of Flanders, of that against the Greek Schismaticks. This, one would think, were a fair account of all the Crown'd Heads that sent their Embassadors and Bishops to this Coun∣cil. But the Ecclesiastical part of the Comedy was of the same piece; for of the four Eastern Patriarchs, as they call them, three were Italians, and one a French man; all made by this Pope, and no more own'd by the people of those Churches, to which they pretended then his Holinesses titular Bishops use to be.

Our business here is not to consider, whether this or other Councils were free or obnoxious, since they be received by the succeeding Roman Church, and by our Author himself.

I would leave this Point, but that our Author is pleased to assert a very strange Paradox, that though I cited the third Lateran Council, that of Lyons, and that of Constance be∣sides this fourth of Lateran; yet on this fourth the whole Authority of absolving Subjects from their Allegiance, and deposing Princes is founded. Not to dispute the Superstru∣ctures of the two after Councils; certainly the third of La∣teran, could not well build on the fourth, which was not then in being: I am sure the Council of Constance was so far from owning the having learnt this Lesson from the fourth Lateran Council, that they expresly quote the third for the most Or∣thodox Doctrine of Treason and Rebellion; where by the way I cannot omit to mention the wonderful dexterity and* 1.35 confidence of Cardinal Perron, in his Oration to the third Estate, who in this matter produces the Decrees of this Coun∣cil as a sufficient security for Princes; as also of the Pen∣man of the Controversial Letters, who seems no stranger to our Author, and desires us to look upon the Church of Rome* 1.36 in a Council, to be convinc'd that she does not favour this depo∣sing Power: And also singles out this very Council, to shew the Orthodox Doctrine of the most loyal Roman-Catholick Church, whose Decree I even now cited on the contrary part: When as the Writer of the Controversial Letters, plainly confesses, that the Story is no more then this: There had pre∣vailed an Opinion in this age, and it was seconded by Pra∣ctise, that the people might at their pleasure correct their offending Lords, and kill Tyrants, notwithstanding any Oath made to them, without expecting the Sentence or Command of any Judge whatsoever. And this with much ado was con∣demned* 1.37 in this Council, though it cost Iohn Gerson a great deal of pains, and more then that, the imminent hazard of his Life, to compass thus much; That it should not be law∣ful for any ordinary Cut-throat to destroy Soveraign Princes; but remain the singular Prerogative of his Holiness the Pope.

I shall not exaggerate Consequences, nor pursue this To∣pick,

which my Author complains never fails when any one has a mind to declaim against Papists, but hope, that notwith∣standing his Profession, that he is yet to learn the name and scituation of that Countrey which believes it; 'tis manifest as* 1.38 Noon-day-light, that whosoever believes the Article of the Roman-Catholick Church, must also, as large a morsel as it is, be content to digest, at least swallow this.

ENQUIRY IV. Whether Princes of the Roman Communion, have sufficient Powers to defend themselves from the Tyrannies and Encroachments of the Pope?

We have seen the Doctrine of the Church of Rome, con∣cerning the Popes Power over Princes, which if it be truly stated, (and I think nothing in the world is evident if my Argumentation be not) will easily determine the issue of this Enquiry. For not to insist on the many defects both in∣tellectual and moral, which are pretended to incapacitate for Government, or otherwise forfeit it, discoursed at large by the Canonists, and more largely commented on by pra∣ctise, in the deposition and removal of such Princes by Popes; If we suppose them in all Points qualified for Rule, and zealous Assertors of the Roman Faith, yet notwithstand∣ing upon any disobedience to the Churches Dictates, or con∣tumacy of any kind to her Commands, which may subject them to the censure of the Church, and the displeasure of his Holiness, and thereby expose to Excommunication, (of the due infliction whereof they only are Judges,) all Right and Authority upon the Principles before laid down, imme∣diately becomes forfeit: and the very questioning hereof in Thesi, the thing being determined by Oecumenical Coun∣cils, and so made de Fide, will be Heresie.

