State-worthies, or, The states-men and favourites of England since the reformation their prudence and policies, successes and miscarriages, advancements and falls, during the reigns of King Henry VIII, King Edward VI, Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, King James, King Charles I.

THE STATES-MEN and FAVOURITES OF ENGLAND, IN The Reign of King Charles. I.

Observations on the Life of the Duke of Buckingham.

NAture bestowed on him an exact comliness, his Mother a noble education (not so much to study, as converse:) His Travels to France, carriage and experience. About which times, he falls into intrinsecal society with Sir Ioh. Greham, then one of the Gentlemen of his Ma∣jesties Privy-Chamber; who, I know not upon what Luminaries, he espyed in his face, disswaded him from Marriage, and gave him rather encou∣ragement to woe Fortune at Court, than court it in the City: Which advice sank well into his fan∣cy,

for within some while, the King had taken by certain glances (whereof the first was at Ap∣thorpe in a Progress) such liking of his Person, that he was resolved to make him a Master∣piece, and to mould him as it were Platonically to his own Idea. Neither was his Majesty con∣tent onely to be the Architect of his Fortune, without putting his gracious hand likewise to some part of the work it self; insomuch that it pleased him to descend, and to avale his goodness, even to the giving of his foresaid friend Sir Iohn Greham secret directions, how, by what degrees he should bring him into favour. His own parts and observation gained him prudence and discre∣tion; His Family and Ancestors in Leicester-shire, gentility and repute; so that there wanted nothing but Interest to set him up a Courtier: Sir Thomas Compton, who had married his Mother, supplyed him with the one, and the Earls of Bedford, Pembrook, and Hertford, who would eclipse Somerset, helped him to the other: For those three Lords meeting one night at Baynards-Castle, and commanding So∣merset's picture should be abused in their way: next day Sir Thomas Lake leads him into Court, buying him the Cup-bearers place: A while after the Countess of Bedford ushereth him to the Presence-Chamber, entering him a Bed-chamber-man,—and the Earl of Pembrook supports him, until he was a Favourite. The Courtiers wished him well, be∣cause he was an English-man: the Nobility favour∣ed him, because a Gentleman; the Ladies have a kindness for him, because the exactest Courtier in Christendom; the King observes him much, for his compleat body, more for his pregnant parts; and

the States-men now consulting Somerset's removal, and finding King Iames his good nature loth to leave the bosom of one Minion, until he had re∣posed himself in another, made it their plot to ad∣vance him. His carriage was free and debonair; his passions even and smooth, and one saith, carried in his pocket; his nature noble and open; his tem∣per industrious and inquisitive; his intellectuals clear and capable; his mind tractable and docible; his spirit resolute and undaunted. — The first month he comes to Court, he takes place above all his fellows; and being removed with some affront by a creature of Somerset's, gives him a box on the ear; an action that gave him and his friends a sea∣sonable occasion of a Contest with Somerset, and him a clear conquest over him: Somerset as Cham∣berlain would have cut off his hand, and he as Fa∣vourite was like to have cut off his head. This new Favourite riseth; all are weary of Somerset the first Minion, all welcom the second. The King is first his Tutor, and then his Patron, instructing him before he employed him. Three sorts of studies he engaged him in; the first was for delights in private Retyrements; the second for ornament in Dis∣course; the third, for ability in Business. He had Princely apprehensions of the principles and Ma∣ximes of Government, a distinct notion of all his Affairs, an excellent way to make use of other mens Abilities; and these incomparable Rules from my Lord Bacon, which were transcribed in his Life.

Sir, In the first place,* 1.1 I shall be bold to put you in mind of the present condition you are in; You are not onely a Courtier, but a Bed-chamber-man,

and so are in the eye and ear of your Master; but you are also a Favourite; The Favourite of the time, and so are in his bosom also; The world hath so voted you, and doth so esteem of you, (for Kings and great Princes, even the wisest of them, have had their Friends, their Favourites, their Privadoes, in all ages; for they have their af∣fections as well as other men) of these they make several uses: sometimes to communicate and de∣bate their thoughts with them, and to ripen their judgments thereby; sometimes to ease their cares by imparting them; and sometimes to interpose them between themselves and the envy or malice of their People (for Kings cannot erre, that must be discharged upon the shoulders of their Mini∣sters; and they who are nearest unto them must be content to bear the greatest load.) Truly Sir, I do not believe or suspect that you are chosen to this eminency, out of the last of these considera∣tions; for you serve such a Master, who by his wis∣dom and goodness, is as free from the malice or envy of his Subjects, as, I think I may say truly, ever any King was, who hath sate upon his Throne before him: But I am confident, his Majesty hath cast his eyes upon you, as finding you to be such as you should be, or hoping to make you to be such as he would have you to be; for this I may say with∣out flattery, your outside promiseth as much as can be expected from a Gentleman. But be it in the one respect, or other, it belongeth to you to take care of your self, and to know well what the name of a Favourite signifies: If you be chosen upon the former respects, you have reason to take care of your actions and deportment, out of your grati∣tude,

for the King's sake; but if out of the later, you ought to take the greater care, for your own sake.

You are as a new risen Star, and the eyes of all men are upon you; let not your own negligence make you fall like a Meteor.

The contemplation then of your present condi∣tion must necessarily prepare you for action; what time can be well spar'd from your attendance on your Master, will be taken up by suitors, whom you cannot avoid, nor decline, without reproach; for if you do not already, you will soon find the throng of suitors attend you; for no man, almost, who hath to do with the King, will think himself safe, unless you be his good Angel, and guide him, or, or least, that you be not a Malus Genius against him; so that, in respect of the King your Master, you must be very wary, that you give him true in∣formation; and if the matter concern him in his Government, that you do not flatter him; if you do, you are as great a Traytor to him in the Court of Heaven, as he that draws his sword against him: and in respect of the Suitors which shall attend you, there is nothing will bring you more honour and more ease, then to do them what right in justice you may, and with as much speed as you may; for believe it, Sir, next to the obtaining of the suit, a speedy and a gentle denyal (when the case will not bear it) is the most acceptable to suitors; they will gain by their dispatch, whereas else they shall spend their time and money in attending; and you will gain in the ease you will find in being rid of their importunity. But if they obtain what they reaso∣nably desired, they will be doubly bound to you

for your favour: Bis dat qui cito dat; it multiplies the courtesie, to do it with good words, and spee∣dily.

That you may be able to do this with the best advantage, my humble advice is this; when sui∣tors come unto you, set apart a certain hour in a day to give them audience: If the business be light and easie, it may by word only be delivered, and in a word be answered; but if it be either of weight, or of difficulty, direct the suitor to com∣mit it to writing, (if it be not so already) and then direct him to attend for his answer at a set time to be appointed, which would constantly be obser∣ved, unless some matter of great moment do in∣terrupt it: when you have received the Petitions (and it will please the Petitioners well, to have ac∣cess unto you to deliver them into your own hand) let your Secretary first read them, and draw lines under the material parts thereof (for the matter, for the most part, lies in a narrow room.) The Pe∣titions being thus prepared, do you constantly set apart an hour in a day to peruse those Petit••ons; and after you have ranked them into several files, according to the subject matter, make choice of two or three friends, whose judgments and fideli∣ties you believe you may trust in a business of that nature, and recommend it to one or more of them, to inform you of their opinions, and of their rea∣sons for, or against the granting of it; and if the matter be of great weight indeed, then it would not be amiss to send several Copies of the same Pe∣tition to several of your friends, the one not know∣ing what the other doth, and desire them to return their answers to you by a certain time, to be prefix∣xed

in writing; so shall you receive an impartial answer, and by comparing the one with the other, you shall both discern the abilities and faithfulness of your friends, and be able to give a judgement thereupon, as an Oracle. But by no means trust not to your own judgement alone, for no man is omniscient; nor trust onely to your servants, who may mislead you, or mis-inform you; by which they may perhaps gain a few crowns, but the re∣proach will lye upon your self, if it be not rightly carried.

For the facilitating of your dispatches, my ad∣vice is further, that you divide all the Petitions, and the matters therein contained, under several heads; which, I conceive, may be fitly ranked into these eight sorts.

• 1. Matters that concern Religion, and the Church and Church-men.
• 2. Matters concerning Justice, and the Laws, and the Professors thereof.
• 3. Councellors, and the Council-Table, and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom.
• 4. Foreign Negotiations and Embassies.
• 5. Peace and War, both foreign and civil, and in that the Navy and Forts, and what belongs to them.
• 6. Trade at home and abroad.
• 7. Colonies, or foreign Plantations.
• 8. The Court, and Curiality.

And whatsoever will not fall naturally under one of these heads, believe me, Sir, will not be worthy of your thoughts, in this capacity we now speak of. And of these sorts, I warrant you, you will find e∣nough to keep you in b••siness.

I begin with the first, which concerns Reli∣gion.

1. In the first place, be you your self rightly perswaded and setled in the true Protestant Re∣ligion, professed by the Church of England; which doubtless is as sound and orthodox in the doctrine thereof, as any Christian Church in the world.

2. In this you need not be a Monitor to your gracious Master the King; the chiefest of his Im∣perial Titles, is, to be The Defender of the Faith; and his learning is eminent, not only above other Prin∣ces, but above other men; be but his scholar, and you are safe in that.

3. For the Discipline of the Church of England, by Bishops, &c. I will not positively say, as some do, that it's Iure Divino; but this I say, and think, ex animo, that it is the nearest to Apostolical truth; and confidently I shall say, it is fittest for Monarchy of all others: I will use no other authority to you, than that excellent Proclamation set out by the King himself in the first year of his Reign, and an∣nexed before the Book of Common Prayer; which I desire you to read; and if at any time there shall be the least motion made for Innovation, to put the King in mind to read it himself: It is most dange∣rous in a State to give ear to the least alterations ••n Government.

4. Take heed, I beseech you, that you be not an instrument to countenance the Romish Catholicks: I cannot flatter; the world believes that some near in blood to you are too much of that perswasion; you must use them with fit respects, according to the bonds of ••atu••e; but you are of kin, and so a fri••nd to their persons, not to their errors.

5. The Arch-Bishops and Bishops, next under the King, have the government of the Church and Ecclesiastical affairs; be not you the mean to pr••fer any to those places, for any by-respects, but only for their learning, gravity and worth: their lives and Doctrine ought to be exemplary.

6. For Deans, and Canons or Prebends of Ca∣thedral Churches: In their first institution they were of great use in the Church; they were not on∣ly to be of Council with the Bishop for his reve∣nue, but chiefly for his Government in causes Ec∣clesiastical; use your best means to prefer such to those places who are fit for that purpose, men emi∣nent for their learning, piety, and discretion, and put the King often in mind thereof; and let them be reduced again to their first institution.

7. You will be often sollicited, and perhaps im∣portuned to prefer Scholars to Church-Livings; you may further your friends in that way, caeteris paribus; otherwise, remember, I pray, that these are not places meerly of favour, the charge of souls lies upon them; the greatest account whereof will be required at their own hands; but they will share deeply in their faults who are the instruments of their preferment.

8. Besides the Romish Catholicks, there is a ge∣neration of Sectaries, the Anabaptists, Brownists, and others, of their kinds; they have been several times very busie in this Kingdom, under the colour of zeal for reformation of Religion: The King your Mr. knows their disposition very well; a small touch will put him in mind of them; he had experience of them in Scotland, I hope he will beware of them in England; a little countenance or connivance sets them on fire.

9. Order and decent ceremonies in the Church, are not only comely but commendable; but there must be great care, not to introduce Innovations, they will quickly prove scandalous: men are natu∣rally over-prone to suspition; the true Protestant Religion is seated in the golden mean; the enemies unto her, are the extreams on either hand.

10. The persons of Church-men are to be had in due respect, for their words sake, and protected from scorn: but if a Clergy-man be loose and scan∣dalous, he must not be patroniz'd nor wink't at; the example of a few such, corrupt many.

11. Great care must be taken, that the patrimo∣ny of the Church be not sacrilegiously diverted to lay-uses: His Majesty in his time hath religiously stopped a leak that did much harm, and would else have done more. Be sure, as much as in you lyes, stop the like upon all occasions.

12. Colledges and Schools of Learning are to be cherished and encouraged, there to breed up a new stock to furnish the Church and Common-wealth, when the old store are transplanted. This Kingdom hath in later ages be••n famous for good literature; and if preferment shall attend the deservers, there will not want supplies.

Next to Religion, let your care be to promote Justice. By justice and mercy is the Kings throne established.

1. Let the rule of Justice be the Laws of the Land, an impartial arbiter between the King and hi•• people, and between one Subject and another: I shall not speak superlatively of them, lest I be suspected of p••••t••a••ity, in regard of my own pro∣••••ssion; but this I may truly say, they are second to none in the Christian world.

2. And, as far as it may lye in you, let no Arbi∣trary power be intruded: the people of this King∣dom love the Laws thereof, and nothing will oblige them more, than a confidence of the free enjoying of them. What the Nobles, upon an occasion, once said in Parliament, Nolumus leges Angliae mutari, is imprinted in the hearts of all the people.

3. But because the life of the Laws lies in the due execution and administration of them, let your eye be in the first place, upon the choice of good Judg∣es: These properties had they need to be furnished with; To be learned in their profession, patient in hearing, prudent in governing, powerful in their e∣locution to perswade and satisfie both the parties and hearers, just in their judgment; and, to sum up all, they must have these three Attributes; They must be men of courage, fearing God, and hating cove∣t••••sness; An ignorant man cannot, a Coward dares not be a good Judge.

4. By no means be you perswaded to interpose your self, either by word or letter, in any cause depending, or like to be depending in any Court of Justice, nor suffer any other great man to do it where you can hinder it; and by all means disswade the King himself from it, upon the importunity of any for themselves or their friends: If it should pre∣vail, it perverts Justice; but if the Judge be so just, and of so good courage (as he ought to be) as not to be enclined thereby, yet it always leaves a taint of suspition behind it. Judges must be as chaste as Caesar's Wife, neither to be, nor to be sus∣pected to be, unjust; and Sir, the honour of the Judges in their judicature, is the Kings honour whom they represent.

5. There is great use of the service of the Judges in their Circuits, which are twice in the year held throughout the Ki••gdom; the tryal of a few causes between party and party, or delivering of the Gaols in several Counties, are of great use for the expedition of justice; yet they are of much more use for the government of the Counties through which they pass, if that were well thought upon.

6. For if they had instr••ctions to that purpose, they might be the best intelligencers to the King, of the true state of his whole Kingdom, of the di∣sposition of the people, of their inclinations, of their intentions and mo••••••n••, which are necessary to be truly understood.

7. To this end, I could wish, that against eve∣ry Circuit all the Judges should, sometimes by the K. himself, and sometimes by the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper, in the King's name, receive a charge of those things which the present times did much require; and at their return should deliver a faithful account thereof, and how they found and left the Counties through which they passed, and in which they kept their Assizes.

8. And that shey might the better perform th••s work, which might be of great importance, it will not be am••ss that sometimes this charge be publick, as it useth to be in the Star-Chamber at the end of the Terms next before the Circuit begins, where the K••ng's care of j••stice, and the good of his peo∣ple, may be published; and that sometimes also ••t may be private, to communicate to the Judges some thi••gs not so fit to be publickly delivered.

9. I could wish also that the Judges were dire∣cted to make a little longer stay in a place than u∣sually they do; a day more in a County would be a very good addition, (although their wages for their Circuits were increased in proportion) it would stand better with the gravity of their em∣ployment; whereas now they are sometimes enfor∣ced to rise over-early, and to sit over-late, for the dispatch of their business, to the extraordinary trouble of themselves and of the people, their times indeed not being horae juridicae; And, which is the main, they would have the more leisure to inform themselves (quasi aliud agentes) of the true estate of the Country.

10. The attendance of the Sheriffs of the Coun∣ties, accompanied with the principal Gentlemen, in a comely, not a costly equipage, upon the Judg∣es of Assize at their coming to the place of their sitting, and at their going out, is not onely a civili∣ty, but of use also: It raiseth a reverence to the persons and places of the Judges, who coming from the King himself on so great an errand, should not be neglected.

11. If any sue to be made a Judge, for my own part, I should suspect him; but if either directly or indirectly he should bargain for a place of judica∣ture, let him be rejected with shame: vendere jure potest, emerat ille prius.

12. When the place of a chief Judge of a Court becomes vacant, a puisne Judge of that Court, or of another Court, who hath approved himself fit and deserving, would be sometimes preferred; it would be a good encouragement for him, and for others, by his example.

13. Next to the Judge, there would be care used in the choice of such as are called to the degree of Serjeants at Law (for such they must be first, be∣fore they be made Judges) none should be made Serjeants, but such as probably might be held fit to be Judges afterward••, when the experience at the Barr hath fitted them for the Bench: Therefore by all means cry down that unworthy course of late times used, that they should pay moneys for it: It may satisfie some Courtiers, but it is no honour to the person so preferred, nor to the King, who thus pre••e••s ••im.

14. For the Kings Counsel at the Law, especially his Atto••ney and Solicito•• General, I need say ••o∣th••ng•• their continual use for the Kings service, not only for his Revenue, but for all the parts of his Government, will put the King, and all those who love his service, in mind to make choice of men e∣very way fit and able for that employment: they had need to be learned in their profession, and not ignorant in other things; and to be dexterous in those affairs whereof the dispatch is committed to them.

15. The Kings Attorney of the Court of Wards is in the true quality of the Judges; therefore what hath been observed already of Judges, which are intended principally of the three great Courts of Law at Westminster, may be applied to the choice of the Attorney of this Court.

16. The like for the Attorney of the Dutchy of Lan••••ster, who partakes of both qualities, partly of a Judge of that Co••rt, and partly of an Attor∣ney General; for so much as concerns the proper Revenue of the D••tchy.

17. I must not forget the Judges of the four Cir∣cuits in the twelve Shires of Wales, who although they are not of the first magnitude, nor need be of the degree of the Coyf (onely the chief Justice of Chester, who is one of the number, is so) yet are they considerable in the choice of them, by the same rules as the other Judges are; and they sometimes are, and fitly may be, transplanted into the higher Courts.

18. There are many Courts (as you see) some superiour, some provincial, and some of a lower orb; It were to be wished, and is fit to be so or∣dered, that every of them keep themselves within their proper spheres. The harmony of justice is th••n the sweetest, when th••re is no jarring about the ju∣risdiction of the Courts; which me-thinks wisdom cannot much differ upon, their true bounds being for the most part so clearly known.

19. Having said thus much of the Judges, some∣what will be fit to put you in mind concerning the principal Ministers of Justice: and in the first, of the High sheriffs of the Counties, which have been very ancient in this Kingdom, I am sure before the Conquest; The choice of them I commend to your care, and that at fit times you put the King in mind thereof; that as near as may be they be such as are fit for those places, for they are of great trust and power: The P••sse Comitatus, the power of the whole County, being legally commit∣ted unto them.

20. Therefore it is agreeable with the intention of the Law, that the choice of them should be by the commendation of the great Officers of the Kingdom, and by the advice of the Judges, who

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are presumed to be well read in the condition of the Gentry of the whole Kingdom: And although the King may do it of himself, yet the old way is the good way.

21. But I utterly condemn the practice of the latter times, which hath lately crept into the Court (at the back-stairs) That some who are prick'd for Sheriffs, and were fit, should get out of the Bill; and others who were neither thought upon, nor worthy to be, should be nominated, and both for money.

22. I must not omit to put you in mind of the Lords Lieutenants, and Deputy-Lieutenants of the Counties: their proper use is for ordering the Mi∣litary affairs, in order to an invasion from abroad, or a rebellion or sedition at home; good choice should be made of them, and prudent instructions given to them, and as little of the Arbitrary power as may be left unto them; and that the Muster-Masters, and their Officers under them, incroach not upon the Subject; that will detract much from the King's service.

23. The Justices of Peace are of great use; An∣tiently there were Conservators of the Peace, these are the same, saving that several Acts of Parlia∣ment have altered their denomination, and enlar∣ged their jurisdiction in many particulars; The fit∣ter they are for the peace of the Kingdom, the more heed ought to be taken in the choice of them.

24. But negatively, this I shall be bold to say, that none should be put into either of those Commissi∣ons with an eye of favour to their persons, to give them countenance of reputation in the places

where they live, but for the King's service sake; nor any put out for the disfavour of any great man•• It hath been too often used, and hath been no good service to the King.

25. A word more, if you please to give me leave, for the true rules of the moderation of Justice on the King's part. The execution of justice is com∣mitted to his Judges, which seemeth to be the se∣verer part: but the milder part, which is mercy, is wholly left in the King's immediate hand: And Justice and Mercy are the true supporters of his Royal Throne.

26. If the King shall be wholly intent upon Ju∣stice, it may appear with an over-rigid aspect; but if he shall be over-remiss and easie, it draweth upon him contempt. Examples of Justice must be made sometimes for terrour to some; Examples of Mercy, sometimes, for comfort to others: the one procures fear, and the other love. A King must be both feared and loved, else he is lost.

27. The ordinary Courts of Justice I have spo∣ken of, and of their Judges and judicature; I shall put you in mind of some things touching the High Court of Parliament in England, which is superla∣tive; and therefore it will behove me to speak the more warily thereof.

28. For the institution of it, it is very antient in this Kingdom: It consisteth of the two Houses, of Peers and Commons, as the Members; and of the King's Majesty, as the head of that great body: By the King's authority alone, and by his Writs, they are assembled, and by him alone they are pro∣r••gued and dissolved; but each House may adjourn it self.

29. They being thus Assembled, are more pro∣perly a Council to the King, the Councel of the Kingdom, to advise his Majesty in those things of weight and difficulty, which concern both the King and People, then a Court.

30. No new Laws can be made, nor old Laws abrogated or altered, but by common consent in Parliament, where Bills are prepared and present∣ed to the two Houses, and then delivered: but nothing is concluded but by the King's Royal as∣sent; They are but Embroys, 'tis he giveth life un∣to them.

31. Yet the House of Peers hath a power of Ju∣dicature in some cases; properly, to examine, and then to affirm, or if there be cause, to reverse the judgments which have been given in the Court of King's Bench, (which is the Court of highest ju∣risdiction in the Kingdom, for ordinary Judica∣ture) but in these cases it must be done by Writ of Error in Parliamento: And thus the rule of their proceedings is not absoluta potestas, as in making new Laws (in that conjuncture as before) but li∣mitata potestas, according to the known Laws of the Land.

32. But the House of Commons have only pow∣er to censure the Members of their own House, in point of election or misdemeanors, in or towards that House; and have not, nor ever had power, so much as to administer an Oath to prepare a judg∣ment.

33. The true use of Parliaments in this King∣dom is very excellent; and they would be often called, as the affairs of the Kingdom shall require; and continued so long as is necessary, and no longer,

for then they be but burthens to the people, by rea∣son of the priviledges justly due to the Members of the two Houses and their Attendants; which their just rights and priviledges are religiously to be ob∣served and maintained; but if they should be unju∣stly enlarged beyond their true bounds, they might lessen the just power of the Crown, it borders so near upon popularity.

34. All this while I have spoken concerning the Common Laws of England, generally, and proper∣ly so called, because it is most general and common to almost all cases and causes, both civil and crimi∣nal: But there is also another Law, which is called the Civil or Ecclesiastical Law, which is confined to some few heads; and that is not to be neglected: and although I am a professor of the Common-Law, yet am I so much a lover of Truth and of Learning, and of my native Countrey, that I do heartily perswade that the Professors of that Law, called Civilians (because the Civil Law is their guide) should not be discountenanced nor discou∣raged; else whensoever we shall have ought to do with any foreign King or State, we shall be at a mi∣serable loss, for want of Learned men in that pro∣fession.

III. I come now to the consideration of those things which concern Councellors of State, The Council-Table, and the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom, which are those who for the most part furnish out that honourable Board.

1. Of Councellors, there are two sorts: The first, Consiliarii nati, (as I may term them) such are the Prince of Wales, and others of the King's Sons (when he hath more••) of these I speak not,

for they are naturally born to be Councellors to the KING, to learn the art of Governing be∣times.

2. But the ordinary sort of Councellors are such as the King, out of a due consideration of their worth and abilities, and withal, of their fidelities to his Person and to his Crown, calleth to be of Councel with him in his ordinary Government. And the Council-Table is so called, from the place where they ordinarily assemble and sit together; and their Oath is the onely ceremony used, to make them such, which is solemnly given unto them, at their first admission: These honourable persons are from thenceforth of that Board and Body: They cannot come until they be thus called, and the King at his pleasure may spare their attendance; and he may dispense with their presence there, which at their own pleasure they may not do.

3. This being the quality of their service, you will easily judge what care the King should use, in his choice of them; It behoveth that they be per∣sons of great trust and fidelity, and also of wisdom and judgment, who shall thus assist in bearing up the King's Throne; and of known experience in publick affairs.

4. Yet it may not be unfit to call some of young years, to train them up in that Trade, and so fit them for those weighty affairs, against the time of greater maturity; and some also for the honour of their persons: But these two sorts not to be tyed to so strict attendance, as the others from whom the present dispatch of business is expected.

5. I could wish that their number might not be so over-great, the persons of the Councellors

would be the more venerable. And I know that Queen Elizabeth, in whose time I had the happi∣ness to be born, and to live many years, was not so much observed, for having a numero••s, as a wise Councel.

6. The duty of a Privy-Councellor to a King, I conceive, is, not onely to attend the Councel-board, at the times appointed, and there to con∣sult of what shall be propounded; But also to study those things which may advance the King's honour and safety, and the good of the Kingdom, and to communicate the same to the King, or to his fel∣low Councellors, as there shall be occasion. And this, Sir, will concern you more then others, by how much you have a larger share in his affecti∣ons.

7. And one thing I ••hall be bold to desire you to recommend to his Majesty: That when any new thing shall be propounded to be taken into conside∣ration, that no Counsellor should suddenly deliver any positive opinion thereof; it is not so easie with all men to retract their opinions, although there shall be cause for it: But only to hear it, and at the most but to break it, at first, that it may be the bet∣ter understood against the next meeting.

8. When any matter of weight h••th been deba∣ted, and seemeth to be ready for a resolution; I wish it may not be at that sitting concluded (unless the necessity of the time press it) lest upon second co∣gitations there should be cause to alter, which is not for the gravity and honour of that Board.

9. I wish also that the King would be pleased sometimes to be present at that Board, it adds a Majesty to it: And yet not to be too frequently

there, that would render it less esteemed when it is become common; Besides, it may sometimes make the Councellors not to be so free in their de∣bates in his presence, as they would be in his ab∣sence.

10. Besides the giving of Counsel, the Coun∣cellors are bound by their Duties ex vi termini, as well as by their Oaths, to keep counsel; therefore are they called de Privato Consilio Regis, & a secretio∣ribus consiliis Regis.

11. One thing I add, in the negative, which is not fit for that Board, the entertaining of private causes, of meum & tuum; those should be left to the ordinary course and Courts of Justice.

12. As there is great care to be used for the Councellors themselves to be chosen, so there is of the Clerks of the Council also, for the secret∣ing of their Consultations; and methinks, it were fit that his Majesty be speedily moved, to give a strict charge, and to bind it with a solemn Order (if it be not already so done) that no copies of the orders of that Table be delivered out by the Clerks of the Councel, but by the order of the Board; nor any not being a Councellor, or a Clerk of the Councel, or his Clerk, to have access to the Councel-Books: and to that purpose, that the ser∣vants attending the Clerks of the Councel be bound to secrecy, as well as their Masters.

13. For the great Offices and Officers of the Kingdom, I shall say little: for the most of them are such, as cannot well be severed from the Coun∣cellorship; and therefore the same rule is to be ob∣served for both, in the choice of them: In the ge∣neral, onely, I advise this, let them be set in

those places for which they are probably the most fit.

14. But in the quality of the persons, I conceive it will be most convenient to have some of every sort, (as in the time of Q••een E••izabeth it was) one Bishop at the least, in respect of questions touching Religion, or Church-Government; one or more skilled in the Laws; some for Martial af∣fairs, and some for Foreign affairs: By this mixture one will help another, in all things that shall there happen to be moved: But if that would fail, it will be a safe way, to consult with some other able persons well versed in that point which is the sub∣ject of their Consultation, which yet may be done so warily, as may not discover the main end there∣in.

IV. In the next place, I shall put you in mind of the Foreign Negotiations and Em••assies, to or with Foreign Princes or States, wherein I shall be little able to serve you.

1. Onely I will tell you what was the course in the happy dayes of Q••een Elizabeth, whom it will be no dis-rep••tation to follow: She did vary, ac∣cording to the nature of the employment, the qua∣lity of the persons she employed; which ••s a good rule to go by.

2. If it were an Embassy of G••••tula••ion or Ce∣remony (which must not be neglected) choice was made of some noble person, eminent in place, and able in purse, and he would take ••t as a mark of favour, and discharge it without any great bur∣then to the Queen's Coffers, for his own honours sake.

3. But if it were an Embassie of weight, concern∣ing affairs of State, choice was made of some sad person of known judgment, wisdom and experi∣ence, and not of a young man, not wayed in State∣matters; nor of a meer formal man, whatsoever his title or outside were.

4. Yet in company of such, some young to∣wardly Noblemen or Gentlemen were usually sent also, as Assistants or Attendants, according to the q••ality of the persons, who might be thereby pre∣pa••ed and fit••ed for the like employment, by this means, at another turn.

5. In their company were alwayes sent some grave and sad men, skilful in the Civil Laws, and some in the Languages, and some who had been formerly conversant in the Courts of those Prin∣ces, and knew their wayes; these were Assistants in private, but not trusted to manage the Affairs in publick; that would detract from the honour of the principal Embassador.

6. If the Negotiation were about Merchants af∣fairs, then were the persons employed for the most part Doctors of the Civil Law, assisted with some other discreet men; and in such the charge was or∣dinarily defrayed by the Company or Society of Merchants, whom the Negotiation concerned.

7. If Legier Embassadors or Agents were sent to re••ain in or near the Courts of those Princes or States (as it was ever held fit, to observe the moti∣ons, and to hold correspondency with them, upon all occasions) such were made choice of, as were pre••••med to be vigilant, industrious, and discreet m••n, and had the language of the place whither ••he•• w••r•• sent; and with these were sent such as

were hope••ul to be worthy of the like employment at another time.

8. Their care was, to give true and ti••ely In∣telligence of all Occurrences, either to the Q••een her self, or the Secretaries of State, unto whom they had their immediate relation.

9. Their charge was always born by the Q••een, duly paid out of the Exchequer, in such proporti∣on, as, according to their qualities and places might give them an honourable subsistence there: But for the reward of their service, they were to expect it upon their return, by some such preferment as might be worthy of them, and yet be little bur∣then to the Q••eens Coffers or Revenues.

10. At their going forth, they had their gene∣ral Instructions in writing, which might be com∣municated to the Ministers of that State whither they were sent; and they had also private Instru∣ctions, upon particular occasions; and at their re∣turn, they did always render an account of some things to the Queen her self, of some things to the body of the Council, and of some others to the Secretaries of State, who made use of them, or communicated them, as there was cause.

11. In those days there was a constant course held, that by the advice of the Secretaries, or some principal Councellors, there were alwayes sent forth into several parts beyond the Seas some young men, of whom good hopes were conceived of their towardliness, to be trained up, and made fit for such publick Employments, and to learn the Languages. This was at the charge of the Queen, which was not much, for they travelled but as private Gentlemen; and as by their industry their

deserts did appear, so far were they f••rther em∣ployed or rewarded. This course I shall recom∣mend unto you, to breed up a Nursery of such pub∣lick Plants.

V. For Peace and War, and those things which appertain to either; I in my own disposition and profession am wholly for peace, if please God to ••less the Kingdom therewith, as for many years past he hath done: and,

• 1. I presume I shall not need to perswade you to the advancing of it; nor shall you need to per∣swade the King your Master therein, ••or that he hath hitherto been another Solomon in this our Is∣rael; and the Motto which he hath chosen (Beati Pacifici) shews his own judgement: But he must use the means to preserve it, else such a jewel may be lost.
• 2. God is the God of Peace (it is one of his At∣tributes) therefore by him alone we must pray, and hope to continue it: there is the foundati∣on.
• 3. And the King must not neglect the just ways for it; Justice is the best Protector of it at home, and providence for War is the best prevention of it from abroad.
• 4. Wars are either Foreign or Civil; for the Foreign War by the King upon some neighbour Nation, I ••ope we are secure; the King, in his just and pious disposition, is not inclinable thereunto; his Empire is long enough, bounded with the Oce∣an, as if the very situation thereof had taught the King and People to set up their rests, and say, Ne plus ultra.
• ...

• 5. And for a war of invasion from abroad; one∣ly we must not be over-secure, that's the way to invite it.
• 6. But if we be always prepared to receive an Enemy, if the ambition or malice of any should in∣cite him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 may be very confident we shall long live in peace and quietness, without any attempt upon us.
• 7. To make the preparations hereunto the more assured: In the first place, I will recommend unto you the care of our out-work, the Navy Royal and Shipping of our Kingdom, which are the walls thereof; and every great Ship is as an impregnable fort; and our many safe and commodious Ports and Havens in every of these Kingdoms, are as the re∣doubts to secure them.
• 8. For the body of the Ships, no Nation of the world doth equal England, for the Oaken Timber wherewith to build them; and we need not bor∣row of any other, iron for Spikes, or N••••ls to fa∣sten them together: but there must be a great deal of providence used, that our Ship-Timber be not unnecessarily wasted.
• 9. But for Tackling, as Sails and Cordage, we are beholden to our neighbours for them, and do buy them for our money; that must be foreseen and layd up in store against a time of need, and not sought for when we are to use them: But we are much too blame, that we make them not at home, onely P••tch and Tar we have not of our own.
• 10. For the true Art of building of Ships, for burthen and service both, no Nation in the world exceeds us: Ship-wrights and all other Artizans be∣longing to that Trade must be cherished and en∣couraged.
• ...

