Memoires of the lives, actions, sufferings & deaths of those noble, reverend and excellent personages that suffered by death, sequestration, decimation, or otherwise, for the Protestant religion and the great principle thereof, allegiance to their soveraigne, in our late intestine wars, from the year 1637 to the year 1660, and from thence continued to 1666 with the life and martyrdom of King Charles I / by Da. Lloyd ...

The Life, Reign, and Death, of the Glorious Martyr; CHARLES I. of Blessed Memory.

I May Praeface this sad Solemnity, as the Romans did their more joyful ones, that were to be seen but once in an hundred years; Come and see what none that is alive ever saw, none that is alive is ever like to see again.

See a King, and all Government, falling at one stroke. A Prince once wished, that his People had but one Neck, that he might cut them off at one blow; here the People saw all Princes with one Neck, which they cut at one attempt: a stroke levelled not at one King, but Monarchy; not at one Royal Person, but Government.

See England, that boasted of the first Christian King, Lucius; the first Christian Emperour, Constantine; the first Protestant Prince, Edw. 6. glorieth now in the first Martyr'd King, Charles I. A Martyr to Religion and Government: The Primitive Institutes of the first of which, and the generally owned Principles of the second of which, other Princes have maintained with their Subjects blood, he with his own: Others by Laws and Power kept up both these, while they were able; he with his Life, when he was not able; supporting that very Authority it self, that supports other Princes; throwing himself the great Sacrifice into the breach made upon Power, to stop popular fury; and choosing rather not to be himself in the World, than to yield that that World by his consent should be Lawless or Prophane.

A Martyr, who stood to the Peoples Liberty, though with his own Captivity: that held up their Rights, with the loss of his own; had a care of their Posterity, with the ruine of his own Family: that main∣tained the Law that secures their lives, with his own: that could suffer others to distress him, but not to oppress his People: that could yield to dye, but not to betray his Subjects, either as Christians, or as Englishmen.

See the last Effort of Virtue, Reason, Discipline, Order, bearing up against that of Villany, Disorder, Licenciousness, and things not to be named among men.

See a King, that had deserved a Crown, in all mens judgement, had he not worn one; that other Nations wished theirs before his death, and we wanted since. A King, in whom it is one of the least things, that he hath been a King, The glory and amazement of Mankind, for an Innocence that was most prudent, and a Prudence that was most innocent. A King, that when most conquered, was more than Conquerour over himself.

I 1.1 A King, deriving more honour to, than he received from his Brittish and Norman Auncestours.a 1.2 H. 7. whose Great Great-Grand-child he was; his Saxon Predecessors, Edgar, Aethaling, &c. from whom heb 1.3

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descended, and other the most Royal Families of Europe, by Iames 6. of Scotland, and Anne of Denmark, to whom he was born Nov. 19. 1600. at Dunfermeling; so weak, that he wasc 1.4 Christened privately. Providence (saith the excellent Writer) seeming to consecrate him to suf∣ferings from the Womb, and to accustome him to exchange the strictures of greatness, for clouds of tears. Though yet of such hopes, that an old Scotchman, taking his leave of King Iames, upon his departure for England, waving Prince Henry, after some sage advice to the King, hugg'd our Martyr, than three years old, telling King Iames, who thought he mistook him for the Prince, That it was this Child who should convey his memory to succeeding Ages.

II 1.5 A King, that under the tuition of Sir Robert Caryes Lady, the first Messenger of Q. Elizabeths death; when the Scots thought the Q. would never dye, as long as there was a majestick and well-habited old Woman left in England: And under the Paedagogy of Mr. Thomas Murray, and the Lectures of King Iames himself, (when Bishop An∣drewes addressed himself to that King, being sick, and shewed him the danger of the young Princes being under Scotch Tutors) was such a Profi∣cient, that being created D. of York, 1606. that to make up the weakness of his body, by the abilities of his mind; and to adorn the rough greatness of his fortune, with the politeness of learning; he was so studious, that P. Henry took Arch-bishop Abbot's Cap one day, and clapp'd it on his head, saying, That if he followed his book well, he wouldd 1.6 make him Arch-bishop of Canterbury. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••eft a world of good Books, marked with his own hand through 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and in some places made more expressive than the Authors had done; and his learned Father saide 1.7 at his going to Spain, That he was able to manage an Argument with the best studied Divine of them all. That besides many other accurate Discourses he had, he disputed one whole day alone with fifteen Commissioners, and four Divines, to all theirf 1.8 admiration, convincing them out of their own mouths; insomuch that some thought him inspired, or much improved in his afflictions; and others, that know him better, averred, that he never was less, though he appeared so. To say no∣thing of his great skill in the Law, as much as any Gentleman (as he said once) in England, that was not a professed Lawyer; his skill in men and things, in Meddals, Antiquities, Rarities, Pictures, For∣tifications, Gunnery, Shipping, Clocks, Watches. and any My∣stery that it became him to know: For he said once, that if necessitated, he could get his Living by any Trade, but making of Hangings. Nor to mention his 28. excellent Meditations, equally majestick, learned, prudent and pious; 59. incomparable Speeches, besides several De∣clarations and Letters, writ with his hand; and to be indited only by his spirit.

III 1.9 A King, that being made Knight of the Garter, 1611. and D. of Cornwall, 1607. P. of Wales, and E. of Chester, 1616. managed his fortune (upon his Brother andg 1.10 Mothers death, at whose Funerals being chief Mourner, he expressed a just measure of grief, without any affected sorrow) with so much gallantry, at hish 1.11 Sisters Wedding, and other great Solemnities, especially at Justs and Turnaments, being the best Marks-man, and the most graceful manager of the great Horse

in England; as taught the World, that his privacy and retirements were not his necessity, but his choice; and with so much wariness and temper, that he waved all affairs of State, not so much out of consci∣ence of the narrowness of his own spirit, or fear of the jealousie of his Father, to which they said his Brother was subject; as out of the peace∣fulness of his soul, and the prudence of his design, to learn to command by obedience, and to come free and untainted (as he did, notwith∣standing the curiosity of people to observe Princes faults, and their con∣spicuousness to be observed) to his Fathers Throne.i 1.12 And so admi¦rable his conduct in such affairs as were imposed upon him, especially the journey to Spain, where how did he discover their Intrigues! How commanded he his passion, and concealed his discontents! How he managed the Contracts of Olivarez, Buckingham, and Bristow, that might have amazed an ordinary prudence, especially in a young States∣man! How caressed he his Mistress, the Court, the Country, the Pope, not disobliging the most Jesuited Clergy! How kept he his Faith, and secured his Person! How enthralled he the Infanta by his Meine, and the whole Country by his Carriage! How he honoured our Religion there, by a Spanish Liturgy; and how he escaped theirs, by a Spanish Reservedness! How he brought his affairs there, notwith∣standing difficulties and oppositions, to a closure; and yet reserved a power to revoke all, in case he had not the Paelatinate restored; being resolved (with his Father) Not to marry himself with a portion of his only Sisters tears! Howk 1.13 he, the Heir apparent of the Crown, (consider∣ing the fatal examples of those Princes, that ventured out of their own, to travel their Neighbourl 1.14 Dominions) got through France. in spight of the Posts that followed him, to Spain; and from Spain, in spight of the malice that might have kept him there! How friendly he parted with the K. and Court of Spain, notwithstanding, that the first obser∣vation that he made, when he was on Shipboard, was, that he disco∣vered two Errours in those Masters of Policy; the one, That they should use him so ill there; and the other, That after such usage, they should let him come home! What an Instrument of love he was between the King his Father, and the Parliament; and what a Mediator of service be¦tween them and the King! He, in the Kings name, disposed them to seasonable supplyes of his Majesty; and he, in the Parliaments name, disposed him to a necessary War with Spain. How tender were they of his honour, and how careful he of their Privileges! In a word, when but young, he understood the Intrigues, Reserves, and Maximes that make up what we call Reason of State, and when King, he tem∣pered them with Justice and Piety; none seeing further into the In∣trigues of Enemies, none grasping more surely the difficulties and ex∣pedients for his own design, none apprehending more clearly the events of things, none dispatching more effectually any business; insomuch, that when his Council and Secretaries had done, he would take the Pen, and give more lustre and advantage to VVritings, (saying, Come, I am a good Cobler) wherein he would strangely meet with all difficulties imaginable; so that it was truly said of him, That had he been Privy Counsellour to any other Prince, he had been an Oracle; carrying, with H. 4. all his best Counsel on one Horse.