And now whereas no Prince can maintain himself with∣out the Obedience of his Subjects, and ready Execution of his Ministers, I demand whether upon any difference started (and unless the Prince will tamely give up all, there must be

many) a Minister of State will dare to uphold and defend the Rights of his Master, in opposition to the Pope? If he do, he is sure to bring all the hatred of the Pope and Clergy upon him, and it is observed, that Ministers of State have seldom weathered the opposition of the Gown-men of ei∣ther sort.

But what if we should say, that Princes themselves dare seldom adventure to maintain their own Rights against the Pope? Not to insist upon the personal apprehensions they may justly have of a Dagger from a Clement or a Ravilliac: It is not unknown to any, that Princes, even when in Peace, live with the jealousies and precautions of War, and are as industrious for accession of Allies and advantages to them∣selves, as to prevent those of a contrary party; still expect∣ing and providing for a storm in the deepest calm of tran∣quillity and Peace. If (as sometime heretofore they did) all Europe submitted to the Pope, what advantage or disadvan∣tage to any Prince would the good will of the Pope be? What influence would he not have (by the Clergy) amongst the people of any Prince, if not absolutely to raise Rebellion, at least to slacken and abate the zeal and fervour of the people? What diversions to this or that holy War, or Interpositions for Peace could he not make, as it should suit best with the party he shall most favour? And how hardly could such plau∣sible desires be denied to the holy Father? These and the like considerations render the Kings of France and Spain so jea∣lous of the making Popes or Cardinals: though it is certain the Popes dare not be so openly partial and unequal to Prin∣ces (nor would that partiality be so fatal to their Interests) now as heretofore, because the Reformation hath spread into many Countreys which value not the Inclination of the Pope; but rather incline to the party he most opposes; which as it seems a counter-ballance, so is it a great awe to the Pope, lest their partiality should force Princes to cherish and favour the Protestant party, and perhaps even to throw off his yoak: but if ever the Church of Romo could eradicate the Reformed Religion (which doubtless is and ever must be their great drift and aim.) Princes of the Romish Religion

would find the want of that check and awe upon the Pope.

Will you see how tender and fearful Princes have been heretofore of claiming their Rights in this kind▪ See Ed. 3. a brave and a magnanimous Prince, in the vigour of his Age, in the 25 year of his Reign, when he comes to claim and vin∣dicate his Rights in Ecclesiastical matters, he is so fearful of offending the Pope, that he seeks all possible excuses even whilst he is claiming his own. First, he layes the fault on his* 1.39 Predecessors, and quotes the Statute made in his Grandfa∣thers time: In the next place, the grievous complaint of the Commons must bear its share; then the injury to private Pa∣trons is called in for a pretence, as if that gave rise to the complaint (when all this while the King had power enough from the Rights inherent in the Crown, and from former Statutes, if he durst put it in practise) then (which is a won∣derful Instance of his fear to offend the Pope) for a farther excuse, he sets up a claim for his people, to the prejudice of his Negative voice (the greatest and choicest flower of the Crown) for in the Statute of Provisors of that year, he makes the Commons to alledge (nor is there any mark of his dislike, but rather assent to it, so desirous he was of an excuse toward the Pope) that the Right of the Crown of England, and the Law of the said Realm is such, that upon mischiefs and da∣mage which happened to his Realm, he ought and is bound of the accord of his said people in his Parliament thereof, to make Reme∣dy and Law in voiding the mischiefs and damage which thereof cometh, &c. Then the King goes on himself to alledge his own Oath to see the Laws executed, &c. as the Reader may satisfie himself more fully from the Statute at large, as it appears in all our Books.

I suppose this may sufficiently show how fearfully that Great and Generous Prince (not subject to vain fears) went about to remedy that Inconvenience: What Fruit he reap'd from the hazard he adventur'd: And how effectual that Great Medicine (our Author so highly commends to us) was, may be conjectur'd by the need there was of another Statute of Pro∣visors, the very next Parliament, viz. the 27 year of his