• 11. Powder and Ammunition of all sorts we can have at home, and in exchange for other home•• commodities we may be plentifully supplied from our Neighbours, which must not be neglected.
• 12. With Mariners and Seamen this Kingdom is plentifully ••urnished, the constant Trade of Mer∣chandizing will furnish us at a need; and navigable Rivers will repair the store, both to the Navy Roy∣al, and to the Merchants, if they be set on work, and well payed for their labour.
• 13. Sea-Captains and Commanders, and other Officers must be encouraged, and rise by degrees, as their fidelity and industry deserve it.
• 14. Our strict League of ami••y and alliance with our near Neighbours the Hollanders is a mutual strength to both; the shipping of both, in conjuncture, being so powerful, by Gods bles∣sing, as no Foreigners will venture upon; This League and Friendship must inviolably be obser∣ved.
• 15. From Scotland we have had in former times some Alarms and Inrodes into the Northern parts of this Kingdom; but that happy union of both Kingdoms under one Soveraign, our gracious King, I hope, hath taken away all occasions of breach between the two Nations; let not the cause arise from England, and I hope the Sc••ts will not adventure it; or if they do, I hope they will find, that although to our King they were h••s first-••orn Subjects, yet to England belongs the birth-right: B••t this sh••uld not be any cause to offer any injury to th••m, nor to suffer any from them.
• 16. There remains ••hen no danger, by the bles∣sing o•• God, but a C••vil War, from wh••ch God of

• his mercy defend us, as that which is most despe∣rate of all others. The King's wisdom and justice must prevent it, if it may be; or if it should happen, quod absit, he must quench that wild-fire with all the diligence that possible can be.
• 17. Competition to the Crown, there is none, nor can be; there••ore it must be a fire within the bowels, or nothing, the cures whereof are these; Remedium praevenieus, which is the best physick either to a natural body, or to a State, by just and equal Government to take away the occasion; and Remedium puniens, if the other prevail not: The service and vigilance of the Deputy-Lieutenants in every County, and of the high-Sheriff, will con∣tribute much herein to our security.
• 18. But if that should not prevail, by a wise and timous inquisition, the peccant humours and hu∣morists must be discovered, and purged, or cut off; mercy in such a case, in a King, is truly cru∣elty.
• 19. Yet if the Heads of the Tribes can be taken off, and the mis-led multitude will see their er∣rour, and return to their obedience, such an extent of mercy is both honourable and profi∣table.
• 20. A King, against a storm, must fore-see, to have a convenient stock of treasure; and neither be without money, which is the sinews of War, nor to depend upon the courtesie of others, which may fail at a pinch.
• 21. He must also have a Magazine of all sorts, which must be had from Foreign parts, or provi∣ded at home; and to commit them to several pla∣ces, under the custody of trusty and faithful

• Ministers and Officers, if it be possible.
• 22. He must make choice of expert and able Commanders to conduct and manage the War, ei∣ther against a foreign invasion, or a home-rebellion; which must not be young and giddy, which dare, not onely to fight, but to swear, and drink, and curse; neither fit to govern others, nor able to go∣vern themselves.
• 23. Let not such be discouraged, if they deserve well, by mis-information, or for the satisfying the ••umou••s or ambition of others, perhaps out of en∣vy, perhaps out of treachery, or other sinister ends: A st••••dy hand in governing of Military Affairs, is more requisite then in times of peace, because an erro••r committed in war, may perhaps prove ir∣remediable.
• 24. If God shall bless these endeavours, and the King return to his own house in peace, when a Ci∣vil War shall be at an end, those who have been found faithful in the Land must be regarded, yea, and rewarded also; the traiterous, or treacherous, who have misled others, severely punish'd; and the neutrals, and false-hearted friends and followers, who have started aside like a broken bow, be noted, C••rlone nigro; and so I shall leave them, and this part of the work.

VI. I come now to the six••h part, which is Trade, and that is either at home, or abroad. And I begin with that which is at home; which enableth the Subjects of the Kingdom to live, and layeth a foundation to a foreign Trade by traffiq••e with o∣thers, which enableth them to live plentifully and ••••p••••••.

1. For the Home-trade, I fi••st commend unto

your consideration the encouragement of Tillage, which will enable the Kingdom for Corn for the Natives, and to spare for exportation: And I my self have known, more than once, when in times of dearth, in Q••een Elizabeth's days, it drained much coin of the Kingdom, to furnish us with Corn from foreign parts.

2. Good Husbands will find the means by good Husbandry, to improve their lands by Lime, Chalk Marl, or Sea-sand, where it can be had: But it will n••t be amiss, that they be put in mind thereof, and encouraged in their industries.

3. Planting of Orchards in a soil and air fit for them, is very profitable, as well as pleasureable; S••der and Perry are notable Beverage in Sea-voy∣ages.

4. Gardens are also very profitable, if planted with Artichokes, roots, and such other things as are fit for food; whence they are called Kitchin-g••rdens, and that very properly.

5. The planting of Hop-yards, sowing of Woad, and Rape-seed, are found very profitable for the Planters, in places apt for them, and consequent∣ly profitable for the Kingdom, wh••ch for divers years was furnished with them from beyond the Seas.

6. The planting and preserving of Woods, espe∣ci••lly of Timber, is not only profitable, but com∣mendable, therewith to furnish posterity, both for building and shipping.

7. The Kingdom would be much improved, by draining of drowned lands, and gaining that in from the over-flowing of salt waters and the sea, and from fresh waters also.

8. And many of those grounds would be ex∣ceeding fit for Dairies; which, being well hous∣wiv'd are exceeding commodious.

9. Much good land might be gained from Fo∣rests and Chases, more remote from the King's access, and from other commonable places; so as always there be a due care taken, that the poor Commoners have no injury by such improve∣ment.

10. The making of navigable Rivers would be very profitable; they would be as so many in∣draughts of wealth, by conveying of commodities with ease from place to place.

11. The planting of Hemp and Flax would be an unknown advantage to the Kingdom, many pla∣ces therein being as apt for it, as any Forreign parts.

12. But add hereunto, that it be converted into Linen-cloath, or Cordage, the commodity thereof will be multiplied.

13. So it is of the Wools and Leather of the Kingdom, if they be converted into Manufa∣ctures.

14. Our English Dames are much given to the wearing of costly Laces; and, if they be brought from Italy, or France, or Flanders, they are in great esteem; whereas, if the like Laces were made by the English, so much thred as would make a yard of Lace, being put into that Manufacture, would be five times, or perhaps ten, or twenty times the value.

15. The breeding of Cattle is of much profit, especially the breed of Horses, in many places, not only for travel, but for the great saddle; the Eng∣lish

Horse, for strength, and courage, and swiftness together, not being inferiour to the horses of any other Kingdom.

16. The Minerals of the Kingdom, of Lead, I∣ron, Copper, and Tynn especially, are of great va∣lue, and set many able-bodied subjects on work; it were great pity they should not be industriously followed.

17. But of all Minerals, there is none like to that of Fishing upon the coasts of these Kingdoms, and the seas belonging to them: our Neighbors within half a days sail of us, with a good wind, can shew us the use and value thereof; and, doubtless there is sea-room enough for both Nations, without of∣fending one another; and it would exceedingly support the Navy.

18. This Realm is much enriched, of late years, by the Trade of Merchandize which the English drive in Foreign parts; and, if it be wisely manag∣ed, it must of necessity very much increase the wealth thereof; care being taken, that the exporta∣tion exceed in value the importation, for then the balance of Trade must of necessity be returned in Corn, or Bullion.

19. This would easily be effected, if the Mer∣chants were perswaded, or compelled to make their returns in solid commodities, and not too much thereof in vanity, tending to excess.

20. But especially care must be taken, that Mo∣nopolies, which are the Cankers of all trading, be not admitted, under specious colours of publick good.

21. To put all these into a regulation, if a con∣stant Commission to men of honesty & understan∣ding

were granted, and well pursued, to give order ••or the managing of these things both at home and abroad, to the best advantage; and that this Com∣mission were subordinate to the Councel-board, it is conceived it would prod••ce notable effects.

VII. The next thing is that of Colonies and Fo∣reign Plantations, which are very necessary, as out∣lets to a populous Nation, and may be profitable also, if they be managed in a discreet way.

1. First, in the choice of the place; which requi∣reth many circumstances, as the situation near the Sea, for the commodiousness of an intercourse with England; the temper of the Air and climate, as may best agree with the bodies of the English, rather inclining to cold, than heat; that it be stored with Woods, Mines, and Fruits, which are naturally in the place; that the soil be such as will probably be fruitful for Corn, and other conveniencies, and for breeding of Cattel; that it hath Rivers, both for pas∣sage between place and place, and for fishing also, if it may be; that the Natives be not so many, but that there may be elbow-room enough for them, and ••or the Adventives also: All which are likely to be found in the West-Indies.

2. It would be also such as is not already planted by the Subjects of any Christian Prince, or State, nor over-neerly neighbouring to their Plantation. And it would be more convenient, to be chosen by some of those Gentlemen or Merchants whic•• move fi••st in the work, than to be designed unto them from the King; for it must proceed from the option of the people, else it sounds like an Exile: so the Colonies must be raised by the leave of the King, and not by his command.

3. After the place is made choice of, the first step must be, to make choice of a fit Governour, who although he have not the name, yet he must have the power of a Vice-Roy; and if the person who principally moved in the work be not fit for that trust, yet he must not be excluded from command; but then his defect in the Governing part must be supplied by such Assistants as shall be joyned with him, or as he shall very well approve of.

4. As at their setting out they must have their Commission, or Letters Patents from the King, that so they may acknowledge their dependency upon the Crown o•• England, and under his prote∣ction; so they must receive some general instructi∣ons how to dispose of themselves when they come there, which must be in nature of Laws unto them.

5. But the general Law, by which they must be guided and governed, must be the Common Law of England; and to that end it will be fit, that some man, reasonably studied in ••he Law, and otherwise qualified for such a purpose, be perswaded (if not thereunto inclined of himself, which were the best) to go thither as a Chancellor amongst them, at first; and when the Plantation were more setled, then to have Courts of Justice, there, as in England.

6. At the first planting, or as soon after as they can, they must make themselves defensible both a∣gainst the Natives, and against Strangers; and to that purpose, they must have the assistance of some able Military man, and convenient Arms and Am∣munition ••or their defence.

7. For the Discipline of the Church in those parts, it will be necessary, that it agree with that

which is setled in England; else it will make a Schism, and a rent in C••ri••ts Coat, which must be seamless: and, to that purpose, it will be fi••, that by the King's supream power in Causes Ecclesiasti∣cal, within all his Dominions, they be subor∣dinate under some Bishop and Bishoprick of this Realm.

8. For the better defence against a common E∣nemy, I think it would be best, that Foreign Plan∣tations should be placed in one Continent, and neer together; whereas, if they be too remote the one from the other, they will be disunited, and so the weaker.

9. They must provide themselves of houses, such as for the present, they can, and, at more leisure, such as may be better; and they first must plant for Corn and Cattel, &c. for food, and necessary sustenance; and after, they may enlarge themselves for those things which may be for profit and plea∣sure, and to traffique withal also.

10. Woods for shipping in the first place, may doubtless be there had, and Minerals there found, perhaps, of the richest; howsoever, the Mines out of the fruits of the earth, and seas, and waters ad∣joyning, may be found in abundance.

11. In a short time they may build Vessels and Ships also for Traffique wit•• the parts near adjoyn∣ing, and with England also, from whence they may be furnished with such things as they may want, and in exchange, or barter, send from thence other things, with which quickly, either by Nature, or Art, they may abound.

12. B••t these things would, by all means be pre∣vented; That no known Bankrupt, for shelter; nor

known Murderer, or other wicked person, to avoid the Law; nor known Heretick, or Schismatick, be sussered to go into those Countreys; or, if they do creep in there, not to be harboured, or continued: else, the place would receive them naught, and return them into England, upon all occasions, worse.

13. That no Merchant, under colour of driving a Trade thither, or from thence, be suffered to work upon their necessities.

14. And that to regulate all these inconvenien∣ces, which will insensibly grow upon them, that the King be pleased to erect a subordinate Council in England, whose care and charge shall be, to ad∣vise, and put in execution, all things which shall be found fit for the good of those new Plantations; who, upon all occasions, shall give an account of their proceedings to the King, or to the Councel-board, and from them receive such directions as may best agree with the Government of that place.

15. That the King's reasonable profit be not ne∣glected, partly, upon reservation of moderate rents and services; and partly, upon Customs; and part∣ly, upon importation and exportation of Merchan∣dize; which, for a convenient time after the Plan∣tation begin, would be very easie, to encourage the work; but after it is well setled, may be raised to a considerable proportion, worthy the accep∣tation.

VIII. I come to the last of those things which I propounded, which is, the Court, and C••ria∣lity.

The other did properly co••cern ••he King, in his

Royal capacity, as Pater patriae; this more proper∣ly, as P••terfamilias: And herein,

• 1. I shall, in a word, and but in a word onely, put you in mind, That the King in his own per∣son, both in respect of his Houshold, or Court, and in respect of his whole Kingdom; (for a little Kingdom is but as a great Houshold, and a great Houshold, as a little Kingdom) must be exempla∣ry, Regis ad exemplum, &c. But for this, God be praised, our charge is easie; for your Gracious Ma∣ster, for his Learning and Piety, Justice and Boun∣ty, may be, and is, not onely a president to his own Subjects, but to foreign Princes also; yet he is still but a man, and seasonable Memento's may be use∣ful; and being discreetly used, cannot but take well with him.
• 2. But your greatest care must be, that the great men of his Court (for you must give me leave to be plain with you, for so is your injunction laid upon me) your self in the first place, who is first in the eye of all men, give no just cause of scandal, either by light, or vain, or by oppressive car∣riage.
• 3. The great Officers of the King's Houshold had need be both discreet and provident persons, both for his Honour, and for his Thrift: they must look bot•• ways, else they are but half-sighted: Yet in the choice of them, there is more latitude left to affection, than in the choice of Councellors, and of the great Officers of State, before touched, which must always be made choice of meerly out of judgement, for in them the Publick hath a great interest.
• ...

• 4. For the other Ministerial Officers in Court (as, for distinction sake, they may be termed) there must be also an eye unto them, and upon them; they have usually risen in the H••ushold b•• degrees, and it is a noble way, to encourage faith••ul service: But the King must not bind himself to •• necessity herein, for then it will be held ex debito; neither must he alter it, without an apparent cause for it: but to displace any who are in, upon dis∣pleasure, which for the most part h••ppeneth upon the information of some great man, is, by all mean•• to be avoided, unless there be a manifest cause for it.
• 5. In these things you may sometimes interpose, to do just and good offices: but for the general, I should rather advise, meddle little, but leave the ordering of those Houshold-affairs to the White-staffs, which are those honourable persons, to whom it properly belongeth, to be answerable to the King for it; and to those other Officers of the Green-cloth, who are subordinate to them, as a kind of Councel, and a Court of Justice also.
• 6. Yet for the Green-cloth Law, (take it in the l••rgest sense) I have no opinion of it, farther than it is regulated by the just Rules of the Common-Laws of England.
• 7. Towards the support of his Majesties own Ta∣ble, and of the Princes, and of his necessary Of••icers, his Majesty hath a good help by Purveyance, which justly is due unto him; and, if justly used, is no great burthen to the Subject; but by the Purvey∣ors, and other under-Officers, is many times abu∣sed. In many parts of the Kingdom, I think it is already reduced to a certainty in money; and if it

• be indifferently and discreetly managed, it would be no hard matter to settle it so throughout the whole Kingdom; yet to be renewed from time to time, for that will be the best, and ••afest, both for the King and people.
• 8. The King must be put in mind, to preserve the Revenues of his Crown, both certain, and casu∣al, without diminution, and to lay up treasure in store against a time of extremity; empty Coffers give an ill sound, and make the people many times ••orget their Duty, thinking that the King must be beholden to them for his supplies.
• 9. I shall by no means think it fit, that he re∣ward any of his serv••nts with the benefit of forfei∣tures, ei••her by Fines in the Court of S••ar-Cham∣ber, or High-Commission Courts, or other Courts of J••stice; or that they should be farmed out, or be∣stowed upon any, so much as by promise•• befo••e judgement given; it would neither be profitable, nor h••nourable.
• 10. Besides matters of serious consideration, in the C••urts of Princes, there must be times for pa∣stimes and d••sports: When there is a Queen•• and Ladies of Hon••ur attending her, there must some∣times be Masques, and Revels, and Enterludes; and when there is no Q••een, or Princess, as now, yet at Festivals, & for entertainment of Strangers, or upon such occasions, they may be fit also: Yet care would be taken, that in such cases, they be set ••••f more with wit and activity, than with costly and wasteful expence••.
• ...

  11. But for the King and Prince, and the Lords and Chivalry of the Court, I rather commend, in their tu••ns and seas••ns, t••e riding of the great

• ...

  Horse, the Tilts, Barriers, Tennis, and Hunting, which are more for the health and strength of those who exersi••e them, than in an effeminate way to please themselves and others.

  And now the Prince grow••th up fast to be a man, and is of a sweet and excellent disposition; it would be an irreparable stain and dishonour upon you, ha∣ving that access unto him, if you should mis-lead him, or suffer him to be mis-led by any flatter∣ing Parasites: The whole Kingdom hath a deep in∣terest in his virtuous education; and if you, keep∣ing that distance which is most fit, do humbly inter∣pose your self, in such a case, he will one day give you thanks for it.

• 12. Yet Dice and Cards may sometimes be used for recreation, when field-sports cannot be had; but not to use it as a mean to spend the time, much less to mis-spend the thrift of the Gamesters.

SIR,

I shall trouble you no longer; I have run over these things as I first propounded them; please you to make use of them, or any of them, as you shall see occasion; or to lay them by, as you think best, and to add to them, as you daily may, out of your experience.

I must be bold again, to put you in minde of your present condition; you are in the quality of a Sen∣tinel; if you sleep, and neglect your charge, you are an undone man, and you may fa••l faster than you have risen.

I have but one thing more to mind you of, which neerly concerns your self; you serve a great and gracious Master, and there is a most hopeful young Prince, whom you must not desert; it be∣hoves you to carry your self wisely and evenly be∣tween

them both: adore not so the rising Son, that you forget the Father, who raised you to this height; nor be you so obsequious to the Father, that you give just cause to the Son, to suspect that you neglect him: But carry your self with that judge∣ment, as, if it be possible, may please and content them both, which, truly, I believe, will be no hard matter for you to do; so may you live long beloved of both, which is the hearty prayer of

Your most obliged and devoted servant.

THese were his Rules, and this his practice: My Lord of Nottingham he bought nobly from the Admiralty; his Assistant, Vice-Admiral Maun∣sel, he entertained civilly, and procured that place for life, which he had only during pleasure. The Warden of the Cinque-ports resigned his place sea∣sonably; ••he Master of the Horse gave up his prefer∣ment and his life opportunely.—He advanced his Relations prudently, gratifying them, and fortify∣ing himself: He made an excellent choice of Ser∣van••s and Confederates; entertained the ablest and most faithful Assistants: Doctor Williams and Dr. Laud were of his Council for the Church, Sir Francis Bacon for the State. From the fi••st he re∣ceived frequent Schedules of Persons and Do∣ctrines; from the other constant Transcripts of Rules and Intelligence: Never any man more con∣stant to his approved friend, never any more fatal to his known Enemies: He was the instrument of all the Subjects services to his Soveraign, and of his Sovereign's favours to his Subjects: no place was

bestowed without his knowledge; no action passed without his approbation; not an eminent man but depended on him, and was subordinate to him: His dispatches were many, and pregnant testimonies that he was a great Master of his Time, and a great∣er of his Method and Affairs. Great he was indeed, and humble too, not raised by his present fortune above the sense of his former: envied he was, not ha∣ted; applauded in the same Parliament for his ser∣vices, & declaimed against for his preferments; ever studious of the peoples Interest, which is the care of few Favourites; never happy in their love, which is the fa••e of all. He approved himself both to the declining Monarch, and the rising, as having won himself not so much to their affections, which were alterable, as to their judgements, which were la∣sting; and made his preferment rather a matter of Interest, which is real, than of favour, which is personal: Looking on Somerset laid at his feet, Bri∣stol and Williams brought on their knees, Carlisle and Pembrook beneath him, and Holland behind him; and every man that would not owe his prefer∣ment to his favour, must owe his ruine to his frown. He was intrusted with the greatest service and se∣cret in Spain, when he dived to the bottom of that Countreys policy, and the Intrigues of Eu∣ropes Counsels; and could come off in the Match wi••h Spain to the King and Kingdoms mind dex∣••erously, when Sir Walter Aston and my Lord of Bristol were at a loss about it, to both their displea∣sures, weakly, amidst the open entertainment, and secret working of that place.—In his attendance on the King in Scotland as Counsell or of th••t King∣dom, he carried himself with singular sweetness

and temper, as it behoved him, being now in f••∣vour, and succeeding one of their own. They th•••• censure his sudden advancements and great prefer∣ments, consider not, that

Certainly the hearts of great Princes, if the•• be considered as it were in Abstract, without th•• necessities of States, & circumstances of time, be∣ing besides their natural Extent, moreover onc•• opened and dilated with affection, can take n•• full and proportionable pleasure in the exerc••s•• of any narrow bounty. And albeit at first the•• give only upon choice and love of the Person•• yet within a while themselves likewise begin t•• love their givings, and to foment their deeds, n•• less than Parents do their children.

Besides that, by so long, and so private, an•• so various conso••iation with a Prince of such ex∣cellent nature, he had now gotten as it wer•• two lives in his own Fortune and Greatness•• whereas otherwise the Estate of a Favourite is a•• the best but a Tenant at will, and rarely trans∣mitted.

And the mo••e notable, because it had bee•• without any visible Eclipse or Wane in himself•• amidst divers variations in others. How general his care appears in that amidst his more impor∣tant Negotiations, he condescended to this noble act o•• charity to a Scholar and to Learning; which I must, for my part, celebrate above all his Expen∣ces. There was a collection of certain rare Manu∣scrip••s exquisitely written in Arabick, and sought in ••he m•••••• remote parts, by the diligence of Erpe∣•••••••• the ••ost excellent Linguist. These had been left to the Widow of the said Erpenius, and were

upon sail to the Jesuites of Antwerp, liquorish Chapmen of such Ware. Whereof the Duke get∣ting knowledge by his worthy and learned Secre∣tary, Doctor Mason, in••erverted the bargain, and gave the poor Widow for them fiv•• hundred pounds, a sum above their weight in silver, and a mixed act both of bounty and charity; the more laudable, being much out of his natural Element. These were they, which after his death were as nobly pre••ented as they had been bought to Cam∣bridge by his Dutchess, as soon as she understood by the foresaid Doctor her Lords intention to furnish the said University with other choice Collections from all parts at his own charge.

The Duke's Answers to his Appeachments, in number thirteen, I find very diligently and ci∣villy couched: and though his heart was big, yet they all savour of an humble spirit one way, and an equitable consideration another, which could not but possess every vulgar conceit, and somewhat allay the whole matter; that in the bolting and sifting of near fourteen years of such power and favour, all that came out could not be expected to be pure, and white, and fine Meal, but must needs have withal among it a certain mixture of Padar and Bran in this lower age of humane fragility. Howsoever this tempest did only shake, and not rent his Sails.

His defence against danger was noble, but his contempt of it nobler; for when Sir George Goring advised him only to turn out of the ordinary road, He resolved not to wave his way upon this reason, perhaps more generous than provident; That if, as he said, he should but once by such a diversion

make his enemy believe he were afraid of dan∣ger, he should never live without. And when his young Nephew the Lord Viscount Fielding of∣fered him another time to put on his Coat and ••lew Ribbon, while they passed through a Town where they apprehended some design against the Duke;

He would not (as he said) accept of such an offer in that case from a Nephew, whose life he tendered as much as himself:

But after some short ••••rection to his company, he rode on without ••erturbation of mind, though a drunken fellow ••••id hold of his Bridle under pretence of begging, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 begin a tumult.

Neither (for ought I can * 2.1 hear) was there a∣ny further enquiry into that practice, the Duke peradventure thinking it wisdom not to reserve discontentments too deep.

But in the middest of these little dangers, his Grace was not unmindful of his civil course, to cast an eye upon the ways to win unto him such as have been of principal credit in the lower house of Parli••ment; applying lenitives, or subducting from that part where he knew the Humours were sharpest; amidst which thoughts, he was sur∣prized by a fatal stroke, written in the black book of Necessity.

Whereof he was forewarned as well by his own as others apprehensions, as ap∣pears by his last Addresses to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Earl of Holland, and his sacred Ma∣jesty.

And certain it is, that some good while before, Sir Clement Throckmorton, a Gentleman then li∣ving, of grave judgement, had in a private con∣ference advised him to wear a privy Coat; whose

counsel the Duke received very kindly, but gave him this answer; That against any popular fury, a shirt of male would be but a silly defence; and as for any single mans assault, he took himself to be in no danger

—So dark is Destiny. Since he is dead, he is charged;

• 1. For advancing his Relations; which yet was humanity in him, and not a fault.
• 2. For enriching himself; though as it is said of that French Peer, he was rich only in Obligati∣ons, his Estate being at the mercy of Suitors.

  To his familiar Servants, so open-handed he was, though many of them so ungrateful as to de∣ny relation unto him, either about his person in ordinary attendance; or about his affairs of State, as his Secretaries; or of Office, as his Steward; or of Law, as that worthy Knight whom he long used to solicite his Causes: He left all both in good Fortune; and which is more, in good Fame: Things very seldom consociated in the instruments of great Personages.

• 3. He had many Offices, but committed him∣self a most willing Pupil to the directions of such as were generally thought fit to manage affairs of that nature, condescending to the meanest Arts, to a∣dapt himself to his employments.
• 4. He was not bookish, it's true; his Affairs for∣bad him study, yet had he a natural readiness to discourse of all subjects; which wanted nothing to∣wards applause, but the candor and benevolence of his hearers, whose dis-ingenuity oft-times turned his most honest discourses to accusations; witness that ••bullition of his joy to his Majesty in behalf of his People, which Sir Iohn Eliot made Treason a∣gainst them.
• ...

• 5. He was great indeed, but gentle and affable; insomuch, that though his memory were a place so taken up with high thoughts, and unlikely to have any room for matters of so small impor∣tance, he was ever known to entertain his younger acquaintance with much familiarity, —and all men with that civility, wherein was observed his pe∣culiarity, happy bravery of deriving favours, and conferring them with so many noble Circumstan∣ces, as the manner was as obliging as the matter, and mens understandings oft-times as much puz∣led as their gratitude.
• 6. He would intercede, it's confessed, for poor Malefactors, more out of his innate compassion, than any design to obstruct the course of Justice; belie∣ving doubtless (saith my Author) that hanging was the worst use a man could be put to.

In fine, a Gentleman he was of that choice and curious make for exteriour shape, as if Nature had not in his whole frame drawn one line amiss, nor was his Fabrick raised by soft and limber studs, but sturdy and virile. His intellectuals gained him rather the opinion of a wise man, th••n of a wit. His skill in Letters very mean; for finding Nature more indulgent to him in the or∣n••ments of the body, than of the mind, the tendency of his youthful Genius was rather to improve those excellencies wherein his choice fe∣licity consisted, than to addict himself to morose and sullen Bookishness; therefore his chief ex∣ercises were, dancing, fencing, vaulting, and the like, as indications of strenuous Agility; yet could he have foreseen where all the Climacteries and motions of his Advance should have termi∣nated,

that from no more than a meer Gentle∣man, it should be his luck to vault into the dig∣nity of a Duke, and trust of a Privy-Counsellor, we may presume his early studies would not have cast so much neglect upon a thing so impor••ant to him as a Statesman, though not very fashio∣nable as a Courtier. The temperature of his mind was, as to moral habits, rather disposed to good than bad; his deportment was most af∣fable and debonair, a rare example in one raised so high and so speedily: To his Relations liberal, firm to his friend, formidable to his enemy. He was a Courtier, and a young man, a profession and age prone to such desires, as when they tend to the shedding of no mans blood, to the ruine of no Family, Humanity sometimes connives at, though she never approves. So that take him in his publick capacity (wherein only he comes un∣der our observation, which meddles not with mens private converse or moralities any further than they are subservient to their State-employ∣ments) we may say of him, as one doth of his Ma∣ster; That in him the things we can wish, are fewer than those we praise.

But be it for ever remembred, That the villain, whose despair of advancement made him careless of his own life, and Master of this Lords, talked in his examination of a Sermon at St. Faiths, no•• his own Parish-Church, where he heard; That every man in a good cause might be I••dge and Executioner of sin; which he applied to himself. Whence raw discoursers in Divinity should learn how prudently they should pre••ch; and itching heare••••, how wa∣rily they should hear••

Observations on the Life of VVilliam Noy, Attorney General.

WIlliam Noy, born in Cornwal, was bred in Lincolns-Inne, a most sedulous Student, constantly conversant with ancient Writings, veri∣fying his Anagram:

WILLIAM NOY, I moyl in Law.

He was for many years the stoutest Champion for the Subjects Liberty, until King Charls enter∣tained him to be his Attorney. The dis-ingenuity of the Parliament, & his impendent necessity, would have put another Soveraign on extraordinary wayes; but to King Charls it was enough, they were illegal. No extremity, though never so fa∣tal, could provoke him to irregularities; yet what∣ever w••yes the Laws allowed, or Prerogative claimed, to secure a desperate People, that would undo themselves, he was willing to hearken to; therefore for a cunning man, the cunningst at such a project of any within his three Dominions, he sends for his Attorney-General Noy, and tells him what he had in contemplation, bids him con∣trive the Mode, but a statutable one, for defraying the expence: Away goeth the subtle Engineer, and at length,—from old Records bolts out an ancient

common P••ecedent of raising a Tax for setting out a Navy in case of danger.

The King glad of the discovery, as Treasure-tr••ve, presently issued out Writs, first to the Port-Towns within the Realm, declaring that the safety of the Kingdom was in danger (and so it was indeed) and therefore that they should provide against a day prefixed twenty seven Ships of so many Tun, with Guns, Gun-powder, Tackle, and all other things necessary.

But this business is no sooner ripened, than the Author of it dyeth, Aug. 6. 1634. He was a man passing humorous, but very honest; clownish, but knowing; a most indefatigable plotter, and searcher of ancient Records; whereby he became an emi∣nent instrument both of good and evil (and of which most, is a great question) to the King's Pre∣rogative: For during the times that Parliaments were frequent, he appeared a stout Patriot for the Common-wealth; and in the last was an active op∣ponent in the differences concerning Tonnage and Poundage: But when the dissolution of that was in some mens apprehensions, the end of all; No sooner did the King shew him the Lure of advance∣ment, but quitting all his former Inclinations, he wheeled about to the Prerogative, and made a∣mends with his future service for all his former dis-obligements.—This is something smart; more to his advantage is that character Arch-Bishop Laud gives him; That he was the best friend the Church ever had a of Layman, since it needed any such (and indeed he was very vigilant over its Adversa∣ries, witness his early foresight of the danger, and industrious prosecution of the illegality of the de∣sign

of buying Impropriations set up by persons not well af••••••e•• to the present constitution) and that of the ••••••••orian, that he loved to hear Dr. Preston preach, because he spake so solidly, as if he knew Gods will.—To which I add a passage from the mouth of one present thereat.

The Goldsmiths of London had (and in due time may have) a custom once a year to weigh gold in the Star Chamber, in the presence of the Privy-Council and the King's Attorney. This solemn weighing by a word of Art they call the Pix, and make use of so exact scales therein, that the Master of the Company affirmed, that they would turn with the two hundredth part of a grain. I should be loth (said the Attorney Noy, standing by) that all my Actions should be weighed in those Scales; with whom all men concur that know themselves: And this was the first evidence of his parts, and the oc∣casion of his reputation. Three Grasiers at a Fair had left their money with their Hostess while they went to Market;—one of them calls for the mo∣ney and runs away;—the other two come upon the woman, and sue her for delivering that which she had received from the three, before the three came and demanded it.—The Cause went against the Woman, and Judgement was ready to be pro∣nounced; when Mr. Noy being a stranger, wisheth her to give him a Fee, because he could not plead else; and then moves in Arrest of Judgement, that he was retained by the Defendant, and that the case was this: The Defendant had received the mo∣ney of the three together, and confesseth, was not to deliver it until the same three demanded it; and therefore the money is ready, Let the three

men come, and it shall be paid: a motion which altered the whole proceeding. Of which, when I hear some say it was obvious, I remember that when Columbus had discovered America, every one said it was easie: And he one day told a com∣pany at Table where he was, that he could do a stranger thing than that discovery; he would make an Egg stand an end on a plain Table: the specula∣tives were at a loss how it should be done;—he knocks the Egg upon the end, and it stands: Oh! was that all, they cryed; Yes (saith he) this is all! and you see how hard a thing it is to conceive a thing in the Idea, which it's nothing to apprehend in the performance. I need say no more of this Gentleman, but that Sergeant Maynard will say to this hour, he rose mainly at first by being look∣ed upon as Mr. Noy's Favourite.

Observations on the Life of Sir John Savil.