IV 1.15 A King that was received out of Spain with infinite triumphs, when our hopes and Prince; and out of his wardship with more, when our enjoyment and King March 25. 1625. none of the weaknesses of Youth, attended with power and plenty having enervated his solid virtue, and so the Kingdom promised its self (what it enjoyed as long as he enjoyed himself) all the benefits of a happy government.

1 1.16 His Marriage (the first act of state in his Reign, except his Fathers Funeral, whereat he was a Close-mourner, hallowing the ascent to his Throne with a pious act of grief, unusual for Kings, but such as he, who preferred Piety before Grandeur:) was prudent and happy with the most excellent Lady (who shared in the comforts only of his good fortune, and in all of his bad; Reverencing him, not his greatness) Henrietta Maria, youngest Daughter to H. 4. of France, whom he had seen by chance in his way to Spain, and who hearing of his adventure thither, was pleased to say, That he might have had a Wife nearer home: to whom he was married at Nostredame in Paris bym 1.17 Proxy, and atn 1.18 Canterbury by himself, never straying from her (as he told his Daughter Elizabeth) in his thoughts, being chast in his discourse, hating all ob∣scenity that might offend the Ears, much more in converse, allowingo 1.19 no vanity that might blot the honour of any of his Subjects, and by whom God blessed him and us with 9 Children, viz. 1. Charles Iames, born May 13. 1628. 2. Charles II. May 29. 1630.. 3. Iames Duke of York 4 September 13. 1633. 4. Henry Duke of Glocester, Iuly 8. 1639. 5. Mary Princess of Aurange, November 4. 1631. 6. Elizabeth, Ian 28. 1635. 7. Anne, March 17. 1637. 8. Katherine. 9. Henrietta, Dut∣ches•• of Anjou, Iune 16. 1644.

2 1.20 His first Parliament, notwithstanding it was made up of soft Noble, and troublesome Commons, both made perverse and wan∣ton by long peace and plenty and desire of change, of factious dema∣gogues, whose humour men of boundless and ambitious hopes made use of, he moderated with a clear account given of the whole admini∣stration of Government, and a benign answer made to all their Petiti∣ons, to a concession of a few subsidies, towards the VVar with Spain, which they set him upon; and which, notwithstanding the disasters of his Navy by storms, going out too late, and for want of pay, coming home too soon,p 1.21 undisciplin'd andq 1.22 wasted; and the Plagues raging in London; ended in an honourable Peace.

3 1.23 His Coronation frugal, he reserving his Treasure for more necessary occasions than Pomp; not out of his own inclination, for his repair of Pauls, his Navy, and other instances, demonstrate him magnificent; but out of his fatherly regard to the condition he found his Kingdomes Treasures in, drained by the Scots, and not chearfully supplyed by the English, without harsh conditions: so unwilling were we, when we knew not what to do with our Money, to secure the whole of our Estates, by allowing him a part; and yet improved by him so farr, as to serve the majesty of the Crown for 15. Years; to support a VVar with two of the greatest Potentates in Europe; to supply the King of Sweden, and bear the charge of the first Scotch Expedition, without any considerable contribution from the people. They that made him first Necessitous, in order to the making of him Odious; decried him for covetous, be∣cause

he rewarded not men according to their boundless expectation, but according to their exact merit; being liberal, not vain; and loving to do good to the whole Kingdom, rather than to particular persons; as Steward of a publick treasure, rather than a Lord of his own; ma∣king his Virtue serve the necessities of the Realm, which others Vices would not.

4 1.24 His second Parliament, notwistanding the contracts between Buckingham and Bristol, the bitterness of the Remonstrators of the Lower House against him, and his Instruments of State; yet he sweetened so farr, he granting their Petition of Right, they bestowing on him five Subsidies, that their modesty, and his goodness, strived which should exceed each other.

V 1.25 A King,1 1.26 Of so much honour, that when his French Subjects a∣bused his Queen, he durst bravely, yet liberally dismiss them, though he might look for a War to follow, which he valued not, when by his Caresses he had melted, and obliged the Queen to a contentment, choosing a foreign war rather than houshold broyles. 2. Of so much sence for Religion, as to lay out, when hisr 1.27 estate was low, and his debts high, 400000^l. upon the relief of the French Protestants, in embassies of Peace, and designs of VVar, though both unsuccessfull, the unhappiness of his Ministers, not any fault of his. 3. Of so much prudent goodness as to restore Delinquents, such as A. B. Abbot, Lord Say to favour; to prefer Wentworth, and Savile; to advance Dr. Potter, and other moderate men: a course that if it did not oblige but encourage the faction, finding such rewards for being troublesome, it was because they had but one grievance really, however they pretend∣ed many, and that was Government it self. 4. Of so peaceable and good a nature, as to choose rather to settle peace at home and abroad by prudence, rather than to finish war by violence; this the way of bruits, more fashionable in the eye of the world; the other the way of men, more satisfactory to his own breast. 5. Of so much Justice, that the greatest, witnesse the Earl of Castlehaven was not secure if he offended the Laws of God or Man, and of sos 1.28 much clemency, that the worst (witness Hammilton, and the Lord Balmarino) was safe if he did but offend him; he thinking a Kingdom was so troublesome, that no man would sin either to enjoy or keep it. He subjected his L. Keeper C. and a L. Treasurer to Tryal for Bribery, yet would he hardly ad∣mit that his enemies should be brought to tryal for Treasons; he de∣signed men no harm, and he believed all good of them. Men in his time feared Laws not Men. He would say, Let me stand or fall by my own Counsel, I will choose any misery rather than Sin. His Acts were alwayes vouched by his Judges and Divines lawful, before he would allow them expedient: Nay, the VVorld saw by his condescentions, that he desired not a power to do harm, but that (as he proved once to a Lord of the Faction) he thought, that if he had no power to do ill sometimes, he might not have power when he needed to do good; and Subjects fears of mischief, may destroy their hopes of benefit. His Pre∣rogative, and his Peoples Liberty, which made such a noise in the VVorld, agreed well in his breast; the last being as well his care, as the first. Of a strange counsel that a Lord was reported to give him,

he said, That none durst be so Impudent, as to give it him; For if they had (said he) I should have set such a mark upon them, as that all Posterity should have known my Intentions by it, which was ever to govern by Law, and not otherwise. He was as faithful of his word to others (the reason why he would not grant the Faction all they desired, as he was advised, because he would make good to them what he granted) as it was his Interest others should not be false tot 1.29 him. His great word being, Leave me to my Conscience and Honour, and let what will befall me. Trou∣ble not your selves (said he, when advised to escape from Carisbrooke) I have the Parliaments honour pawned for my security, I will not dishonour my self by my escape. Tell me not (were his heroique words, to a faithful Counsellour, advising him to Expedients to save his Life) what I may do to save my Life, but what I may do with a safe Conscience: God forbid that the safety or being of the Church should depend upon my Life, or any mortal mans: And I thank God I have a Son, that I have reason to believe will love the Church as well as I do. And being told his death was resol∣ved on, he answered like himself; I have done what I can to save my life, without losing of my soul; I can do, I will do no more, Gods will be done.

