State-worthies, or, The states-men and favourites of England since the reformation their prudence and policies, successes and miscarriages, advancements and falls, during the reigns of King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, King James, King Charles I.

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Title
State-worthies, or, The states-men and favourites of England since the reformation their prudence and policies, successes and miscarriages, advancements and falls, during the reigns of King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, King James, King Charles I.
Author
Lloyd, David, 1635-1692.
Publication
London :: Printed by Thomas Milbourne for Samuel Speed ...,
1670.
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Subject terms
Statesmen -- England -- Early works to 1800.
Favorites, Royal -- England -- Sources.
Great Britain -- History -- Tudors, 1485-1603 -- Sources.
Great Britain -- Kings and rulers.
Great Britain -- Court and courtiers -- Early works to 1800.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A48794.0001.001
Cite this Item
"State-worthies, or, The states-men and favourites of England since the reformation their prudence and policies, successes and miscarriages, advancements and falls, during the reigns of King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, King James, King Charles I." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A48794.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 12, 2024.

Pages

Observations on the Life of John Lord Culpeper.

I Find nothing promoting him to his first pre∣ferment of Chancellor of the Exchequer, but his pure merit; nor any thing advancing him to his after-honours, but his steady Loyalty;— which when others stuck to London (in compliance with that Maxim; In all Divisions keep your self to the Metropolis, the chief City being for the most part preserved, who-ever prevaileth, in a Civil Commotion, abounding in Money and Friends, the readiest Commodities to purchase Quiet) carryed him after a persecuted Soveraign for twenty years together, by the strong obligation of a well-princi∣pled Conscience, and the well-weighed observa∣tion

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of the natural Affection of all Englishmen to their lawful Soveraign; from whom, though the Arts and Impulses of seditious Demagogues may a while estrange and divorce their minds, yet their Genius will irresistibly at last force them to their first love.

It was the resolution of a great States-man; That if the Crown of England were placed but on an Hedge-stake, he would be on that side the Crown was. His first service was to discover his Soveraign to his deluded People, worthy not only of their o∣bedience, but their lives and fortunes. His next was, to lay open his Enemies in all their Intrigues and Reserves, being most happy in all the Treaties he was engaged in, in discerning the bottom of his own Parties Interest, and their Adversaries pretensions discoveries! that prevailed on all that was either noble or but ingenuous in the Nation, especially whithr my Lord came with his indefa∣tigable Industry, his obliging Converse, and po∣tent Eloquence, excepting London its self, whi∣ther he was sent from Nottingham, with the Earls of Southampton and Dorset, and Sir William We∣dale Knight, the very day the King set up his Standard there. The Principle he went upon was, That the Faction at Westminster was no Parliament; A Principle most safe on all hands: For which and the rest of his judicious Sentiments, he hath the honour to be enrolled among those that Traitors durst not pardon; which he could not choose but smile at, knowing (as he used to say)

That Treason is alwayes within five years weary of its self, the People being more impatient of their own Libertinism, than of the strictest and most heavy

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government.
His way of Intelligence from Lon∣don by Mistress E. P. friend to I. M. puts me in minde of a passage in Queen Elizabeths Reign; who being presented with an Overture out of Spain, so recretly managed by the Councel there, as the first news of its approach came with its self: the Messengers (out of fear of a surprizal) dis∣pensing the Ceremonies commonly used in the be∣half of Embassadors (something strange, consi∣dering the haughtiness of that Nation) did much inslme the Lord Treasurer's desire to know the farthest extent of the Negotiation, as conducing to a present advantage, that such an Answer might be made as should in some proportion quadrate with the demand of the Catholique King, at that time standing upon Terms little different from those of an Enemy. And being informed from the ordinary Espials he kept about his Person, that the attempt was something difficult, if not impossible; the Don out of distrust still carrying his Instructions in his bosom: Burleigh caused such a Jesuite to be apprehended, as by reason of former miscarriages could not expect mercy; and imparts his desires to him under as large promises if he brought them about, as threats to be revenged on him and his Associates, if he ound himself abused. All which, though with some reluctancy he undertook: and performed, through the meditation o a fair Lady that first took away his Commission, and then again laid it under his Pillow whilst he slept.