THe methods of this Gentleman's advance∣ment exactly parallel those of his Coun∣trey-man Sir Thomas Wentworth: Both had the same foundation of wealth and honour to build on; both had solid and strong parts to act by; both began with Popularity in the Countrey, pro∣ceeded with activity in Parliaments;—accomplish∣ed themselves with correspondence all over the Na∣tion: both eminent upon the Bench; both hospita∣ble at home; both bountiful to Lecturers; both

well skilled in, and stedfast to the great points of Prerogative and Liberty.—For the last whereof; they were so bold (as sure either by carrying the Cause to oblige the people to themselves, or by suffering for it to enrage them against the Govern∣ment) that Sir R. Weston made it his business to take off the one, and my Lord of Canterbury the other; which they did with such success, that as my Lord Wentworth became a great Favourite, so the Lord Savile was an eminent Counsellor; only finding that his young Neighbour had got the start of him, he kept to one of his popular Principles always, viz. a restless impetuosity towards Pa∣pists, against whom he made himself famous; 1. For a Disputation procured by him in Drury-Lane (whither he brought Bishop Vsher under the notion of a Countrey-Parson; when the Jesuites cryed, There was more Learning in that Parson, than in all the men in England.) 2. For a project offer∣ed by him in Parliament.—For when they taking advantage of King Charls his wants, profe••ed to maintain five thousand men to serve his Majesty in Ireland, and a proportion of Ships to secure him in England, on condition of the free exercise of their Religion; Sir Iohn interposed, That if the King were pleased but to call on the Recusants to pay Thirds (legally due to the Crown) it would prove a way more effectual, and less offensive, to raise a mass of money: It being but just that they who were so rich and free to purchase new Priviledges, should first pay their old Penalties. When I read of a Lord Savile going privately to Scotland, 1639. subscribing to a Petition, with o••her moderate Lords, as they called them, containing the very sense of the sacti∣on

(insomuch that it is observed, the City-Petition and theirs were couched in the same words) yet going to Oxford, and after all, being so turbulent there, that his Majesty was fain to send him be∣yond Sea, where his Majesty writes with his own hand, He doubts he will rather exchange his villany, than end it; I am almost of that wise mans mind, that there were no less than 17 particular Designs set on foot by the promotion of the late Troubles; whereof though most, yet not all were carried on in Westminster:—or to enforce something more solid; that a King should say as the Italian doth, If my Subject deceives me once, God forgive him; If a second time, God forgive me; and the rather, be∣cause it's fatal for Majesty to err twice.

Observations on the Life of Bishop Williams.

A Strong constitution made his p••rts, a strict education improved them; unwearied was his industry, unexpressible his capacity: He ne∣ver saw the book of worth he read not, he ne∣ver forgot what he read: he never lo•••• the use of what he remembred: Every thing he heard or saw was his own; and what was his own, he knew how to use to the utmost: His extraction being Gentile, his Soul large and noble, his presence and carriage comely and stately; his learning copi∣ous, his judgement stayed, his apprehension clear and searching, his expression lively and effectual,

his elocution flowing and majestick; his Proctor∣ship, when he gave the Lord Chancellor Egerton so much satisfaction in treating the Spanish Ambas∣sador at an Act in Cambridge, that thenceforward he resolved on his preferment, 1612. discovered him a person above his place; and his Lectures to his Pu∣pils, above his preferment. Bishop Vaughan first admitteth him to his Family, and then to his bo∣som; there his strong Sermons, his exact govern∣ment (under my Lord) his plentiful observation, his numerous acquaintance, made him my Lord Chan∣cellor Egerton's friend, rather than his servant; his familiar, rather than his Chaplain. Never was there a more communicative Master to instruct, than my Lord Elsem••re; never a more capable Scholar to learn, than Dr. Williams, who had instilled to him all necessary State-maxims while his old Master lived, and had bequeathed to him four excellent * 2.2 Books when his Master was dead: These four books he presented to K. Iames the very same time that he offered himself to the Duke of Buckingham. The excellent Prince observed him as much for the first gift, as the noble Duke did for the second: the King and Duke made him their own, who they saw had made that excellent Book his. Willing was King Iames to advance Clergy-men, and glad to meet with men capable of Advanceme••t. His two Sermons at Court made him Dean of Westmin∣ster; his exact state of the Earl of Somerset's Case made him capable of, and the KING'S incli∣nation to ••rust his Conscience in a Divines hand, setled him in the Lord Keepers place actually, only for three years to please the people (who were offended with his years, now but 34. and his

calling a Divine:) but designedly for ever to serve his Majesty. The Lawyers despised him at first, but the Judges admired him at last: and one of them said,

That never any man apprehended a Case so clearly, took in all the Law, Reason, and o∣ther Circumstances more punctually, recollect∣ed the various Debates more faithfully, sum∣med it up more compendiously, and concluded more judiciously and discreetly.

For many of them might have read more than he, but none di∣gested what they had read more solidly, none di∣sposed of their reading more methodically, none therefore commanded it more readily. He de∣murred several Orders, as that of my Lord Chan∣cellor's pardon, the Earl Marshal's Patent, &c. to let his Majesty see his judgement; yet passed them, to let him see his obedience: He would question the Dukes Order sometimes discreetly, to let him know he understood himself; yet he would yield handsomly, to let him see he understood him: and indeed he had the admirable faculty of making every one of his actions carry prudence in the per∣formance. Necessary it was, for one of his years and place to keep his distance, and avoid contempt; yet fatal was it to him to do so, and incur envy. — Well understood he the interest of all his places, & resolutely he maintained them. What? saith he, shall the Liberties of Westminster be infringed, when the chief Favourite is Steward, and the Lord Keeper Dean, and I the contemptible man that must be trampled on? When he was in trouble, what pas∣sion, what insinuation, what condescention hath he at command? when petitioned to how quick∣ly he looked through men and business? how ex∣actly

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would he judge, and how resolutely con∣clude, without an immediate intimation from his Majesty or the Duke! Many eyes were upon him, and as many eyes were kept by him upon others; being very watchful on all occasions to accommo∣date all Emergencies, and meet with all humors— alwayes keeping men in dependance on the Duke, according to this intimation of his.—Cabal 287. Let him hold it, but by your Lordships favour, not his own power. A good way, had he been constant to it, the neglect whereof undid him; for designing the promotion of Doctor Price to the Arch-Bisho∣prick of Armagh, he moved it to the Duke, who told him it was disposed of to Doctor Vsher, Whereupon he went his own way to advance that man, and overthrew himself: For then his Lord let him feel what he had threatned my Lord Bacon when he advanced him; That if he did not owe his preferment alwayes to his favour, he should owe his fall to his frown. The peremptoriness of his judge∣ment ••endred him ••dious; his compliance with Bristol, suspected; and his Sermon at King Iames his Funeral [his tryal rather than his preferment] obnoxi••us. His spirit was great to act, and too great to suffer. It was prudence to execute his decrees against all opposition while in power; it was not so, to bear up his miscarriages against all Authority, while in disgrace. A sanguine complexion, with its resolutions, do well in pursuit of success: Phlegm and its patience do better in a re••reat from miscar∣riages. This he wanted, when [it may be, think∣ing ••ear was the passion of King Charls his Go∣vern••ent as well as King Iames] he seconded his easie ••all with loud and open discontents, and those

discontents with a chargeable defence of his ser∣vants that were to justifie them, and all with that unsafe popularity, invidious pomp, and close irregularity, that laid him open to too many active persons that watched him: Whether his standing out against Authority, to the perplexing of the Government in the Star-Chamber in those trouble∣som times; his entertainment and favour for the Discontented and Non-Conformists; his motions for Reformation and alteration in twelve things; his hasty and unlucky Protestation in behalf of the Bi∣shops, and following actions in England and W••les, where it's all mens wonder to hear of his meruit sub Parliamento, had those private grounds and reasons, that if the Bishop could have spoke with the King but half an hour, he said, would have satisfied him, the King of Kings only knoweth, to whom he hath given, I hope, a better account than any Historian of his time hath given for him.

But I understa••d better his private inclination•• than his publick actions; the motions of his na•••••••••• than those of his power; the conduct of the o•••• being not more reserved and suspitious, tha•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 effects of the other manifest, and noble: for n•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mention his Libraries erected at Sr. Iohn's 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Westminster, his Chappel in Lincoln-Colledge; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 repairs of his Collegiate Church: his pensions 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scholars more numerous than all the Bishops and Noble-mens besides; his Rent-charges on all the Benefices in his Gift as Lord Keeper, or Bishop of Lincoln, to maintain hopeful youth, according to the Statute in that ••ase provided. Take this re∣markable instance of his munificence; that when Du Moulin came over, he calleth his Chaplain,

now the R. R. Father in God, Iohn Lord Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and telleth him, he doubt∣ed the good man was low, wishing him to repair to him with some money, and his respects, with assurance that he would wait upon him himself at his first liesure.—The excellent Doctor rejoyneth, that he could carry him no less than twenty pounds; the noble Bishop replyeth, he named not the sum, to sound his Chaplains mind;—adding, that twen∣ty pounds was neither fit for him to give, nor for the reverend Forreigner to receive. Carry him, said he an hundred pounds.

He is libelled by common fame for unchaste, though those that understood the privacies and ca∣sualties of his Infancy, report him but one degree removed from a Misogonist, though to palliate his infirmities; he was most compleat in Courtly ad∣dresses: the conversableness of this Bishop with Women consisted chiefly (if not only) in his treat∣ments of great Ladies and Persons of honour, wherein he did personate the compleatness of cour∣tesie to that Sex; otherwise a woman was seldom seen in his house, which therefore had always more of Magnificence than Nearness, sometimes defe∣ctive in the Punctilio's and Niceties of Daintiness, lying lower than masculine Cognizance, and as le∣vel for a womans eye to espy, as easie for her hands to amend.

He suffereth for conniving at Puritans, out of ha∣tred to Bishop Laud; and for favouring Papists, o••t of love to them:—Yet whatever he offered King Iames (when the Match went on in Spain) as a Cou••cellour, or whatever he did himself as a States-man; s••ch kindness he had for our Litur∣gy,

that he translated it at his own cost into Spa∣nish, and used it in the visitation of Melvin when sick, to his own peril, in the Tower; and such resolution for Episcopacy, that his late Majesty of blessed memory said once to him; My Lord, I commend you, that you are no whit daunted with all disasters, but are zealous in defending your Order.—Please it your Majesty, replyed the Arch-Bishop, I am a true Welsh-man, and they are observed never to run away till their General first forsakes them—No fear of my flinching, while your Majesty doth countenance our Cause.

His extraction was gentile and ancient, as ap∣peared from his Ancestors Estate; which was more than he could purchase without borrowing, when at once Lord Keeper, Bishop of Lincoln, and Deau of Westminster. His mind great and resolute, inso∣much that he controuled all other advices to his last, to his loss in Wales:—and daunted Sir Iohn Cook, as you may see in his character to his honour in England.

His wariness hath these arguments: 1. That he would not send the Seal to the King but under lock and key. 2. That being to depute one to at∣tend in his place at the Coronation, he would not name his Adversary, Bishop Laud, to gratifie him; nor yet any other, to displease the King; but took a middle way, and presented his Majesty a List of the Prebendaries, to avoid any exception, referring the Election to his Majesty himself. 3. That he proposed a partial Reformation of our Church to the Parliament, to prevent an utter extirpation by it. 4. That he exposed others to the censure of the Parliament 1625. to save himself. 5. That

he answered to several Examinations without any the least advantage taken by his Antagonist. This character of his I think very exact: That his head was a well-fitted treasury, and his tongue the fair key to unl••ck it: That he had as great a memory ••s could be reconciled with so good a judgement: That so quick his parts, that others study went not beyond his nature; and their designed and forelaid performances, went not beyond his sud∣den and ready accommodations: Only he was very open, and too free in discourse, disdaining to lye at a close guard, as confident of the length and strength of his weapon.

Observations on the Life of Sir Isaac Wake.

THis honourable person whom I look upon at Oxford, in the same capacity and for∣tune that Sir Robert Naun••on and Sir Francis Neth••rsole were in at Cambridge. He was born in Northampton-shire, (his Father Arthur Wake be∣ing Parson of Billing, Master of the Hospital of St. Iohns in Northampton, and Canon of Christs-Church) bred Fellow of M••rton-Colledge in Oxford, Protector and Orator of that University, whence he was admitted Secretary to Sir Dudly Carleton Se∣cretary of State, and afterward advanced into the King's service, and by his Master and the Duke of Buckingham, employed Embassadour to Venice, where he negle••ted his own interest to attend his

Majesties employment; the reason that he dyed rich onely in the just conscience of his worth, and the repute of his merk. Coming from Venice, he was appointed Lieger of France, and designed Se∣cretary of State, had not Death prevented him at Paris; being accomplished with all qualifications requisite for publick Employment, Learning, Lan∣guages, Experience, Abilities, and what not?

King CHARLES hearing of his death, com∣manded his Corps to be decently brought from Paris into England, allowing the expences of his Funeral, and enjoyning his neerest Relations to at∣tend the performance thereof. These accordingly met his body at Bulloign in France, and saw it so∣lemnly conveyed into England, where it was inter∣red in the Chappel of the Castle of Dover. His REX PLATONICUS, or his Lati••e ac∣count of King Iames his six dayes stay at Oxford, speaks his Learning; and his Instructions for Travel, his experience.—He observing his Predecessors failings, retrenching his expences, satisfying him∣self with a repute of nobleness, while in his way to preferment; and others with the expectation of his bounty. When preferred, he seemed liberal, that he might not be despised abroad; but he was neer, that he might not be odious at home. His prodiga∣lity it may be might have satisfied the curiosity of a few Strangers, while he incurred the displeasure of all his friends. Besides, a close & wary man may be bountiful at his pleasure, but the munificent cannot be so easily sparing; for if his occasions or fortunes check his profuseness, all his gallantry is in his first action of good husbandry. Caution in expences, if it be a vice, is one of those, saith the Italian, that

never disinherited a man. Nay, of the two, saith Machiavel, It's more discretion to hold the style of miserable, which begets an infamy without hatred, than to desire that of Liberal; which being maintain∣ed by necessitous courses, procures an infamy with ha∣tred. As never did Statesman a brave action that seemed illiberal, so never did he any such that was not so:—Yet four things our Knight spared no cost in: I. Intelligence; He could afford (he said) a golden key for the Pope's Cabinet. 2. Books;—his Study was his Estate. 3. In watching the Spani∣ards, saying, The Indies will pay for this. And 4. Entertaining knowing men often; applauding the Emperour's maxim, That had rather go fifty miles to hear a wise man, than five to see a fair City. And this he was eminent for; that he saw nothing remarkable in Foreign parts, that he applyed not to his own Countrey: Sir Henry Wotton being not more curious in picking up small Rarities to plea∣sure particular persons, than Sir Isaac Wake was industrious to observe any useful invention that might improve the publick good.

Observations on the Life of the Lord Cottington.

SIr Francis Co••tington being bred, when a youth, under Sir—Stafford, lived so long in Spain, till he made the garb and gravity of that Nation become his, and become him too. He raised himself by his natural strength, without any

artificial advantage; having his parts above his learning, his Experience above his Parts, his In∣dustry above his Experience, and (some will say) his Success above all: So that at last he became Chancellor of the Exchequer, Baron of Hanworth in Middlesex, Constable of the Tower, 1640. and (upon the resignation of Doctor Inxon) Lord Treasurer of England, gaining also a very great Estate.

Very reserved he was in his temper, and very slow in his proceedings; sticking to some private Principles in both, and aiming at certain rules in all things:—a temper that indeared him as much to his Master, Prince Charls his person, as his in∣tegrity did to his service;—Nor to his service only, but to that of the whole Nation; in the Mer∣chandize whereof he was well versed; to the trade whereof he was very serviceable many ways: but eminently, in that he negotiated, that the Spa∣nish Treasure which was used to be sent to Flanders by the way of Genoa, might be sent in English Bot∣toms, which exceedingly enriched England for the time; and had it continued, had made her the greatest Bank and Mart for Gold and Silver of any Common-wealth in Europe.

Indeed the advantage of his Education, the dif∣ferent Nations and Factions that he had to deal with, the direct opposition of Enemies, the trea∣chery of Friends, the contracts of Statesmen, the variety and force of Experience from the distinct knowledge of the natures of the people of se∣veral Countreys, of their chief Ministers of State, with their Intrigues of government, made him so expert, that the Earl of Bristol and Sir Walter A∣ston

could do nothing without him; and he only could finish that Treaty, which they had for many years spun out.

Men take several ways to the ends they propose themselves. Some, that of confidence; others, that of respect and cau••ion, &c. when indeed the main business is, to suit our selves with our own times; which this Lord did, and no man better, until looking into the depths of the late Faction, he de∣clared at the Council-Table, 1639. that they aim∣ed at the ruine of Church and State. And viewing the state of the Kingdom, he advised; That Leagues might be made abroad; and, that in this inevitable necessity, all ways to raise money should be used that were lawful. Wherefore he was one of those few excluded the Indempnity by the Faction, and had the honour to dye banished for the best Cause and Master, in those foreign Countries; where he suffered as nobly for the Crown of England in his later dayes, as he had acted honourably for it in his former. When he never came off better than in satisfying the Spaniards about toleration, re∣ducing the whole of that affair to these two Ma∣ximes;

• 1. That Consciences were not to be forced, but to be won and reduced by the evidence of Truth, with the aid of Reason, and in the use of all good means of Instruction and perswasion.
• 2. That the causes of Consciences, wherein they exc••ed their bounds, and grow to matter of faction, lose their nature: and that Soveraign Princes ought distinctly to punish those foul practices, though overlaid with the fairer pre••ences of Conscience and Religion.

One of his Maxims for Treaty I think remarka∣ble, viz. That Kingdoms are more subject to fear than hope: And that it's safer working upom them by a power that may awe the one, than by adva••∣tages that may excite the other.—Since it's a••o∣ther rule, that States have no affections but inte∣rest; and that all kindness and civility in those ca∣ses are but oversight and weakness.

Another of his rules for Life I judge useful, viz. That since no man is absolute in all points, and since men are more naturally enclined out of envy to observe mens infirmities, than out of ingenuity to acknowledge their merit; —He discovereth his abilities most, that least discovereth himself. To which I may add another, viz. That it is not one∣ly our known duty, but our visible advantage, to ascribe our most eminent performances to provi∣dence, since it not only takes off the edge of envy, but improves the reason of admiration. None be∣ing less maliced, or more applauded than he, who is thought rather happy than able; blessed, than a∣ctive; and fortunate, than cunning.

Though yet all the caution of his life could not avoid the envy of ••is advancement from so mean a beginning to so great honours,—notwithstanding that it is no disparagement to any to give place to fresh Nobility, who ascend the same st••ps with those before them. New being only a term, saith one, only respecting us, not the world; for what is, was before us, and will be when we are no more: And indeed ••his Personage considering the vanity and inconstancy of common applause or affronts, impr••∣ved the one, and checked the other, by a constant neglect of both••

Observations on the Life of Sir Dud∣ly Careleton.

SIr Dudly Careleton was born in Oxford-shire, bred in Christs-Church in Oxford under Dr. King, and afterwards in relation of Secretary to Sir Ralph Winwood in the Low-Countreys, where he was very active, when King Iames re∣signed the cautionary Towns to the States. Here he added so great experience to his former Learn∣ing, that afterwards our King employed him for twenty years together Ambassador in Venice, Savoy, and the Vnited Provinces; Anne Gerard his Lady (Co-heir to George Gerard Esquire) accompany∣ing him in all his Travels, as is expressed in her Epitaph in Westminster-Abby. He was by K. Charls the first, to balance the Duke of Buckingham's ene∣mies in the House of Peers, with the Lord Man∣devil now Earl of Manchester, and the Lord Gran∣dison, created Baron of Imbercourt in Surrey, and afterwards Viscount Dorchester, marrying for his second Wife the Daughter of Sir Henry Glenham, the Relict of Paul, Viscount Banning, who survi∣ved him. He succeeded the Lord Conway, (when preferred President to the Council, in the Secre∣tary-ship of State, being sworn at White-Hall, December 14. 1628. and dying without Issue, An∣no Dom. 163—Much ado he had to remove a State-jealousie that was upon him; That he insisted on ••he restitution of some Towns in Cleves and

Iuliers, to gratifie the Spaniards at that time in Treaty with us: more to remove a Church-jealou∣sie, that in negotiating an accommodation in Re∣ligion, he designed the undermining of the Re∣monstrants then in so much power there: In which matter he was at a loss, whether his Majesty should interpose by Letter or Message: The former he said was most effectual, but the later less subject to misconstruction, considering Barnevel's interest in the State—But he had a Chaplain, one Mr. Hales, that kept this Controversie even on the one hand, while he balanced the State-interest on the other; equally careful that the United Provinces should not be over-run by the Armies of Spain, and that they should not be swallowed up by the protecti∣••n of France.

Watchful was his eye there over the West-India Company; Diligent his carriage upon any accom∣modations from Spain; which he apprehended al∣ways as a design to distract that people then in re∣gard of their unsetledness, but too apt upon any dispute to fall into faction: Great his industry in re∣conciling Sir Horace Vere and Sir Edward Cecil for the honour of the English Nation, and the advance∣ment of the common service: Sincere his services ••o the Prince Elector, and his Lady.

Exa••t his rules of Traffique and Commerce, and dexterous his arts of keeping the States from new alliances, notwithstanding our likely Marriage-treaty with Spain, especially since the Prince of Orange bluntly (after his manner) asked, Qui at' il vostre Marriage?—And indeed he behaved him∣self in all Employments so well becoming a man that understood so many Languages, that was so

well versed in Ancient and Modern History, that had composed so many choice pieces of Politicks, that was so well seen in the most practical Mathema∣ticks; and added to these a graceful and charming look, a gentle and a sweet elocution; that not∣withstanding his, and his Brother Bishop Carleton's rigidness in some points, kept him to his dying-day in great favour and most eminent service; and failing in nothing but his French Embassy, because there he had to do with Women. Leaving behinde him this observation; That new Common-wealth•• are hardly drawn to a certain resolution; as who knowing not how to determine, and remaining onely in suspence, take ordinarily that course rather which they are forced ••o, than what they might choose for themselves.—And this eminent service when he assisted the Earl of Holland in France, viz. That he pacified the high difference there, upon which the revolt of the Hugonots depended, and put a real resolution in K••ng Lewis to advance against the Valtoline and Spain by the advantage of the League with England: proceeding upon this Maxim with that King; They that have respect to few things, are easily misled.

I had almost forgot, how this Lord finding that want of Treasure at home, was the ground of our unsuccessful and despicableness abroad; and that Principe senza quatrius e come un muro senza crole da tulls scompis••iato; That a Prince without money is like a wall without a Cross, for every one to draw upon; did mention the Excise in the Parlia∣ment-House, and in no ill meaning neither, and was violently cryed to the Bar: and though a person of that eminence, as being then a Privy-Councellor,

and principal Secretary of State, he hardly escaped being committed to the Tower:—So odious was that Dutch-Devil (as they called it) in the excel∣lent King Charles, which was raised by the belo∣ved Parliament, with many more that were conju∣red up in three or four years, but not likely to be laid in three or fourscore.

Living in those times when weak men imagined to themselves some unknown bliss from untried go∣vernments, and considering that alterations coun∣tervail not their own dangers, and as they bring little good to any, so they bring least of all to those that first promoted them; This Lord refused to be the mouth of the Zealous multitude (whose rage could neither be well opposed, nor joyned with) whom a pardon or compliance might bring off, lea∣ving their Demagogues to compound for their fol∣ly with their ruine; choosing rather to be patient, than active, and appear weak, than be troublesom; and once resolved upon an exact survey of circum∣stances for power against the faults of it on the one hand, and the affronts of it on the other, he gained the esteem of all parties by his fidelity to his own. I am much taken with his plain saying, which I find of late printed; There will be mistakes in Divinity while men preach, and errors in Government while such govern: And more with his method of procee∣ding in his affairs, whereof he laid first an Idea in his own mind, and then improved it by debate; the result whereof was usually so compleat, as shew∣ed the vast difference between the shallow concep∣tions of one man, and the deep judgment of many••

Observations on the Lives of Sir Richard, and Sir Jerome VVeston, Earls of Portland.

SIr Richard Weston in his youth impaired his e∣state, to improve himself with publick ac∣complishment, but came off both a saver and a gainer at the last, when made Chancellor of the Exchequer, and•• afterwards (upon the remove of the Earl of Marlborough) Iuly 15. in the fourth of King Charles, Lord Treasurer of England.

His activity in Parliament made him considerable at Court, none fitter to serve a Prince than he who commands the humor of the people. Indeed where ever he was, he discovered himself able and faithful. 1. In his Forreign Employments, his judgement was searching, and reach admirable, he being the first that smelt out the intentions against the Palatinate; which were then in brewing, and mashed with much art. In his Domestick charge, ••is Artifice was singular, both in a faithful improve∣m••nt of the Incomes, and a discreet moderation of the expences in his Masters Revenues.—In his Aspect, there was a mixture of authority and mo∣desty; in his apprehensions, quickness and solidity; in his port and train, a suitable dignity and corre∣spondence, with little noise and outward form: An enemy to Complements, yet very cour••eous: no flatterer, yet of great power: irreconcileable to frothy formality, yet maintaining a due regard

to his person and place. A great Scholar he was, and yet a great Sta••es-man; of various erudition, and as large observation.—He secured himself much by Alliances with the best Nobility, more by the love, and (what is more) the esteem of a constant King; it being one of the wonders of that time, that my Lord of Canterbury and he, who were at so much distance from one another, should be so inward with their Soveraign, but that that ex∣cellent Prince measured not his affections to his De∣pendants so much by a particular interest, as by a publick serviceableness—The necessity of the Ex∣chequer put him upon some ways of supply that displeased the rabble; though his three particular cares, viz. The paying of the Navy, the satisfying of the City, and the Queen of Bohemia's supply (three things he was very much intent upon while Treasurer) obliged the wiser sort of men. I know nothing he was defective in, being careful (to use his own words) to perform all duties, with obedi∣ence to his Majesty, respect to the Duke, and justice to the particular parties concerned;—But that he had so much of his Master's love, and so little of his patience, being grated (as all Statesmen are that have to do with various interests and humours) between a strong inclination of satisfying every man, and the impossibility of pleasing all:

Considering the importunities of persons and affairs, a little im∣patience must needs fall upon your Lordship (wri••es Sir Henry Wotton to him) unless you had been cut out of a Rock of Diamonds, espe∣cially having been before so conversant with libe∣ral Studies, and with the ••reedom of your own mind.

In his time was the great Question agitated; Whether a Prince should aim at the fear, or the love of his People?—Although no Prince did more to oblige his People, than the Excellent King Charles the I. Yet was there no Prince ever more advised to awe them: For this Lord, and many more, who looked upon over-much indulgence as the greatest cruelty, considering that men love at their own pleasure, and to serve their own turn, and that their fear depends upon the Princes plea∣sure, were of opinion; That every wise Prince ought to ground upon that which is of himself, and not upon that which is of another: government be∣ing set up in the world, rather to trust its own power, than stand upon others courtesie.

Besides, two things the vulgar are taken with: 1. Appearance. 2. The event of things; which, if successful, gains both their love and reverence. Neither was the Father more exact in his Maxims tha•• the Son in his, of whose many infallible prin∣ciples this was one; That it was the safest way for the King's Majesty to proceed upon a Declaration, that the Faction at Westminster was no Parliament, upon his own and his most loyal Lords and Commons remo∣val to Oxford. And this another; That provided the Gentry and Clergy were well principled, and His Majesty that now is had a constant correspondence with the most eminent of them, it was our Interest to promote his Majesties grandeur abroad, and sit still at home, until the Faction might be so secure as ••o divide,—and his Majesties Interest became so conspicuous by the Principles that were kept up at home, and the State that was born abroad, as to command all. And really his little saying hath

much in it: —He that will see what shall be, let him consider what hath been: For there are the same de∣sires, humours, and interest in every age, that were before it: So that as Machiavel observeth,

It is very easie for him, that with diligence ••xa∣mineth past Occurrences, to serve himself of those remedies which were in use among the An∣cien••s; Or if they fail, to devise what is most like them.

Observations on the Life of William Earl of Pembrook.

HE was an ancient Gentleman of good re∣pute, and therefore well esteemed; a pro∣per person, well set, and of graceful deport∣ment, and therefore well beloved of King Iames and Queen Anne: His inclination was as ge∣nerous as his extraction, and manners ancient as his Family. One of his Ancestors is renowned, for that he would cond••scend to deliver his Embassies in no Language but Welch; and he is commended for that he would comply with no customs in his con∣verse but the old English,—though his Contem∣poraries make that his defect rather than his orna∣ment; proceeding from his want of Travel, rather than his observance of Antiquity: He having had only (saith the Historian) the breeding of Eng∣land, which gave him a conceited dislike of For∣reign men, their manners and mode; or of such English as professed much advantage thereby: so

that the Scots and he were ever separate; and therefore he was the only old Courtier that kept close to the Commonalty, and they to him, though never suspected by either of his Sovereigns; not because he was not over-furnished with Abili∣ties (as that pen insinuates) to be more than Loyal, but because he had too much integrity to be less. Being munificent and childless, the University of Oxford hoped to be his Ex••cutor, and Pembrook-Colledge his Heir. Pembrook-Colledge, I say, called so not only in respect to, but also in expectation from him, then Chancellor of the University: and probably had not cut noble Lord died suddenly soon after (according as a Fortune-teller had in∣formed him, whom he laughed at that very night he departed, being his Birth-night) this Col∣ledge might have received more than a bare name from him.

He was (saith one of his own time) the very picture, and Vive Essigies of Nobility; his per∣son rather Majestick than Elegant; his presence, whether quiet, or in motion, full of stately gra∣vity; his mind generous, and purely heroick; often stout, but never disl••••al: so vehement an opponent of the Spaniard, as when that Match fell under consideration, he would some∣times rouze to the trepidation of King Iames, yet kept in favour still; for that King knew plain dealing, as a Jewel in all men, so was in a Privy-Councellor an ornamental duty. An instance of his familiar converse with King Iames, was, that the King observing that he naturally hated a Frog, threw one into his neck; and he in requi∣tal, caused a Pig (of an equal disgust with the same

Prince) to be put under his Close-stool: where, though it produced no extraordinary ill effect for the present, yet after the prank had been descant∣ed upon, and worst of Interpretations made by some (the title of Iews being at that time bestowed on the Scots) the King was much affected with it; and the more, because it was done at Wilton the Earls own house. —Though Kings when free and sociable, break out to sprightful and faceti∣ous extravagancies with Courtiers, yet must they not presume, lest their words are interpre∣ted, not by their meaning, but others jealousie: free spirits cannot be too circumspect. And the same true-heartedness commended him to King Charles, with whom he kept a most admirable correspondence, and yet stood the firm Confident of the Commonalty; and that not by a sneaking cunning, but by an erect and generous pru∣dence, such as rendred him as unsuspected of ambition on the one side, as of faction on the o∣ther; being generally beloved and regarded.

Observations on the Life of the Lord Conway.

EDward Lord Conway succeeded to his Fa∣ther's Martial skill and valour, who was un∣der the Earl of Leicester, Governour of Ostend, and twisted therewith peaceable Policy in State-affairs, so that the Gown and the Sword met in him in most eminent proportion, and there∣upon

King Iames advanced him one of the princi∣pal Secretaries of State. For these his good servi∣ces, he was by him created Lord Conway of Rag∣leigh in this County, and afterwards by King Charls Viscount Killultagh in the County of An∣trim; And lastly, in the third of King Charles, Viscount Conway of Conway in Carnarvenshire•• England, Ireland, and Wales mutually embracing themselves in his Honours; and not long after Presi∣dent of the Councel. Upon the bre•••••• with Spain, King Iames and the Duke of Buckingham both judged it very convenient to have a Martial Secretary; neither was there any man fitter ••or their turn than this Gentleman, who was as able to direct them in the Affairs of War abroad, as he was ready to be directed by them in those of Peace at home: Being one of those three remarkable Servants that King Iames used to jest upon, viz•• a Lord Treasurer [meaning the Earl of Suffol•••• that could not cast Account, a Chaplain [meanin•• Doctor Preston] that could not read * 2.3 P•••••••••••• and a Secretary [meaning this Lord] that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not write his name. Sir Rich••rd Weston beat the Bush in the Affair of the Palatinate, but Sir Edward catched the Hare; his rough humour being more suit••ble to that business: Or indeed it having been al∣ways more successful to be bold, than wary; to be free for all occasions, than to be obstinate to some rule••.—Fortune (saith Machiavel) is a Mi••triss, that is•• sooner won by those that ruffle and force her, than by others that proceed coldly. Indeed he was charged with treachery and cowardize in the action against the Scots, 1640. but he came off with his honest animosity, saying, If he migh••

but fight their whole Army, he would settle Scotland in six months, or lose his head—being in that, of my Lord of Canterbury's opinion, who assured his Majesty they would not hold out four: a motion! that if as easily entertained by that gracious King as it was effectually pursued by the bloody Usurpers, a sad experience hath taught us and them, would have prevented much mischief there, more here; especially since it was that wise Prince his judicious observation, That they and their Confederates were a people lost by favour, and won by punish∣ment.

Observations on the Lives of the Digges.