VI 1.30 A King so blessed, while left to his own Justice and Govern∣ment; not only in his Family, with a Son, born May 29. 1630. (when a new Star at Noon congratulated his birth) the earnest of a more numerous Issue, those Props of Empire, surer than Armies or Navies: but in his Realm, with such peace, plenty and power, ar enabled him to check the greatness of Austria, and the insolent Propo∣sals of the King of Sweden: To reduce Ireland to such a condition of peace and security, as that it paid the charges of its own Government, formerly deducted out of the English Exchequer: To meditate the re∣pair of St Pauls, towards which he got together 146000^l. To restore such Scottish Lands and Tythes, as had been stollen from the Crown and Church, during K. Iames his minority, to the Crown; with aug∣mentation to the Clergy, and ease to the People, held in vassalage by their new Landlords; reserving those Landlords those Lands, to be held of the Crown at a moderate tent, and in spight of these and other disaffected persons, to ratifie such Laws for Church and State as King Iames had established: To furnish out such a Navy as brought the Hollanders (notwithstanding Grotius his Mare Librum, against which Selden writ Mare Clausum) to Caress the King and Queen with presents of Ambergreece, and to crave a precarious use of our Seas, &c. and the Spaniard to coin all his Bullion in our Mint: His own people could not wish for more happinesse than they enjoyed, unless it were the additi∣on of grace to understand their happinesse grown to such a height, as by the necessity of nature, which put all things in motion, must decline: Security increasing the trade,u 1.31 arts, glory, and plenty of the Nation, and Justice preserving them, the meaner sort might Reverence, but need not fear the greatest, and the greatest might despise, but durst not injure the meanest: All Pickaroons and Pirats were forced to their nests and sneaking harbours: More Privileges were granted the People than they had since the Conquests, as that they should part neither with their money: nor lives, nor services, nor houses, with∣out their own consent in Parliament; that they should enjoy all the

Rights and Liberties they ever had since they were a People; that they should have a Parliament every three years; that they should fear neither High Commission, Star Chamber, nor the disposal of their Children and Estates in the Court of Wards: and more seeming gra∣titude a while returned to him, than to any Prince before him: all his future sufferings being only to set off his orient virtues, and to let the wanton people know, what a sad thing it is to lose the best of Kings, and be given over to the pride and violence of the basest of men; to pu∣nish our sins with his patience; who had an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a constant course of prosperity in himself, after a War and overthrow, to be judged by all men, to deserve that prosperity he wanted; yea, and to have from God a constant assurance, that his prosperity should be the more pro∣sperous for his misfortunes: he asking Bishop Iuxon, Whether the Blessed above knew any thing of what was done here upon Earth; and (upon his reply with the Ancients, that it was probable they might) answering, That then his sufferings would be sufficiently recom∣penced with the knowledge he should have of his Sons prosperity. One Night a Wax Mortar, such as the King had alwayes by him in his Bed-chamber, was, as he thought, quite extinguished in the Night, yet in the Morning burned very clearly (to his Majesty, and the Right Honourable the Earl of Southampton's wonder, that lay in the same Chamber, (as Gentleman of the Bed-chamber) that Night, knowing it was really out, and that none could come in to light it) a presage he afterward applyed thus, That though God might suffer his light to be extinguished for a time, yet he would at last lighten it a∣gain. Hear him himself thus discoursing on the various events in his affairs, and his prospect of what was to come.

Upon the various Events of the VVar, Victories and Defeats.

THe various successes of this unhappy War have at least afforded the varie∣ty of good meditations: Sometimes God was pleased to try me with Victo∣ry, by worsting my Enemies, that I might know how with moderation and thanks to own him and his power, who is the only true Lord of hosts; able when he pleases to repress the confidence of those who fought against me with so great advantages for power and number.

From small beginnings on my part, he let me see, that I was not wholly for∣saken by my Peoples love, or his protection. Other times God was pleased to exercise my Patience, and teach me not to trust in the arme of flesh, but the living God.

My sins sometimes prevailed against the Iustice of my cause; and those that were with me wanted not matter and occasion for his just chastisement both of them and me: Nor were my Enemies less punished by that prosperity, which hardned them to continue that injustice by open hostility, which was begun by riotous and un-Parliamentary Tumults.

There is no doubt but personal and private sins may oft-times over-ballance the justice of publick engagements; Nor doth God account every gallant Man (in the Worlds esteem) a fit instrument to assert in the way of War, a righteous cause; The more men are prone to arrogate to their own skill, valour, and

strength, the lesse doth God ordinarily work by them for his own glory.

I am sure the event or success can never state the justice of any cause, nor place of mens Consciences, nor the eternal fate of their Souls.

Those with me had (I think) clearly and undoubtedly, for their justification the Word of God, and the Laws of the Land, together with their own Oaths, all requiring obedience to my just commands; but to none other under Heaven without me, or against me, in the point of raising Arms.

Those on the other side are forced to fly to the shifts of their pretended fear, and wild Fundamentalls of State (as they call them) which actually overthrow the present Fabrick both of Church and State; being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence, as are most impertinent for those men to allege; who being my Subjects, were manifestly the first assaulter of me and the Laws, first by un∣suppressed Tumults, after by listed Forces.

The same Allegations they use, will fit any Faction, that hath but power and confidence enough, to second with the sword, all their demands against the present Laws and Governours; which can never be such, as some side or other will not find fault with, so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them, to a Rebellion against them: some parasitick Preachers have dared to call those Martyrs, who dyed fighting against me, the Laws, their Oaths, and the Reli∣gion established.

But sober Christians know, That glorious Title can with truth be applyed on∣ly to those, who sincerely preferred Gods truth, and their duty, in all these particulars, before their lives, and all that was dear to them in this World; who, having no advantagious designes, by any innovation, were religiously sen∣sible of those tyes to God, the Church, and my self, which lay upon their souls, both for obedience, and just assistance.

God could, and I doubt not but he did, through his mercy, crown many of them with eternal life, whose were lost in so just a cause; the destruction of their bodies being sanctified as a means to save their souls.

Their wounds, and temporal ruine, serving as a gracious opportunity for their eternal health and happiness; while the evident approach of death, through Gods grace, effectually disposing their hearts to such humility, faith, and repentance, which, together with the rectitude of their present engage∣ments, would fully prepare them for a better life, than that which their ene∣mies brutish and disloyal fierceness could deprive them of, or without repentance hope to enjoy.

They have often indeed had the better against my side in the field, but never, I believe, at the barr of Gods tribunal, or their own Consciences, where they are more afraid to encounter those many pregnant Reasons, both from Law, Allegiance, and all true Christian grounds, which conflict with, and accuse them in their own thoughts; than they oft were, in a desperate bravery, to fight against those forces, which sometimes God gave me.

Whose condition, conquered and dying, I make no question, but is infinite∣ly more to be chosen, by a sober man (that duly values his duty, his soul, and eternity, beyond the enjoyments of this present life) than the most triumphant glory, wherein their and mine enemies supervive; who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented, by that horrid guilt, wherewith their suspicious, or now convicted Consciences, do pursue them; especially since they, and all the World have seen, how false and un-intended those pretensions were, which they first set forth, as the only plausible (though not justifiable) grounds of raising a

War, and continuing it thus long, against me, and the Laws established; in whose safety and preservation, all honest men think the welfare of their Coun∣try doth consist.

For and with all which, it is farr more honourable and comfortable to suffer, than to prosper in their ruine and subversion.

I have often prayed, that all on my side, might joyn true piety with the sence of their loyalty: and be as faithful to God, and their own souls, as they were to me; that the defects of one might blast the endeavours of the other.

Yet cannot think, that any shews or truth of piety, on the other side, were sufficient to dispence with, or expiate the defects of their Duty and Loyalty to me, which have so pregnant convictions on mens Consciences, that even pro∣phaner men are moved, by the sense of them, to venture their lives for me.

I never had any Victory, which was without my sorrow, because it was on mine own subjects who, like Absalom, dyed, many of them, in their sins; And yet I never suffered any Defeat, which made the despair of Gods mercy and defence.

I never desired such Victories, as might serve to conquer, but only restore the Laws and Liberties of my People, which I saw were extremely oppressed; together with my Rights, by those men, who were impatient of any just re∣straint.

When Providence gave me, or denyed me Victory, my desire was, neither to boast of my power, nor to charge God foolishly, who I believed at last would make all things to work together for my good.

I wished no greater advantages by the War, than to bring my Enemies to moderation, and my friends to peace.

I was afraid of the temptation of an absolute Conquest, and prayed for vi∣ctory over others, then over my self; when the first was denyed, the second was granted me, which God saw best for me.

The different events were but the method of Divine Iustice, by contrary Winds to winow us, that, by punishing our sins he might purge them from us, and by deserting peace, he might prepare us more to prize, and better to use so great a blessing.

My often Messages for peace shewed, That I delighted not in War, as my former concessions sufficiently testified, how willing I would have prevented is, and my total unpreparedness for it, how little I intended it.

The Conscience of my Innocency forbad me to fear a War; but the Love of my Kingdoms commanded me (if possible) to avoid it.