Reign. It would be too tedious to the Reader and my self, to quote all the Statutes of that kind; Instead of others which it were easie to produce, I shall onely add that of the 16 of Rich. 2. cap. 5. Where the Commons of the Realm having complained of the intolerable Tyrannies and Oppressions of the See of Rome, go on to pray the King, and him require by way of Iustice, that he would examine all the Lords in the Parlia∣ment, as well Spiritual as Temporal, severally, and all the States of the Parliament, how they think of the Cases aforesaid, which be so openly against the Kings Crown, and in derogation of his Re∣gality; and how they will stand in the same Cases with our Lord the King, &c. Whether this Examination was in order to the Attainder of the Persons, or Suspension of the Votes of the Dissenters, or some other purpose, I will not take upon me to enquire; Certainly considering the Greatness of the Peerage of England at that time, such a way of procedure shews the greatness of the mischief which was desir'd to be redrest. But the continued Complaint and fresh Endeavours for Remedy, do likewise as evidently demonstrate that none of our Kings ever found an effectual Cure, till the time of Henry the VIII. who yet, although he retain'd the Roman Profession of faith, denying temporal Subjection to the Pope, became liable to that Deprivation and Censure, and all that Spiritual Thunder which so severely fell upon him; and has since exercised his Successors.

But these our Princes who came after him, having gene∣rally been of the Reformed Religion, which they of Rome have declar'd to be Heresie, the practises among us however exorbitant, will not fall under our present consideration. I shall therefore pass over to our Neighbours of France; and examine how well the Priviledges of the Gallican Church have stood the most Christian Kings in stead, which will readily be seen if we look into their Histories: nor will we seek farther than the last Age. Henry the Third we know had difficulty enough with the Catholick holy League, oppos'd not only by the high-flown Jesuited Romanists, but the Bulwarks of Re∣gal Authority, the Loyal Doctors of the Sorbon, who being Seventy in number, unanimously decree, nemine contradicente,

That the Subjects of France were freed from their Oaths of Allegi∣ance* 1.40 and Obedience made to Henry the Third: And also that the said Subjects may legally and with a safe Conscience arm and unite themselves, collect and raise money, &c. Which Decree of the good Doctors was ratified by his Holiness in his Bull of Ex∣communication, which suddenly followed; and was pursued* 1.41 to such Extremities by the Leaguers, that they were not onely content to subject that Kingdom to the Yoak of Spain, but in despite of the Sallick Law, endeavour that the Infanta Clara Eugenia Elizabetha should succeed unto the Crown; and though the King turn'd Covenanter himself, and Establish'd the Oath of Union in the Assembly of the Three Estates, and perso∣nally swore to it, making it a Fundamental Law of the French Nation, that onely a Catholick should be capable to succeed unto the Crown, yet notwithstanding this, the said Henry the Third could not escape the Anger of his Holiness, and what is conse∣quent thereto, the being depriv'd of his Kingdom and his Life, massacred by I. Clement, the Iacobin-Monk. To him we know succeeded Henry the V. who after great strugling, and the same opposition from the Unanimous Determination of the Loyal Sorbon-Doctors, in their general Congregation, who May 7. 1590. Declar'd Henry of Bourbon uncapable of the Crown, though he should obtain Absolution from the Church, and that the French were oblig'd to keep him from the Crown; that all who favour him are in perpetual mortal sin; and all that are slain in the Cause against him shall obtain an everlasting Reward, and be crown'd with the Trophies of Martyrdom. This Henry, I say, having by the blessing of God, and a good Sword, added pos∣session to his Claim, and in spite of opposition made himself Master of France; yet this new Sallick Law stood still in his light, and a Crown was not to be had but at the price of a Mass: For though it be a receiv'd Maxime, That the Crown removes all taint of Blood, it cannot of Opinion. One now would have expected in this instance, that the Church Doors should have flown open to receive this Royal Convert: but the case is far otherwise. Five years diligent agitation in the Court of Rome, and attendance on three several Popes, can scarcely compass this great Work of bringing a straid Royal

Sheep into the Fold of Christ. The difficulties made herein will abundantly appear, as from the Histories of that Age, so more particularly from Cardinal D' Ossat and Perron's Memo∣rials. And truly 'tis remarkable when the matter was adjust∣ed, to what submissions the King in his Representatives was fain to descend: How his Commissioners in his Name and Be∣half, beg Remission prostrate on their Faces; and being drub'd and bastinado'd, as the insulting Italians word it, or as the* 1.42 French confess, being switch'd by his Holiness, hardly▪ ob∣tain'd an Absolution for their Master, who was farther oblig'd to renounce his former Inauguration and Absolution given him in France, and to swear the Extirpation of the Pro∣testants. But when all this was done, the Pacification was not fully made; but this Mighty Prince fell by the Poniard of a Ravilliac, and the implacable Papacy, as is notorious to the World.