MAster Leonard Digges was one of excellent Learning and deep judgement. His ••i••d most inclined him to the Mathematicks, and he was the best Architect in that age for all manner of Buildings, for conveniency, plea∣sure, state, strength, being excellent at Fortifi∣cations. Lest his Learning should dye with him, for the publick profit, he printed his Tectonicon, Prognostick General, Stratiotick, about the order∣ing of an Army, and other Works. He flourished Anno Dom. 1556. and dyed I believe about the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, when as in most grow∣ing times Arts were drowned in action.

Nothing else have I to observe of his name, save that hereditary Learning may seem to run in the vel••s of his Family; witness Sir Dudly Digs of

Chilham-Castle, made Master of the Rolls, in the year 1636. whose abilities will not be forgotten, whilest our age hath any remembrance. This Knight had a younger son, of a most excellent wit, and a great judgment, Fellow of All-Souls in Oxford, who in the beginning of our Civil Wars wrote so subtile & solid a Treatise of the difference between King and Parliament, that such Royalists who have since handled that Controversie, have written plura non plus; yea aliter rather than alia of that Subject. The Son writes down those Rebel∣lions that the Father countenanced: The Father, I say, who by a bold impeachment against his Maje∣sties chief Minister of State, to his face, taught a discontented People to draw a bolder against his M••jesty himself:—Wherefore it was, that (after his undutiful Prologue Against his Majesties Prero∣gative in favouring his Servants; the Preface to more disloyal methods against his right, in govern∣ing his people) he and Sir Iohn Elliot were whisper∣ed out of the Lords House, when they were hot∣test against the Duke, to speak with a Gentleman, and thence sent immediately by two Pursevants that attended, to the Tower; where, and in the Country, this Gentleman lay under just displeasure, until it was thought fit to take off so dangerous a piece of boldness and eloquence upon the growing distempers of the age by favour and preferment, to a Neutrality at least, if not to the just measures of his duty. But our observation here is this; That faction is one of those sins, whereof the Authors re∣pent most commonly themselves, and their poste∣rities are always ashamed.

Observations on the Life of Sir Tho∣mas Ridly, Dr. LL.

THis Knight and Doctor was born at Ely in Cambridge-shire, bred first a Scholar at Ea∣ton in Buckingham-shire, then Fellow of Kings-Colledge in Cambridge. He was a general Scho∣lar in all kind of Learning, especially in that which we call Melior Literatura. He afterwards was Chancellor of Winchester, and Vicar-general to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. His memory will never dye, whilst his Book called The view of the Eccle∣siastical Laws is living; a book of so much merit, that the Common Lawyers (notwithstanding the difference betwixt the professions) will ingenuous∣ly allow a due commendation to his learned perfor∣mance in that subject: Although it startled them to hear King Iames was so affected with it, insomuch that Sir Edward Coke undertook from thence to prophecy the decay of the Common-Law: though in that prophecy of his, others foresaw nothing but his fall. Never book came out more seasonably for the Church than this; never Comment came out more suitably, than Mr. Gregories Notes upon it: H•• writ well, and advised better: being good to give, better to manage Counsel; which he never offered till called, and never urged longer than it pleased; answering no question of consequence unless upon emergent occasion, without delibera∣tion; observing the design of people, that ask

most commonly to try his sufficiency, as well as im∣prove their own: However, being sure that time is likelier to increase than abate the weight of a result, discovering as well what may be returned suitably to the general temper, as what may be answered fitly to the particular instance.

What alterations he designed for the Churches benefit, were not sodain, but leisurely. To force men out of one extreamity into another, is an at∣tempt as dangerous, as it is invidious; as awaken∣ing most opposition, and obnoxious to most hazard. Wise * 2.4 Tacitus observeth, that men have reformed inveterate habits more by yielding to them, than engaging against them; though a man must so yield as not to encourage, while he doth so countermine, as not to exasperate: Although he was always able, yet was he never willing to mend the Copy his Su∣periors had set him, unless owned as from former instruction, lest they grew jealous, he valued his own experience before theirs, who measure mens sufficiency from their caution, and not from their parts; from what they can forbear, rather than from what they can do.

To conclude, he was one of those able men that cannot be eminent, unless they be great: men of great merit, behave themselves so negligently in small affairs, as that you shall never understand their abilities, unless you advance their persons. Mens capacities & sufficiencies have certain bounds prescribed them; within the limits of which they are able to acquit themselves with credit and ap∣plause: But if you advance them above, or depress them below their spheres, they shew nothing but de∣bilities and miscarriages. Onely this he was always

commended for; That having the management of Affairs intrusted to him, he underwent all the mis∣carriages himself, ascribing all the honour and suf∣ficiency to his Patron; carrying his hand in all acti∣ons so, that his Master had the applause of whate∣ver was either conceded or denyed in publick, with∣out any other interruption from Mr. Ridly, than what became the bare instrument of his commands, however he ordered the matter in private.

Observations on the Life of Sir Henry Martin.

HE would merrily say, That if his Father had left him fourscore pounds a year, where he left him but forty, he would never have been a Scholar, but have lived on his Lands: whereas his Inheritance being a large en∣couragement, but a small maintenance, he made up in study what he wanted in Estate; first at Win∣chester, and then at New-Colledge, where his in∣clination led him to Divinity, but Bishop Andrews his advice perswaded him to the Civil Law, where∣in he attained that great proficiency he was eminent for, thus:—

He had weekly transmitted to him from some Proctors at Lambeth, the brief heads of the most important Causes which were to be tryed in the High-Commission. Then with some of his familiar friends in that faculty, he pri∣vately pleaded those Causes; acting in their

Chamber what was done in the Court: But Mr. Martin making it his work, exceeded the rest in amplifying and aggrava••ing any fault, to move anger and indignation against the guilt thereof; or else in extenuating or excusing it, to procure pity, obtain pardon, or at least prevail for a lighter punishment: —Whence no Cause came a∣miss to him in the High-Commission: For, saith my Author, he was not to make new Armour, but only to put it on, and buckle it; not to in∣vent, but apply arguments to his Clients.—As in decision of Controversies in his Courts, he had a moderate and middle way: so in managing of af∣fairs in Parliament, he had a healing Method: Whence in most Debates with the Lords, where Mr. Noy's Law and Reason could not convince, Sir Henry Martin's * 2.5 Expedients could accommodate. For which services, and his other meri••s, he was made Judge of the Prerogative-Court for probate of Wills, and of the Admiralty for Foreign Trade. Whence King IAMES would say mer∣rily, He was a mighty Monarch by Sea and Land, over the Dead and the Living.

Observations on the Life of Sir John Bramstone.

SIr Iohn Bramstone, Knight, was born at Mal∣don in Essex, bred up in the Middle-Tem∣ple in the study of the Common-Law, where∣in he attained to such eminency, that he was by

King Charls made Lord Chief-Justice of the King's Bench.

One of deep Learning, solid Judgement, inte∣grity of Life, gravity of behaviour, above the envy of his own age, and the scandal of posterity. One instance of his I must not forget, writes the Historian effectually, relating to the foundation wherein I was bred: Sergeant Bruerton by Will bequeathed to Sidney-Colledge well-nigh three thousand pounds, but (for ha••te, or some other accident) it was so im∣perfectly done, that (as Dr. Sam. Ward informed me) the gift was invalid in the rigour of the Law. Now Judge Bramstone, who married the Sergeants Widow, gave himself much trouble (gave him••elf indeed, doing all things gratis) for the speedy pay∣ment of the money to a farthing, and the legal setling thereof on the Colledge, according to the true intention of the dead. He deserved to live in better times. The delivering his judgement on the King's side in the case of Ship-money, cost him much trouble, and brought him much honour, as who understood the consequence of that Ma∣x••me, Salus populi suprema lex; and that Ship-mo∣ney was thought legal by the best Lawyers, voted down arbitrarily by the worst Parliament: they hearing no Counsel for it, though the King heard all men willingly against it. Yea, that Parliament thought themselves not secure from it, unless the King renounced his right to it by a new Act of his own. Men have a touch-stone to try Gold, and Gold is the touch-stone to try Men. Sir William Noy's gratuity shewed, that this Judges Inclination was as much above corruption as his Fortune; and that he would not, as well as needed not, be base.

Equally intent was he upon the Interest of the State and the Maximes of Law, as which mutually sup∣ported each other.—He would never have a Wit∣ness interrupted, or helped, but have the patience to hear a naked, though a tedious truth: the best Gold lyeth in the most Ore, and the clearest truth in the most simple discourse. When he put on his Robes, he put off Respects; his private affections being swallowed up in the publick service. This was the Judge whom Popularity could never flatter to any thing unsafe, nor favour oblige to any thing unjust. Therefore he died in peace, 1645. when all others were engaged in a War, and shall have the reward of his integrity of the Judge of Judges at the great A••••ize of the world.

* 2.6Having lived as well as read Iustinian's maxime to the Praetor of Laconia; All things which ap∣pertain to the well-government of a State, are ordered by the constitutions of Kings, that give life and vigo••r to the Law: Whereupon, who so would walk wisely, shall never fail, if he propose them both for the rule of his actions;—For a King is the living Law of his Countrey.

Nothing troubled him so much as (shall I call it?) the shame, or the fear of the consequence of the unhappy contest between his Excellent Majesty and his meaner Subjects in the foresaid case of Ship-mo∣ney; no enemy being contemptible enough to be despised, since the most despicable command grea∣ter strength, wisdom, and interest than their own, to the designs of Malice or Mischief.—A great man m••naged a quarrel with Archee the King's Fool; but by endeavouring to explode him the Court, rendred him at last so considerable, by

calling the enemies of that person (who were not a few) to his rescue, as the fellow was not onely able to continue the dispute for divers years, but received such encouragement from standers by (the instrument of whose malice he was) as he oft broke out in such reproaches, as neither the dig∣nity of that excellent person's calling, nor the greatness of his parts, could in reason or manners admit:—But that the wise man discerned, that all the fool did was but a symptom of the strong and inveterate distemper raised long since in the hearts of his Countreymen against the great mans Person and Function.

Observations on the Life of Sir Au∣gustine Nicols.

SIr August. Nicols, son to Tho. Nicols, Sergeant at Law, was born at Ecton in Northampton-shire. Now though according to the rigour of our Fundamental Premises, he be not within our cog∣nisance under this Ti••le, yet his merit will justifie us in presenting his Character. He was bred in the study of the Common Law, wherein he attained to such knowledge, that Qu. Eliz. made him, and K. Iames continued him his own Serjeant, whence he was freely preferred one of the Judges of the Common-Pleas. I say freely, King Iames com∣monly calling him the Judge that would give no money. Not to speak of his moral qualifications; and subordinate abilities; he was renowned for his special judiciary Endowments; of very calm affe∣ctions

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and moderate passions; of a grave and affa∣ble deportment; of a great patience to hear both Parties all they could say; a happy memory; a singular sag••city to search into the material circum∣stances; Exemplary integrity, even to the rejecti∣on of Gratuities after Judgement given, and a charge to his Followers, that they came to their Places clear-handed, and that they should not meddle with any Motions to him, that he might be secured from all appearance of corruption. His forbearing to travel on the Lords day, wrought a Reformation on some of his own Order. Very pi∣tiful and tender he was in case of life, yet very ex∣act in case of blood.

He loved plain and profitable Preaching, being wont to say, I know not what you call Preaching, but I like them that come neerest to my Conscience. The speech of Caesar is commonly known; Oportet Im∣peratorem stantem mori; which Bishop Iewel altered and applyed to himself, Decet Episcopum concionan∣t••m mori: of this man it may be said, Iudex mor∣tuus est jura dans; dying in his Calling, as he went the Northern Circuit, and hath a fair Monument in Kendal-Church in Westmerland. This I observe of this good man; that he was so good a man, that in the ruffling times he could be but a bad Magi∣strate, Cum vel ••xeunda ••it natura, vel minuenda dignitas: when he must either go out of his easie ••ature, or forego his just authority.

Observations on the Life of Sir Nich. Hyde.

SIr Nicholas Hyde was born at Warder in WilT∣shire, where his Father in right of his Wife had a long Lease of that Castle from the Fami∣ly of the Arundels. His Father, I say, (descended from an antient Family in Cheshire) a fortunate Gentleman in all his children, (and more in his Grand-children) some of his under-boughs out∣growing the top-branch, and younger children (a∣mong••t whom Sir Nicholas) in wealth and honour exceeding the rest of his Family.

H•• was bred in the Middle-Temple, and was made Sergeant at Law the first of February, 1626. and on the eighth day following was sworn Lord Chief-Justice of the Kings-Bench, succeeding in that Office, next save one unto his Country-man Sir Iames Ley (than alive, and preferred Lord Treasurer, born within two miles one of another) and next of all under Sir Francis Crew lately dis∣placed. Now, though he entred on his Place with some disadvantage (Sir Randal being gene∣rally popular) and though in those dayes, it was hard for the same Person to please Court and Countrey, yet he discharged his Office with lau∣dable integrity, until 1631. Prudence obligeth Princes to refer the management of affairs to per∣sons who have the reputation of extraordinary ho∣nesty, especially to the transacting of such things

which notwithstanding their innate justice, may provoke any evil spirits.— The most part of man∣kind guessing only by their own senses and appre∣hensions, judge of the affairs by the persons who conduct them. Opinion guideth the world, and the reputation of him that negotiateth, sets a va∣lue and price upon his words and actions; and the opi••ion which is conceived of him is so absolute an Umpire, that there is no appeal from his judge∣ment—Opinion is the strongest thing in the world, Truth the next.

Observations on the Life of Sir Wal∣ter Aston.

HE was a Gentleman of so much diligence in the Spanish Negotiations, that there were no Orders, Cabals, Consultations in that intri∣cate time, &c. he was not acquainted with: Of so much resolution, that there was not a danger∣ous Message in that great business he would not deliver: Of that excellent converse, that there was not that Minister of State in that jealous Court he was not familiar with. Very observant he was, by Don Iuan Taxardoes means, of the Spanish pro∣ceedings, and as well skilled with the Duke of Buckingham's direction in the English; though yet he confessed himself almost lost in those Intrigues, had not the Duke stood between him and the Kings displeasure that suspected him, and the Prince his j••alousie that feared him. [He had need have a

steady head, that looks into such depths:] But as he had an excellent faculty of excusing others mis∣carriages, so he had a peculiar way of salving his own; being advantaged with a great foresight, a deep reservedness, and a ready spirit.

Few understood better the Importance of the English Trade with Spain: None pursued more di∣lige••tly its priviledges and freedom: tracing most of the secret Co••nsels and resolutions so closely, that he was able with his industry and money to give an account of most proceedings. —In the ma∣nagement whereof he resigned himself to the Duke's disposal, professing to own no judgement or affection but what was guided by his direction.—His own words are these; Vntil I know by your Gra∣ces favour by what compass to guide my course, I can only follow his Majesties revealed will:—And the Duke's answer this; You desire me to give you my opi∣nion; My ancient acquaintance, long custom of lo∣ving you, with constancy of friendship, invites me to do you this office of good will.

My Lord of Bristol shu••fled the Cards well, but Sir Walter Aston played them best.—The first set a design, but the second pursued it,—being happy in an humble and respectful carriage; which open∣ed the breast, and unlocked the hearts of all men to him. He that looked downward saw the Stars in the water: but he who looked only upward, could not see the waters in the Stars.

Indeed there was in his countenance such a throne of sweetness, and his words had so power∣ful a charm, set off with so agreeable and taking gravity, that the respect due to him was not lost in the love he had deserved; nor the love he attained

to, abated by the respect he commanded; being one that had & gave infinite satisfaction in the Ne∣gotiations he engaged in: Wherein among other things, he would urge how unpolitick, and unsuc∣cessful it is for the Spaniard to meditate a conquest of Europe, where all his Neighbours oppose him, rather than Asia, where they would all joyn with him out of Interest and Conscience, both to secure him from France,* 2.7 and carry him towards Turkey, at whose doors his friend the Emperour was ready to attaque them upon any Mutiny or Rebellion then frequent among them, whose strength (saith Machiav••l) lyeth more in Tradition than in any real Truth:—Considering the cont••ary complexi∣ons of the people in point of In••erest and Religion, that can admit of no considerable coalition upon the approach of a Foreign impression.

Observations on the Life of Sir Julius Caesar.

SIr Iulius Caesar's Father being Physitian to Qu. Elizabeth, and descended of the ancient Fa∣mily of the Dalmarii in Italy, then living at Tottenham neer London; This his Son was bred in Oxford; and after other intermediate preferments, was advanced Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lanca∣st••r, and sworn a Privy-Councellor on Sunday the sixth of Iuly, 1607. and afterwards was preferred Master of the Rolls. A Person of prodigious boun∣••y to all of worth or want, so that he might seem

to be Almoner-general of the Nation. The story is well known, of a Gentleman who once borrowing his Coach (which was as well known to poor peo∣ple as any Hospital in England) was so rendevouz'd about with Beggars in London, that it cost him all the money in his purse to satisfie their importunity, so that he might have hired twenty Coaches on the same terms. Sir Francis Bacon Lord Ver••lam was judicious in his Election, when perceiving his Dissolution to approach, he made his last Bed in effect in the house of Sir Iulius.

He continued more than twenty years Mr. of the Rolls; and though heaved at by some Expectants, sate still in his Place, well poysed therein, with his gravity and integrity. Vir tantarum El••••mosy∣narum non movebitur; a man of so great Alms and Prayers (made by him and for him) s••all not be removed. Nor was it without a prosperous O∣men, that his chief House in Hartfordshire was cal∣led Benington, that is, Villa benigna, the bountiful Village, as one Author will have it; or as another, Villa beneficii, the Town of good turns, from the River so named running by it. His Arms were these, viz. Gules, three Roses Argent on a Chief of the first, so many Roses of the second, emblem∣ing the fragrancy of the Memory he hath left be∣hind him.

His Monument in great St. Hellens, London, be∣ing out of the road of ordinary Fancies, was thus designed by himself in form of a Deed in ruffled Parchment, in allusion to his Office as Master of the Rolls.

OMnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos hoc praesens Scriptum pervenerit; Sciatis me Iulium Dalmare alias Caesarem Militem, utriusque legis Doctorem; Elizabethae Reginae Supremae Curiae Admiralitatis judicem, & unum é Magistris li∣bellorum; Jacobo Regi à Privatis Conciliis, Cancel∣larium Scaccarii, Scriniorum Magistrum, hac prae senti Charta mea Confirmasse me Anuuente Divino N••mine naturae debitum libenter solviturum quam primum Deo placuerit. In cujus rei memoriam, Manum meam, & Sigillum apposui. Datum 27 Februarii, 1635.

[illustration]

Iulius Caesar.

Here his Seal or Coat of Arms is affixed, and beneath them is written

Irrotulatur Caelo.

He dyed the twenty eighth day of April, Anno Domini, 1636. in the seventy ninth year of his Age. They say of Witches, that they are una∣ble to hurt till they have received an Alm••. It's certain, none ever undermined this Gentleman's insufficiency, but such as were advanced by his civility; a civility that secured him, as well as it impowered them, making his Grants to all per∣sons double kindnesses by Expedition, and cloa∣thing his very Denials in such robes of Court∣ship, as that it was not obviously discernable whether the Request or Denyal were most de∣cent; having this peculiar to himself, That he was very cautious of Promises, lest falling to an Incapacity of performance, he might forfeit his Reputation, and multiply his certain Ene∣mies, by his design of creating uncertain Friends.

Besides, he observed a sure principle of ri∣sing, viz. That great persons esteem better of such they have done great Courtesies to, than those they have received great Civilities from; looking upon this as their disparagement, th•• other as their glory.

Observations on the Lives of Sir Hen∣ry, Sir Lucius, Sir Henry Cary, Lords Viseounts Faulkland.

A Race of accomplished men, the ornaments and supports of their Countrey, which they served with no lesse faithfulness and pru∣dence in their Negotiations abroad, than ho∣nour and justice in their Places at home: Of such a Stock of reputation, as might kindle a generous e∣mulation in Strangers, and a noble ambition in tho••e of their own Family. Henry Cary Vi••count Falkland in Scotland, son to Sir Edward Cary, was born at Aldnam in Her••fordshire; being a most ac∣plished Gentleman, and a compleat Courtier. By King Iames he was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland, and well discharged his Trust therein: But an unruly Colt will fu•••• and chafe (though neither switch nor spur) meerly because back'd. The Rebellious Irish will complain, only because kept in subjection, though with never so much le∣nity; the occasion why some hard speeches were passed on his Government. Some beginning to counterfeit his hand, he used to incorporate the year of his age in a knot flourished beneath his name, concealing the day of his birth to himself. Thus by comparing the date of the month, with his own Birth-day (unknown to such Forgers) he not only discovered many false Writings which were past, but also deterred dishonest Chearers

from attempting the like for the future. He made good use of Bishop Usher's Interest while he was there, as appears by the excellent Speech that the Bishop made for the King's supply.

Being recalled into England, he lived honoura∣bly in the County aforesaid, until by a sad casualty he broke his Leg on a Stand in Theobald's Park, and soon after dyed thereof. He married the sole Daughter and Heir of Sir Lawrence Tanfield, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, by whom he had a fair Estate in Oxfordshire. His death happened Anno Dom. 1620. being Father to the most accomplish-Statesman.

2. Lucius Lord Falkland, the wildness of whose youth was an argument of the quickness of his ri∣per years: He that hath a spirit to be unruly before the use of his reason, hath mettle to be active af∣terwards. Quick-silver if fixed, is incomparable; besides that the adventures, contrivances, secrets, confidence, trust, compliance with opportunity, and the other sallies of young Gallants, prepare them more serious undertakings—as they did this no∣ble Lord; great in his Gown, greater in his Buffe; able with his Sword, abler with his Pen: a know∣ing Statesman, a learned Scholar, and a stout man: One instance of that excess in learning and other great perfections, which portended ruine to this Nation in their opinion, who write, that all Ex∣treams, whether of Vertue or Vice, are ominous, especially that unquiet thing call'd Learning, whose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth its own period, and that of the Empire it flourisheth in; a too universally dilated Learning, being not faithful to the settlements ei∣ther of Policy or Religion; it being no less ready

to discover blemishes in the one, than Incongrui∣ties in the other: Sophisters (saith my smart Au∣thor) like the Countrey of the Switz, being as a∣ble upon the least advantage proposed, to engage on the wrong side as on the right. As to go no fur∣ther, this excellent Personage being among the Demagogues that had been for twelve years si∣lenced, and were now to play the prize in Parlia∣ment, and shew their little twit-twat, but tedi∣ous faculties of speaking, makes the bitterest In∣vective against the Governours and government of the Church, that ever was penned in English•• which though designed by him, it's thought, only to allay the fury of the Faction, by some compli∣ance with it, carried things beyond the modera∣tion and decency of that Assembly, which he made too hot for himself, retyring in cooler thoughts, as many more (that like Brutus could not lay the storm•• they had raised) to Oxford, where his Pen was more honourably imployed in de••ecting the fundamental Error of Rome their infallibility, and countermining the main props of Westminster their Hypocrisie; this as Secretary, the other as a Student—in both laying open the little pre••en∣sions, whereby poor people were insnared in their Civil and Religious Liberty.—Much was the gall always in his Ink, and very sharp his Pen; but even, flowing, and full his Style, such as became him, whose Learning was not an unsetled mass of reading that whirled up and down in his head, but fixed Observations, that tempered with solid pru∣dence and experience, were the steady Maxims of his Soul fitted for all times and occasions; he ha∣ving sate (as some Noble-mens sons used to do

formerly in the House of Lords) behind the Chair of State from his very child-hood, and owning a large heart capable of making that universal inspec∣tion into things that much becomes a Gentleman, being a Master in any thing he discoursed of.—Inso∣much that his general knowledge husbanded by his wit, and set off by his Meine and Carriage, at∣tracted many to come as far to see him, as he pro∣fessed he would go to see Mr. Daillee—which rendred him no less necessary than admirable at Court, until his Curiosity engaging him at New∣bery, he was strangely slain there, dying as he li∣ved till then, between his Friends and Enemies, to the King's great grief, who valued him, because he understood his parts and services in the Treaty at Oxford, where he was eminent for two things; the timing of Propositions, and concealing of In∣clinations; though no man so passionate for his de∣design, as never enduring that hope that holds re∣solution so long in suspence, but ever allaying it with that fear that most commonly adviseth the best by supposing the worst—His usual saying was, I pity unlearned Gentlemen in a rainy day.

3. He was Father first to Henry Lord Falkland, whose quick and extraordinary parts and notable spirit performed much, and promised more, ha∣ving a great command in the Countrey where he was Lord-Lieutenant, a general respect in the house where he was Member, a great esteem at Court (with his Majesty and his Royal Highness the Duke of York) where he was both wit, and wisdom— When there was the first opportunity offered to ho∣nest men to act, he laid hold of it, and got in spight of all opposition, to a thing called a Parliament: By

same token, that when some urged he had not sow∣ed his wilde Oats, he is said to reply; If I have not, I may sow them in the House, where there are Geese enough to pick them up. And when Sir F. N. should tell him he was a little too wilde for so grave a service, he is reported to reply; Alas! I am wilde, and my Father was so before me, and I am no Bastard,—as &c. In which Contention he out-did the most active Demagogues at their own weapon, speaking. When Major Huntington and his followers were for the long Parliament, Sir F. N. L. S. &c. were for the secluded Members, My Lord carried all the County for an absolute free Parlia∣ment: which he lived to see, and act in so suc∣cessfully, that he was voted generally higher in trusts and services, had he not been cut off in the prime of his years; as much missed when dead, as beloved when living—A great instance of what a strict Education (for no man was harder bred) a general Converse, and a noble Temper can arrive to; and what an Orator can do in a Democracy, where the Affections of many is to be wrought up∣on, rather than the judgment of few to be convin∣ced. A golden tongue falling under a subtle head under such a constitution, hath great influence upon the whole Nation.

Observations on the Life of Sir James Ley, Earl of Marlborough.

SIr Iames Ley, son of Henry Ley Esquire (one of great Ancestry, who, saith my Author, on his own cost, with his men, valiantly served King Henry the Eighth, at the siege of Boloin) being his Fathers sixth son, (and so in probabili∣ty barred of his inheritance) endeavoured to make himself an Heir by his Education, applying his Book in Braze••-Nose-Colledge, and afterwards studying the Laws of the Land in Lincolus-Inne, wherein such his proficiency, King Iames made him Lord Chief-Justice in Ireland. Here he practised the charge King Iames gave him at his going over, (yea, what his own tender Conscience gave him∣self) namely, not to build his Estate upon the ru∣ines of a miserable Nation, but aiming by the unpartial execution of Justice, not to enrich himself, but civilize the People. But the wise King would no longer loose him out of his own Land, and therefore recalled him home about the time when his Fathers Inheritance, by the death of his five elder brethren descended upon him. It was not long before Offices and Ho∣nours flowed in fast upon him, being made by

King Iames

• 1. Attorney of the Court of Wards.
• 2. Chief-Justice of the Upper Bench, the 18 of his Reign Ian. 29.
• 3. Lord Treasurer of England in the 22 of his Reign, Dec. 22.
• 4. Baron Ley of Ley in Devon∣shire, the last of the same month.

King Charls

• 1. Earl of Marl∣borough in Wilt∣shire, immedi∣ately after the King's Coro∣nation.
• 2. Lord President of the Council, in which place he died••, Anno Dom. 1629.

He was a person of great Gravity, Ability, and Integrity: And as the Caspian Sea is observed neither to ebbe nor flow, so his mind did not rise or fall, but continued the same constancy in all conditions; a good temper enough for a Judge, but not for a Statesman, and fo•• any Statesman, but a Lord Treasurer; and for any Lord Treasu∣rer but in King CHARLES his active time, who was put to it to find out such stirring men as might recover him from the hazard and de∣fection he was fallen into in Purse and Power.

Observations on the Life of Sir John Cook.

SIr Iohn Cook, younger Brother to Sir Francis Cook, born at Trusley (in the Hundred of Ap∣ple-tree) in Derby••shire, of ancient and worshipful Parentage, and allied to the best Family in that Countrey; was bred Fellow of Trinity-Colledge in Cambridge, where his wit being designed his Estate,

he was chosen Rhetorick-Lecturer in the Universi∣ty, where he grew eminent for his ingenious and critical reading in that School, where Rhetorick seemed to be not so much an Art, as his Nature; being not only the subject, but the very frame of his Discourse. Then travelled he beyond the Seas ••or some years (when his judgment was fitted for foreign Observations by domestick experience) in the company. of a Person of quality,•• returning thence rich in Languages, Remarks, and Experi∣ence, waving all the dangers incident to him for his Religion, by a wary Profes••ion, that he came to learn, and not to search; being first related to Sir Fulke Grevil, Lord Brook, who did ••ll mens busi∣ness but his own; ••he was thence•• preferred to be Secretary to the Navy, their Master of the Re∣quests; ••••od at last Secretary of State•• for twenty years together. Being a very zealous Protestant, he did all good offices for the advancement of true Religion: His Contemporaries character him a grave and a prudent man in ga••e•• apparel, and speech; one that h••d his Intellect••••••s very perfect in the dispatch of business till he was eighty years old; when foreseeing those Intrigues that might be too hard for his years, he with his Majesties good leave retired as Moses did, ••o ••ie when his eyes were not dim, &c. having kept himself strict∣ly to the Law of the Land: Insomuch, that being sent to command Bi••hop Williams from Westmin∣ster••; and being asked by the stout Bishop, by what authority he commanded a man out of his house and his free-hold, he was so tender of the point, that he never rested till he had his pardon for it. Mu••i•••• ••••••o he had to keep the King's favour for his

compliance with the Faction, witness his third sub∣mission; and as much ado to retain ••he Factions good opinion for his service to the King, w••tness his several Apologies in Parliament to this purpose; That it was a hard thing, that they who should have thanks for the good offices they did the People with the KING, had now nothing but censures for the same offices they did the King with his people— Never was any man more put to it to reconcil•• the two readings of that Text 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—which he could never have done, but that his old rule safe-guarded him, viz. That no man should let what is unjustifia∣ble or dangerous appear under his hand, to give Envy a steady aim at his place or person; nor mingle Interests with great men made desperate by debts or Court-injuries, whose falls hath been ruinous to their wisest followers; nor pry any fur∣ther into secrecy, than rather to secure, than shew himself; nor impart that to a friend, that may im∣power him to be an enemy. Besides that his years excused in him that caution some ob••tinate men want that are broken with viciss••udes, because they consider not that the forwardest in turmoyls are least regarded when things return to a calm.

He served the time out of Christian discretion, in finding out the seasons of things commendably. He complyed out of some infirmity in particular accommoda••ions pardonably; but neither of igno∣rance or design, i•• pursuance of his own, or any o∣ther mans plot unfaithfully. Indeed he must have wrenched and sprained his grave soul with the short turning•• in those dayes, if it had been t••ue,

that he should shuffle a Scots Paper (instead of the genuine Articles of Pacificat••on at York) which the Earls of Holland, Pembrook, &c. disavowed to the Northern Commissioners faces (my Lord of Pembrook saying, That indeed as he took Horse, and his Friends being busie about him, such a Paper was put into his hand, but he opened it not untill he came to his Majesty) and his Majesty burned in the face of both Kingdoms; whereby they say he was dismissed, which I am not willing to believe, on∣ly I find him hereafter bring Propositions from the Parliament (as they called it) to the King, as actively as formerly he had carried Messages from the King to the Parliament:—Indeed he had an happy mixture of Dis••retion and Charity, whereby he could allow to things & persons more than men of streighter apprehensions, or narrower affections were able to do. Indeed, though as I told you o∣therwise wary, he broke an Affair to a Partizan that kept him under all his days: & he that enter∣tains a dangerous design, puts his head into an halter, and the halter into his hand to whom he first imparts it.—Sir Francis Win••ebank and he fell into extreams; which balanced, might have fupported the Government, if they had directed their particular inclinations and indulgences by the measures of the general interest and temper.

Observations on the Life of the Earl of Danby.

ALl that I find of this plain Noble-ma••, is w••itten on his Tomb-stone at Dantsey in Wil••shire. Here lyeth the Body of Henry Dan∣vers, second son to Sir Iohn Danvers Knight, and Dame E••izabeth, Daughter and Co-Heir to Nevil Lord Latim••••. He was born at Dantsey in the County of Wilts, Anno Dom. 1573. being bred up partly in the Low-Countrey Wats, under Maurice E••rl of Nassaw, afterwards Prince of Orange, and in many other Military actions of those ••imes, both by Sea, and by Land. He was made a Captain in the Military Wars of France, and there Knighted for his good service under Henry the fourth the then French King. He was employed as Lieutenant of the Horse, and Serje∣ant-Major of his whole Army in Ireland, under Robert Earl of Essex, and Charles Baron of Mount∣joy, in the Reign of Q••een Eliz. By King Iames the first•• he was made Baron of Dantsey, and Peer of this Realm; as also Lord President of Munster, and Governour of Guernsey. By King Charles the first, he was created Earl of Danby, made one of his Privy-Councel, and Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter. In his later time, by reason o•• imp••••fect health, ••o••siderately declining more ••••ive Employments, full of honours, wounds,

and days, he died Anno Domini 1643.

LAVS DEO.

For many years before, St. George had not been more magnificently mounted (I mean the solem∣nity of his Feast more sumptuously observed) than when this Earl, with the Earl of Morton, were in∣stalled Knights of the Garter. One might have there beheld the abridgment of England and Scot∣land in their Attendance. The Scotish Earl (like Xeuxes his picture) adorned with all Art and cost∣liness, whilst our English Earl (like the plain sheet of Apelles) by the gravity of his Habit, got the ad∣vantage of the gallantry of his Cortival with judi∣cious beholders. He died without Issue in the be∣ginning of our Civil Wars, and by his Will made 1639. se••led his large Estate on his hopeful Nephew Henry D' Anvers, snatch'd away (be••ore fully of age, to the great grief of all good men.