I am guilty of this War of nothing but this, That I gave such advantages to some men by confirming their power, which knew not to use with that modesty, and gratitude, which became their Loyalty, and my confidence.

Had I yielded less, I had been opposed less; had I denyed more, I had been more obeyed.

'Tis now too late to review the occasions of War; I wish only a happy conclu∣sion of so unhappy beginnings: the inevitable fate of our sins was (no doubt) such, as would no longer suffer the Divine Iustice to be quiet, we having conquered his patience, are condemned by mutual conquerings to destroy one another: for the most prosperous successes on either side impair the welfare of the whole.

Those Victories are still miserable, that leave our sins unsubdued, flushing our pride, and animating to continue injuries.

Peace it self is not desirable, till Repentance have prepared us for it.

When we fight more against our selves, and less against God, we shall cease fighting against one another: I pray God these may all meet in our hearts, and so dispose us to a happy conclusion of these civil Wars, that I may know better to obey God and Govern my People; and they may learn better to obey both God and me: nor do I desire any man should be further subject to me, than all of us may be sub∣ject to God.

VII 1.32 A Prince so merciful, so loving to his people, and so humble and patient; that though severe sometimes to Offenders against the publick (and to punish the bad is a mercy to the good) yet to amazement ten∣der towards Offenders against himself: No Man dyed in his Reign that he could save, being sparing of that very blood that others were pro∣digal of against him: Always more ready to end the War by a harm∣less and rational treaty, than by a bloody battle; grieving when his pity or peaceableness could not save Offenders, of whom he was, as appeared by Warrants after several battles, as careful as of his own friends, alway remembring with tenderness, that they were his Sub∣jects, even when he was forced to fight against them as Rebels, of whom (if he took them) he took no other revenge, than to engage them to be no more deluded, and not to endeavour his murther (as yet they did afterwards) who saved their lives; and if they must dye, taking care by instructing them, that they should goe thither, where they should sin no more. He reckoned himself never more in his Throne, than when in the hearts of his people; and when he heard the Parliament gave him Subsidies, none dissenting, he Wept for Ioy, not for the Treasure he had, but for the Mine he found, his Peoples love: He valued not three Kingdoms, nor his own life, when to be bought with Propositions that ruined his Kingdoms, such as the Army brought him the day before he dyed; At the reading of the first of which, he threw them away, and smelling their design to ruine his honour, as well as his person, said, I will suffer a thousand deaths, e're I will so pro∣stitute my Honour, or betray the Liberties of my People: and no wonder if he would not redeem himself at the rate of a publick ruine, when he would not do it with the injury of any single person: for when the Noble La∣dy Newburgh proposed to him a way to escape, when at her House, he refused it, saying, If I should get away, they would cut you in pieces: a goodness extending to his very enemies, of whom he said, that the fa∣ction he thought could not forgive him, and (they are his own words) not to make my self a better Christian than I am, I think I should not so easily forgive them were they Kings: but I tell thee, Governour, I can forgive them with as good an appetite, as ever I eat my dinner after a hunting; and that I'll assure you was not a small one.

So humble he was (Majesty being at the highest hath no other way to increase but to condescend) that (inviting persons to discourse with himself, not with Majesty) he would always begin a discourse with a By your favour Sir; and when in the Isle of wight recommended a poor old man to Sir Philip Warwick (who had much of his trust and affection) and told him, he was a very honest fellow, and had been his best companion for two months together: Not to mention his condescention to Dr. Hammond when he had lost his voice to teach him himself, and his care of young

Gentlemen that were to travel, whom he would instruct, among many other lessons, with this, Keep good company, and be always doing, being as much pleased with the accomplishments of his subjects, as somew 1.33 poor spirited Tyrants are with the defects of theirs.

Besides these virtues, that patience, not usual to Kings (whose power bears hardly the restraints of Equity, much less those of Inju∣ries) that his Book and Meditations breath throughout, which made him say, when his Guard would have out a way to poor peoples de∣triment for him to avoid a showr, that as God had given him affliction to exercise his patience, so he had given him patience to bear his afflictions: Patience that managed the cross humours of his friends, and overcame the malice of his enemies, breathing out with his Soul in Prayers for them, and to make his mercy immortal, in a charge to his Son to for∣give them. Virtues for which he was always admired even by Foreign∣ers, and at last applauded even by his enemies,x 1.34 Mr. Vines saying, that he was sorry he understood not the King sooner, it being our unexpressible hap∣piness that we have such a Prince, and loss if we should part with him. Fo∣reigners apprehensions of him take in these words.

The King of Morocco's Letter to King Charles the First.

WHen these our Letters shall be so happy as to come to your Majesties sight I wish the spirit of the righteous God may so direct your mind, that you may joyfully embrace the message I send; presenting to you the means of exal∣ting the Majesty of God, and your own reward amongst men: the legal power allotted to us, make us common Servants to our Creator; then, of those people whom we govern: So that observing the duties we owe to God, we deliver blessings to the World; in providing for the publick good of our States, we mag∣nifie the honour of God like the Celestial bodies, which though they have much veneration, yet serve only to the benefit of the World. It is the excellency of our bodies to be instruments, whereby happiness is delivered unto the Nations. Pardon me Sir, this is not to instruct, (for I know I speak to one of a more clear and quick sight than my self) but I speak this, because God hath been pleased to grant me a happy Victory over some of those rebellious Pyrates, that have so long molested that peaceful Trade of Europe; and have presented fur∣ther occasion to root out the Generation of those, who have been so pernicious to the good of our Nations: I mean, since it hath pleased God to be so auspici∣ous to our beginnings in the conquest of Salla, that we might joyn and proceed, in hope of like success, in the War against Tunis, Algier, and other places, (Dens and Receptacles for the humane Villanies of those who abhorr rule and government) herein whilst we interrupt the corruption of maglinant spirits of the World, we shall glorifie the great God, and perform a duty that will shine as glorious as the Sun and Moon, which all the Earth may see and reverence; A work that shall ascend as sweet as the perfume of the most preci∣ous odours, in the Nostrils of the Lord; A work happy and gratefull to men; A work whose memory shall be reverenced so long as there shall be any that de∣light to hear the actions of Heroick and magnanimous spirits, that shall last as long as there be any remaining amongst men that love and honour the piety and vertue of noble minds. This action I willingly present to you, whose piety and vertues equal the greatness of your power. That we who are the Servants to

the great and mighty God, may hand in hand triumph in the glory which this action presents unto us. Now because the Islands which you govern have been very famous for the unconquered strength of their shipping, I have sent this my trusty Servant and Embassadour, to know whether in your Princely Wisdom you shall think fit to assist me with such forces by Sea, as shall be answerable to those I provide by Land, which if you please to grant, I doubt not but the Lord of Hosts will protect and assist those that fight in so glorious a cause. Nor ought you to think this strange, that I who much reverence the peace and accord of Nations, should exhort to a War: Your great Prophet Christ Iesus was the Lyon of the Tribe of Judah, as well as the Lord and giver of Peace, must al∣ways appear with the terrour of his Sword, and wading through Seas of blood, must arrive to tranquillity. This made James your Father, of glorious memo∣ry, so happily renowned amongst all Nations. It was the noble fame of your Princely vertues, which resounds to the utmost corners of the Earth, that per∣swaded me to invite you to partake of that blessing, wherein I boast my self most happy. I wish God may heap riches of his blessings on you, increase your happi∣ness with your daies, and hereafter perpetuate the greatness of your name in all Ages.

Virtues that had they been sweetned with little circumstances such as theirs are, who observe some minute wayes of obliging, and not reall, solid, and grand actions, had pleased the world while he lived, as they astonished it since he was dead; he aimed at the general good of the Commonwealth, and therefore he was not carefull to be plau∣sible to particular persons, verifying that maxime, That Ordinary Princes are applauded, but Heroick ones not understood. Virtues that make it an Impertinence to tell the world that he was temperate, eating for health, not luxury; and drinking wine mingled with water, excepting when he eat Venison, concluding the greatest entertainment with a glass of water, beer, and wine, seldome drinking between meals: that his Recreations were manly and sober, Chesse,y 1.35 Books, Limning, excellent Discourse, and Hunting, being the most usuall of them; and that his private converse was free and ingenious, witness his an∣swer to a Presbiterian Minister who inquired for Captain Titus (a per∣son very well-deserving of him and his son) that he wondred after so unhappy a discourse about Timothy he would look for Titus; these be∣ing the inconsiderable Circumstances of his great goodness.