His early endeavours for Peace by Addresses to London, Scotlnd Cornwal, speak his integrity, and his prudence. Every inconsiderable person may

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be powerful at disturbances: but to form Peace, requires much wisdom and great vertues) and his observations upon the division of the great Fa∣ction to two parties, Independent and Presbyterian. His care and watchfulness; none of their clashes es∣caping his reach, which was ready to accommo∣date as occasion served their respective Inte∣rests, in their New-models and alterations; making as good use of Fears and Jealousies between them, as they had done between the King and his People; being one of those brave spirits that made much of good Soldiers and Subjects, notwithstanding their ill success if they continued their good affections [areat successibus opto quisquis ab eventus exitus acta probat] as the Romans gave thanks to Teren∣tius Varro after he had lost the great battel of Ca∣nae by his own default, because he did not despair of the Commonwealth, always valuing his estate in England, during the usurpation, as much as he did during the King's just possession: As the Romans would not sell the ground that Hannibal encamped upon, cheaper than if it had been in time of peace, which was one thing that discouraged that great Captain from continuing the siege of Rome. These and other his services recommended him to the atendance of his most excellent Majesty when Prince, in the perfecting of the Western Associati∣on, when it was thought fit to put the happiness and hope of the Kingdom in two bottoms, with whom he continued with a constant fidelity in all diffi∣culties, performing several Embassies during their banishment with honour (particularly one to the Emperour, who had great respects for his Master, and an awful regard of his Cause) till it pleased

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God to bring his Majesty by his and others counsel to his Father's Throne; which he just saw, and dy∣ed Master of the Rolls, Iune 1660. From one of whose Relations I have these Notes and Postils, containing some of the policy of the late Times, from 1642. to 1659.—which I set down nakedly, as I finde them; not supposing they are his, but that they were among his Papers.

1. It is against the experience of the wisest Prin∣ces of France and England, o leave their chief Ciy in times of tumult;—yet it was necessary for the King to do o, as well to break the fury of the worst people there by distance and time, as to dis-abuse the best abroad by his presence and time:—and in∣deed it had been a shame for him to have perished in a tumult.

2. It was urged, that the King should not dely any longer the War—but besides that nothing could perswade his gracious Majesty to a War, but pure necessity. It's usually observed, that if Bu∣efeu's make not the feud irreconcileable by a des∣perate action, Rebels cool, consider, break, suspect, fear, and fall off to nothing.

3. The repulse of Hotham did the King excel∣lent service, by alarming all the Loyal in the King∣dom with their designed plot.

4. Especially when the Country saw the King so unwilling to engage, that he discharged their guards several times.

5. It was thought unfit to send to the Faction from Nottingham, until it was rejoyned that men of understanding and fidelity are usually employed to those persons against whom a War is to be managed,

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to discover their design, humour, forces, succous, and what ever might succour or strengthen them; which none but they who were secured with the priviledge of Agents might do; and none were judg∣ed fitter than they that were best acquainted with the knowing Ladies, and the talkative Lords.

6. It was offered that Intelligence should be written to satisfie the people, and make the vul∣gar pretences ridiculous: But quaere, whether it is possible for the Arcana Imperii to remain always under so exact a discipline as may admit a thorow-inspection of the multitude without danger.

7. When it was urged as the fundamental Prin∣ciple the King should proceed upon, that the Fa∣ction at Westminster was no Parliament, the King being firm to his promise (as there was not a just∣er man alive) not to dissolve them without their leave—it was judged that self-preservation being the first principle in nature, that concession which wisdom saw then, and experience since, so contra∣ry to that principle, was rather to be repented of, than performed.

8. It is a very great advantage to the King's Cause, that his Messages of Peace were sent always ater his Victories; and his Enemies after their de∣feats: And that his Declarations were natural, ea∣sie, as grounded upon obvious principles of Scrip∣ture, Law, and Reason; and theirs harsh, forced, and wilde, as grounded only upon Pretences and Fancies.

9. It's a probable opinion, that it is in vain to treat with the Rebels, who can never trust the King with their guilty heads.

10. It is in vain to yield them any thing, since

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all Concessions have no other issue than either or both of these two inconveniences. 1. That they make the Faction so insolent, that the King should not be able to deny nor grant them any thing. 2. That they justified former proceedings, and laid the blame upon the King for not granting that sooner, which he thinks fit to grant now. Besides, it's more fit Propositions come to the King, than from him.

11. It my be wondered that the King doth not cut off the chief of the Rebels, as they fall into his hands, according to the usual Maxim in that case; but that his inclination to clemency is inexpressi∣ble—and that the principle he goeth upon is sure, hough deep, viz. That so much are Man-kinde in general, and the English in particular obliged by fair usages, that the generality of this Nation returned nine times in 1300 years after long inter∣vals of Usurpation, out of gratitude as well as duty unto their Allegiance to the posterity of good, pious, merciful, but unhappy Princes.