Observations on the Life of Sir George Crook.

SIr George Crook, son of Sir Iohn Crook, and Elizabeth Unton his Wife, was born at Chilton in Buckingham-shire, in the second year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; bred first in Oxford, then a double Reader in the Inner Temple, Sergeant at Law, and the King's Serge∣ant; Justice first of the Common Bench, 22. Iac. and then of the Upper Bench, 4 Caroli. His ability

in his Profession is sufficiently attested by his own printed Reports; Eight eminent Judges of the Law out of their knowledge of his great Wisdom, Learn∣ing, and Integrity, approving and allowing them to be published for the common benefit. His only de∣fect was, that he was against the ancient Naval-aid called Ship-money, both publickly in Westminster-Hall, and privately in his judgement demanded by the King, even at that time when our Neigh∣bours not only incroached upon our Trade, but disputed our right in the Narrow-seas, though concluded to subscribe (according to the course of the Court) by plurality of Voices. The Country∣mans wit (levelled to his brain) will not for many years be forgotten; That Ship-money may be got∣ten by Hook, and not by Crook; though since they have paid Taxes (Loyns to the little finger, and Scorpions to the rod of Ship-money) but whether by Hook or Crook, let others enquire: Hampden's share for which he went to Law, being but eighteen shillings, though it cost the Nation since eighteen millions.

Considering his declining and decaying age, and desiring to examine his life, and prepare an account to the supream Judge, he petitioned King Charl••s for a Writ of E••se; which though in some sort denyed, (what wise Master would willingly part with a good Servant?) was in effect granted unto him. For the good King (exacting from his Sub∣jects no services beyond their years and abilities; and taking it better at his hands, that he confessed his infirmities, than if he had concealed them) discharged him for the pains, though he allowed him the fees and honour of Chief-Justice while he

lived.—Wherefore in gratitude as well as consci∣ence, however he was misled in ••he foresaid matter of Syhip money, he abhor••ed the Faction heartily; for he would say of Hampden, He is a dangerous person, take heed of him.—and loved the Church as heartily; for we are told by a person of great worth and credit, Th••t having read over the Book of Canons 1640 when it first came out, and was so much spoken against, he lifted up his hands, and gave hearty thanks to Almighty God, that he had lived to see s••ch good effects of a Convocation. In a word, he was no less in his Life, than he is in his Epitaph now dead, which runs thus;

Georgius Crook Eques Auratus, unus justiciario∣rum de Banco Regis, Iudicio Linceato, & animo presenti insignis, v••ritatis haeres, quem nec mina nec bonos allexit: Regis au horitatem & populi li∣bertatem aequâ lance Libravit; Religione cordatus, vitâ innocuus, manu expans••, Corde humili pauperes irrogavit: mundum vicit & deseruit, Anno AErat. Lxxxii, Annoque R. C. I. xvii. Anno Domini MDCXLI.

Observations on the Life of Sir Rob. Armstroder.

HE was a great Soldier, a skilful Antiquary, and a good Fellow: In the first capacity I finde him bringing off five hundred English for three miles together without the loss of a

man, from six thousand Spaniards, along a plain Champion, where the Enemy might have surroun∣ded them at pleasure.— Well he could handle bright armour in the Field, better he understood that more rusty in the Tower; therefore in his se∣cond capacity we have him picking up old Coyn, valuing more a Dollar which he might study, than a pound he might spend: Yet though his mind was taken with the Curiosities of former Times, his inclination was very compliant with the mode of his own; for he was excellent company, in which ca∣pacity none more prevalent than he in Germany, where they talk much; none more acceptable in Denmark, where they drink hard; none more taking in Sweden, where they droll smartly. His humble prop••sition and submission in behalf of the Elector, was accepted by the Emperour, 1630. He went to Denmark; and the first night he arri∣ved he pleased the King so well in drinking healths, that his Majesty ordered that his business should be dispatch'd that very night, and he shipped when asleep, as he was to his own amazement when a∣waked, and the amazement of all England when returned; he being here before some thought he had been there.— Humour is the Misterss of the world.

Neither was he more inten•• upon the pleasing o•• Foreign Princes, than careful in the honour of his own, especially in his faith, word, and impreg∣nable honesty; for he knew a faithless Prince is be∣loved of none; but suspected by his friends, not trusted of his enemies,—and forsaken of all men in his grea••est necessities.

Yet he was not so taken with antique Medals a∣broad,

but he promoted a new invention at home: for to him & Sir H. Wotton we owe it, that F. Klein the German, a very eminent Artist in working Tape∣stry, came over to serve K. Charls the first, a Virtuoso, judicious in all Liberal mechanical Arts, and for 100 pounds per ann. pension, so improved that Ma∣nufacture, at this time very compleat at Mortlack, in a house built by Sir Franci•• Crane upon King Iames his motion, who gave two thousand pounds towards it in that place.—General Tilly would say before Gustavus Adolphus came into Germany, that he was happy for three things; That he heard Mass, daily; that he had never touched a woman; and that he had never lost a battel.—What ever Sir Ro∣bert could say to the first, he was very prosperous for the last; that he never failed of success either in fighting or treating; in the Field, or in the Cham∣ber.

Observations on the Life of Philip Earl of Arundel.

HAd his Faith been as Orthodox as his Fa∣thers Faithfulness was eminent, K. Iames his gratitude, and his Uncle Northampton's po∣licy had raised him as high as his Father hath been, and his son is. But since his opinion made him a Separatist from the Church, and his tem∣per a recluse from the Court, we have him in a place of Honour only as Earl Marshal, while we finde his Brother in a place of Profit, as Lord

Treasurer—though both in a place of Trust as Privy-Counsellors, — where this Earl approved himself a confutation of his a 2.8 Uncles maxim; That a through-paced Papist could not be a true-hearted Subject; being as good an English-man in his heart, as he was a Catholick in his conscience; only the greatness of his spirit would not suffer any affronts in b 2.9 Parliament; whence he endured some discoun∣tenance from the Court, insomuch that the House of Lords finding him a Prisoner, when they sate 1626. would not act until after several of their Petitions he was released; when, his temper yield∣ing with years, he was very complying, only he presumed to marry his Son to an Heiress the King had disposed of elsewhere; which yet he laid upon the women that made the M••••ch. Indeed the po∣litick Observator saith; That women of all creatures are the most dextrous in contriving their designs, their natural sprightfulness of imagination, attended with their leisure, furnishing them with a thousand Ex∣pedients, and proposing all kinds of Overtures with such probability of happy success, that they easily de∣sire, and as eagerly pursue their design.

When he was sometimes barred the service of h••s own time, he studied those before him, being a fond Patron of Antiquaries and Antiquity, of whose old pieces he was the greatest Hoarder in Europ••, setting aside Ferdinand•• de Medicis, grand Duke of T••sca••y, from whom by the mediation of Sir Henry Wotton, he borrowed many an Antique Sculpture, which furnished his Archives so well, (as we may guess by Mr. Selden's Marmora Arundeliana) that as my Lord Burleigh's Library was the most com∣pleat one for a Politician, my Lord Bacon's for a

Philosopher, Mr. Selden's for an Historian, Bishop Usher's for a Divine, my Lord of Northampton's for a Poet, Mr. Oughtred's for a Mathematician, Dr. Hammond's for a Grammarian, or an universal Cri∣tick; so the Earl of Arundel's was the best for an Herald and an Antiquary, a * 2.10 Library not for shew, but use.

Neither was he more in his study, where h•• be∣stowed his melancholy hours, than in Councel, where he advised three things in reference to the Foreign troubles: 1. Correspondence abroad. 2, Frequent Parliaments. 3. Oftner progresses into the Countries. Neither was he less in the Field than in Council, when General against the Sco••s (the more shame!) th••t Protestants should at a time rebel against their King, when Papists ventu∣red their lives for him: After which Expedition he was ordered beyond Sea with the Queen••Mother of France, 1639. when they say he looked back on England with this wish, May it never have need of me.

It's true, some observe, that the Scots who cried upon him as a Papist, yet writ under-hand to him their Noble Lord, as they did to Essex and Holland so effectually, that they had no heart to that War afterward;—and it is as true, that thereupon a schedule was now the second time given of the par∣ties that combined against the Government, viz. 1. The busie medlers that had got the plausible trick of Haranguing since King Iames's time, not used in Parliament from H. 6. time to his. 2. The covetous Landlords, Inclosers, Justices of th•• Peace that ruled in the Country, and would do so in Parliament. 3. Needy men in debt, that

durst not shew their heads in time of Peace. 4. Pu∣ritans, that were so troublesom against Hatton, &c. in Queen Eliz. dayes; and under pretence of Re∣ligion, overthrew all Government. 5. Such Male-contents as either lost the preferment they had, or had not what they were ambitious of, with their Kindred and Dependants. 6. Lawyers, that second any attempt upon the Prerogative, with their Ca∣ses, Records, and Antiquities. 7. London Mer∣chants, that had been discovered by Cranfield and Ingram, as to their cheats put upon the King in his Customs and Plantations. 8. Common-wealths-men, that had learned from Holland in Queen Eliz. days to pray for the Queen and the State. And 9. (Because there cannot be a Treason without a P—) such Recusants as were Hispanioliz'd, whereof this Earl was none: but though as a Church-Papist he had most of the Catholick Peers votes devolved on him; he never bestowed them undutifully, albeit sometimes stoutly and resolutely. A great friend he was to all new Inventions, save those that tended to do that by few hands, which had been usually done by many; because, said he, While private men busie their heads to take off the Poors employment, the publick Magistrate must trou∣ble his to find them maintenance. Either be or the Earl of Northampton used to say (when asked what made a compleat man?) To know how to cast Ac∣compts: an accomplishment though ordinary, yet might save many an Estate in England.

Observations on the Life of Esme Duke of Richmond.

GReat in his Ancestors honour, greater in his own vertue, and greatest of all, in that ••ike the Star he wore, the higher he was, the ••ess he desired to seem, affecting rather the worth, than the pomp of nobleness;—therefore his courtesie was his nature, not his craft; and his af∣fableness not a base & servile popularity, or an am∣••itious insi••uation; but the native gentleness of his disposition, and his true value of himself: He was not •• stranger to any thing worth knowing, but best ac∣quainted wi••h himself, and in himself, rather with ••is weaknesses for Caution, than his abilities for A∣••tion. Hence he is not so forward in the traverses of War, as in Treaties of Peace, where his honour ••nnobled his cause, and his moderation advanced ••t: He and my Lord of Southampton managing the ••everal Overtures of Peace at London, Oxford, and ••xbridge with such honourable freedom and pru∣••ence, that they were not more deservedly regard∣••d by their Friends, than importunately courted ••y their Enemies; who seeing they were such, could ••ot be patient till they were theirs, though in ••ain, their honours being impregnable as well a∣gainst the Factions kindness as against their power. At Conferences his conjectures were as solid as o∣••hers judgements; his strict observation of what was passed, furnishing him for an happy guess of

what was to come: Yet his opinion was neither v••∣riably unconstant, nor obstinately immoveable•• but framed to present occasions, wherein his m••∣thod was to begin a second advice from the failu•••• of his first—though he hated doubtful suspence•• when he might be resolute. This one great defec•• was his good nature, that he could never distrust til•• it was dangerous to suspect; and he gave his Enem•• so much advantage, that he durst but own him fo•• his friend.—One thing he repented of, that he ad∣vised his Majesty to trust Duke Hamilton his Ad∣versary with the affairs of Scotland, in complianc•• with the general opinion, rather than the Marques•• Huntly his friend in compliance with his own rea•• interest; an advice wherein his publick-spiritednes•• superseded his particular concerns, and his goo•• nature his prudence:—So true is it, that the ho∣nest mans single uprightness works in him that con∣fidence, which oft-times wrongs him, and giv•••• advantage to the subtle, while he rather pities ••h••i•• faithlessness, than repents of his credulity: so grea•• advantage have they that look only what they ma•• do, over them that consider what they should do•• and they that observe only what is expedient, ove•• them that judge only what is lawful.—There∣fore when those that thought themselves wise, le•••• their sinking Soveraign, he stuck to his Perso•• while he lived, to his body when dead, and to hi•• cause as long as he lived himself:—attending th•• first resolutely, burying the second honourably•• and managing the third discreetly; undertaking without rashness, and performing without fear•• never seeking dangers, never avoiding them. Al∣though when his Friends were conquered by th••

Rebels, he was conquered by himself, retiring to that privacy, where he was g••essed at, not known; where he saw the world unseen; where he made yielding a conquest; where cheerful & unconcerned in expectation, he provided for the worst, and hoped the best, in the constant exercise of that Religion, w^ch he & his maintained more effectually with their Examples, than with their Swords; doing as much good in encouraging the Orthodox by his presence, as in relieving them by his bounty.—In a word, I may say of him, as Macariu•• doth of Iustine; There was no Vice but he thought below him; and no Vertue which he esteemed not either his duty or ornamen••. Neither was his prudence narrower than his vertue, nor his vertue streighter than his fortune. His main service was his inspection into the Intrigues and Reserves of the Parliamentiers at Vxbridge, and his cajoling of the Independants and Scots at London, where the issue of his Obser∣vations was; That the King should as far as his conscience could allow, comply with the unreason∣able desires of an illimited ambition, to make i•• sen∣sible of the evils that would flow from its own Counsels: being confident, as events have assured us, that the people would see the inconvenience of their own wishes; and that they would return that power which they sought for, but could not m••∣nage, to its proper place, before it became their ru∣ine: —for unbounded Liberty overthroweth its self. But alas! it was too late to grant them any thing, who by having so much, were only encouraged more eagerly to desire what they knew the King in honour could not give:—For when a Prince is once rendred odious or contemptible, his Indul∣gences

do him no less hurt than injuries.

As his services were great, so were his Recreati∣ons useful * 2.11; Hunting, that manly Exercise being both his pleasure & his accomplishment: his accom∣plishment, I say, since it is in the list of Machiavel's rules to his Prince, as not only the wholsomest and cheapest diversion, both in relation to himself, and his People, but the best Tutor to Horse-man∣ship, Stratagems, and Situations, by which he may afterwards place an Army; whatever Sir Philip Sid∣ney's apprehension was, who used to say; Next hunting, he liked hawking worst.

Observations on the Life of the Lord Chief-Iustice Banks.

SIr Iohn Banks his Parents perceiving him judi∣cious and industrious, bestowed good breed∣ing on him in Grayes-Inne, in hope he should at∣tain to preferment; wherein they were not decei∣ved. For after he was called to the Bar for some years, he solicited Suits for others, thereby attain∣ing great practical experience. He afterwards might laugh at them, who then did smile at him, leaving many behind him in Learning, whom he found before him in time, until at last he was Knighted by King Charles, made first his Attorney, then Chief-Justice of the Common-Pleas, dying in the middest and heat of our Civil Dissentions. He ordered by his Will, that his Body should be buried under some plain Monument at the discre∣tion

of his Executors; and after an Epitaph menti∣oning the several Places he had held, this Motto to be added;

Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed Nomini tuo da Gloriam.

By his said Will he gave to the value of thirty pound per ann. with other Emoluments, to be be∣stowed in pious Uses, and chiefly to set up a Ma∣nufacture of course Cottons in the Town of Kes∣wick.

He was one whom the Collar of S.S.S. worn by Judges and other M••gistrates became very well, if it had its name from Sanctus, Simon, Simplicius; no man being more seriously pious, none more singly honest.—When Sir Henry Savile came to Sir Edward Cook then at bowls, in Arch-Bishop Abbot's behalf, and told him he had a Case to propose to him: Sir Edward answered; If it be a Case in Common-Law, I am unworthy to be a Iudge, if I cannot presently sa∣tisfie you: but if it be a point of Statute-Law, I am unworthy to be a Iudge, if I should undertake to sa∣tisfie you without consulting my Books.—Sir Iohn Banks, though ready without his Books on the Bench,—yet always resolved Cases out of them in his Chamber; answerable to his saying to Dr. Sibs, A good textuary is a good Lawyer, as well as a good Divine.

His invention was prompt and ready; his appre∣hension sure and solid; his memory capacious and retentive; his knowledge in the Law, and the in∣word reasons of it, profound; his experience in af∣fairs of State universal, and well laid: patient he

was in hearing; sparing, but pertinent in speaking: very glad always to have things represented truly and clearly; and when it was otherwise, able to discern through all pretences the real merit of a C••use.

He was a man of singular modesty, of the anci∣ent freedom, plain-heartedness, and integrity of mind: Very grave and severe in his deportment, yet very affable, in such sort, that, as Tacitus saith of Agrippa; Ill•• quod est rarissimum nec facilitas au∣thoritatem, nec severitas amorem diminuit: And in a word, so even and circumspect he was in the several turnings and occasions of his life, that though he went himself, and brought over as ma∣ny as he had any interest in, to the King, I find him under no extraordinary displeasure from the Rebels; and I observe but one unhappiness in his whole life, and that is, that all men speak well of him.

Observations on the Life of Sir Tho. Edmonds.

THe Trophees of Miltiades would not let Themistocles sleep, nor the Courts-advance∣ments of his Relations this Gentleman to sit still; having both Livis's qualifications, for an eminent man, a great spirit, and a gallant conduct for actions; a sharp wit, and a fluent tongue for ad∣vice.—Whence we meet with him Comptroller of

the Kings Houshold at home, and his Agent for * 2.12 Peace abroad, equally fit for business of courage and resolution, and for affairs of Councel and com∣plement.—I think it was this Gentleman, who foreseeing a Contest likely to ensue between the English and the Spanish Embassadors, to the first whereof he belonged, went to Rome privately and fetched a Certificate out of the book of Ceremonies (which according to the Canon giveth the rule in such cases) shewing that the King of England was to precede him of Castile; a good argument, be∣cause ad homines, wise men having always thought fit to urge not what is most rational in its self, but what (all circumstances considered) is most con∣vincing. Sir•• Thomas Edmonds used to puzzle the Catholicks about six Records. 1. The original of Constantine's grant of Rome to the Pope. 2. St. Mark's grant of the Adriatique Gulph to Venice. 3. The Salique Law in France. 4. The In∣strument whereby King Iohn pas••ed away England to the Pope. 5. The Letter of King Lucius. And 6. The Ordinal of the Consecration at the Nags∣head.—Neither did he perplex them with these Quaeries, more than he angered the Faction with his principles, Tertio Car. ••. 1. That the King was to be trusted. 2. That the Revenue was to be setled. 3. That the Protestant cause was to be maintained. 4. That Jealousies were to be re∣moved, and things past were to be forgotten.

Observations on the Life of Sir Paul Pindar.

HE was first a Fac••or, then a Merchant, next a * 2.13 Consul; and at last an Embassador in Tu••key: Whence returning with a good purse and a wary Head-piece, he cast about what he might do to gratifie K. Iames and the Arch-Bi∣shop of Canterbury most; and finding them much pleased with acts of Charity and Piety, he repaired the Entry, Front, and Porches of St. Paul's Ca∣thedral to all the upper Church, Qui••e and Chan∣cel, and enriched them with Marble structures and figures of the Apostles, with carvings and guildings far exceeding their former beauty, which cost a∣bove two thousand pounds; the act of a good man, said K. Iames, who made him one of the great Farmers of the Customs: in gratitude whereof, Sir Paul besides his former expences, took upon him to new build the South Isle, which cost him above 17000 l.

A Projector (such necessary Evils then coun∣tenanced) and be a Clergy-man too, informed K. Iames how he might speedily advance his Revenue by bringing in Spiritual preferments (now forsooth under-rated in the Kings books) to a full value, to the great encrease of first-Fruits and Tenths: the King demands the Lord Treasurer Cranfield's judgement thereof: he said, Sir, You are esteeme•• a great lov••r of Learning; you know Clergy-mens

Education is chargeable, their preferment slow, and small: Let it not be said you gain by grinding them; other ways less obnoxious to just censure will be found out to furnish your occasions. The King commend∣ed the Treasurer (as doing it only for tryal) ad∣ding moreover, I should have accounted thee a very Knave, if encouraging me herein—But he sends for Sir Paul Pindar, and tells him, he must either raise the Customs, or take this course; who answer∣ed him nobly: That he would lay thirty thousand pounds at his feet the morrow, rather than he should be put upon such poor projects, as unsuitable to his honour, as to his inclination. Go thy way (saith the King) thou art a good man.

Observations on the Life of Sir Henry Vane Senior.

THree things Henry the fourth of France said would puzzle any man. 1. Whether Queen Elizabeth was a Maid? 2. Whether the Prince of Orange was valiant? 3. What Religion he himself was of? To which I may add a fourth, viz. what Sir Henry Vane was? whom I know not what to call, but what Mr. Baxter calleth his son, a hider: the Fathers life being as mystical a•• the Sons faith, men as little understanding the actions of the one, as they did the writing, of the other: But the two powers that govern the world, the best, and the worst, are both invisible. All Northern men are reserved to others, but this was too ••••e

for his own Countrey-men; neither Sir Iohn Savile that brought him to Court, nor Sir Thomas Went∣worth that advanced him the••e, understanding ei∣ther his temper, or his design.—He betrayed a∣ny Council he was present at, and marred all the Actions he was employed in. As 1. When he was sent to relate the Emperor's overture to th•• Queen of Bohemia, of thirty thousand pounds per ann. and a Marriage between her eldest Son and his Daugh∣ter, he did it with those ackward ci••cumstances, that transported the good Lady to such unseasona∣ble expressions, as at that time blasted her cause and expectations. And thence it's thought he brought Sir Robert Dudley's Rhapsody of Projects to dispa∣rage the King's government, under pretence of supplying his necessi••ies: [it wa•• the way of the late Underminers, to relieve their Masters present need upon future inconveniences; hiding them∣selves under Proposals, plausible for the present, and fatal in the consequence] which juggles of his were so long too little to be considered, that at last they were too great to be remedied. 2. He is said to have shuffled other Conditions into the Pacifica∣tion at York, where he was a Commissioner, than were avowed by the Lords Commissioners, much insisted on by the Scots, and burned by the com∣mon Hang-man, as false, and contrary to the true Articles. 3. When sent to the House, 1640. to demand 12, or 8, or six Subsidies, he requireth without abatement twelve, with design (as it's judged) to ask so much, as might enrage the Par∣liament to give nothing;—and so to be dissol∣ved unhappily, or continued unsuccessfully. 4. He and his son together betray the Votes passed in the

select Council, taken by him privately under his ••at, for the reducing of Scotland to the ruine of the Earl of Strafford, and the Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury—The story is, Sir Henry Vane was trust∣ed with the Juncto•• where he took Notes of their several opinions; these Notes he puts up in his Closet: A while after, he delivers to his son Sir H. Vane Junior, a key to fetch some papers out of a Cabinet, in which he finds another key to an in∣ward shutter; which he opened, and lighted upon this Paper, and communicates it to Mr. Pym for the end aforesaid; and upon this very Paper (doest not tremble Reader at this Treason?) alone, the House of Commons voted that brave Earl out of his Life, the same day that twenty two years after the same Sir Henry Vane Junior, lost his head. Ab∣selvi numen.

Observations on the Life of Sir Richard Hutton.

SIr Richard Hutton was born at Perith, of a worshipful Family (his elder brother was a Knight) and bred in Iesus-Colled••e in Cambridge. He intended his Studies for Divinity, till dis∣swaded by the importunity of his friends (a∣mongst whom George Earl of Cumberland was most eminent) he became Barrister of Grayes-Inne. But in expression of his former Affection to Divinity, he seldom (if ever) took fee of a Clergy-man. Afterwards being Recorder of York, he was

Knighted, and made Judge of the Common-Pleas. In the case of Ship-money, though he was against the King, or rather for the * 2.14 Commons, yet his Majesty manifested not the least distaste, conti∣nuing to call him the honest judge. This person so pious to God, and cha••itable to ••he Poor, was dissolved about the beginning of our National mi∣sery. Thus God, before he ploweth up a Land with the furrows of a•• Civil War, first cutteth down his old crop, and gathereth them like ripe sheaves into his Barn. He died at Serg••ants Inne, and was buried at his earnest desire with ••he Com∣mon-Prayer, without any Funeral-Sermon (save what his own Vertues preached to posterity) at St. Dunstan's in the West, on the 27 day o•• Febru∣ary, Anno Dom. 1638. Here I learn how circum∣spect our counsels must be in reference to things and persons above us; whi••h implying an over∣po••zing of our own judgement, and a debating of others, in all cases is obnoxious to jealousie, but in these to danger, under which there are no Qualifications to patience and moderation, The vertues of this happy Judge (if he had cast obsti∣nacy over-board, and let his wisdom ••ack about in things capable of expedience) whereby h•• knew well both how to allay the asperities of a bad for∣tune, and check the excesses of a good one, pack∣ing up his fears and hopes in so narrow a compass, as made the last less tedious, and the first more portable; to which he added an unaffected plain∣ness, the argument of his worth and weight, a weakness and emptiness being as safely as usually concluded from too much affectation,—an over∣much care of the out-side being an argument of re∣misness

in what is within, it remaining (s••ith one) equally rar••, to find a starched and formal man wise, as a Woman valiant; the most serious Endeavours of both being to take only the Eyes.

Observations on the Life of the Mar∣quess of Hertford.

HE was none of those Male-contents who make the sins of their ••iper years make good the follies of their youth, and maintain oversights with Treasons: as he was patient un∣der his Imprisonment for the one, so he was active in his services against the other; not more dutiful∣ly submitting to the severity of K. Iames for his Marriage, then loyally assisting the necessities of King Charles in his Wars. It's natural to return an Injury, it's heroical to overcome it; and be above it, when we are below our selves. It is true, he was drawn in to subscribe the untoward Proposals at York; but it is as true, he did of his own accord declare against the unnatural War in London, where the King advanced him to the tuition of the Prince, and he went himself to the defence of the King: at what time such his popularity, that he raised an Army himself; such his humility, that he yielded the command of it to another, as if he knew nothing but others merit, and his own wants; being one of those choice men that admire every thing in others, and see nothing in themselves.

His face, his carriage, his habit favoured of Lowliness without affectation, and yet he was much under what he seemed. His words were few and soft, never either peremptory or cen∣sorious, because he thought both each man more wise, and none more obnoxious than himself; being yet neither ignorant nor careless, but na∣turally me••k, lying ever close within himself, arm∣ed with those two Master-pieces, Resolution and Duty, wherewith he mated the blackest Events that did rather exercise than dismay that spirit that was above them, and that minde that looked be∣yond them: He was the easiest enemy, and the truest friend; whom extremities obliged, while (as the Reverend Bishop speaks) he as a well-wrought Vault lay at home the stronger, by how much the more weight he did bear. He offered his life for his Prince's service in the Field, and his per∣son for his ransom at the Court; and when many wished they might die for that excellent King, he, the Earls of Lindsey and Southampton offered, That since his Majesty was presumed by the Law to do no harm himself, and since he did all by them his Ministers, as they had the honour to act under, they might have the happiness to suffer for him.

Observations on the Life of Sir John Finch.

THis Family hath had an hereditary emi∣nence in the study of the Law.—Sir Hen∣ry Finch [the Author of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] a learn∣ed Sergeant at Law in King Iames his time. Sir Heneage Finch Recorder of London in K. Charles's time, and this noble person at the same time the Queen's Attorney, and Speaker of that curious, knowing, and rich Parliament, wherein some have observed, though wide, I suppose, that the House of Commons modestly estimated [consisting of 500] could buy the House of Peers [consisting of 118] thrice over.—Norimbergh in Germany, and Flo∣rence in Italy, would not of old admit of any lear∣ned men in their Councel; because great learned men, saith the Historian of those places, are perple∣xed to resolve upon Affairs, making many doubts full of Respects and Imaginations—Semblably this Par∣liament was too rich and curious to do any good, though this noble personage, even when the House-doors were shut, and he violently detained in his Chair, refused to countenance their proceedings, always abhorring Eliot's doctrine; That men should not be questioned for offences in Parliament: As if that reverend Assembly were called for no other end, than that turbulent spirits might be at liberty to speak Treason once every three years.

When he was questioned for his opinion about

Ship-money, his judgement was; That if the whole were in danger, the whole should contribute—When he was urged to read the Remonstrance against Sir R. W. 4 Car. in Parliament, his opinion was; That at any rate (though at the highest that can be) Au∣thority must be vindicated and redeemed from con∣tempt, since the Life of Government is reputation.

Observations on the Life of the Lord Say.

WHether the first impressions of his * Tu∣tor, (Schoolmasters, though the most neglected, are not the most inconsiderable parts of a Common-wealth:) the narrowness of his fortune (unequal to his honour; younger bro∣thers of noble houses had need in every State to be observed) the repulse, 1613. (other men must look to whom they are kind, but Princes to whom they are unkind) inclined this personage to popu∣larity: This is certain, no man was better tempered for that humour than himself; being in his nature severe and rigid; in his carriage close and reserved; in his resolutions firm and immoveable; in his ap∣prehension, provident and foreseeing; in his Senti∣ments nice and curious:—in his Discourse (full of Fears and Jealousies) dissatisfied and bold; in his followers irregular and pretending; in the Law well seen; in the Scripture very ready; in the occurren∣ces of his age very exact: at Lectures most constant; to the liberty of the Subject (then the Diana of the

age) most faithful, insomuch that he made a mo∣tion 1628. That they who stood for the Liberties, forsooth! (then called the Lower-House Lords of the Upper-House) not fifty might make their Pro∣testation upon record, and that the other party should with subscription of their names enter their reason upon Record, that posterity might not be to seek (good lack) who they were that so ignobly betrayed the Liberty of our Nation: And this being done, they should resolve themselves to a Committee, and proceed to vote:—Yet so well acquainted with the King's temper, that he would take any occasion of his being pleased by the Parliament, to insinuate himself into favour with all his Male-con∣tents, as Bishop Williams, Earl of Lincoln, Earl of Essex, the Earl of Warwick, &c.

As he wrought upon the peoples humour in that point of Liberty, so he did upon the Nobilities temper in another of Ambition: For in a Petition to King Iames against Foreign titles of Honour, we finde him first in design, though last in subscripti∣on, teaching Essex, Warwick, St. Iohn (for they joyned with him) to tilt against their Soveraign's Prerogative with their Pe••s, as they did after with their Swords.

And when this failed (the wise King awing the young Lords to renounce that asunder, which they had subscribed together; none so bold as the factions in company, none so fearful apart) the Champion of English honour and priviledge, becomes the Pa∣tron of Propriety too; for we read Ter. Hill. Anno 14. Car. 1. in Banco Regis, the Lord Say's Case.—

Action for Crover and Conversion of thrée Oxen taken (a great matter) for thrée pounds

five shillings, by the Sheriff of Lincoln, upon the Plaintiff, towards the finding of a Ship— A good reason, for going to Law first, and then to war with his Soveraign, as he did afterwards, when he had sent his son Nathaniel, with Hamp∣den and Lawrence, 1639. to settle the League with their dear Brethren in Scotland, while he formed the grand Design in England, with so much success, that when there were some Overtures made for saving the Earl of Strafford, and secu∣ring the Kingdom by the Party, upon condition of preferment, as that Master Hampden should be Tutor to the Prince, the Earl of Essex his Go∣vernour, Mr. Pym Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Warwick Vice-Admiral, he was to be Master of the Court of Wards; which he compas∣sed, when the rest mist of their expectation.— No more of him, but that the King going to Scot∣land, he refusing a Protestation against the Scots, had these questions proposed to him:

• 1. Whether he would go with the King at his own charge.
• 2. Whether Rebellion was a just cause of War.
• 3. Whether the taking of Castles, Towns, Ma∣gazines, &c. was not Rebellion.

To the first he answered; That though as a Peer and Subject, he could not be forced out of his Countrey but upon extraordinary occasion; yet out of affection to his Majesty, he would attend him, referring the matter of charge to himself.

To the two last he said, he understood not the Law of Scotland, but that those proceedings were Treason in England.

Observations on the Life of the Earl of Lindsey.

HE and that whole Family (I know not whe∣ther more pious, or more valiant; whe∣ther more renowned abroad, as Confessors for their Religion, or, as Champions for their Coun∣try) have been in this last Age an ornament and a defence to this Crown, equally reverenced by the Subjects of it, and honoured by the Soveraigns.

This Noble-man and the Earl of Essex did as Iugurtha and Manus, learn in one School what they practised in two: The one as a faithful Subject, for that government that had obliged his Family; the other as a discontented Rebel, against that that had disobliged his: Both Commanders for the Pa∣latinate against the Emperor, and for Rochel against the French.

When the Duke of Buckingham returned from the Isle of Rhee, his Majesty told him; The neglect of his relief must l••dge on his Friend and Confident, Holland—To which he acknowledged; That in∣deed he had very affectionately intrusted him in or∣dinary Affairs, but never in such an esteem, as to second him in arms, that place being more proper for my Lord of Lindsey—whose judgement of that Expedition was; That it was friendship in earnest, and War in jest. He it was that pursued twelve French Vessels in his own single one to their Haven, hea••ed at once with anger and shame, he it was,

who when all men were amazed at the Duke's fall, was assigned his successor. Certainly, saith one there present, He was a person of no likely presence, but of considerable experience, by his former Expe∣ditions; and one that to the last of his life made good his faith with Gallantry and Courage, not∣withstanding his ill success (the times fate rather than his fault) 1. In scouring the narrow Sea••, where he was Admiral, and the Earl of Essex Vice-Admiral. 2. In presiding in several great Courts on many solemn occasions, the Earl of Strafford's unparellel'd Tryal, &c. And 3. In leading the King's Army at Edge-Hill with a Pike in his hand. Where what is observed of Cataline and his fol∣lowers, was true of this noble Earl and his Coun∣try-men, the Loyal Gentry of Lincolnshire, that they covered the same place with their Corps when dead, where they stood in the fight whilst living.