VIII. A King so religious, that his devotion in the Church when young was equal to his gallantry at Court, his mind being no more softned and debauched by his fortune, than his body; a devotion not Popular nor Pompous, but sollid and secret, filling his Soul as God doth the world silently, his Soul being wrapped up in his Prayer not to bez 1.36 di∣sturbed either by the best or worst accident that could happen.

A Devotion to which he made his pleasure (witness his constant cal∣ling for Prayers before Hunting, though before day) and his business, witness his ordering of Prayers to be made to God, before he Ingaged the Rebels at Brentford (valuing his duty before his safety) whereupon his private Prayers in restraint, were admired by his Enemies, and his constant attendance on, and hast to Divine Service whereever he was, by his friends. At Bishop Lauds request he came to Church in the beginning

of Divine Service to prevent any interuption might happen in the publick Devotion, and of his own accord he continued to the end to avoid all Contempt of it. Where his eye was in the beginning of Sermon, there it was in the end; his attendance edifying as much by the Example, as the Preacher did by his Doctrine: The established way of the Church of England was his profession, not so much by Education, as by Choice, not as a profession he liked, but understood the best in the world: No∣thing more usuall than to defame him and others for Inclination to Po∣pery (for to the great shame of our Profession, and honour of the Ro∣man, all the Reason, Order, Discipline, Laws and Religion that was in the world, was then reckoned Popish) and yet nothing rendred him a more conspicuous Protestant than the late Rebellion, wherein besides his Constancy in Spain against the temptations of that Court, the solli∣citations of the Pope, and the restless Importunities of Priests and Fry∣ers, he added these Arguments of his sincerity in Religion, viz. That in his private Indearments to the Queen when he had most need of her assistance, he saith Religion was the only thing in difference between them; And in his Legacy to his Children, he bequeatheth them not only Bishop Andrews Sermons, and Mr. Hookers Policy that might con∣firm them in the Doctrine and Discipline of our Church, but Arch-bishop Lauds book against Fisher the greatest and strongest Argument and Antidote against the Romists, insomuch that if the faction had not overthrown his Government, the Papists as appears by Habernefields discovery had ruined his Person; as afterwards many of them obstructed his Restauration, and his Sons, for no other reason, but that he was Heir of his Fathers Faith, as well as his Throne.

Religion had the whole power of his soul, as he should have had of his subjects, whom he desired no further subject to him, than he was to God. How tender his Conscience! that was resolved (as he in∣joyned the most Reverend Father in God, G. now Arch-bishop of Canterbury, then his Chaplain, if ever he saw him in prosperity, to put him in mind of it) to do publick Pennance, for consenting to the E. of Strafford's death (a deep sence of which action went with him to his grave) and to the injuries done the Church in England and Scotland. How careful his heart! in that, when the Commissioners at the Isle of Wight, urged him to allow the lesser Catechism of the Assembly, (that being, they said, but a small matter) he said, Though it seem to you a small matter, yet I had rather part with the choicest flower in my Crown, than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Religion. How great his Integrity! when the Commissioners urged the abolishing of Episcopacy in England, because he had consented to the abolishing of it in Scotland; and it was replyed, That in Scotland, the Act made to that purpose, in the minority of King Iames, was not re∣pealed; and that his consenting to that, was only leaving them where the Law left them: He said, That Reply was true, but it was not all, for the truth is (they are his own words) and tell them so the next time they urge that, When I did that in Scotland, I sinned against my Conscience, and I have often repented of it, and I hope God hath forgiven me that great sin; and by Gods grace, for no consideration in the World, will I do so again. Neither was he thus exceedingly religious as a man only, but as a King: Neither

was Religion only his private Devotion, but his publick Government, wherein he aimed at, 1. The peace of the Church, (wherein those parts and abilities that he saw lost in malice and dissentions, might be very useful to the promoting of Religion and Godliness) And 2. the honour, maintenance and splendour of the Church: For the first of which, he consulted sufficiently, in his favours to Arch-bishop Laud, Bishop Neile, Bishop Iuxon. For the second, by his endeavour to re∣cover the Patrimony of the Church in England, Ireland and Scotland, where his religious intentions gave occasion to their rebellion, who, rather than they would part with their private sacrileges, resolved on the publick ruine. And for the third, by his great charge in the repair of St. Pauls, and other places. To say nothing of his godly resolution to buy all Lands and Tythes, alienated from the Church, with his own Estate, by such degrees as his other expences would give him leave; the greatest testimonies of a design to make Religion as universal of his Empire, next those from his own mouth.

First, Before God.

The Kings Protestation at Christ-Church, when he was to receive the Sacrament at the Bishop of Armaghs hands.

MYa 1.37 Lord, I espy here many resolved Protestants, who may declare to the World the resolution I now do make. I have to the utmost of my pow∣er prepared my Soul to become a worthy receiver, and so may I receive comfort by the blessed Sacrament, as I do intend the establishment of the true Protestant Religion, as it stood in its beauty in the happy daies of Queen Elizabeth, with∣out any connivance of Poperie. I bless God that in the midst of these publick distractions, I have still liberty to communicate, and may this Sacrament be my damnation, if my heart do not joyn with my lips in this protestation.

Secondly, Before the VVorld.

The Kings Declaration to the Reformed Churches.

CHARLES, By the special providence of Almighty God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith; To all those who profess the true Reformed Protestant Religion, of what Nation, condition and degree soever they be, to whom this present Declaration shall come, Greeting. Whereas We are given to understand, that many false ru∣mours, and scandalous Letters, are spread up and down amongst the Reform∣ed Churches in foreign parts, by the politick, or rather the pernicious in∣dustry of some ill affected persons, that We have an inclination to recede from that Orthodox Religion, which We were born, baptized, and bred in; and which We have firmly professed and practised through the whole course of Our Life to this moment: And that We intend to give way to the introduction and publick exercise of Popery again in Our Dominions: Which conjecture, or ra∣ther

most detestable calumny, being grounded upon no imaginable, foundation, hath raised these horrid Tumults, and more than Barbarous Wars throughout these flourishing Islands, under a pretext of a kind of Reformation, which would not prove only incongruous, but incompatible with the Fundamentall Laws and Government of this our Kingdom. We desire that the whole Christian World should take notice, and rest assured, that we never entertained in our imagination the least thought to attempt such a thing, or to depart a jot from that Holy Religion; which when we received the Crown and Scepter of this Kingdome, we took a most Solemn Sacramentall Oath to Profess and Protect. Nor doth our most constant Practice, and daily visible Presence in the Exercise of this sole Religion, with so many asseverations in the head of our Armies, and in the publick attestation of our Lords, with the circumspection used in the education of our Royall Offspring, besides divers other undeniable argu∣ments only demonstrate this, but also that happy Alliance of Marriage we Contracted between our eldest Daughter, and the Illustrious Prince of Au∣range, most clearly confirmes the realty of Our intentions herein; by which Nuptial engagement it appears further, that Our endeavours are not only to make a bare profession thereof in Our own Dominions, but to enlarge and coro∣borate it abroad, as much as lyeth in Our power. This most holy Religion, with the Hierarchy and Liturgy thereof, We solemnly protest, that by the help of Almighty God, We will endeavour, to Our utmost power, and last period of Our life, to keep entire and immoveable; and will be careful, according to Our duty to Heaven, and the tenour of the aforesaid most saCRed Oath at Our Coronation, that all Our Ecclesiasticks, in their several Stations and Incum∣bencies, shall preach and practice the same.

Thirdly, Before the Kingdom.

The Kings Declaration and Protestation before the whole Kingdom.

I Do promise, in the presence of Almighty God, and as I hope for his bles∣sing and protection,* 1.38 that I will, to the utmost of my power, defend and maintain the true Reformed and Protestant Religion, established in the Church of England; and by the grace of God, in the same will live and dye.