The Successor to these, Lewis the XIII. having before him, the Catastrophe of his two immediate Predecessors, one would have thought might reasonably be allowed some farther Pro∣vision for his Safety and Assurance of the Allegiance of his People: and to this end the Third Estate drew up an Oath of Fealty to be taken by all his Subjects: but it is not imagi∣nable with what fury this was oppos▪d by the Pope and Cler∣gy; what violent and long Harangues were made in the House of Peers and Commons against it; what Gratulations were sent to the Clergy of France by his holiness for their ge∣nerous opposition of that Oath, complementing it as a De∣fence* 1.43 of his, and therein the Churches Rights. The Speech of Cardinal Perron is a sufficient account of this matter, which was at large answered by the Royal Pen of King Iames, and therefore needs no new unraveling.

But beyond all this, there is a particular which is not com∣monly taken notice of, and deserves not to be forgotten: 'Tis this: After the Cardinal in his long Harangue in the Name of the Clergy of France, had baffled and exposed the power of Kings, and endeavoured to subject both it and their Persons also to the Discipline and Coercion of the Church, and con∣cluded that at best, the point of Princes being exempt from

Deposition was barely Problematical, and consequently could not be matter of an Oath: The King fearing to provoke so strong and eager a party; called the aforesaid Bill for the Secu∣rity of his Person, to his own hearing, and made an express Inhibition to the several Estates, that they should not proceed farther in it, or sign or publish what they had drawn up. But this would not serve the turn, the Ecclesiasticks would not sit down with a drawn Battail; but insolently depute in their Names the Bishop of Angers, with other Prelates and Capitu∣lars, among whom were Cardinal Perron and Sourdis; where* 1.44 Cardinal Perron being the Spokes-man, told the King to his Face, That this matter lately contested was a point of Doctrine; and though in his Speech to the Third Estate he had declar'd it to be Problematical; now to cut it short, he asserted that the power of the Pope was full, nay most full and direct in Spirituals, and indirect in Temporals: That whosoever maintained the contrary were Schis∣maticks and Hereticks, even those of the Parliament who had suck'd the Milk of Tours. That if the King would not immediately cas∣sate the Arrest of the Parliament, and would not raze out of the Registers the Conclusions of the Kings Officers, he had in Com∣mission and Charge to say, That they would depart from the Assem∣bly of Estates; and that being there as in a National Council, they would Excommunicate all those who were of a contrary Opinion to* 1.45 the Proposition which affirmed that the Pope could Depose the King. And if the King would not suffer them to proceed unto Ecclesiasti∣cal Censures, they would do it notwithstanding, though they were to suffer Martyrdom. We have here (if I mistake not) plain enough the Judgment of the Church of France. Would we see what was the Opinion of the Pope upon it? Upon the 16 of Febr. there was brought, and opened, and read in the Chamber of the Clergy, a Brief of the Pope Paul the V. bear∣ing date the last of March 1615. sub annulo Piscatoris, where∣in his Holiness returns his Solemn Thanks to the Clergy of France, for what they had done against the Article of the Third* 1.46 Estate, wherein his power was concerned, desiring them to persevere in the same mind.