Observations on the Life of Iudge Ri∣chardson.

IUdge Richardson was born at Mulbarton in Norfolk, his Father being Minister thereof; and he a friend to Ministers, though a foe of the Church. He was bred in the study of our Municipal Law, and became the King's Sergeant therein. Afterwards, on the 28 of November, 1926. he was sworn Chief-Justice of the Common-Pleas, that Place having been void ten months before; where∣in he was humoursom, but honest; only unhappy,

in that he raised the Sabbatarian Controversie, by his orders aginst Wakes in Somersetshire. His Brass Monument on the South-side of Westminster-Abby, thus entertaineth the Reader;

Deo om. Thom•••• Richardsoni Icaeni Equitis Aurati Humduum D••positum. Ille. Iuris Municip. omnes gradus exantlavit Conventus tertii ordinis ann. Jacobi Regis 21, & 22. Prolocutor ex••itit; Fori civilis (communium Placitorum vocant) Supremum Magistratum quinquennium gessit; Ad summum tandem primarii per Angliam Iudicis Tribunal A Rege Carolo evectus: expiravit Anno AEtatis 66. Salutis, MDCXXXIV. Tho. Richardson fil. unicus Eques Aur. Baro Scotiae designatus

Patri incomparabili posuit.

As one reason of his advancement, you must know, this Judge married for his second Wife the Lady Eliz. Beaumont, the Sister (as I take it) of Mary Countess of Buckingham, and the Relict of —Ashburnham Knight. She was by K. Charles created Baroness of Croumont in Scotland; and (though Issuless by the Judge) the Honour descen∣ded to his Grand-child. He died an enemy to Bi∣shop Williams, over-ruling all his Pleas in his Cham∣ber in a quarter of an hour; and yet, which was

strange, at that time no friend to Arch-Bishop Laud, for he said, The Lawn-sleeves had choaked him.

Observations on the Life of Sir Tho. Coventry.

A Competent Estate he had for his educati∣on, and excellent Abilities for advance∣ment: his ••ortune was not wanting to his parts, nor his parts to his fortune; the one being as ready to support, as the other was to raise him: His staid soul was well prepared for general learn∣ing in the Schools & University, for his par••icular lea••ning at the I••••s of Court: his skill in the study of Law called him no sooner to the Bar, than his pru∣dence to Court: Take we his character from his Ho∣nour. Why was he crea••ed Lord Coventry of Alis∣bury, and Keeper of the great S••al? Why, saith the Pa••ent, for his eminent fidelity; for his most worthy service; for his exact circumspection; for his deep prudence; for his constant resolution; for his skill and dexterity; for his integrity and industry; for his immoveableness and fidelity: No man more app••ehensive of the interest of England, none more faithful to it: His kindness to the Church and Cler∣gy argued his piety; his safe Counsels to his Maje∣sty argued his moderation; his dignity rather en∣joyed him, than he it: A man he was that filled up his great capacities, having digested a body of the most honest Law, and a scheme of the most in∣nocent

policy that ever filled the head of an able Statesman, or the heart of an upright Judge. What belonged to him, he knew; and what he knew, he practised. He was as constant to his rule, as he knew his rule was to him: Reserved he was, as the King's Councellor, honest as his conscience. We measure Pyramides by their shadows, and this great Lord by his followers; every one whereof was * 2.15 eminent in his way, and all advanced. Each Action of his, though never so little, yet great as himself, so gravely did he manage it, so solemnly did he perform it: His orders were seldom rever∣sed, because mostly including the consent of Par∣ties,—Few Attorney-Generals came off with less c••nsure, and few Lord Keepers with less guilt; his Predecessors miscarriages being foils to set off his exactness.—Eminent as in most other Ca∣fes, so particularly in that of Pryn, Bastwick, and Burton; against whom, when after six weeks time given them to put in an effectual Answer, they ur∣ged, that their Adversaries the Bishops should not be their Judges: He replyed smartly; That by that Plea had they Libelled all the Mag••strates in the L••nd; none should pass Censure upon them, be∣cause all were made parties.

He had fifteen years enjoyed his Place; not more proper to say, that Dignity had enjoyed him so long, this latter age ••ffording not one every way of more apt Qualifications for the place. His front and presence bespake a venerable regard, not in∣••eriour to any of his Antecessors. His train and suit of Followers was disposed agreeable, to shun both Envy and Contempt: Vain and ambitious he was not; his port was state, though others ostentation.

Of what concerned his place, he knew enough, and which is the main, acted conformable to his know∣ledge; For in the Administration of Justice, he was so erect, so incorrupt, as captious malice stands mute in the blemish of his Fame. A miracle the greater, when we consider he was also a Privy-Councellor: A trust, wherein he served his Ma∣ster the King most faithfully; and the more faith∣fully, because of all•• those Councels which did dis∣serve his Majesty, he was an earnest disswader, and did much disaffect those sticklers who laboured to make the Prerogative rather tall than great; as knowing that such men loved the King better than Charles Stuart. So that although he was a Cour∣tier, and had had for his Master a Passion most in∣tense, yet had he always a passion reserved for the publick welfare; an argument of a free, noble, and right-principled mind: For what both Court and Country have always held as inconsistent, is in truth erroneous; And no man can be truly loyal, who is not also a good Patriot; nor any a good Pa∣triot, which is not truly loyal.

Observations on the Life of Sir Tho∣mas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford.

SIr Thomas Wentworth Earl of Strafford ow∣eth his birth to the best governed City, London, his breeding to the best modelled School, York, and a most exact Colledge, St. Iohns in Cambridge; his accomplishments to the best Tu∣tors,

Travel and Experience; and his prudence to the best School, a Parliament, whither he came in the most active and knowing times, with a strong brain, and a large heart: his activity was eminent in his Country, and his interest strong in Parliament, where he observed much, and perti∣nently; spake little, but home; contrived effectually, but closely; carried his Designs successfully, but re∣servedly: He apprehended the publick temper as clearly, and managed it to his purposes as order∣ly as any man: He spoke least, but last of all, with the advantage of a clear view of others reasons, & the addition of his own: He and his leading Con∣fid••nts moulded that in a private Conference, which was to be managed in a publick Assembly: He made himself so considerable a Patriot, that he was bought over to be a Courtier: So great his Abilities, that he awed a Monarchy when dis-ob∣liged, and supported it when engaged, the balance turning thither where this Lord stood.—The North was reduced by his prudence, and Ireland by his interest: He did more there in two years, than was done in two hundred before.

• 1. Extinguishing the very reliques of the War.
• 2. Setting up a standing Army.
• 3. Modelling the Revenue.
• 4. Removing the very roots and occasions of new troubles.
• 5. Planting and building.
• 6. Setling Ecclesiastical and Civil Courts.
• 7. Recovering the hearts of the people by able Pastors and Bishops, by prudent and sober Magi∣strates; by justice and protection; by obligations and rewards.
• ...

• 8. Recovering the Churches patrimony and discipline.
• 9. Employing most able and faithful Ministers and Instruments.
• 10. Taking an exact view of all former Prece∣dents, Rules, and Proceedings.
• 11. An exact correspondence with his Majesty, and the Favourites of England.

None was more conversant in the Factions, In∣trigues, and Designs, than he when a Common∣wealths-man; none abler to meet with them than he when a Statesman: he understood their me∣thods, kenned their wiles, observed their designs, looked into their combinations, comprehen••••d their interest: And as King Charls understood best of any Monarch under heaven what he could do in point of Conscience, so his Strafford apprehended best of any Counsellor under the Sun what he could do in point of power: He and my Lord of Canter∣bury having the most particular account of the state of Great Britain and Ireland of any persons living. Nature is often hidden, sometimes overcome, sel∣dom extinguished; yet Doctrine and Discourse had much allayed the severity of this Earl's nature, and Custom more: None more austere to see to, none more obliging to speak with: He observed pauses in his discourse to attend the motion, and draw out the humour of other men; at once com∣manding his own thoughts, and watching others: H••s passion was rather the vigour, than the disorder of his well-weighed soul; which could dispense its ••nger with as much prudence, as it managed any act of State. He gave his Majesty safe counsel in the prosperity of his Affairs, and resolute advice in

Extreamity, as a true servant of his interest rather ••han of his power.

So eminent was he and my Lord of Canterbury, that Rebellion despaired of success as long as the fi••st lived, and Schism of licentiousness as lo••g as the second stood. Take my Lord of Strafford as accused, and you will find his Integrity and Abili∣ty, that he managed his whole Government either by the Law, or the Interest of his Countrey. Take him as dying, and you will see his parts and piety; his resolution for himself, his sel••-resignation for the Kingdoms good; his devotion for the Church, whose patrimony he forbad his son upon his bles∣sing—Take him as dead, you will find him glori∣ous and renowned in these three characters.

The first of the best King. (Book 1)

I looked upon my Lord of Strafford,* 3.1 as a Gentleman whose great abilities might make a Prince rather a∣fraid, than ashamed to employ him in the greatest Af∣fairs of State: for those were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings, and this was like e∣nough to betray him to great Errors, and many Ene∣mies; whereof he could not but contract great store, while moving in so high a sphere, and with so v••gorus a lustre, he must needs (as the Sun) raise many envious exhalations; which condensed by a popular O∣dium, were capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest merit and integrity: though I cannot in my judgment approve all he did, driven (it may be) by the necessi∣ties of Times, and the temper of that People, more than led by his own disposition to any heighth and ri∣gour of Action, &c.

The second, of the best Historian. (Book 2)

He was a person of a generous spirit, fitted for the noblest Exercises, and the most difficult parts of Em∣pire: His Counsels were bold, yet just; and he had a vigour proper for the execution of them: Of an elo∣quence next that of his Masters, masculine and excel∣lent. He was no less affectionate to the Church, than to the State; and not contented while living, to defend the government and patrimony of it, he commended it also to his Son when he was about to dye, and char∣ged his abhorrency of sacriledge: His enemies called the Majesty of his m••ene in his Lieutenancy, pride; and the undaunted execution of his Office on the Contuma∣cious, the insolency of his fortune. He was censured for that fatal error of following the King to London, and to the Parliament, after the Pacification at York: And it was thought, that if he had gone o∣ver to his Charge in Ireland, he might have scoured both himself and that Kingdom for his Majesties service: But some attribute this Counsel to a necessity of fate, whose first stroke is at the Brain of those whom it designs to ruine, and brought him to feel the effects of popular rage, which himself in former Parliaments had used against Government, and to finde the expe∣rience of his own devices upon the Du••e of Bucking∣ham. Providence teacheth us to abhor over fine Councels, by the mischiefs they often bring upon their Authors.

The third, of common fame. (Book 3)

A Gentleman he was of rare, choice, and sin∣gular Endowments, I mean, of such as modelled, fashioned, and accomplished him for State-con∣ceraments; of a searching and penetrating judg∣ment,

nimble apprehension, ready and fluent in all results of Councel. Most happy in the vein of speech, which was always round, perspicuous, and express, much to the advantage of his s••nse, and so full stocked with reason, that he might be rather said to demonstrate, than to argue. As these abilities raised him to State-administra∣tion, so his Addressing, his applying those abi∣lities so faithfully in promotion of the Royal In∣terest, soon rendered him a Favourite of the first admission: So that never King had a more intelli∣gent, and withal a firmer servant than he was to his Master. But these qualities which ren∣dred him so aimiable to his Majesty, represented him formidable to the Scots, so that some who were not well perswaded of the justness of his sentence, thought he suffered not so much for what he had done already, as for what he was like to have done, had he lived, to the disservice of that Nation: And that he was not sacrificed so much to the Scots revenge, as to their fear. And certainly his fall was the first, so the most fatal wound the King's Interest ever received: H••s three Kingdoms hardly affording another Straf∣ford, that is, one man his peer in parts and fide∣lity to his Majesty. He had a singular passion for the Government and Patrimony of the Church, both which he was studious to preserve safe and sound; either opening them to be of sa∣cred extraction; or at least prudent constituti∣on, relating to holy performances. And had he wanted these positive graces, yet in so great a Person it may be commendable, that he was emi∣nent for privative and negative Excellencies,

being not taxable with any Vice; those petty pleasures being beneath the satisfaction of a soul so large as his. In short, saith the ingenious Gen∣tleman, he was a man who might have passed under a better notion, had he lived in better times.

This last period is a question, since this great Statesman, and his good Masters goodness was so over-shadowed with their greatness, and their vertues so lost in their power, as the Sun (the apt∣est parallel of their lustre and benificence) is hid in his own light, that they owe their great, but glo∣rious fame to their misfortunes, and their renown to their ruine, that levelled their worth, otherwise as much out of their reach as their place, to vulgar apprehensions. Eclipsed lustre, like a veiled beauty, is most looked on, when most covered.—The set∣ting Sun is more glorious than its self in its Meridi∣an, because more low: and the lowest Planet seems biggest to a common eye.

So faith••ul he was, and the Arch-Bishop, that in the Juncto consisting of them two and Duke Ha∣milton, they voted a Parliament, though they knew themselves the first sufferers by it: and so confident of his integrity, that when he had treason enough discovered at the late transactions in York (touch∣ing the Scots conspiracy) to charge his enemies with, he waved the advantage; and secure in his own innocence, fell an instance of that Maxim; That there is no danger small, but what is thought so. This was his great principle; Vsurped Royalty was never laid down by perswasion from Royal clemency; for in armis jus omne regni.

Observations on the Lives of Henry Earl of Holland, and Robert Earl of Warwick.

HEnry Earl of Holland, and Robert Earl of Warwick, both brothers, had the same Education at home, and the same admittance to Court—only the elder having an Estate, brought not thither that compliance and obser∣vance that the younger did that wanted it.—The one therefore is serious in his carriage, harsh and rough in his spirit, stubborn in his constitution, steady in his course, stern in his comportments, sly and close in his conduct; choosing rather to im∣prove himself in America by Trade, than in Eng∣land by Courtship; something inclined to the facti∣on by the principles of his Education, more by those of his Interest. The other owned not a great∣er smoothness in his face, than in his soul; being very taking in his countenance, more in his converse. The first being not more lovely, than the last was obliging.—While a Courtier, so much was he in favour with King Iames, that one morning as he and Mr. Ramsey waited on his Majesty, and two Porters c••me by with some money, he did but smile on Ramsey, and tell his Majesty, who asked why he smiled, that it was to think what good that money would do him, and he had it: his Royal Mr. whose heart was as large as his Kingdom, adding, I'll warrant you, you are glad of this; Let me tell you,

I have more pleasure in bestowing this money, than you in possessing it: so much a more blessed thing it is to give, than to receive.

While Embassador in France (where he repre∣sented a King in his State and port, as well as in his place) so great was he with the Queen-Mother, that he was admitted to all treatments; that he had the honour of all Entertainments; that he com∣manded the Kings ears, understood the Spanish policies, dived into the French humour and incli∣nation. All the while he was in Paris, his observa∣tions were minute and particular, his Addresses wary and reserved (never opening the Marriage-treaty until he was sure of a good reception) his working upon Madams affection close & artificial; his counter-plots to the Spanish insinuations nimble and effectual; his correspondence with the Duke of Bucks. weekly & constant; his contracts with Count Soisons, and Madam Blanvile, in behalf of her Hus∣band here in England, resolute and honourable (urging very nobly and successfully, that the cla∣mours of a turbulent Agent was not to o••t-weigh the favour of a mighty Monarch.) The discovery he made of the Duke of Buckingham's enemies, their Cabals and Oaths from the said Blanviles Letters, was seasonable and compleat; but his Master-piece was his command over all affections and tempers— but his own so soft and smooth, that it endured not the roughness of the following times, wherein he was very unsetled when Commissioner in Scot-land, while he lived, and very fearful when he died: The fate of all delicate and too fine Constitutions.

It hath been the method of Grandees to endear themselves to power for a present interest, and to

learning for their future fame; to add the renown of the one, to the greatness of the other. Neither was this Lord more careful to succeed his great friend the Duke of Buckingham in his favour at Court, as Captain of the Guard, and Groom of the Stool, than in his Place at the University as Chancellor, of which he expresseth himself thus to his Cambridge, That his Master had raised his fortune beyond wishing in this world, that he could desire no more than a fair name when he was gone out of it; which the University contributed, to whom he devoted his Interest.

Though they answered not his expectation in their Contributions for St. Pauls, and other parti∣culars, wherein he was defeated and over-bor•• by the busie faction, who thought it a vain thing to repair any Church, when they intended to pull down all.

After all, this great man is a great instance of that obse••vation, viz. That when able and pru∣dent men are brought on the Stage to manage their own parts, they are then (mostly) not of the clear∣est sight, and commonly commit such errors as are both discernable and avoidable, even by men of mean abilities—Although I find him subject to no great error before the War, save that when Dr. Preston was by his party judged of so great parts as to make a fit Patron for them, and thereupon directed to appear aloof [the way of Court-ob∣servers] in his Addresses to the Duke of Bucking∣ham by his Confident the Earl of Holland, whose Family favoured that side, though the Duke said he knew him, and so would use him accordingly: Yet this Earl was so far over-reach'd by him, that

in the Apology the Doctor writ under-hand to his Partiz••ns touching his Court-compliance, he shew∣eth he over-reached the Court-wits; as indeed he was a great Politician, and used (Lap-wing-like) to flutter most on that place which was far∣the•••• from his Eggs: a copy of which Letter, with some satyrical stanzaes was found unsealed in the streets, and carried to the Duke; a noble friend discovering to the Doctor, how witty he was in Rhime, to the breaking of his heart, he confessing then he was undone, especially when the Dukes Barber could finger the Letter out of his Lords pocket, as he was directed.—And now I cannot but remember how this Earl at his death said, He had been a friend to godly Ministers, as had his friends before him, by whom he had been instructed when young. Whence I collect, that the members of those great Families, into which the godly Mini∣sters, i.e. peevish, factious, and discontented persons which usurp that precious name, insinuate them∣••elves, and their principles, seldom come to their Grave in peace; they usually instilling into them such imaginations as make their lives unquiet, and their deaths dis••onourable.—Whence the good old Lord Willoughby would say, Carry the peevish man this (speaking of one Chambers a Separatist) but tell him he must not come under my Roof, for I will not meddle with them that are given to change, whose calamity ariseth suddenly, and who knoweth the ruine of them both?

To conclude, it is observed as the reason why he fell off from the Parliament, that the wary Sirs would not trust two Brothers, him and the Earl of Warwick with supream commands; there∣fore

when they voted the one Admiral, they de∣nyed the other General of the Horse. Both are charactered by their Contemporaries for natural Endowments excellent; for temper sweet and lo∣ving; for behaviour, affable and courteous; for spirit, meek and lowly; of the same inclinations before and after their advancement: In honore si•••• tumore; lifted up with honour, but not p••ffed•• up with pride.

Observations on the Life of Arch-Bi∣shop Laud.

THe pregnancy of his childhood promised the wisdom of his riper years, and obli∣ged his friends beyond their abilities to his sup∣port, and strangers beyond expectation to his en∣encouragement: Some persons offering him great sums of money for his maintenance in his younger years, upon the bare security of his parts, which paid them well in his more reduced age. None more observant of favour, none more mindful of kindnesses, and none more grateful for civilities: He was so wise as seldom to forget an injury in the consequence of it, and so noble as ever to remem∣ber love in the return of it. His honest Parents con∣veyed him an excellent temper, and that temper a brave spirit; which had the advantage of his b••rth, some say at Reading, some at Henley, at an equal distance from the University, where he was to be a Scholar; and the Court, where he was to

be a Man: In the first of these, his indefatigable industry, his methodical study, his quick appre∣hension, his faithful memory, his solid judge∣ment, his active fancy, his grave and quick coun∣tenance, his sharp and piercing eye, raised him by discreet and wary steps to all the preferments, and commended him to all the employments of the University, when Proctor whereof he was admit∣ted for his prudence to the Earl of Devonshire's ser∣vice, which hazarded; and when Divinity-Reader, observed by the Lords of Rochester and Lincoln for his judgement, which advanced him. As his de∣sign was above the level of modern Sciolists, so were his Studies not prepossessed with the partial Systemes of Geneva, but freely conversant with the impartial volumes of the Church-Catholick: he had an infallible apprehension of the Doctrine and Discipline, and a deep insight into the interest of Christianity: This capacious soul conversed with the most knowing of all Judgments, to finde the bottom of all Errors; and with the most judici∣ous of his own, to discern the grounds of all truth. He had his eye on the University to reduce it, when Head of St. Iohn's; on the lower Functions of the Church in his Pastoral charges, to reform them; and upon the higher, when Dean of Glou∣cester, Prebend of Westminster, and Bishop of St. Davids, to settle them. He was a man of that search and judgment, that he found out the prin∣ciples of government that were true to the Church; of that faithfulness and resolution, that amidst all discouragements he was true to them: The Church-government he found by many private-spirited men, accommodated to their ease and inte∣rest,

he adjusted to truth and settlement; consult∣ing not humors which are uncertain as interest, but truth which is certain as Eternity. Arch-Bishop Abbot's Yield, and they will be pleased at last, was a great miscarriage, Arch-Bishop Laud's Resolve, for there is no end of yielding, was great policy. His great reach in Government suitable to that King's apprehensions, commended him to King Iames; his vast ability and integrity, to K. Charles and the Duk•• of Buckingham; To the first whereof he was a Privy-Councellor, to the other a Bosom-friend, before both whom he laid the best Repre∣sentations and Ideas of the English government, as to things and persons in several abstracts, of any man under heaven. I have heard a Statesman say, That none knew the joynts, turnings, flexures, and interests of all Parties in Church or State, that were either to be encouraged or suppressed, with the seasons and opportunities to do it, so well as Dr. Laud.

Discerning was his fore-sight, compleat his in∣telligence, exact his correspondence, quick his di∣spatches; seasonable and effectual his Sermons and Discourses, inquisitive and observing his Converse. His Instruments were able and knowing men, that were faithful to the Church, as he was in Man-war••ng and Mountagu's case to them; Knowing well (as he wrote to my Lord of Buckingham) that discouragements would deter men of parts, whom encouragements might make serviceable. He knew no man better how to temper a Parliament, having a Catalogue of all the Nobility and Gentry, with their Interest and Inclination in his eye: He under∣stood none more exactly what was to be discoursed and proposed to them, having a clear apprehension

of the several Junctures and Tendencies of affairs. He entertained no thought but what was publick in his breast; no man, but what was nobly spirited in his familiarity: Ever watchful he was of all op∣portunities to advance the Churches honour, 1. In her Sons, as Bishop Iuxon, &c. 2. Her Discipline, as in his several Visitations, Articles, Star-Chamber, and High-Commission matters. 3. In her Endowments, as the buying of Impro∣priations in Ireland. 4. In her Priviledge, as the Canons of England. 5. In her Ornaments, as the repairing & furnishing of St. Pauls and most other Churches in his Province. 6. In her Universities, as the statutes of Oxford, the priviledges of Cambridge, and his vast gifts of Oriental Books and Buildings, and his vaster design for both,—and as watchful a∣gainst all the designs to undermine it. The Feof∣••ees for Impropriations he laid aside; the Sabbati∣zing and Predestinarian controversies he silenced; the Licen••ious Press he reduced; Dignities and Preferments h•• worthily filled up; bribes at Court he retrenched: No interest, no alliance could ever advance an unworthy person while he lived: Breed up your children well, and I will provide for them, was his saying to all his Relations. Many a man would be disobliged by his sternness at first view, for whom if deserving, he would afterwards con∣trive kindnesses by after and unexpected favours, No place of experience did he ever miss, none of employment did he ever decline: He would never see Authority h••ffled, but either wave all proceed∣ings against offenders, or go through with them; His prosecution••, as in Leighton's Case, were close: his observation of all c••rc••mstances, as in Lincoln's,

wary; his declarations of the Cases clear and con∣vincing, as in Pryn's, Bastwick's and Burion's; his sentence milde and compassionate, as in Wal∣ler's; his resolution and justice ever making way to his mercy, and his mercy crowning his justice: Often did he confer with the ablest and most Or∣thodox Clergy, with the most experienced and knowing Civilians, with the most observing and reserved Courtiers, with the profoundest Lawyers, with the skilfullest and discreetest Mechanicks; out of all whose opinions the result was, his most exact judgement in any case that came before him at Court, or at Lambeth.

The roughness of his nature sent most men dis∣contented from him: but so, that he would often of himself find ways and means to sweeten such as had any worth again, when they least looked for it.— Many were offended at his prudent zeal against the Jewish Sabbatism in his government, who were very well satisfied with the strictness of his obser∣vation of the Lords day in his person.—But let one great man express another; Bishop Gauden, Arch-Bishop Laud; whose thoughts lye so much the more levelled to his brave Sentiments, as his dignity did to his high place.

As to his secret design of working up this Church by little and little to a Romish confor∣mity and captivity, I do not believe (saith he) he had any such purpose or approved thought; because, beside his declared judgment and consci∣ence, I find no secular Policy or Interest which he could thereby gain, either private or publick, but rather lose much of the greatness and freedom which he and other Bishops, with the whol•• Church

had: without which tempt••tion, no man in cha∣rity may be suspected to act contrary to so clear convictions, so deliberate and declared determi∣nations of his Conscience and Judgement in Reli∣gion, as the Arch-Bishop expresses in his very excellent Book. I am indeed prone to think, that p••ssibly he wished there could have been any fair close or acc••mmodation between all Christian Churches, (the same which many grave and lear∣ned men have much desired:) And it may be his Lordship thought himself no unfit Instrument to make way to so great and good a work, consider∣ing the eminencies of his Parts, Power, and Favour which he had. Haply he judged (as many learned and moderate men have) that in some things be∣tween Papists and Protestants, differences are made wider, and kept more open, raw and sore than need be•• by the private pens and passions of some men, and the Interests of some little parties, whose partial policies really neglect the publick and true Interest of the Cath••lick Church and Christian Religion; which consists much in peace as w••ll as in purity, in charity, as in verity. He found that where Papists were silenced and convin∣ced in the more grand and pregnant Disputes (that they are Novel, partial, and unconform to Ca∣tholick Churches in ancient times) than he found they recovered spirits, and contested afresh against the unreasonable transports, violences and immo∣derations of some professing to be Protestants; who, to avoid Idol••try and Superstition, run to Sacriledge and rudeness in Religion, denying ma∣ny things that are just, honest, safe, true and reasonable, meerly out of an (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) excessive

Antipathy to Papists. Possibly the Arch-Bishop and some other Bishops of his mind did rightly judge, That the giving of an enemy fair play by just, safe, & honourable concessions, was not to yield the con∣quest to him, but the most ready way to convince him of his weakness; when no honest yieldings could help him any more, then they did endanger the true cause or courage of his Antagonist.

For my part, I think the Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury was neither Calvinist, nor Lutheran, nor Papist, as to any side or party; but all, so far as he saw, they agreed with the Reformed Church of England, either in Fundamentals, or innocent and decent Superstructures: Yet I believe he was so far a Protestant, and of the Reformed Religion, as he saw the Church of England did protest against the Errors, Corruptions, Usurpations, and Su∣perstitions of the Church of Rome, or against the novel opinions and p••actices of any party whatsoe∣ver. And certainly he did with as much honour as justice so far own the Authen••ick Authority, Li∣berty and Majesty of the Church of England (in its reforming and setling of its Religion) that he did not think fit any private new Master; whatsoever, should obtrude any Foreign or Domestick Dictates to her, or force her to take her copy of Religion from so petty a place as Geneva was, or Frankfort, or Amsterdam, or Wittenbergh, or Edenborough; ••o nor from Augsburg, or Arnheim, nor any fo∣reign City or Town, any more than from Trent or Rome; none of which had any Dic••atorian Authority over this great and famous Nation or Church of England, further than they offered sober Counsels, or suggested good Reasons, or cleared true Reli∣gion

by Scripture, and confirmed it by good Anti∣quity, as the best interpreter and decider of ob∣scure places, and dubious cases.

Which high value, it is probable, as to his Mo∣ther the Church of England, and her Constituti∣ons, was so potent in the Arch-Bishop of Canterbu∣ry, that, as he thought it not fit to subject her to the insolency of the Church of Rome, so not to the impertinencies of any other Church or Doctor, of far less repu••e in the Christian world. No doubt his Lordship thought it not handsome in Mr. Cal∣vin to be (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, rather than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) so censorious of the Church of England, as to brand its D••votion or Liturgy with his tolerabiles ineptiae, who knew not the temper of the Nation, requiring then not what was absolutely best, but most con∣veniently good: and such not only the Liturgy was, but those things which he calls tollerable toys. I having occasion to speak with him, he upon a time was pleased to grant me access, & some freedom of speech with him; and withal asked me the opinion of the people of him: I told him they reported his Lordship endeavoured to betray the Church of England to the Roman correspondency and com∣munion. He at length very calmly and gravely thus replyed; protesting with a serious attestation of his integrity before God's Omnis••ience, that however he might mistake in the mean and method, yet he never had other design than the glory of God, the service of his Majesty, the good order, peace and decency of the Church of England: that ••e was so far from complying with Papists, in or∣der to confirm them in their Errors, that he rather cho••e such Methods to advance the honour of the

reformed Religion in England, as he believed might soon silence the cavils of fiercer Papists, in∣duce the more moderate Re••usants to come in to us, as having less visible occasion given them by needless D••stances and Disputes to separate from us; which he thought arose much from that popu∣lar Variety, Inconstancy, Easiness, Irreverence, and Uncomliness, which might easily grow among us in the outward professi••n of Religion, for want of observing such uniformity and decency in Reli∣gion, as were required by the Laws and Canons of this Church and State. He added, that he had (further) a desire, as much as he could to relieve the poor and depressed condition of many Ministers, which he had to his grief observed in Wales and England, where their Discouragements were ve∣ry great, by reason of the tenuity and incompe∣tency of their Livings; that in his Visitations he had sometime seen it with grief, among twenty Mini∣sters, not one man had so much as a decent Gar∣ment to put on, nor did he believe their other treatment of Life was better•• that he found the sordid and shameful Aspect of Religion and the Clergy, gave great Advantages to those that were Popishly inclined, who would hardly ever think it best for them to joyn with that Church which did not maintain either its own Honour, or its Cler∣gy to some competency and comeliness.

Much more discourses his Lordship was pleased to use at several times to this purpose, which com∣mands my charity to clear him, as far as I can judge, of any tincture of Popery truly so called; or of any superstition, which placeth a Religion in the na∣ture and use of that thing which God hath not ei∣ther

particularly commanded, or in general per∣mitted. I suppose he thought, that where God hath allowed to his Church, and to every private Christian (so far as may consist with the Churches Order and Peace) a liberty of ceremonious and circumstantial decency as to God's worship; there neither himself was to be blamed, nor did he blame other men, if they kept within those discreet and inoffensive bounds, which either the Churches publick peace required, or its indulgence to pro∣mote Christians permitted.

The Uniformity he pressed was not more ad∣vantageous to Religion, which must of necessity have been propagated, when Controversies had been turned to devotion, than it was necessary for the State; which cannot be secure, as long as there is a mark of distinction, under which all Male con∣tents may shrowd themselves; a note of separation, whereby the Factions may reckon their parties, and estimate their strength, and a way open to popu∣larity to the ambition of any whose interest or des∣perateness shall adventure to make himself head of so great a p••rty.

He was a person of so great abilities (which are the designations of nature to dignity and command) that they raised him from low be∣ginnings to the highest Office the Protestant profession acknowledgeth in the Church, and he was equal to it: His learning appeared eminent in his Book against Fisher, and his piety illustri∣ous in his Diary: He was of so publick a spirit, that both the Church and S••ate have lasting Mo∣numents of the virtuous use he made of his Prin∣ces favour; at his admittance into w••ich, he de∣dicated

all the future Emoluments of it to the glory of God, and the good of men, by a proje∣ction of many noble Works: most of which he accomplished, and had finished the rest, had not the fate of the Nation checked the current of his Design, and cut off the course of his Life. He was not contented by himself only to serve his Generation, (for so he might appear more gree∣dy of fame, than desirous of the universal bene∣fit) but he endeavoured to render all others as heroick, if they aimed at a capacity for his friendship: For (I have heard it from his E••e∣mies) no great man was admitted to a confi∣dence and respect with him, unless ••he made Address by some act that was for the common good, or for the ornament and glo••y of the Protestant faith. Learned men had not a better Friend, nor Learning itself a greater Advancer. He searched all the Libraries of Asia, and ••rom several parts of the world purchased all the Or∣naments and helps of Literature ••e could, that the English Church might have (if possible) by his care, as many advantages for knowledge, as almost all Europe did contribute to the gran∣deur of that of Rome. The outward splendour of the Clergy was not more his care, than their honour, by a grave and pious conversation. He would put them into a power of doing more good, but was sore against their Vices and Va∣nities. He scorned a private Treasure, and his friends were rather relieved, than raised to any greatness by him. In his election of friends, he was determined to the good and wise, and such as had both parts and desires to profit. The

Church had his closest embraces; if otherwise it happened, their frauds, not his choice deser∣ved the blame. Both Papists and Sect••ries were equally his Enemies; one party feared, and the other hated his Vertues. Some cen∣sured his zeal for Discipline above the patience of the Times: but his greatest unhappiness was, that he lived in a factious Age, and corrupt State, and under such a Prince, whose Ver••ues not admitting an immediate approach for Ac∣cusations, was to be wounded with those i•• did caress. But when Faction and Malice are worn out by time, Posterity shall engrave him in the Alb•• of the most excellent Prela∣cy, the most indulgent Fathers of the Church•• and the most injured Martyrs. His blood was accompanyed with some tears that fell from those Eyes that expected a pleasure at his death; and it had been followed with Mise∣ries, and the present Fears of Ruine exacted all the stock of Grief for other objects.