I desire to govern by the known Laws of the Land, and that the liberty and propriety of the Subject may be by them preserved, with the same care as mine own just Rights. And if it please God, by his blessing upon this Army, raised for my necessary defence, to preserve me from this Rebellion, I do solemnly and faithfully promise, in the sight of God, to maintain the just privilege and free∣dome of Parliament, and to govern by the known Laws of the Land, to my utmost power, and particularly to observe inviolably the Laws consented unto by me this Parliament.

In the mean while, if this time of War, and the great necessity and straits I am now driven unto, beget any violation of these, I hope it shall be imputed by God and man to the Authors of this War, and not to me, who have so earnestly laboured for the peace of this Kingdom. When I willingly fail in these particu∣lars, I will expect no aid or relief from any man, or protection from Heaven. But in this resolution I hope for the chearful assistance of all good men, and am confident of Gods blessing. Sept. 19.

The Result of all which Holy Designs, was these his own brave words, viz. Though I am sensible enough of the danger that attends my Care of the Church, yet I am resolved to defend it, or make it my Tombestone.

IX 1.39 A Prince of so much resolution and conduct that as he feared not a private man, lodging Hamilton in his own Chamber all that time he was accused by Rey of Treason, and saying to those that ad∣mired his confidence, That Hamilton should know he as little feared his power, as he distrusted his Loyalty; and that he durst not, not∣withstanding the advantages of Night, and solitariness, attempt his life, because he was resolved to sell it so dear. It was his goodness that he desired not war, and his fortune that he prospered not in it; but his great valour and conduct when the Militia, Navy, Treasure, Magazines, and strong-holds of the Kingdome were in the factious hands (who had at first more Garrisons, Canons, and Troops, than he ••ad Families, Muskets, and Common-Souldiers) that in a few months he raised a guard into an army, and made his side the most glorious, though theirs were the more dreadfull; and having this glory, that heb 1.40 never despaired of the Commonwealth: but having opportunities by his Progress abroad among his Subjects to let them see that worth in him, that odious aspersions had hitherto concealed from them; he was every where judged not only worthy of their Reverence, but of their Lives and Fortunes, which the Nobility, Gentry, Universities, ventu∣red so farr in his behalf, when they saw in him such a conduct and prudence, as deserved prosperity, when it could so well manage adver∣sity; that when the Conspiracy thought he should hav•• been deserted as a Monster of Folly and Vice, (no man either of Honour, or Consci∣ence, being likely according to the Character they gave of him, to ap∣pear for him) he was followed by the Noblest, the Greatest, Wisest, the most Learned, and the most Honest Persons in the Kingdome; with whom, as soon as he saw the Enemy in a body, and was Asked what he meant to do? he Answered (with a present Courage) to give them Battle; It is the first time that I ever saw the Rebels in a Body, God, and good mens Prayers to him, assist the Iustice of my Cause.c 1.41 Where, great his Conduct in managing the fight, great his Valour in approach∣ing danger, and great his Patience in induring hardship and pains, Lying in his Coach all night, and much his Success in pursuing the Faction to Brentford, where with the great horror of the whole Con∣spiracy and City, he sunk their Canon, and took 500 Prisoners: and after a long treaty at Oxford (when his moderation desired a Peace, and his fortitude had forced his Enemies to sue for it) his Prudence was eminent in the great associations he made, and his magnanimity as great in the great actions he performed at Newberry, his great Ar∣mies he got together in the North and South; the seizure and securing of 126 Garrisons in 8 months; the satisfying of all parts (notwith∣standing the strange stories they were possessed with) by Speeches and Declarations; with unwearied Travels from place to place; his seasonable Overtures of Peace after each Success, with assurance of pardon for all that was past; his forcing of the Faction to begge terms of peace, though their own guilt durst not accept of them when they

had them; his keeping together so many Lords and Commons as he did at Oxford, and managing the great variety of their humors in Parliament; his diligent correspondence with Scotland and the City, the good terms he stood in with the Dutch, the Dane, and the French, and the several Supplies he procured from thence, where∣with the City it self is awed to a submission, several Parliament∣men fore-saw the ruin of the kingdom by a war, though yet they that had a design to raise themselves by the overthrow of Govern∣ment, would not indure to hear of a peace, pretending (where the Faction was low, that it was dangerous to be compelled to peace upon disadvantage; and when it was high, that it was not fit to give away those priviledges and immunities in a Treaty which they had purchased with so much bloud and treasure.) The Hothams and other Criminals conscious of their miscarriage, be∣gan to relent, and offer their services to his Majesty. Hampden and Pym dye, the great Boutfeous of the Nation; Waller is Defeated, and Essex adviseth to a Peace, the Earls of Bedford and Holland Revolt, Essex his Army is Reduced to the Kings Mercy; and if the King had followed his own Counsels (all the kingdom being his from Cornewall to Scotland) and instead of loosing time before Glocester, but repaired immediately to London, when the Juncto had not one entire Regiment to save themselves, he had had the Heads of the Conspiracy at his mercy; and those that he could not intreat to be happy, he could have forced to be so; and those that were grown too wanton, under the blessed effects of his clemency and good, would have grown wise upon the gracious condescentions of his power; a power that should have done them more service than himself, and rendred them more happy when conquered, than he could be when a Conqueror.

And yet when his Counsel was defeated, his spirit was not so; a spirit that had the patience to endure miscarriages, and the valour to remedy them; plying the Besieged at Glocester hard by his Army, and the enemies insinuation as hard by his Declaration, especially against the Solemn League and Covenant, an Oath that Mr. Nye himself confessed had no parallel. A confederacy of Protestants like thea 1.42 Guisian League among the Papists. A snare laid upon the people, to swear that which was not lawful to do, much less to swear they would do against their Oaths of Allegiance and Supre∣macy. The Conspiracy was reduced to such streights, that as men used to do in weakness, suspect own another; Essex himself being forced to Subscribe himself,

Your innocent, though suspected Servant.

Waller, after a long march of eight weeks, is beaten at Cropredy-Bridge, where he lost all his Ordinance, and his General of the Ar∣tillery, Weemse the Scot, sworn Gunner to his Majesty; who being asked why he used the guns the King paid him for against him? an∣swered, In good faith, his heart was always with his Majesty.

Essex was cooped up at Lethestiel so, as that he was feign to get away in a Cock-boat, and leave 10000 Horse and Foot to the mer∣cy

of his Majesty, who did them no more harm than to disarm, and engage them by oath to do no harm to their fellow Subjects. King Henry the Fourth asked one that had been hired to kill him, when he was discovered, why should he kill him who never had done him or his any harm? And the man answered, Because of his Religion. Why look (said the King) thy Religion doth teach thee to murther me, who never did thee any harm; and my Religion teacheth me to pardon thee, who wouldst thus have murthered me. If a man should have ask∣ed these poor thousands thus deserted by their Commanders, why do you fight against so gracious a Soveraign, that was so far from wronging you while you behaved your selves like good Subjects, that he cannot punish you now you are Traitors? They would an∣swer, It is for Religion; and all the world may judge between their Religion, who would needs fight their Leige Soveraign, when he would do them more good than they were willing to receive; and his who pardoned them when they had done all they could against him. Hitherto in other places he conquered them, and here him∣self; and satisfied the world that it must needs be nothing but peace, that he aimed at by his Treaties; when it was nothing but peace, that he designed by his Victories. He using this success to no other end than as earnestly to intreat them himself, and all the Noblemen and Gentlemen in his Army as earnestly to accept of peace, as if he had been conquered, he should have begged it. Willing he was to settle peace at home, and yet scorned to accept of unhandsom terms from abroad. All the world saw his Maje∣sties inclination to a peace, and the Rebels implacable resolution to go on with the war. The Conspirators had need of their Bre∣thren the Scots, and the Scots, upon the refusal of his Majesties Pro∣positions, were ashamed of them; whence, when they were not likely to be assisted from abroad, they beg, but upon hard conditi∣ons, a peace at home. Conditions that his Majesty would not yield to in his lowest condition, though he would have done any thing but sin, to obtain peace at the highest. A peace that they must have yielded to, had not they new-modelled their design and their ar∣my, by a self-denying Ordinance, cashiering all Officers that retain∣ed any degree of sobriety; and a new model, taking in all Secta∣ries, to enlarge and make desperate their party.