Which Brief, by the way, was read in their Chamber without any leave had or ask'd from the King or Council. And

truly if the most Christian King be treated thus by his Subjects in duty to their Soveraign the Pope, notwithstanding the pri∣mogeniture, and other pretences of that Crown; what shall we of England expect, who stand in worse circumstances? We must not wonder or take it amiss that Pope Urban the VIII in the year 1626. by his▪ Bull bearing date May 30. forbad all Roman Catholicks to take the Oath of Allegiance: And since* 1.47 the happy Restoration of his present Majesty, when several of his Subjects of the Papal Profession, offered by Oath (wherein the Supremacy is wholly wav'd) to assure their Duty and Obe∣dience, that the Pope and his Agents look'd upon this Over∣ture as Apostacy from him, that is, from the Christian Faith. and persecuted all those who are concern'd in the Proposal, of which see the Controversial Letters, and the late History of the Irish Affairs. Nor lastly, will it be at all strange, that at this day many eminent Persons of the Romish Religion, who by the great Indulgence of the State are permitted, notwithstan∣ding their Differences in Judgment and Interest from the rest of the Kingdom, are upon assurance given of their Loyalty by the easie Test of promising it under the Seal of an Oath, per∣mitted to have the personal and free use of their Votes in the Judging of Causes in their last Appeal, and what is the high∣est Trust imaginable, the making of Laws, and sit as Peers in the Great Council of the Nation, do now refuse to give the aforesaid Assurance by taking the Oath of Allegiance, though that be the general Condition previous to Session, laid not onely upon them, but all the rest of their Fellow-Sub∣jects.

It is not for me, or any private person to determine of the Rights of our Superiours; but by Duty and Allegiance we are obliged to defend them. This I think may be laid down as a Maxime, That no Power is of any moment, when set in Op∣position to its Superiour; and that all Pleas follow the last Ap∣peal: So that if the Spiritual Soveraign be plac'd above the Temporal, 'tis vain to talk of any Rights the Temporal can plead in prejudice unto the other; and to speak the whole matter in one short word, Princes can have no sufficient pow∣ers against Encroachments from the Papacy, who, if the Popes

and Churches pretentions stand good, whenever they think fit to interpose, have no power at all. And thus much be said upon this Head of Enquiry.

ENQUIRY V. Whether Religion was the Cause of the Massacre in France, and Rebellion in Ireland?

I no way doubt that Mens Exorbitant Passions and Desires are the Cause of all the Disturbance in the World. Accord∣ing to that of the Apostle, Whence are Wars and Fightings a∣mong* 1.48 you? Are they not from your Lusts that war in your Mem∣bers? But our Author knows well, that besides the leading principal original Cause, there is an immediate evident one, which is joyn'd to the Effect; which alone in a Discourse of this nature we enquire after. Now if it be manifest that his Holiness the Pope, the Supreme Monarch of the Church, laid his Command upon, and with great instance dealt with the French King to destroy the Hugonots, had his Promise and En∣gagement that he would destroy them; and after he had done it, it be certain that the News of the performance was receiv'd with Joy and Exultation by the whole Roman Court, and Pope himself, I hope it will be sufficiently manifest to whom the Action is to be imputed. I do not say that his Holiness either design'd the manner of the Massacre, or was privy to all the circumstances of it before-hand: But if I bargain with a Ruffian that he shall kill such a person, whom I take to be mine Enemy, though I do not contract whether he will do it with a Pistol, or a Sword, or with Poison; yet if the mur∣der at my instance be committed, no sober Judge or Jury would doubt to find me guilty in the case.

Now that the Pope was thus far accessory to that bloody* 1.49 Carnage, appears from Ierom Catena, Secretary to Cardinal Alexandrino, in his Life of Pius V. dedicated to Pope Sixtus V. who mentions his Holiness his engaging in this matter, as an instance of his pious solicitude for the Advantage of the Church; in particular he tells us, That when his Master Cardinal Alexan∣drino,

the Popes Nephew and Legat in France, with great instance moved the breaking of the intended Marriage with the King of Na∣var, and that the Legat to divert it perswaded a Match of Marga∣ret Daughter of France, with Sebastian King of Portugal; In answer to which, the King taking the Legat by the hand, bid him assure his Holiness Pius, that he concluded this Marriage for no other purpose than to take vengeance of the Enemies of God, and to chastise his Rebels, as the end should manifest: and that he did all this to obey the Instructions and the Counsels of Pius, who per∣petually incited him not to indure such injuries committed against God and the Crown: and that he took this Course because he knew no better way to compass his end, than thus to make those of the Re∣ligion secure, having tried all other means: Then pulling a Dia∣mond of great value off his Finger, he said to the Legat, Take this as a Pledge and Security of my Promise, and the Faith which I will alway bear to the Apostolick See, and to execute all that I have said against these impious Wretches. He adds farther, That the Legat excused himself from receiving the Ring, pretending that he had kept himself from taking any thing from the hands of any Prince to whom he had been sent: and besides, that he took the Word of so Great a King to be the surest Pledge and Security: But that the Ring, after the Death of Pope Pius, was sent to Rome by the King unto Cardinal Alexandrino in a Casket, on which were en∣graved these words, Non minus haec solida est pietas: Nec pietas possit mea sanguine solvi.