His very enemy Sir Edward Deering would con∣fess; That let him dye when he would, St. Pauls would be his Monument, and his Book against Fishes his Epitaph.

Observations on the Life of the Lord Keeper Littleton.

SIr Edward Littleton, the eldest son of Sir Ed∣ward Littleton, of Mounslow in Shropshire, one of the Justices of the Marches, and Chief-Justice of North-Wales, was bred in Christ-Church in Oxford, where he proceeded Batchellor of Arts, and afterwards was one of the Justices of North-Wales, Recorder of London, and Sollicitor to King Charles. From these places he was pre∣ferred to be Chief-Justice of the Common-Pleas, and made Privy-Councellor; thence advanced to be Lord-Keeper, and Baron of Mounslow, the place of his Nativity. He died in Oxford, and was buried in Christs-Church where he was bred:— Being a Member of the Parliament 1628. he had the management of the high presumption charged on the Duke of Buckingham about King Iames his death; wherein he behaved himself so discreetly between the jealousi•• of the People, and the ho∣nour of the Court, that Sir Iohn Finch would say, He was the only man for taking things by a Right handle.—And Sir Edward Cook, that He was a well-poized and weighed man. His very name carri∣ed an Hereditary credit with it, much plaineth out the way to all great Actions: his virtue being authorizing by his nobility, and his undertakings ennobled by his birth, gained that esteem, which meaner men attain not without a large compass

of time and experience: worthless Nobility and ignoble worth lye under equal disadvantage. Nei∣ther was his extract so great as his parts; his judge∣ment being clear and piercing; his Learning vari∣ous and useful; his skill in the Maxims of our Government, the fundamental Laws of his Mo∣narchy with its Statutes and Customs, singular; his experience long and observing; his integrity un∣blemished and unbyassed; his Eloquence powerful and majestick, and all befitting a Statesman and a Lord-Keeper:—set off with a resolved Loyalty that would perform the harshest service his Master could enjoyn him while he stayed at London, and follow the hardest fortune he could be in when at York, whither he went with the great Seal he knew made to stamp Royal Commissions, rather than authorize Rebellious Ordinances. At Oxford he did good service during the Session of Parlia∣ment by Accommodations there, and as good during their recess by his interest in the Coun∣try.

Observations on the Life of the Mar∣quess Hamilton.

A Preacher being at a loss what to say of a party deceased, conclu••••d his Sermon with these words; There is one good quality in this man, viz. That he was born, and that God made him: And another, viz. That he is dead, and we must speak no••hing but good of the dead.

I may say of this Noble-man, that I have two reasons to speak well of him•• 1. That good King Charles honoured him 3 and 2. That his wicked Subjects beheaded him,—otherwise I must leave these Queries as I finde them.

Quaere 1. Why should Duke Hamilton post without leave into Scotland, when the Parliament was discontented, and the Duke of Buckingham murthered in England?

Qu. 2. Why should Ramsey the Dukes Mes∣senger to the King of Sweden, play the Embassa∣dour in Germany, and take place of all other per∣sons there?

Qu. 3. What design was that which Elphyston, Borthrick, Meldrum, Uchiltry, &c. discovered one to another?

Qu. 4. What did Ramsey with the Pedigree of Hamilton derived from Iames I. King of Scots in Foreign parts?

Qu. 5. Why private Instructions had Meldrum to Scottish Officers in the Swedish Army?

Qu. 6. What was Meldrum, Alexander Ha∣milton, and other his Dependants, so preferred in the Scots Army?

Qu. 7. Why were there such Fears and Jealou∣sies whispered in Germany of the English Govern∣ment?

Qu. 8. Why was not Ramsey able to give a po∣sitive Answer at the Tryal by combate? And why did the Marquess take him off before the Contro∣versie was decided?

Qu. 9. Why is Huntley put by, and Hamilton made high Comm••ssioner? Why is discontented

Balcanquel employed to pen Declarations? And why are the King's Papers, Letters, &c. taken out of his pocket, and betrayed to the Scots? And why did the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (writing to the King) wish him not to trust his own pockets with the Letter?

Qu. 10. Why doth his Mother ride with pistols at her Saddle-bow, leading all her Kindred and Vassals for the Covenant?

Qu. 11. Why is that time spent in posting to and fro to patch up a base Pacification with the Re∣bels, that might have been employed in suppres∣sing them?

Q. 12. Why did the Bishops of Rosse and Bre∣••en, Sir Robert Spotswood, Sir Iohn Hay, the Earl of Sterling, ride post to England to intreat the King not to trust the Marquess?

Qu. 13. Why was there so much granted to the Covenanters in Scotland—yea and time given them to do their business?

Q. 14. Why did he forbear the Common-prayer at Dalkieth, and neglect to protest the Kings gracious Declaration; the justice and clemency whereof had without doubt allayed the commoti∣ons?

Q. 15. Why did he not set out the King's last Declaration before the Covenanters Protestation was our against it?

Qu. 16. Why was there nothing done with the Ships sent upon the coasts of Scotland?

Qu. 17. Why did he so caress his covenanting Mother, that the Scots could say; The son of so ge••d a Mother could do them no harm?

Qu. 18. Why had he a hand in most of the Mo∣nopolies and Projects of England?

Q. 19. Why did he refuse to contribute as o∣thers had done to the Scots Wars?

Q. 20. Why did he intercede for Lowndon's ••elease, notwithstanding the trait••rous Letter to the French King was his hand?

Qu. 21. How comes Montross to be flighted by the gracious King at first? And when he offered his service again, how came his Letters into the Covenanters hands at Newcastle?

Qu. 22. Why did he and Argyle raise such Fears and Jealou••ies in Scotland and England by withdrawing suddenly from the Court, under pre∣••ence forsooth of danger to their persons?

Qu. 23. Why could not the King hear of the Scots design to invade England, 1643. before Mon∣tross posted first to Oxford, and then to Glo••cester to tell him of it, though the Marquess was all the while in Scotland?

Qu. 24. And yet why was that noble person mi∣strusted till the Kings interest was lost in that Country?

Qu. 25. Why was he and his brother imprison∣ed at Oxford? And why did the King say, Nay, if Hamilton leads them, there is no good to be done for me?

Qu. 26. Why did the King say, That he must dispose of the Master of the Horse place to the Earl of N. That my Lord Cottington was the fittest man for the Treasury, and that Sir Edward Hyde was the onely man he could trust with the Secretaries affairs? Being loth that D. H. should return to an oppo••tu••ity of recozening them: Questions these, that shew, After-ages can scan great mens lives with the same liberty that they live them.

Observations on the Life of Sir Ralph Hopton.

GEntile was this excellent person's extraction in the West of England, and man-like his Education in the Low-Countreys, that School of War, where Sir William Waller and he learned in one Camp, what they practised in two: The one being no less eminent for his service under his late Majesty of blessed memory, than the other was for his against him. The one was the best Sol∣dier the King had; the other the most experienced that the pretended Parliament boasted of. None fitter to balance Sir Ralph Hopton's success; none likelier to understand his stratagems; none abler to undermine his designs, than his Fellow-soldier, Sir William, who understood his method as well as he was acquainted with his person. Both were equal∣ly active,* 5.1 both equally vigilant. But what better character of this Heroe, than that which his Master gave him in his Patent for Baron, which is his hi∣story as well as his honour?

Carolus Dei Gratià Angliae, &c. Cum & Nomi∣nis nostri & Posteritatis interest, & ad clara Exem∣pla propaganda utilissimè compertum, palam fieri omnibus praemia, apud nos virtuti sita, nec perire fidelium subditorum officia, sed memori & benevolo pectore fixissimè insi dere: His praesertim temporibus

cum plurim••m (quibus antehac nimium indulsimus) temerata, a••t suspecta fides, pretium aliorum con∣stantiae addidit. Cum{que} nobis certo const at Radul∣phum Hopton Militem de Balneo splendidis & Antiquis Natalibus; tum in c••tera sua vita integri∣tatis & mori•• eximium, tum in hac novissima tempe∣state, fatalique Regni & rebel••i motu, rari animi fideique exemplum edidisse, Regiae dignitatis in ea{que} publicae contra utrius{que} adversarios assertorem & vin∣dic••m acerrimum.

Quippe quia non solum nascenti huic Furori (nec dum omnibus manifesto) optimis consiliis fortis in c••ria Senator restiterit; sed insinuante se latius ve∣neno, & crescente ferocia domum ad suos reversus for∣tior Miles in Agro suo Somersetensi & vicinis parti∣bus omni ope & manu iniquissimam causam oppugna∣verit, in Arce praesertim Sherborniana, sub Auspi∣ciis Marchionis Hertfordiae egregiam operam nava∣verit. Mox ulterius progre••••us pollenti in Devonia factionis Tyrannide, & munitissima civitate in foedus illecta, & jam undique bonis subditis perniciem mi∣nante, ipse penè in illa Regione Hospes, contracto è Cornubia Milite•• & primoribus statim impetum ••a∣ru•• repressit jacentes{que} & afflictas nostras partees mi∣rifica virtute recreavit. Et licet summis necessitati∣bus conflictanti exigua pars Negotii hostes erant, tan∣tum ab••uit ut vel illis, vel istis succumberet, ut con∣tra copiis auctiores, & bellico apparatu instructissi∣mas, saepius signis Collatis in acie dimicans semper superior excesserit: Testis Launcestonia, Saltash, Bra∣dock, aliaque obscura olim nomina & ••oca, nunc victoriis illius & perduellium cladibus Nobilitat•• Vix etiam ab his respiraverit, cum novus belli furor Lassas jam fere & continuis praeliis laxatas vires Nu∣merocissimo

exècitu adortus, uberiorem triumphandi dedit materiam. Cum ille in campis Stratto••iae, in difficillimas licet Augustias redactus, inops militaris instrumenti, & consumpio jam pulvere tormentario, armatos inermis, Vallo munito inter sola causa & virtute animatus, ita re••udit, concidit, castris exuit, ut ••totum belli molem cum ipsis Authoribus profligavit; Quicquid fugae illius residuum erat, in∣ter urbis unius Moenia eaqu•• arcta obsidione astricta concl••so. Qua quidem pugna memorabili, praeter quod miserum popellum, jugo intolerabili levaverat, sedes suas expulsis, Ecclesias Pastoribus, pacem omni∣bus, & Firmamentum pacis obsequium pristinum restituerit. Et jam sequenti armorum nostrorum f••e∣licitate qua partes Regni occidentales maturius ad officium & verum Dominum redierunt, & viam appe∣ruisse & momentum ingens extitisse libentissimè profi∣temur; In hac opera landabili cum praefatus Radul∣phus perstiterit adhuc in victo animo & industria inde∣fessa nullo ard••o quantumvi•• labore & periculo excu∣satus, cumque mille argumentis testatum fecerit, Ho∣norem salutem{que} nostram sibi omni fortuna & capite potiorens, nos virum fortissimum optimeque affectum animum benigno studio prosequi & amplius demereri volentes, hunc & praec••nio merito ornandum, & pro∣piori ad nos gradu extollendum censuimus. Sciatis igitur nos de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia mero motu praefatum Radulphum Hopton ad statum, gradum, stylum, Dignitatens, Titulum and Honorem Baronis Hopton de Stratton in Comitatu nostro Cor∣nubiae, &c. In cujus rei Testimonium has Literas Nostras fieri fecimus Patentes.

Teste meipso apud Oxon. quarto die Sep∣••embris, Anno Regni Nostri Decimo nono.

His two great Actions, the one at Liscard, the other at Stratton, cannot be better described than by an Eye-witness, whose words are these as he saith, out of a Manuscript corrected with Sir Ralph's own hand, communicated to him by his Secretary Mr. Tredus.

At Liscard a little before the Fight began, the King's party took it into seasonable consideration, that seeing by the Commission of the Lord Mohun brought from Oxford, four persons (viz. the said Lord Mohun, Sir Ralph Hopton, Sir Iohn Berkley, and Colonel Ashburnham) were equally impower∣ed in the managing of all Military ma••ters: And seeing such equality might prove inconvenient (which hitherto had been prevented with the ex∣traordinary moderation of all parties) in ordering a Bat••el, it was fittest to fix the power in one chief; and general consent setled it in Sir Ralph Hopton: He first gave order that publick Prayers should be read in t••e head of every Squadron, and it was done accordingly; and the Enemy observing it, did stile it saying of Mass, as some of their Prisoners afterwards did confess. Then he caused the Fo••t to be drawn up in the best order they could, and placed a Fo••lorn of Musquetiers in the little I••closures, winging them with the few H••rse and Dragoons he had. This done, two small My∣nion Drakes speedily and secretly fetched from the Lord Mohun's house, were planted on a lit••le B••rrough within random-shot of the Enemy; yet so, that they were covered out of their sight with small parties of Horse about them. These conceal∣ed Mynions were twice discharged with such suc∣cess, that the Enemy quickly quitted their ground••:

And all their Army being put into a rout, the King's Forces had the exe••ution of them; which they performed very sparingly, taking 1250 prison∣ers, all their Cannon and Ammunition, and most of their C••lours, and Arms; and after publick Thanks, taking their repose at Liscard.

Stratton Fight succeeds on Tuesday the 16th of May, 1643.

The King's Army wants Ammun••tion, and hath a steep hill to gain, with all disadvantage and danger; the Horse and Dragoons being not above five hun∣dred, and the Foot two thousand four hundred.

The Parl. Forces were well furnished and barricado••d up∣on the top of the hill, their Foot 3400. and their Horse not many indeed, having dis∣patched 12••0 to surprize the Sheriff and Commissioners at Bodmin.

On the King's side, order was given to force the passage to the top of the Hill by four several Ave∣nues: the ascent was steep and difficult; resolutely did his Majesties Forces get up, and obstinately did the Enemy keep them down. The Fight con∣tinued doubtful, with many countenances of va∣rious events (from five in the Morning, till three in the Afternoon) amongst which most remarka∣ble, the smart charge made by M. G. Chudleigh, with a stand of Pikes on Sir Bevil Greenvil, who fell nobly himself, and had lost his squadron, had not Sir Iohn (now Lord Berkley, who ••ed up the Musquetiers on each side of Sir Bevil) seasonably relieved it, so resolutely reinforcing the Charge, that Major-General Chudleigh was taken Prisoner••

Betwixt three and four of the Clock the Comman∣ders of the King's Forces, who embraced those four several ways of ascent, met to their mutual joy al∣most at the top of the hill, which the routed enemy confusedly forsook. In this service, though they were Assailants, they lost very few men, and no considerable Officer, killing of the Enemy about three hundred, and taking seventeen hundred pri∣soners, all their Cannon (being thirteen pieces of brass Ordnance) and Ammunition (seventy barrels of powder) with a Magazine of Bisket and other provision proportionable. For this victory publick Prayer and Thanksgiving was made on the hill; then the Army was disposed of to improve their success to the best advantage.—Nothing had funk this great spirit, but the fate of Kingdoms, with whose ruine only he was contented to fall, and disband his brave Soldiers upon honourable terms. Five things made my Lord Hopton so emi∣nently serviceable. 1. His great insight into the designs, and prudent foresight of the events of present Councels; which when most doubted and wavered, gave him that resolution that undertook great difficulties, and bore up against greater. 2. His experience of War in general, and his ac∣quaintance with that seat of it committed to him in particular. 3. His renown all over the King∣dom for piety and moderation, and within his own association for hospitality, civility, and charity. 4. His name among the Enemies, as considerable for his generousness and justice, as for his valour and conduct. 5. His Estate, that set him above mercenariness; and his care for money, that set his Soldiers above need, the occ••sion of mutiny∣ing

among themselves, or of incivilities towards others.

Observations on the Life of the Earl of Carnarvan.

RObert Dormer Ar. was on the tenth of Iune 1615. made Baronet by King Iames, and on the 30 day of the same month was by him crea∣ted Baron Dormer of Wing in Buckinghamshire. His Grand-child Robert Dormer was by K. Charles in the 4th of his Reign created Viscount Ascot, & Ea••l of Carnarvan. He lost his life fighting for him who gave him his honour, at the first Battel of Newbu∣ry. Being sore wounded, he was desired by a Lord, to know of him what suit he would have to his Ma∣jesty in his behalf, the said Lord promising to dis∣charge his trust in presenting his request, and assu∣ring him, that his Majesty would be wi••ling to gra∣tifie him to the utmost of his power. To whom the Earl replyed, I will not dye with a Suit in my mouth to any King, save to the King of Heaven. By Anne da••ghter to Philip Earl of Pembrook & Montgom••∣ry, he had Charles, now Earl of Carnarvan. From h•••• noble Extract, he received not more honour than he gave it: For the blood that was conveyed to him through so many illustrious veins, he deri∣ved to his Children more matured for renown, and by a constant practice of goodness more habi∣tuated to vertue. His youth was prepared for acti∣on by study, without which even the most emi∣nent

parts of Noble-men seem rough and unple••∣sant, in despight of the splendor of their fortune: But his rip••r years endured not those retire∣ments, and therefore brake out into manlike exercises at home, and travel abroad. None more noble, yet none more modest; none more valiant, yet none more patient.—A Physician at his Father-in-Law's Table gave him the Lye; which put the company to admire on the one hand the man's im∣pudence, and on the other my Lord's mildness, until he said, I'll take the Lye from him, but I'll never take Physick of him—He may speak what doth not become him, I'll not do what is unworthy of me— A vertue this! not usual in Noble-men, to whom the limits of Equity seem a restraint, and therefore are more restless in Injuries. In the mi••dest of horror and tumults his soul was serene and calm. As humble he was as patient.

Honour and nobility, to which nothing can be added, hath no better way to increase, than when secured of its own greatness, it humbleth it self, and so at once ob∣ligeth love•• and avoideth envy.

His carriage was as condescending as heroick, and his speech as weighty as free. He was too great to envy any mans parts and vertues, and too good not to encour••ge them. Many a time would he stoop with his own spirit, to raise other mens.—He neglected the minute and little circumstances of compliance with vulgar hu∣mors, aiming at what was more solid and more weighty: Moderate men are appl••uded, but the Heroick are never understood.

Constant he was in all that was good: this was his heroick expression when solici••ed by his Wives Father to desist from his engagement with the King,

Leave me to my Honour and Allegiance. No security to him worth a breach of Trust; no interest worth being unworthy. His conduct was as eminent in War, as his carriage in Peace; many did he oblige by the generosity of his mind, more did he awe with the hardness of his body; which was no more softned to sloath by the dalliances of a Court, than the other was debauched to a carelesness by the greatness of his Fortune. His prudence was equal to his valour, and he could entertain dangers as well as despise them; for he not only undeceived his enemies surmises, but exceeded his own friends opinion in the conduct of his soldiers, of whom he had two cares; the one to discipline, the other to preserve them. Therefore they were as compleatly armed without, as they were well appointed within; that surviving their first dangers; they might attain that experience & resolution w^ch is in vain expect∣ed from young and raw soldiers. To this conduct of a General, he added the industry of a Soldier, doing much by his performances, more by his example, ••hat went as an active soul to enliven each part, & the whole of his brave Squadron. But there is no doubt but personal and private sins may oft-times over-balance the justice of publick eng••gements. Nor doth God account every Gallant a fit instru∣ment to assert in the way of war a righteous cause; the event can never state the justice of any cause, nor the peace of mens consciences, nor the e••er∣nal fate of their souls.

They were no doubt Martyrs who neglected their lives, and all that was dear to them in this world, having no advantageous design by any innovation, but were religiously sensible of those tyes to God,

the Church, their King, their Countrey; which lay upon their souls, both for obedience and just assist••nce.

God could, and I doubt not but he did through his mercy crown many of them with eter∣nal life, whose lives were lost in so good a cause: the destruction of their bodies being sanctified as a means to save their souls.

Observations on the Life of the Lord Herbert of Cherbury.

EDward Herbert, son of Richard Herbert Esq and Susan Newport his Wife, was born at Montgomery-Castle, and brought to Court by the Earl of Pembrook, where he was Knighted by K. Iames, who sent him over Embassador into ••rance. Afterwards K. Charles the first created him Baron of Castle-Island in Ireland, and some years after Baron of Cherbury in Montgomeryshire. He was a most excellent Artist and rare Linguist, studied both in Books and Men, and himself the Author of two Works most remarkable, viz. A Treatise of Truth, written in French, so highly prized beyond the Seas, and (they say) it is ex∣t••nt at this day with great Honour in the Popes Va∣tican; and an History of King Henry the Eighth; wherein his Collections are full and authentick; his observation judicious; his connexion strong and cohaerent, and the whole exact. He married the Daughter & sole Heir of Sir William Herbert of St. Iulians in Mo••mouth-shire, with whom he had a

large Inheritance in England and Ireland; and died in August, Anno Dom. 1648. having designed a fair Monument of his own invention to be set up for him in the Church of Montgomery, according to the model following;

Upon the ground a Hath pace of fourteen foot square, on the middest of which is placed a Dorick Column, with its right of Pe∣destal Basis, and Capitols fifteen foot in height; on the Capitol of the Column is mounted an U•••• with a Heart Flamboul, supported by two Angels. The foot of this Column is attended with four Angels, placed on Pedestals at each corner of the said Hath-pace, two having Torches re∣verst, extinguishing, the Motto of Mor∣tality; the other two holding up Palms, the Emblems of Victory.

When this noble person was in France, he had private Instructions from England to mediate a Peace for them of the Religion; and in case of re∣fusal, to use certain menaces.—Accordingly being referred to Luynes the Constable and Favourite of France, he delivereth him the Message, reserving his threatnings till he saw how the matter was re∣lished.— Luynes had hid behind the Curtain a Gentleman of the Religion, who being an Ear-witness of what passed, might relate to his friends what little expectations they ought to entertain from the King of England's intercession.

Luynes was very haughty, and would needs know what our KING had to do with their

affairs: Sir Edward replyed;

It's not you to whom the King my Master oweth an account of his acti∣ons: and for me, it's enough that I obey him. In the mean time I must maintain, That my Master hath more reason to do what he doth, than you to ask why he doth it? Nevertheless, If you desire me in a gentle fashion, I shall acquaint you further.

Whereupon Luynes bowing a little, said, Very well. The Embassador answered; That it was not on this occasion only, that the King of Great Britain had desired the Peace and prosperity of France, but upon all other occasi∣ons, when ever any War was raised in that Countrey; and this he said was his first reason. The second was, That when a Peace was setled there, his Majesty of France might be better disposed to assist the Pala••inate in the affairs of Germany. Luynes said, We will have none of your advices. The Ambassador replyed, That he took that for an Answer, and was sorry only that the affection and the good will of the King his Master was not sufficiently understood; and that since it was rejected in that manner, he could do no less than say, That the King his Master knew well enough what he had to do. Luynes answered; We are not afraid of you. The Embassador smiling a little, replyed, If you had said you had no•• loved us, I should have believed you, and made another an∣swer: In the mean time, all that I will tell you more is, That we know very well what we have to do. Luynes hereupon rising from his Chair, with a fashion and countenance a little discomposed, said, By God, If you were not Monsieur the Embas∣sador, I know very well how I would use you. Sir

Edw. Herbert rising also from his Chair, said; That as he was his Majesty of Great-Britain's Embassa∣dor, so he was also a Gentleman, and that his Sword whereon he laid his hand, should do him reason if he had taken any offence. After which Luynes replying nothing, the Embassador went on his way to∣ward the door; and Luynes seeming to accompany him, he told him there was no occasion to u••e such Ceremony after such Language; and so de∣parted, expecting to hear further from him: But no Message being brought him from Luynes, he had in pursuance of his Instructions a more civil Audience of the King at Coigna••, where the Marshal of St. Geran told him he had offended the Consta∣ble, and he was not in a place of security here: whereunto he answered; That he held himself to be in a place of security wheresoever he had his Sword by him.

Luynes resenting the affront, got Cadenet his bro∣ther, Du. of Chaun, with a ruffling train of Officers (whereof there was not one, as he told K. Iames, but had killed his man) as an Embassador extraor∣dinary to mis-report their Traverses so much to the disparagement of Sir Edw. that the Earl of Carlisle, sent to accommodate Le Mal Entendu that might arise between the 2 Crowns, got him called home; until the Gentleman behind the Curtains, out of his duty to truth and honour, related all circum∣stances so, as that it appeared, that though Luynes gave the first affront, yet Sir Edward kept himself within the bounds of his Instructions and Honour, very discreetly and worthily.—Insomuch that he fell on his knees to King Iames before the Duke of Buckingham, to have a Trumpeter, if not an H••∣rald

sent to Monsieur Luynes, to tell him, that he had made a false Relation of the passages before-mentioned, and that Sir Edward Herbert would demand reason of him with Sword in hand on that point.—The King answered, he would take it into consideration: But Luynes a little after died, and Sir Edward was sent Embassador to France again, and otherwise employed so, that if it had not been for Fears and Jealousies, the ba••e of publick ser∣vices, he had been as great in his Actions, as in his Writings; and as great a Statesman, as he is con∣fessed a Scholar.

Observations on the Life of the Lord Capel.

HIs privacy before the War was passed with as much popularity in the Country, as his more publick appearance in it was with va∣lour and fidelity in the Field: In our too happy time of Peace none more pious, hospitable, charita∣b••e and munificent: In those more unhappy of our Differences none more reserved, Loyal, and active. The people loved him so well, that they chose him one of their Representatives; and the King esteemed him so much, that he sent for him as one of his Peers in that Parliament, wherein the King and people agreed in no one thing, save a just kindne••s for my Lord Capel, who was one of those exce••lent Gentlemen, whose gravity and discretion (the King saith) he hoped would allay and fix the

Faction to a due temperament (guiding some mens well-meaning Zeal by such rules of moderation, as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all States and Kingdoms) keeping to the dictates of his con∣science, rather than the importunities of the people; to what was just, that what was safe, save only in the Earl of Strafford's case, wherein he yielded to the publick Necessity with his Royal Master, but repented with him too, sealing his contrition for that miscarriage with his blood, when he was more troubled for his forced consent to that brave per∣son's death, than for losing his own life; which he ventured throughout the first War, and lost by his Engagement in the second. For after the surrender of Oxford, he re••ired to his own house, but could no•• rest there, until the King was brought home to his; which all England endeavouring as one man•• my Lord adventured himself at Colchester to extremity, yielding himself upon condition of Quarter, which he urged by the Law of Arms, that Law that (as he said on the Scaffold) govern∣eth the world, and against the Laws of God and Man (they are his own words) for keeping the fifth Commandment, dying on the Scaffold at West••••n∣ster, with a courage that became a clear conscience, and a resolution befitting a good Christian; expres∣sing that judicious piety in the Chamber of Medita∣tion at his death, that he did in his a Book of Me∣ditation in his life: a piety that (as it appeared by his dismission of his Chaplain, and the formalities of that time's devotion, before he came to the Scaf∣fold) was rather his inward frame and habit, than outward ostentation or pomp; from the noble S••n∣timents whereof (as the Poet (not unhappily allu∣ding

to his Arms; A Lyon rampant in a Field Gules between three crosses) expresseth it)

Our Lyon-like Capel undaunted stood, Beset with Crosses in a Field of blood.

as one that affrighted death, rather than was afrigh∣ted by it—It being very observable, that a learned Doctor of Physick present at the opening and em∣balming of this noble Lord, and Duke Hamilton, delivering at a publick Lecture, that the Lord Ca∣pel's was the least heart, and the Duke's the greatest that ever he saw; agreeable to the observation in Philosophy, that the spirits contracted within the least compass, are the cause of the greater courage. Three things are considerable in this incomparable person. 1. His uninterrupted Loyalty keeping pace with his Life; for his last breath was spent in pro∣claiming K. Charles the II. in the very face of his Enemies, as known to him to be a vertuous, noble, gentle, just, and great Prince; a Perfect English∣man in his inclination. 2. His great merits and modesty, whereof K. Charles I. writes thus to his excellent Queen; There is one that doth not yet pre∣tend that doth deserve as well as any, I mean Capel; Therefore I desire thy assistance to find out something for him before he ask. 3. The blessing of God up∣on his noble, but suffering Family, who was a Hus∣band to his excellent Widow, and a Father to his hopeful Children, whom not so much their birth, beauty, and portion (though they were eminent for these) as their Vertues, married to the best Bloods and Estates in the Land, even when they and the Cause they suffered for were at the lowest.

It's the happiness of good men, though themselves miserable, that their seed shall be mighty, and their Generation blessed.

Observations on the Life of Bishop Andrews.

I Have much a-do to prevail with my own hand to write this excellent Prelate a Statesman of England, though he was Privy-Councellor in both Kingdoms: For I remember that he would say when he came to the Council-Table; Is there any thing to be done to day for the Church? If they answered Yea, then he said, I will stay—If No, he said, I will be gone.—Though yet this be an in∣stance of as much prudence as any within the com∣pass of our Observation: So safe is every man with∣in the circle of his own place, and so great an ar∣gument of abilities hath it been always confessed, to know as well what we ought, as what we can, espe∣cially in Clergy-men, whose over-doing doth abate their reverence, and increase their envy, by laying open those defects and miscarriages, which are o∣therwise hallowed, or at least concealed in the mystick sacredness of their own function. Not but that men of that gravity and exactness, of that knowledge and experience, of that stayedness and moderation, of that sobriety and temperance, of that observation and diligence as Bishops are pre∣sumed to be, were in all Governments judged as fit to manage publick affairs, as men of any other

professions whatever, without any prejudice to the Church; which must be governed as well as taught,—and managed as well as a society dwelling in the world, as under the notion of a peculiar people taken out of it.—His successful skill in dea••∣ing with the Papists under my Lord of Huntington President of the North; and with the Puritans un∣der Doctor Cosin, an Ecclesiastical Officer in the South, recommended him to Sir Francis Walsing∣ham's notice, as a person too useful to be buried in a Country-Living; who thereupon intended to set up his Learning in a Lecture at Cambridge, to con∣fute the Doctrine of Rome; unti•• Queen Eliz. re∣solved to set up his prudence in other Employments at Court, to countermine its policy: where I know not whether the acuteness of his Sermons took most with the most Learned; the devotion of them with the most pious; or the prudence of them with the most Wise—(it hath been one thin•• always to Preach learnedly, and another thing to preach wisely) for to the Immensity of his Learning, he added excellent Principles of politick prudence, as a governour of the Church, and a Councellor of State, wherein he was conspicuous; not for the crafty projects and practices of policy, or for those finister ways of Artifice and subtlery, or the admi∣red depths of Hypocrisie called reason of State; no•• the measures and rules of his Politicks and Pru∣dentials were taken from the great experience he had gotten, and many excellent observations he had made out of all Histories, as well Humane as Divine: though he always laid the greatest weight upon the grounds and instances of holy Scripture, which gives the truest judgement of

wisdom or folly; considering the mixture of State-affairs, with tho••e of the Church in Christian Com∣mon-wealths, and the fitness of sober and discreet Clergy-men for those of the State in all. It's a won∣der how Clergy-men come to be excluded publick Councils at any time: but observing Bishop An∣drews his insight into the Fundamental constitution of our State, as appears from his Speech in the Countess of Shrewsbury's Case: His distinct foresight o•• the consequences of Affairs, evident in his speech against Thraske: His circumspect care of the Pub∣lick, visible in his Petition to King Iames then sick at New-Market; that the P••ince then under Scotch Tutors be educated by well-principled men, the occasion that King Iames took to bring him up himself so exactly in the Doctrine and Discipline of o••r Church, that it's a question whether he was more by his Pen or Sword, his Scepter or his Style, The Defender of the Faith:—His wond••r∣ful skill in the government of this Church, discern∣ed by ••he excellent King Charles, in that he sent so many Bishops to consult with him, 1625. what was to be done for the Church in that Parliament: His caution and moderation, in ••hat he never, unless upon gre••t considerations, innovated in his Church, b••t left things in the same decency and order he ••ound them (knowing that all alterations have ••heir dangers) I am astonished to think, that B••shops should be forbidden secular employment in our time.— Who hath more ampleness and com∣pleatness (saith Bishop Gauden) for a good man, a good Bishop, a good Christian, a good Scholar, a good Preacher, and a good Counsellor, than Bishop Andrews, a man of an astonishing excellency both at home and abroad?

Observations on the Life of Henry Mountague Earl of Manchester.

HEnry Earl of Manchester, third son to Sir Edward Mountague, Grand-childe to Sir Edward Mountague Lord Chief-Justice of the King's Bench in King Edward the sixth's time, was born at Boughton in Nor∣thampton-shire. One skilful in mysterious Arts, beholding him when a School-boy, foretold that by the pregnancy of his parts, he would raise himself above the rest of his Family; which came to pass accordingly: He being bred first in Christs-Colledge in Cambridge, then in the Mid∣dle Temple, where he attained to great Learning in the Laws; passed through many preferments, as they are reckoned up, viz.