Sad is the news the Rebels hear from all parts of England, but ve∣ry good that which his Majesty heard from Scotland; where his friends increased as much as theirs decreased here, such moderate men as Essex, thea 1.43 Earl of Manchester, and Denbigh laying down their Commissions, when they saw such taking Commission as had laid down all thoughts of peace. They were first entertained, be∣cause a war could not be begun without the countenance of sober men, but afterwards they were laid aside by the politick self-denial Ordinance, because the war would be no longer continued by such.

In a word, to such success had the conduct and magnanimity of his Majesty arri∣ved, that 1645. he writes to the Queen, That he might without being too sanguine affirm, that since the Rebellion his affairs were never in so hopeful a way. Not to mention his great personal valour at Naseby, a valour and conduct that deserved success though at last it wanted it, the King having other virtues that were to be rendred glorious

by sufferings, as this had been by actions; and therefore he was Be∣trayed, not Overcome; Sold, and not Conquered. And yet as his great Spirit at his best fortune endeavoured an honourable Peace, so at his worse he would not admit of a dishonourable one; for measuring his Propositions not by the event of affairs, but by his own Conscience, he stands to the same terms when Defeated, as he did when Conque∣ror; never betraying his Peoples Liberties to those Usurpers in hope of a Peace, in the defence of which he thought fit to undertake a war. I know not which is most magnanimous, that he should with so much hazard venture his Person so resolutely, and manage his cause against their Politicians and Divines so bravely, or that he should with so much honour correspond with the Parliament in his own single Person, answering the arguments of the one, and the proud messages of the other, and gaining that Conquest by his Pen, that he could not by his Sword: He is contented to discharge all his Garrisons and Armies, and that excellent Association in the VVest, formed by the Prince, with the assistance of Sir Edward Hide, &c. being upon a design of over∣coming his Enemies, as he did Henderson, &c. and all that had the hap∣piness to know him by his own Person, and being likely to do more by a Peace, than either others, or indeed he himself could do by a war, cutting those more than Gordian knots with the sharpness of his own single reason, that could not be by the edge of all Englands Sword; when the Scots after many debates with the English, had not the courage to stand to their Promise, Oath, and Honour, in keeping the Kings Per∣son, he owned a magnanimity whereby he kept Free, even when delivered, his own Conscience; they could not be true to duty, when tempted with 800000 ••. nor he unworthy to his trust, though tempted with three Kingdoms: And now that King that with his bare presence had raised an Army in the beginning of the war, that gave a Cheque to Rebellion four years now by his own Conduct (when he had not one (as they phrased it) Evill Counsellor about him) and gallant Sufferings, he raised the City, and all the Kingdom, to reduce the Re∣bels to reason, there being in his lowest condition 54000 Men (and most of them such as had Engaged against him) up in his defence in Scotland, Wales, Ireland, and England, and things were brought to that pass, by his excellent managery, that the very Army that overcam•• him, did not think themselves safe, but under his Protection, and therefore they ventured their Masters displeasure, to gain the Kings Person, each Party thinking its self more or less considerable, as they wanted or injoyed him. The Parliament, as they call it, Voting his Concessions Satisfactory, on the one hand, and the Army declaring their Propositions to the King unreasonable: They that durst fight his Armies, yet so farr Reverenced his Person, that they did that to him in his lowest condition, that is usually done to Princes in their highest, and that is Flatter him, the one saying that he had done e∣nough, and the other that he had done too much. What a brave sight it was to see him able to manage his greatest misfortunes with Honour, and his Enemies their greatest Victories with Confusions, the Army against the Houses, the Commons against the Lords, yea one part against another, the City for and against both, the Common Souldiers

by a new way of Agitation, whereby they could spread and manage a∣ny treason, sedition, intelligence, plot and design throughout the Ar∣my in a moment, by two or three of the most active, or desperate, in a Company or Regiment: And he all the while above all these enjoying the calm that sits in the Upper Region; neither yielding to his Enemies nor his misfortues; insomuch that when they were so barbarous as to let him want Linnen, he said, They had done so for two months, but he would not afford them the pleasure of knowing that he wanted. Yea, and when some of them were too sawcy with him in private, he could, though their Prisoner, civillize them with his look, and Cane. In a word, the Kings fortitude appeared as eminent as his other vertures (though ec∣clypsed, as the Divine power is to some mens apprehensions, by his mercy) in that he could say to the last, that he should never think him∣self weakned, while he enjoyed the use of his reason, and while God supplied with inward resolutions what he denied him in outward strength, by which resolution he meant not a morosity to deny what is fit to be granted, but a spirit not to grant what Religion and Justice de∣nied.

I shall never think my self (they are his own Royal expressions) less than my self, while I am able thus to preserve the integrity of my Consci∣ence.

X 1.44 A Prince thus excellent in himself, and choice in his Council, made up of persons eminent for their services for or against him: for parts and abilities he equally valued in his enemies and in his friends, and when he saw hopefull, and accomplish'd persons lavishing their worth upon a faction, and a private interest; if they were not of des∣perate principles, he would encourage them to lay it out upon the go∣vernment and the publick good. A Prince that never suffered a subject to goe sad from him, never denied his people, but what they have seen since that they could not saefly enjoy.

That Prince, who besides the great examples he gave them, and the great intercessions and services he did for them, begun his Reign with the highest Act of Grace that he could, or any King did in the World. I mean the granting of the Petition of Right, wherein he secured his Peoples estates from Taxes that are not given in Parliament, and their Lives, Liberties, and Estates, from all Proceedings not agreeable to Law. A King that permitted his chief favourite and Counsellor, the D. of Buckingham, whose greatest fault was his Majesties favour; to satisfie the Kingdom, both in Parliament and Star-chamber, in the way of a publick Process. And gave up Mainwaring and Sibthorpe, both (as I take it) his Chaplains, to answer for themselves in Parliament, saying, He that will preach more than he can prove, Let him suffer: Yea and was contented to hold some part of his Revenue, as Tunnage, Poundage, &c. which was derived to him from his Ancestors by Inhe∣ritance, by gift from the Parliament. A Prince that pardoned and preferred all his Enemies; that though accountable to none but God, gave yet a just account of himself and treasures to the People, saving them in two years from ordinary expences 347264l. 15s. 6d. and gain∣ing them by making London the bank for Spanish, Dutch, and Danish trea∣sures 445981l. 2s. 3d. that dashed most of the Projects that were

proposed to him for raising money, and punished the Projectors, that designed no worse things in Religion, than Uniformity, Peace, De∣cency, Order, the rights and maintenance of the Church, and the honour of Churchmen, and in the State no more than the necessary defence of the Kingdom from dangers abroad, and disorders at home, which he maintained several years at his own charge; that by destroy∣ing several of the Dutch Herring Busses, and forcing the rest, with all Dutch Merchants, to trade only by permission in the Narrow Seas, o∣pened a brave trade to the English Nation.

A King that took so much pains to oblige his Loving Subjects, going twice in person as far as Scotland (though against the inclination of most of his Counsellours, who looked upon the Scotch Faction, as a sort of people, that under the pretence of a specious way of plain speaking and dealing, concealed the greatest animosities and reaches) and twice with an Army, rather to pacifie than overthrow the Rebels; treating with them as a Father of his Country, when, in all probability, he might have ruined them, if he had proceeded against them 1639. and 1640. as a King, and not, in imitation of the Divine Majesty, wrapped up the dreadful power he carried then with him, in gracious condescentions of mercy. A King, that of 346. Libellers, seditious Writers, disco∣vered Conspirators against his Crown, Dignity and Authority in Church and State, put none to death; and punished but five through∣out his whole Reign.

A King, in whose Reign there were such good Canons made, that Judge Crooke, a Dissenter about Ship-money, blessed God when he read them, that he lived to see such Canons made for the Church. A King, that publickly declared, That he was rosolved to put himself freely upon the love and affections of his subjects. One of the two Propositions he made the Parliament 1640. being to desire them to propose their grievances, wherein he promised them to concurr so heartily and clear∣ly with them, that all the VVorld might see, That his intentions ever have been, and are, to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom. And to shew his good inclination to Religion, married his eldest Daughter to an ordinary Protestant Prince: And to the welfare of the Kingdom, he tyed himself to a Triennial Parliament, allowing this Parliament to sit as long as they thought fit, and for a time to order the Militia; en∣treating them to set down, what they thought necessary for him to grant, or them to enjoy; vacating for their sake the Courts of Star-Chamber, and High-Commissions; the VVards, the Forrests; the Court on the Marches of Wales, and the North, Monopolies,f 1.45 Ship-money, his haereditary right to Tunnage and Poundage, the Bi∣shops Votes in Parliament; and doing so much for peace, that one asking Mr. Hampden, a leading Card amongst them, VVhat they would have him do more? was answered, That renouncing all his Autho∣rity, he should cast himself wholly on the Parliament.