So that if we will believe either the Pope who directed, or King of France who executed this Tragedy, 'twas Piety and Religion, which was the Motive to it.

As to the espousal and owning of this bloody Fact, after its execution, I may not hope to express the Joy it brought un∣to his Holiness, since the Historian tells us that it surpasses the* 1.50 comprehension of Speech, and as he terms it, it was indicible.* 1.51 It created a Jubilee in its liberal importance; and whereas the Tongue was unable to speak out the full Resentment, Ge∣sture and Action were call'd in to use their Rhetorick; and not onely all the pompous Solemnities of a Procession and Triumph, of which the Head of the Noble Coligni, sent as a Token from France to his Holiness, was a mean and inconsi∣derable

circumstance: but Almighty God was put into the Pageantry, and a solemn Thanksgiving at the Church of St.* 1.52 Lewis, was an instance of the grateful piety of the Pope and Cardinals on this occasion.

Let me make this matter plainer, if it may be, by an Instance taken from our own Histories, which ad hominem will I assure my self be conclusive beyond controul. It is the case of Thomas a Becket, wherein K. Henry the second being no farther concern∣ed, then that after intolerable affronts and perpetual vexations given him by that insolent Prelate, he being in passion, and asking if he should never be rid of so inveterate an enemy, though (as Baronius relates it) the irregular deed that followed* 1.53 was neither acted by his will or consent, nor done by any contri∣vance of his; yet because the Murder of that Prelate was con∣sequent to his impatient words, the poor King was by the judgement of the Church declared guilty of the whole Fact, and by the sentence of the Popes Legates, besides the sacri∣ficing several Rights of the Crown, and payment of large sums of money; made to walk bare-foot several miles to the Cathedral at Canterbury, where attending a whole day and night without sleep or food, he received from the Monks his Subjects, on his naked back, above fourscore lashes. And if a King was thus far criminal for occasioning, though beside his intendment, the death of one of his rebellious Subjects; what shall we say of that Universal Pastor, who directly ad∣vised and commanded the slaughter and destruction of so ma∣ny thousands of all Degrees, Ages and Sexes, whereof a great part were certainly more innocent than that unhappy man, whose blood was esteemed so sacred, could be thought to be?

Having given this account of the Massacre in France, let me see next whether my Author be in the right in his account of the Rebellion in Ireland; where not to rip up that old sore, and shew how the Romish Factors fomented and blowed up those unhappy flames, and the Pope having absolved by his Bulls his Majesties Subjects from their Allegiance, took upon himself to be their Prince and General in the person of his Nuncio, exercising all Regal Powers, and that not only up∣on

the poor Protestants; but even the Papists also, who were guilty of that mortal sin, the designing to desert Rebellion, and returning to his Majesties Obedience: This I pass over, being the matter of a just History, and shall produce only two Testimonies in evidence to my present Conclusion, and both of them of so early a date, as not to admit that com∣mon excuse, which the Irish are alwayes ready to offer; that they did not rebel against the King, but fought against his Enemies and Regicides.