• 1. Sergeant at L••w.
• 2. Knighted by K. Iames, Iuly 22. 1603.
• 3. Recorder of London.
• 4. Lord Chief-Justice of the King's Bench, Novemb. 18. 1616.
• 5. Lord Treasurer of England, Decemb. 16. 1620.
• 6. B••ron of Kimbolton.
• 7. Viscount Mandevile.
• 8. President of the Council, Sept. 29. 1631.
• 9. E••rl of Manchester.
• 10. Lord Privy-Seal.

He wisely perceiving that Courtiers were but

as Counters in the hands of Princes, raised and depressed in valuation at pleasure, was content∣ed rather to be set for a smaller sum, than to be quite put up into the box. Thus in point of place and preferment, being pleased to be what the King would have him (according to his Motto, Movendo non mutando me) he became almost what he would be himself, finally advan∣ced to an Office of great Honour. When Lord Privy-Seal, he brought the Court of Requests into such repute, that what formerly was called the Alms-Basket of the Chancery, had in his time well-nigh as much meat in, and guests about it (I mean Suits and Clients) as the Chancery it self. His Meditations of Life and Death, called Manchester Almondo, written in the time of his health, may be presumed to have left good im∣pressions on his own soul, preparatory for his dissolution, which happened 164—

T••e Office of Lord Treasurer was ever beheld as a place of great charge and profit. My Lord being demanded what it might be worth per ann. made this answer; That it might be some thousands of pounds to him (who after death would go instantly to heaven) twice as much to him who would go to Pur∣gatory, and a Nemo scit to him who would adventure to a worse place. But indeed, he that will be a bad husband for himself in so advantagious a place, will never b•• a good one for his Soveraign.

Observations on the Life of Sir Henry VVotton, with some Account of his Relations.

SIr Henry Wotton first having re•••• of his Ance∣stor Sir Robert Wotton, the noble Lieutenant of Guisnes, and Comptroller of Callais, in King Edward the fourth's days, His Grand-father Sir Edward Wotton, that refused to be Chancellor of England in King Henry the Eighth's time. 2. Ha∣ving known his Father Sir Thomas Wotton, one of the most Ingenuous modesty, the most Ancient freedom, plainness, single-heartedness, and integrity in Queen Elizabeths Reign: His Brothers Sir Edward Wotton, the famous Comptroller of Queen Eliz. and K. Iames his Court, since Lord Wotton, & Baron Morley in Kent; Sir Iames Wotton (with R. Earl of Essex, Count Lodowick of Nas∣saw, Don Christophoro, son of Antonio King of Portugal, &c.) Knighted as an excellent Soldier at Cadiz: Sir Iohn Wotton the ••ccomplished Tra∣veller and Scholar, for whom Q••een Eliz. de∣signed a special favour: —His Uncle Nicholas Wot∣ton, Dean of Canterbury and York, nine times Em∣bassador ••or the Crown of England (••e that was one of King Henry's Execu••ors, King Edward's Secretary of State, Queen Mary's right hand•• a••d (that refused the Arch-Bishoprick of Ca••t••rbury in Queen Eliz. days.) 3. Being bred 1. In Winche∣ster,

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that eminent School for Discipline and Order. 2. In New-Colledge and Queens, those famous Colledges for the method of Living by rule, could promise no less than he did in his solidl•• se••tenti∣c••••, and discreetly humoured Play at Queens, cal∣led Tancredo, in his elega••t Lecture of the nobleness, manner, and use of Seeing, at the Schools (for which the learned Albericus Gentilis called him, Henrice Mi Ocelle, and communicated to him his Mathemati•••• his Law, and his Italian learning) in his more particular converse with Doctor Donne and Sir Richard Baker in the University, and his more general conversation with Man-kind in tra∣vels for one year to France and Geneva, (where he was acquainted with Theodore Beza, and Isaac Casa••bon, at whose Fathers he lodged) for eight years in Germany, for five in Italy, whence return∣ing balanced with Learning and Experience, with the Arts of Rome, Venice, and Florence (Picture, Sculpture, Chimistry, Architecture) the S••crets, Lang••ages, Dispositions, Customs, and Laws of most Nations, set off with his choice shape, obliging behaviour, sweet discourse, and sha••p wit, he could perform no less ••han he did, 1. In the unhappy re∣lation he had to the Earl of Essex, first of Friend, and afterward of Secretary. 2. In his more happy Interest by his Sec••etary Vietta (upon his flight out of England after the Earl's apprehension) with the Duke of Tuscany, then the greatest pa••ron of Learning and Arts in the world; who having dis∣covered a design to poyson King Iames, as the known successor of Queen Elizabeth, sent Sir Hen∣ry Wotton with notice of the plo••, and preservatives against the poyson, by the way of Norway into Scot∣land,

under the borrowed name of Octavio Baldi; where after some suspicion of the Italian message, discovering himself to the King by David Lindsey's means, he was treated with much honour, compla∣cency, and secrecy for three months. Afte•• ••hich time he returned to Florence, staying the••e till King Iames enquiring concerning him of my Lo••d Wotton the Comptroller; the great Duke advised his return to congratulate his Majesty, as he did; the King embracing him in his arms, & calling him the best, because the honest est Dissembler that he met with: and Knighting him by his own name. Ad∣ding withal; That since he knew••he wanted nei∣ther Learning nor Experience; neither Ab••lities nor Faithfulness, he would employ him to o∣thers, as he was employed to him; which accor∣dingly he did to Venice, the place he chose as most suitable to his retired Genius, and narrow Estate; where, 1. Studying the dispositions of the several Dukes and Senators. 2. Sor••ing of fit Presents, curious, and not costly Entertainments, sweetned with various and pleasant discourse, particularly his elegant application of Stories: He had such in∣terest, that he was never denyed any request; where∣by he did many services to the Protestant interest (with his Chaplain Bishop Biddle, and Padre Pau∣loe's assistance) during the Controversie between the Pope and the Venetians, especially in trans∣mitting the History of the Councel of Trent, sheet by sheet to the King and the Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury as it was written: And in his three Embas∣sies thither, gained many Priviledges for the Eng∣lish along all those Coasts. In the second of which Embassies, calling upon the Emperour, he

had brought Affairs to a Treaty, had not the Em∣perours success interposed; whereupon he took his leave, wishing that Prince to use his Victory so∣berly; an advice his carriage indeared to his Maje∣sty, together with his person, so far, that he gave him a Diamond worth above a thousand pounds, which he bestowed on his Hostess, saying, He would not be the better by a man that was an open Enemy to his Mistress, so the Queen of Bohemia wa•• plea∣sed he ••should call her:—Onely while abroad, and writing in the Album that friends have this sentence, Legat usest vir bonus peregre missus ad men∣tiendum reipublicae causa, whereof Scioppius made a malicious use in his Books against King Iames. He lo••t himself a while for using more freedom a∣broad than became his Employment, until his in∣genuous, clear, and choicely eloquent Apologies recovered him to more respect and cautiousness, until he writ Invidiae Remedium over his Lodgings at Eaton-Colledge, the Provostship whereof he ob∣tained in exchange for the reversion of the Master∣ship of the Rolls, and other places promised him; Where looking upon himself in his Surplice, as Charles 5. or Philip 2. in Cloysters, his Study was divine Meditations, History and Characters: His recreation Philosophical conclusions, and Angling; which he called his idle time not idly spent, say∣ing, he would rather live five May moneths, than forty Decembers: His Table was exquisite, where two youths attended, upon whom he made the ob∣servations that were to furnish his designed dis∣course of Education: His Histories and Observati∣ons remarkable, his Apophthegms sage and quick.

1. Being in a Popish Chappel, a merry Priest

that knew him, sent a Paper to him, with this que∣stion; Where was your Religion before Luther? Un∣der which he writ; Where yours is not, in the written word of God.

2. Being asked, whether a Papist could be sa∣ved? He replyed; You may be saved without know∣ing that: look to your self.

3. Hearing one ••ail against Arminius & Popery, he answered, Sir, he that understands amiss, conclu∣deth worse:—If you had studied Popery so much as I have, and knew Arminius so well as I did; how learn∣ed, how strict, and how rare a man he was, you would not fall so foul on his person, nor think that the further you go from the Church of Rome, the nea∣rer you are to God.

4. One pitched upon for Embassador, came to Eaton, and requested from him some Experimental rule for his prudent and safe carriage in his Negoti∣ation; to whom he smilingly gave this for an infalli∣ble Aphorism: That to be in safety himself, & service∣able to his Country, he should alwayes, and upon all occasions speak the truth; For (said he) you shall ne∣ver be believed; and by this means your truth will secure your self, if you shall ever be called to any ac∣count: and it will also put your Adversaries (who will still h••nt counter) to a loss in all their disquisiti∣ons and undertakings.

5. And when he made his Will two years before he died, out of policy to let the King understand his Debts and Arrears (to which end he bestowed in that Will on his Majesty, Sir Nicholas Throgmor∣ton's Papers of Negotiation in Queen Elizabeth's dayes: on the Queen, Dioscorides in Tuscany, with

the Herbs naturally coloured: on the Prince, the Queen of Bohemia's picture: on my Lord of Can∣terbury, the picture of Divine love: to my Lord of London, high Treasurer, Heraclitus and Democri∣tus; and to Secretary Windebanke old Bastano's four Seasons) he directed that this onely should be written on his plain Marble:

Hic jacet hujus sententiae primus auctor; Disputandi Pruritus fit Ecclesiarum Scabies: Nomen alias quaere:

7. Going yearly to Bocton for the connaturalness of that Air, and to Winchester or Oxford for Recre∣ation, he would say to his friends;

How useful was that advice of a holy Monk, who perswaded his friend to perform his customary devotion in a constant place, where his former thoughts might meet him; for (said he) at my being at that School, seeing the place where I sate when I was a boy, occasioned me to remember my youthful thoughts; sweet thoughts indeed, that promised my growing years numerous pleasures, without mixture of cares, and those to be en∣joyed when time (which I thought slow-paced) changed my youth to man-hood; and now there are a succession of Boys using the same recreation, & questionless possessed with the same thoughts. Thus one generation succeeds another both in their Lives, Recreations, Hopes, Fears, and Deaths.

8. There are four things that recommend Sir Henry Wotton to posterity: 1. That King Charles took great pleasure in corresponding with him in

Letters. 2. That my Lord Bacon took great pains in collecting his Apophthegmes. 3. That Sir Ri∣chard Baker, who submitted most of his Writings to his Censure, said of him; That the Kingdom yielded not a fitter man to match the Capriciousness of the Italian wits. And 4. That his work of Ar∣chitecture is translated into Latine, printed with Vitruvius, and this Elogy prefixed:

Henricus Wottonus Anglo-Cantianus Tho. op∣timi viri Filius Natu minimus a serenissimo Jacobo I. Magnae Britanniae, &c. Rege in Equestrem titu∣••um ascitus, ejusdemque ter ad Remp. Venetam Lo∣gatus Ordinarius, semel ad Confaederatarum Provin∣ciarum Ordines in Iuliensi Negotio; bis ad Carolum Emanuelem Subaudiae ducem: Semel ad unitos supe∣rioris Germaniae Principes in Conventu Heilbronnen∣si. Postremo ad Archducem Leopoldum, Ducem Wittenbergensem, Civitates Imperiales Argenti∣nam, Vlmamque, & ipsum Romanorum Imperato∣rem Ferdinandum II. Legatus Extraordina••ius Tandem hoc Dedicit.

Animas sapientiores fieri quiescendo.

Observations on ••••e Lives of the Lord Wilmot, and Sir Tho. Roe.

THese honourable persons are united not so much in their own relation or character, as in my unhappiness, who was promised Ob∣servations on the life of the first•• but never had

them; and had some on the life of the second, but lost them.

1. My Lord Wilmot I finde acting like a States∣man, when Commissary in the expedition against the Scots; and speaking like a Soldier, when a Mem∣ber of the Parliament that was for them: in the first capacity speaking with my Lord Conway, he saw the King would be overcome by the English at home, if he overcame not the Scots abroad. In the se∣cond, whispering with some Army-Officers, he said; If the Scots Army were paid in the North, the King's Army would be paid in the South.—A wise and brave speech, that had almost rallied all the Army against the Parliament, as soon as that Parli∣ament had rallied their multitude against the King; but that treachery got easily into the bosom of that brave Prince, th••t had nothing but honesty in his heart.

Yet since he could not awe the counsels of the fa∣ction in the City, he went to suppress their Rebel∣lion in the Field; being voted a Traitor by the Rebels, because he endeavoured they should not be so. What he performed in the Wars, all the Kingdom knows; what he did at Oxford, the King's Letters intimate; what he negotiated in Germany, acted in Scotland, endeavoured at Worcester, and other places for the King's Maje∣sties escape and restaura••••••n, posterity shall ce∣lebrate while he lives, as renownedly in History, as he doth nobly in his son the most hopeful Earl of Rochester.

2. Sir Thomas Roe—understood the dispositions of men so exactly, could suit their humours so fit∣ly, observe opportunities and seasons of actions

so punctually, keep correspondence so warily, wade through difficulties so handsomly, wave the pinch of a business so dexterously, contrive Interests so suitably, that he was advised with con∣cerning the most important Affairs of the King∣doms he resided in abroad, and admitted of the Privy-Council while he lived at home—Where his speech against the debasing of the Coyn at the Council-Table will last as long as there is reason of State in the world; His settlement of Trade as long as this is an Island; and his Eastern M••S S. as long as there are Books to furnish Libraries, or Libraries to preserve Books. Three of the noblest English actions beyond Sea are these. 1. That Sir Thomas Roe pardoned the Dutch Merchants thrice in Persia and Turkey at his mercy. 2. That my Lord Wilmot, when Embassador in Germany, refu∣sed the assistance of the Popes Nuncio, or Turkish Aga; judging his great Master, when at lowest, a∣bove those suspected Auxiliaries. 3. That my Lord Culpeper having offered him in Muscovy all the English goods there, refused them, declaring his Royal Master a Father of his Country, though kept out of it by Traitors; and a merciful Prince to his People, when cast off by the Rebels,

Observations on the Life of Arch-Bi∣shop Juxon.

WIlliam ••Iuxon, born at Chichester in Sus∣sex, was bred Fellow in St. Iohn's Col∣ledge in Oxford, where he proceeded Batche∣lor of Law; very young, but very able for that Degree: afterwards becoming Doctor in the same Faculty, and President of the Colledge, was one in whom Nature had not omitted, but Grace had ordered the Te••rarch of humours, be∣ing admirably Ma••ter of his Pen and Passion. For his Abilities, he was successively preferred by King Charles the first, Bishop of H••reford and London, and for some years Lord Treasurer of England: wherein he had Religion to be honest, and no self-interest to be corrupt. A troublesom place in tho••e times, being expected he should make much Brick (though not altogether without, yet) with very little straw allowed unto him: Large then the Expences, low the Revenues of the Exchequer. Yet those Coffers he found empty, he left filling, and had left full, had Peace been preserved in the Land, and he continued in his Place. Such the mildness of his temper, that Petitioners for mo∣ney (when it was not to be had) departed well pleased with his Denials, they were so civilly lan∣guaged. It may justly seem a wonder, that where∣as few spake well of Bishops at that time, and Lord T••••asu••ers at all Times are liable to the complaints

of discontented people; though both Offices met in this man, yet with Demetrius he was well re∣ported of all men, and of the truth it self. He li∣ved to see much shame and contempt undeservedly poured on his Function, and all the while posses∣sed his own soul in patience.

Nor was it the least part of this Prelate's honour, that amongst the many worthy Bishops of our Land, King Charles the first selected him for his Confessor at his Martyrdom, when he honoured him with this testimony; That good man. He formerly had had experience [in the case of the Earl of Straf∣ford] that this Bishop's Conscience was bottom'd on piety, not policy, ••he reason that from him ••e received the Sacrament, good comfort and coun∣sel just before he was mu••dered. I say, just before the Royal Martyr was murdered; a Fact so foul, that it alone may confu••e the Error of the Pela∣gians, maintaining that all sin cometh by imitati∣on, the Universe not formerly affording such a Precedent, as if those Regicides had purposely de∣signed to disprove the observation of Sol••mon, that there is no new thing under the Sun.

King Charles the second preferred him Arch-Bishop of Canterbury 1660. He died in the year of our Lord, 1663. and with great solemnity was bu∣ried in St. Iohn's Colledge in Oxford,—to which he was a great Benefactor, though a greater to Pauls and Lambeth; and greatest of all to the Church which his eminence adorned, and his tem∣per secured in those times, wherein roughness en∣raged that humour, which delay and moderation broke: a discreet yielding to the multitude is the securest way of Conquest: They that hold together

by opposition, languish and moulder away by in∣dulgence: In his duty, this good man went along with Conscience, in Government, with Time and Law. He had the happiness, that K. Iames admi∣red in a Statesman of his time, to do all things suavibus modis: He referred his Master in the Earl of Strafford's case, as he did himsel•• in all cases, to his own Conscience for matter of fact, and to the Judges for matter of Law; who according to their Oath ought to carry themselv••s indifferently be∣tween the King and his Subjects.—The King was not more happy in this fai••hful servant, than he was in his followers, among whom there was no uncivil Austerity to disoblige the Subjects, nor base Corruption to incense them. They need not keep state, they had so much real power; nor extort, they had so much allowed advantage. His care was his servants, and their care his business: His pre∣ferments were his burthen rather than his honour; advanced by him, rather than advancing him— and therefore he was more ready to lay them down, than others to take them up: Witness his Trea∣surers Place; which when he parted with (like those that scatter their Jewels in the way, that they may debar the violence of greedy pursuers) no less than four durst undertake; when his single self sufficed for the two greatest troubles of this Nati∣on, the Treasureship of England, and the Bishoprick of London.

Religion was the inclination and composure as well as care of his soul; which he used not as the ar∣tifice of pretence or power, but as the ornament and comfort of a private breast, never affecting a pompous piety, nor a magnificent vertue, but ap∣proving

himself in secret to that God who would reward him openly. His devotion was as much obove other mens, as his Calling; his meditations equal with his cares; and his thoughts even and free between his Affairs and his Contemplations, which were his pleasures, as well as his duty, the uniform temper and pulse of his Christian soul. Nei∣ther was his Religion that of a man only, but that of a Bishop too, that made his Piety as universal as his Province, by such assistances of power, as brought carnel men, if not to an obedience, yet to such a degree of reverence, that if they did not honour, they might not despise it. His justice was as his Religion, clear and uniform; First, the or∣nament of his heart, then the honour of his action. Neither was Justice leavened with rigour or severi∣ty, but sweetned with clemency and goodness; that was never angry but for the pub••ick, and not then so much at the person, as the offence: So am∣bitious of that great glory of Moderation, that he kept it up in spight of the times malignity, wherein he saw all change without himself, while he re∣mained the self-same still within the Idea of sobriety and temperance, vertues that he put off only with his life: Neither was this a defect of spirit, but the temper of it; that though it never provoked troubles, yet it never feared them: His minde was always great, though his fortune not so: Great to suffer, though not always able to act: so good his temper, and so admirable his humility, that none ever went discontented from him:—Never courting, but always winning people, having a passage to their hearts through their brain; and making them first admire, and then love him. He

was slow, not of speech, as a defect; but to speak, out of discretion: because when speaking, he plenti∣fully paid the Principal and Interest of his Auditors expectation.

In a word, his government as a Bishop was gen∣tle, benigne, and paternal: His management of the Treasury was such, that he served his Prince faithfully, satisfied all his friends, and silenced all his enemies; of which he had enough as a Bi∣shop, Greatness is so invidious and suspected; though none as a man, goodness is so meek and in∣offensive. The most thought the worse of Dr. Iuxon for the Bishops sake, the best thought the better of the Bishop for Dr. Iuxon's sake.

Observations on the Life of John Lord Culpeper.

I Find nothing promoting him to his first pre∣ferment of Chancellor of the Exchequer, but his pure merit; nor any thing advancing him to his after-honours, but his steady Loyalty;— which when others stuck to London (in compliance with that Maxim; In all Divisions keep your self to the Metropolis, the chief City being for the most part preserved, who-ever prevaileth, in a Civil Commotion, abounding in Money and Friends, the readiest Commodities to purchase Quiet) carryed him after a persecuted Soveraign for twenty years together, by the strong obligation of a well-princi∣pled Conscience, and the well-weighed observa∣tion

of the natural Affection of all Englishmen to their lawful Soveraign; from whom, though the Arts and Impulses of seditious Demagogues may a while estrange and divorce their minds, yet their Genius will irresistibly at last force them to their first love.

It was the resolution of a great States-man; That if the Crown of England were placed but on an Hedge-stake, he would be on that side the Crown was. His first service was to discover his Soveraign to his deluded People, worthy not only of their o∣bedience, but their lives and fortunes. His next was, to lay open his Enemies in all their Intrigues and Reserves, being most happy in all the Treaties he was engaged in, in discerning the bottom of his own Parties Interest, and their Adversaries pretensions discoveries! that prevailed on all that was either noble or but ingenuous in the Nation, especially whith••r my Lord came with his indefa∣tigable Industry, his obliging Converse, and po∣tent Eloquence, excepting London its self, whi∣ther he was sent from Nottingham, with the Earls of Southampton and Dorset, and Sir William We∣dale Knight, the very day the King set up his Standard there. The Principle he went upon was, That the Faction at Westminster was no Parliament; A Principle most safe on all hands: For which and the rest of his judicious Sentiments, he hath the honour to be enrolled among those that Traitors durst not pardon; which he could not choose but smile at, knowing (as he used to say)

That Treason is alwayes within five years weary of its self, the People being more impatient of their own Libertinism, than of the strictest and most heavy

government.

His way of Intelligence from Lon∣don by Mistress E. P. friend to I. M. puts me in minde of a passage in Queen Elizabeths Reign; who being presented with an Overture out of Spain, so recretly managed by the Councel there, as the first news of its approach came with its self: the Messengers (out of fear of a surprizal) dis∣pensing the Ceremonies commonly used in the be∣half of Embassadors (something strange, consi∣dering the haughtiness of that Nation) did much insl••me the Lord Treasurer's desire to know the farthest extent of the Negotiation, as conducing to a present advantage, that such an Answer might be made as should in some proportion quadrate with the demand of the Catholique King, at that time standing upon Terms little different from those of an Enemy. And being informed from the ordinary Espials he kept about his Person, that the attempt was something difficult, if not impossible; the Don out of distrust still carrying his Instructions in his bosom: Burleigh caused such a Jesuite to be apprehended, as by reason of former miscarriages could not expect mercy; and imparts his desires to him under as large promises if he brought them about, as threats to be revenged on him and his Associates, if he ••ound himself abused. All which, though with some reluctancy he undertook: and performed, through the meditation o•• a fair Lady that first took away his Commission, and then again laid it under his Pillow whilst he slept.

His early endeavours for Peace by Addresses to London, Scotl••nd•• Cornwal, speak his integrity, and his prudence. Every inconsiderable person may

be powerful at disturbances: but to form Peace, requires much wisdom and great vertues) and his observations upon the division of the great•• Fa∣ction to two parties, Independent and Presbyterian. His care and watchfulness; none of their clashes es∣caping his reach, which was ready to accommo∣date as occasion served their respective Inte∣rests, in their New-models and alterations; making as good use of Fears and Jealousies between them, as they had done between the King and his People; being one of those brave spirits that made much of good Soldiers and Subjects, notwithstanding their ill success if they continued their good affections [••areat successibus opto quisquis ab eventus exitus acta probat] as the Romans gave thanks to Teren∣tius Varro after he had lost the great battel of Ca••∣nae by his own default, because he did not despair of the Commonwealth, always valuing his estate in England, during the usurpation, as much as he did during the King's just possession: As the Romans would not sell the ground that Hannibal encamped upon, cheaper than if it had been in time of peace, which was one thing that discouraged that great Captain from continuing the siege of Rome. These and other his services recommended him to the at••endance of his most excellent Majesty when Prince, in the perfecting of the Western Associati∣on, when it was thought fit to put the happiness and hope of the Kingdom in two bottoms, with whom he continued with a constant fidelity in all diffi∣culties, performing several Embassies during their banishment with honour (particularly one to the Emperour, who had great respects for his Master, and an awful regard of his Cause) till it pleased

God to bring his Majesty by his and others counsel to his Father's Throne; which he just saw, and dy∣ed Master of the Rolls, Iune 1660. From one of whose Relations I have these Notes and Postils, containing some of the policy of the late Times, from 1642. to 1659.—which I set down nakedly, as I finde them; not supposing they are his, but that they were among his Papers.

1. It is against the experience of the wisest Prin∣ces of France and England, ••o leave their chief Ci••y in times of tumult;—yet it was necessary for the King to do ••o, as well to break the fury of the worst people there by distance and time, as to dis-abuse the best abroad by his presence and time:—and in∣deed it had been a shame for him to have perished in a tumult.

2. It was urged, that the King should not del••y any longer the War—but besides that nothing could perswade his gracious Majesty to a War, but pure necessity. It's usually observed, that if B••u∣••efeu's make not the feud irreconcileable by a des∣perate action, Rebels cool, consider, break, suspect, fear, and fall off to nothing.

3. The repulse of Hotham did the King excel∣lent service, by alarming all the Loyal in the King∣dom with their designed plot.

4. Especially when the Country saw the King so unwilling to engage, that he discharged their guards several times.

5. It was thought unfit to send to the Faction from Nottingham, until it was rejoyned that men of understanding and fidelity are usually employed to those persons against whom a War is to be managed,

to discover their design, humour, forces, succou••s, and what ever might succour or strengthen them; which none but they who were secured with the priviledge of Agents might do; and none were judg∣ed fitter than they that were best acquainted with the knowing Ladies, and the talkative Lords.

6. It was offered that Intelligence should be written to satisfie the people, and make the vul∣gar pretences ridiculous: But quaere, whether it is possible for the Arcana Imperii to remain always under so exact a discipline as may admit a thorow-inspection of the multitude without danger.

7. When it was urged as the fundamental Prin∣ciple the King should proceed upon, that the Fa∣ction at Westminster was no Parliament, the King being firm to his promise (as there was not a just∣er man alive) not to dissolve them without their leave—it was judged that self-preservation being the first principle in nature, that concession which wisdom saw then, and experience since, so contra∣ry to that principle, was rather to be repented of, than performed.

8. It is a very great advantage to the King's Cause, that his Messages of Peace were sent always a••ter his Victories; and his Enemies after their de∣feats: And that his Declarations were natural, ea∣sie, as grounded upon obvious principles of Scrip∣ture, Law, and Reason; and theirs harsh, forced, and wilde, as grounded only upon Pretences and Fancies.

9. It's a probable opinion, that it is in vain to treat with the Rebels, who can never trust the King with their guilty heads.

10. It is in vain to yield them any thing, since

all Concessions have no other issue than either or both of these two inconveniences. 1. That they make the Faction so insolent, that the King should not be able to deny nor grant them any thing. 2. That they justified former proceedings, and laid the blame upon the King for not granting that sooner, which he thinks fit to grant now. Besides, it's more fit Propositions come to the King, than from him.

11. It m••y be wondered that the King doth not cut off the chief of the Rebels, as they fall into his hands, according to the usual Maxim in that case; but that his inclination to clemency is inexpressi∣ble—and that the principle he goeth upon is sure, ••hough deep, viz. That so much are Man-kinde in general, and the English in particular obliged by fair usages, that the generality of this Nation returned nine times in 1300 years after long inter∣vals of Usurpation, out of gratitude as well as duty unto their Allegiance to the posterity of good, pious, merciful, but unhappy Princes.

12. When it was urged against the King's going to London upon the success in the West, that the City would pour out fresh men upon him, as at Brainford, It was replied, ••hat the City and Country were not under such strong delusions as then, but were more sensible of the miseries they had been trepanned into. Besides, there was a more miracu∣lous power of conversion went along with the King's presence where-ever he came, convincing all he conversed with.

13. Whether the King be••ng so wise and able, it were not convenient to contrive it so, that the peo∣ple might see how well he acted by himself,—

provided he had sufficient security?

14. Whether it being dangerous that the Re∣bels should seize (as God forbid they should) on the whole Court at once, it were not convenient that his Majesty and the Prince did part, that the Kingdom might know its hope as well as its happi∣ness; and that their interest when separated, might be more spreading than when together?

15. It was judged prudence to let the success wherein their souls were unequal, overthrow the Fa••tion by mutual Jealousies and Animosities, till it dissipated all pretences, and the people saw none oppressed them in their Estates, Liberties, Conscien∣ces, more than the pretended Patrons of them all. An Indempnity without regard to any Faction, be∣ing most likely to render the misled as jealous for the King, as they had been against him.

16. It were to be wished that the Parliament did draw into entire Propositions their design, that his Majesty and his People might make a clearer judgement of it in order to an accommodation.

17. His Majesty must be secured of the Militia, and against tumults, and all persons invested in their first right without any controversie—As to other matters, •• full bebate may settle them, with such explanations and qualifications as may satisfie all parties.

18. It's thought his Majesty may concur with the Parliament about the Presbyterian Government for three years, the time allowed by themselves; and that at the three years end the very Kingdom will throw it off as inconsistent with the English temper, and unsuitable with the Brittish Monar∣chy:—And so likewise in other things which look

plausible in the general, but are unpracticable in the particular.

19. Though many things are necessary to avoid jealousies, which are inconvenient, yet they may be allowed, upon the respect of the likelihood that all things will in time return to their proper chanel—only a general Act of indempnity is the best bond of Peace, whereby the numerous discontents of ma∣ny p••rsons and families otherwise exposed to ruine, might not become Fuel to new disorders, or Seeds to future troubles, with particular regards to the priviledges of the City, notwithstanding non-user, mis-user, abuser, and the interest of the Army—an indulgence that would help the world to see clearly the Kings intentions in matter of future govern∣ment.

20. No Act to pass till the Peace be concluded, lest what his Majesty grants, may be an argument to urge what he must deny; so that he cannot treat in Honour•• Freedom, or Safety.

21. Time is the best cure of Faction.

22. When the Treaty is broken off, so that nei∣ther side could reassume it without a seeming yield∣ing, it should be renewed upon the Queens moti∣on, provided always that her name was not used or intimated till the Rebels willingness to compliance were preassured.

But stay, I am fallen upon mine own knowing time, wherein I am fitter to read others Observa∣tions, than to write my own: and it becomes me rather to be instructed, than to instruct. Industry and Curiosity bid me begin this Collection where Sir W. F. Sir R. N. Sir I. H. Characters end: and modesty enjoyns m•• to finish it, where my Contem∣poraries

own knowledge begins,—with whom I shall quietly pass my time, observing how far the affairs I ••ee or hear of agree with those I have read of. Having gained thus much (if no more) by this Essay; That by looking into the Intrigues of former times, I have learned a great deal of reason to bless GOD I was born in these: being assured, that murmurs, discontents, complaints, whisperings, speaking evil of Dignities; the common, but unrea∣sonable faults of this Age, are kept up only because men are ignorant of the Ages foregoing: And as my Lord Bacon saith of the Schoolmen in the Church, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of troubl••som persons in ••he S••••••e; that they are so, because they know nothing beyond their own time: whereas if the most discontented pe••son did but compare his own dayes with those before, he must co••fe••s, that there wants nothing in the general frame of our Government (particu∣lar persons miscarriages must be always allowed) to make us most happy, but thankfulness, content, and the continuance of these blessings under our dread Soveraign, for whom it's as much our inte∣rest as our duty to pray according to St. Chrysostoms Liturgy, that God would give him strength, victory, health, safety, length and tranquillity of dayes: or in Tertullian's form; Long life, a secure government, safe Court, valiant Army, faithful Senate, good Peo∣ple, quiet world, & what-ever he can desire as a King, or as a man. Or once more, in Lactantius his words, That God will keep him, who is the keeper of all things in his Dominions, to his Felicity, and our Tran∣quillity.

The End of the Observations upon the Lives of the Statesmen and Favourites of England, in the Reign of K. Charls I.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Compleat instructions for a states-man, given by L. B. to D. B.
• * 2.1

  Sir Hen. Wotton's life of the Duke of Bucking.
• * 2.2

  1. Of the Preroga∣tive Royal. 2. Privi∣ledges of Parlia∣ment, 3. The pro∣ceedings in Chancery. 4. The p••w∣er of the S••ar∣••hamber.
• * 2.3

  Being not used to the Common-Prayer.
• * 2.4

  In Tibe∣rio.
• * 2.5

  As about the Petition of Right, in refe∣rence to which, he & Ser∣geant Glanvile satisfied the Lords.
• * 2.6

  Admin. Card. de Rich. p. 283.
• * 2.7

  ••. O. 134.
• a 2.8

  See the Ea: of Nor∣thamptons Speech.
• b 2.9

  See Lord Spencer.
• * 2.10

  Nobly communi∣cated to all inge ni∣ous per∣sons by the honourable H. Howard of Nor∣folk, grea∣ter in his own worth than in any titles.
• * 2.11

  S••e his late Maje∣••••••••s re∣••omm••n∣••••••••n to him at his departure from Hamton-Court.
• * 2.12

  In 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1629.
• * 2.13

  At Pe••∣ross and Aleppo.
• * 2.14

  So saith the Histo∣rian: but I think as much a∣gainst them as against the K. not on∣ly because the wel••are of K. and people are insepara∣ble•• but al∣so because there is not a more common saying a∣mong the people, than de∣fend me, and sp••nd me.
• * 2.15

  The most pious, lear∣ned, wise, and Reve∣rend Father in God, the Lord Arch-Bishop of Cant was his Dome∣stick.
• * 3.1

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Me∣ditar. 2.
• * 5.1

  E••umpli∣fied by his Chaplain Tho. Frit∣ter.