12. When it was urged against the King's going to London upon the success in the West, that the City would pour out fresh men upon him, as at Brainford, It was replied, hat the City and Country were not under such strong delusions as then, but were more sensible of the miseries they had been trepanned into. Besides, there was a more miracu∣lous power of conversion went along with the King's presence where-ever he came, convincing all he conversed with.

13. Whether the King beng so wise and able, it were not convenient to contrive it so, that the peo∣ple might see how well he acted by himself,—

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provided he had sufficient security?

14. Whether it being dangerous that the Re∣bels should seize (as God forbid they should) on the whole Court at once, it were not convenient that his Majesty and the Prince did part, that the Kingdom might know its hope as well as its happi∣ness; and that their interest when separated, might be more spreading than when together?

15. It was judged prudence to let the success wherein their souls were unequal, overthrow the Fation by mutual Jealousies and Animosities, till it dissipated all pretences, and the people saw none oppressed them in their Estates, Liberties, Conscien∣ces, more than the pretended Patrons of them all. An Indempnity without regard to any Faction, be∣ing most likely to render the misled as jealous for the King, as they had been against him.

16. It were to be wished that the Parliament did draw into entire Propositions their design, that his Majesty and his People might make a clearer judgement of it in order to an accommodation.

17. His Majesty must be secured of the Militia, and against tumults, and all persons invested in their first right without any controversie—As to other matters, full bebate may settle them, with such explanations and qualifications as may satisfie all parties.

18. It's thought his Majesty may concur with the Parliament about the Presbyterian Government for three years, the time allowed by themselves; and that at the three years end the very Kingdom will throw it off as inconsistent with the English temper, and unsuitable with the Brittish Monar∣chy:—And so likewise in other things which look

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plausible in the general, but are unpracticable in the particular.

19. Though many things are necessary to avoid jealousies, which are inconvenient, yet they may be allowed, upon the respect of the likelihood that all things will in time return to their proper chanel—only a general Act of indempnity is the best bond of Peace, whereby the numerous discontents of ma∣ny prsons and families otherwise exposed to ruine, might not become Fuel to new disorders, or Seeds to future troubles, with particular regards to the priviledges of the City, notwithstanding non-user, mis-user, abuser, and the interest of the Army—an indulgence that would help the world to see clearly the Kings intentions in matter of future govern∣ment.

20. No Act to pass till the Peace be concluded, lest what his Majesty grants, may be an argument to urge what he must deny; so that he cannot treat in Honour Freedom, or Safety.

21. Time is the best cure of Faction.

22. When the Treaty is broken off, so that nei∣ther side could reassume it without a seeming yield∣ing, it should be renewed upon the Queens moti∣on, provided always that her name was not used or intimated till the Rebels willingness to compliance were preassured.

But stay, I am fallen upon mine own knowing time, wherein I am fitter to read others Observa∣tions, than to write my own: and it becomes me rather to be instructed, than to instruct. Industry and Curiosity bid me begin this Collection where Sir W. F. Sir R. N. Sir I. H. Characters end: and modesty enjoyns m to finish it, where my Contem∣poraries

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own knowledge begins,—with whom I shall quietly pass my time, observing how far the affairs I ee or hear of agree with those I have read of. Having gained thus much (if no more) by this Essay; That by looking into the Intrigues of former times, I have learned a great deal of reason to bless GOD I was born in these: being assured, that murmurs, discontents, complaints, whisperings, speaking evil of Dignities; the common, but unrea∣sonable faults of this Age, are kept up only because men are ignorant of the Ages foregoing: And as my Lord Bacon saith of the Schoolmen in the Church, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of troublsom persons in he S••••••e; that they are so, because they know nothing beyond their own time: whereas if the most discontented peson did but compare his own dayes with those before, he must cofes, that there wants nothing in the general frame of our Government (particu∣lar persons miscarriages must be always allowed) to make us most happy, but thankfulness, content, and the continuance of these blessings under our dread Soveraign, for whom it's as much our inte∣rest as our duty to pray according to St. Chrysostoms Liturgy, that God would give him strength, victory, health, safety, length and tranquillity of dayes: or in Tertullian's form; Long life, a secure government, safe Court, valiant Army, faithful Senate, good Peo∣ple, quiet world, & what-ever he can desire as a King, or as a man. Or once more, in Lactantius his words, That God will keep him, who is the keeper of all things in his Dominions, to his Felicity, and our Tran∣quillity.

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