The first of these shall be the Brief of Pope Urban to Oneal, bearing date Octob. 8. that is our Sept. 28. 1642. which was before the first battel between the King and his Rebels in England at Edge-Hill. The Brief runs thus,

To his beloved Son Eugenius Oneal. You are accustomed to omit no occasion to testifie your singular zeal and endeavour which you derive from your Ancestors of defending the Church; and of this you have given a recent testimony by designing to go into Ireland to take care of the concerns of the Catholicks: Wherefore your Letters came very welcom to me, whereby you signifie your in∣tended Voyage, and taking your Auspice from the Divine Assi∣stance, have not less humbly than religiously desired of Us our Apostolical Benediction. We highly commend your constancy a∣gainst the Hereticks, and sincere Faith; expecting from you in this opportunity, the proofs of your Valour, which have former∣ly given you renown, and will be exemplary to others. We hope the most high will be at hand to assert your Cause, and will make known his saving health among all Nations. In the mean time, that you may proceed with greater assurance, praying incessantly to the divine Clemency, that he would frustrate the endeavours of your Enemies, we give to you, and those others who promote the affairs of the Catholicks in the aforesaid Kingdom, our Benedicton; and to all and each of them, if they being penitent, are confest and duly refresht with the holy Communion, if it may be had, plenary Re∣mission and pardon of their sins, and also at the point of Death plenary Indulgence. Dated at Rome under the Seal of the Fisher, the 8 day of Octob. A. 1642. and of our Papacy 20.

My next Proof shall be from a zealous Votary of the Church of Rome▪ Father O-mahon, in his Apology for the Right to the

Kingdom of Ireland, in behalf of the Catholicks against the* 1.54 English Hereticks; and his Exhortation, where after other laudable Documents, he thus bespeaks them.

My Countrey-men of Ireland, Go on and prosper, fulfil the work which you have begun for your Defence and Liberty; destroy the Hereticks your Enemies, and all their Abettors; you have al∣ready killed an hundred and fifty thousand of them in these four last years▪ I mean from 1641. to this present 1645. where∣in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the which your Enemies in their Writings roar out and 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and you acknowledge, and I believe, that more of the Hereticks have been killed, and would to God that all had been so. It remains that you destroy those that yet survive, or at least drive them out of Ireland, that they may no more infect our Catholick Country with their Heresies and Errours.

I shall trouble the Reader no farther on this Head, but desire him to take his choice whether he will believe my Au∣thor, who sayes the Rebellion of Ireland was not for Religion; or his Holiness (whom in this case we may allow to be infalli∣ble) who sayes it was: Or if we will avoid so odious a comparison, whether we will think our Author speaks truth, or Father Mahun, who was not a stranger to the action he talks of, and would be thought to know what belongs to War and Religion, as well as any of his neighbours; though, by the way, he also confutes that representation which our Author makes of the small numbers of Protestants murder∣ed by the Rebels; for our Author seems to suggest, That in∣deed* 1.55 this thing which we talk of as a Massacre, and a War, was only a Scuffle at a Wake, where a few broken shins or beads determined the quarrel; and after the application of a plaister of Diapalma, all was presently made well again. But there is nothing so manifest, that some Romanists have not the confidence to deny: And truly, they who teach their Vota∣ries in the immediate concerns of their immortal Souls, to renounce all their sences and reason to boot, need not de∣spair of obtruding any thing upon the credulous world.

It may here be expected, that from the before-going pre∣misses, I should now draw out Conclusions, and those severe∣ly pressing on that whole sort of men, who under divers hoti∣ous

and pretences call themselves Roman Catholicks; that I should exhort our Patriots to oppose sanguinary Laws a∣gainst inhumane bloody practises, and pecuniary, or other strict restraints against licentious Principles. To put it out of their power to hurt the publick, whose very Religion makes it impossible for them to give any competent security that they will not destroy it: And in a word, to avert those mischiefs by precaution, which if allowed to gather strength, will be so fatally destructive, as not to be repaired 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after punishments. But this is not my aim, who press the disco∣veries which I have made, no farther than to arm those who are so fortunate to have been educated in a Faith of peaceful Duty and Obedience, not to be tempted by false pretences to desert it; and to perswade all those who have been so unhap∣py to be entangled in that endless maze of Error the Ro∣man Church, to quit both it and those pernicious guilts, which I have shewed to be its necessary and individual ad∣herents.

I contend not against Names and Notions, but Vice and Mischief; nor am I angry with men, but with that which destroys Human Society. I would not make any Faction look worse than it is. But I can never hold that for Religion which teaches men to Violate their Faith; to Worship Wood and Stone; to Make, and then Devour their God; to Blow up Senates; to Massacre Nations, and Kill Kings.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Declarat▪ of egregious▪ Popish Impo∣stures, &c, Foot out of the Snare. Examination of Sowbrets, &c. Boy of Bilson, &c. Chambers. Sheldon.
• a 1.2

  Tho à Je∣su, de convers. omn. gent. p. 561, &c.
• * 1.3

  Ibid.
• * 1.4

  Ibid.
• b 1.5

  Response au livre de Monsieur l' Ev••que de Condom, en l' avertisement.
• d 1.6

  P. 7, 8, &c.
• * 1.7

  Bull Pii IV.
• f 1.8

  Animad. p. 76, 77, &c.
• g 1.9

  Consult. p. 56.
• h 1.10

  P. 13.
• i 1.11

  P. 8.
• * 1.12

  Pontif. p. 94, 95
• * 1.13

  Arch. Spots∣wood. History p. 803.
• * 1.14

  Pontificale Rom.
• * 1.15

  Watson's Quod libets, Dialogue be∣tween a Secu∣lar Priest and Lay-Gentle∣man.
• * 1.16

  A true Rela∣tion of the fa∣ction begun at Wisbich.
• * 1.17

  Quod.
• * 1.18

  P. 37, 69, 88, 89, 265, 266, &c. 275, &c. 303, &c.
• * 1.19

  Discourse of the Powder Treason. Apology for the Oath of Allegiance. Premonition to all free Princes and States. Answers to Cardinal Per∣ron and Bellar∣min, &c.
• ‖ 1.20

  Sir George Crook's Re∣ports, part. 2. Term Trin. A. 2. Iac. R. in Banco Re∣gis.
• * 1.21

  First Contro∣versial Letter
• * 1.22

  King Iames his Discourse of the Powder Treason.
• * 1.23

  Proceedings against the Gun-powder Traitors.
• * 1.24

  3 Concil. La∣teran. Tom. conc. 27.
• * 1.25

  4 Concil. La∣teran. Tom. concil. 28.
• * 1.26

  Tom. Conc▪ 18
• * 1.27

  P. 11.
• * 1.28

  Harangue au tiers Estat p. 61••. &c
• * 1.29

  Dr Vane Vin∣dicat, of the Council of Lateran.
• * 1.30

  Tom. 11. part. 1.
• * 1.31

  Concil Trid. Sess. 4. can. 8.
• * 1.32

  Mat. Paris in ann. 1222.
• * 1.33

  Binnii Concil.
• * 1.34

  Tom. 7. part. 2.
• * 1.35

  Harangue au tiers Estat.
• * 1.36

  First Con∣trov. Letter.
• * 1.37

  The life of Gerson prefixt to his works. And Tom. 1. p. 375. & 3. p. 69.
• * 1.38

  P. 9.
• * 1.39

  25 Ed 3. cap. ult.
• * 1.40

  Davil. l. 10. Conclus. Fa∣cult. Paris.
• * 1.41

  D▪ Aubigne, Tom. 3.
• * 1.42

  Boter. relat. Thuan. Hist. lib. 137.
• * 1.43

  Harangue au tiers Estat.
• * 1.44

  Recueil tres exact & curi∣eux de tout ce que l'est fait & pass de sin∣gulier & me∣morable, en l'Assemblee Generale des Estates tenus, à Paris en l'anne 1614. Bar Florim. •• Rapine.
• * 1.45

  Pag. 356.
• * 1.46

  Pag 410.
• * 1.47

  First Contro∣versial Let∣ter.
• * 1.48

  James 3.
• * 1.49

  Vita del glo∣ri••sissimo Pa∣pa Pio quinto, p. 195.
• * 1.50

  Mo••ray, Ann. 1572.
• * 1.51

  Thuan. Hist. l. 53.
• * 1.52

  Stow. Speed. Chron. in Hen. 2.
• * 1.53

  Baron. in An. 1169.
• * 1.54

  Disputatio A∣pologetica de sure regni Hi∣berniae pro Ca∣tholicis Hiber∣nis adversus haereticos An∣glos, Autore C. M. Hiberno Artium & S. Th. magistro, &c. num. 2▪
• * 1.55

  P. 19.