Yea, as if this had not been enough, A King that suffered all his Ministers of State to clear their innocency before publick Judicatures, in the face of the World; and though accountable only to him for their actions, yet ready to appeal to their very accusers themselves for their Integrity; And yet not so willing to remit his friends to Justice, as his

Enemies to favour, if either they had hearkned to the re-iterated Procla∣mations of Pardon sent to them during the War, or acquiesced in theg 1.46 Amnesty offered to, and accepted by them; after it, an Amnesty that they might have securely trusted to, when he bestowed upon them not only their lives, but likewise for some years all the power over the Militia of the Kingdom to make good that pardon by which they held their lives: neither had they only the Sword in their hands to defend, but all places of trust, authority, and Judicature to secure and inrich themselves; the King allowing them for so long a time, not only to enjoy all their own places, but to dispose of all others; adding this favour too, that they who grudged him a power to raise money to supply his occasions, should have what power they pleased to raise money to satisfie their own demands; and when he had confirmed the pardon of the King∣dom in general, he offered the renovation of all Charters, and Corpo∣ration Privileges in particular, denying nothing that their ambition or covetousness could desire, or his Conscience grant; being willing to be no King himself, that his people might be happy Subjects; and to accept of a titular Kingdom, on condition they had a peaceable one. In Religion its self (wherein he denyed most, because he had less powe•• to grant, those points being not his own Prerogatives, but those of the King of Kings) he grants his Adversaries Liberty of Conscience for themselves and their followers, on condition he might have the same liberty to himself and his followers; desiring no more than to enjoy that freedom as a Soveraign, that they claimed as Subjects. Any thing he yielded they should take from his Clergy, but what God gave them; Concluding, That he desired them to be subject to him, no further than that he and they might be subject to God.

XII 1.47 That a King that was and did so as he was and did, should be first suspected, and then opposed, should be rendred ridiculous abroad, and odious at home, should easier perswade his foreign enemies to a Peace, than his own subjects to contribute to a War, and that of their own advising and perswading: That such a King should first suffer in his prime Favourites and Ministers of State, and then in his own Per∣son: That such a King should be forced to sell his Crown Lands; to defend and serve them, who would by no means yield any thing to maintain him; yea, questioned Sr. Iohn Wolstenhome, Mr. Dawes, and Mr. Caermarthen, Farmers of the Custome-house, for levying his an∣cient Revenue of Tonnage and Poundage, unless he acknowledged that as their favour, which to maintain Convoy and Trade, he en∣joyed as an haereditary Right: That under such a King, any should say as Cooke and Turner did, That the People had better perish by a foreign War, than by a domestique Oppresssion; and it should be a capital offence to enjoy his favour: That one sort of subjects should invade, and other abbet and libel him: That his ancient Kingdom of Scotland should throw themselves upon theh 1.48 French King, and the Kingdom of Eng∣land upon French Counsels and Designs: That so good a Master should be betrayed by his Servants, have his Pocket pick'd, his Letters dis∣covered, as Hamilton did Montross's, and the E. of H.i 1.49 did the de∣sign against the five Members: That malapert Burgesses should bawl out Remonstrances, andk 1.50 Citizens affronts against so great and so ex∣cellent

a Majesty. It was introllerable to frame Conventicles, Asso∣ciations, and Conspiracies, against his proceedings in Church and State; but horrid to do so against his Person. That when they had stood out many years against allowing him any Taxes without their consent, they shall seize his Crown and Dignity without his; that those whom he had raised from the people, should adhere to the people against him; and when they had corresponded with armies that are but tumults mustered in the North, they should in∣courage tumults, which are but indisciplined armies in the South; that the one might drive him out of his Kingdom for fear, and the other out of the Royal City for shame; that the Scots should sight, and he not dare to call thema 1.51 Rebels; and his faithful Coun∣sellors should assist him, and he not dare to own them as friends.

That such a King should beb 1.52 abused to Parliaments by his ser∣vants, and to his people by Parliaments; should be first intreated out of his Magazines, Castles, and whole Militia, and then fought against with them; should be forced out of one Town, and shut out of another; should see his Queen threatned with Articles at one time, and (though she would not believe that, being loath to think, the English should do her any ill offices, to whom she had done none but good) afterwards impeached (without any regard to Sex, Vir∣tues, Birth, Allies, and Majesty, circumstances that would have guarded her from the Barbarous) for no other fault, but for own∣ing that obedience to her Lord and Husband, which they had re∣nounced to their Soveraign.

That such a Prince should see his whole Court Voted and dealt with as Traitors, his Estate Sequestred for Delinquency, his Cler∣gy and Church (which he was by oath obliged to defend and main∣tain in its due rights) ruined for keeping the Fifth Commandement, and Rom. 13. his Churches turned to Stables, his Loyal Subjects Murthered, Plundered, Banished, and he not able to help them, his Laws and Edicts over-ruled by, I know not what Orders and Ordi∣nances, his Seals and great Offices of State counterfeited, all the costly ornaments of Religion ruined and defaced; Learning, that was his honor and his care, trampled on, by its and his old enemies the Ignorant. These are things that the world could never believe till it felt them, and will not believe when the impressions of them are worn off.

This wise and good King, the same in all fortunes, was he that must pardon his enemies, but must except his friends out of par∣don; he that when all his Subjects had sworn Oaths of Allegiance to him, must swear an oath devised by his Subjects (called Cove∣nant) against himself.

He, without whom no oath could he imposed upon the Subjects, hath an oath imposed upon him by his Subjects; and in that oath, must swear that government in the Church Anti-christian, which was the only Christian government for 1500 years. And when Divines dispute that and other points probably, the poor King and his people must swear them peremptorily.

He that saw an army raised for the King (that is, himself) and

Parliament against himself; and the instruments of death levelled against his person in his name. And heard the very people pro∣mise to make him a glorious King, who murthered him.

He that a people complained to of grievances, that would not indure the remedies; that complained that he made and continu∣ed a war, when they would not endure a peace; and when they had voted his Concessions sufficient grounds to proceed on to the settlement of the kingdom, and yet ruined it.

He that they declared against for raising a Guard at York, Not∣tingham, to secure himself, &c. when they raised at Army at Lon∣don to Take, Imprison, and Murther him. That must be author of all the bloud shed in the three Nations, after all his Concessions, Messages, Declarations, Treaties, and Overtures, a sea and mercy to 20000 Rebels to stanch it. And when all the bloud that was spilt before his death, was to rob him of his life and government, as appears by the five times more bloud that was spilt after his death, to make good that robbery and murther.

He that saw a war begun to remove his evil Council, and ended in the taking off his Head; and that was said to begin a war, when his first was dated the very day his enemies army was mustered; the Faction having ordered an army to take him, before he thought of one to save himself.

This is that Prince, that saw a people in the Name of God, lay hands on his anointed, Preachers of the Gospel of peace trumpet it for war; Religion made an argument against obedience, and the Holy Spirit urged against peace and love, and the Text, He that re∣sisteth the King, the Ordinance of God, resisteth to his own damnation, understood thus: He that resisteth not shall be Sequestred; and (that) Curse ye Meroz, that came not to help the Lord against the Mighty, (thus) Curse ye all English-men, that help not the Rebellious against Gods Anointed: And Fear God, Honor the King; into fear the Lord, and kill the King: and that where the word of a King there is power, understood thus: The King shall not have a Negative Voice.

A King that saw himself Engaged, Imprisoned, and Impeached for the peoples sake, in spight of the peoples teeth, both those that were at first against him, being undeceived, and those that were always for him, indeed the whole Nations of England and Scotland venturing their lives to rescue the King, when he was imprisoned in their name, accused for shedding their bloud, when they were killed by their fellow Subjects, because they desired to save his.

A King that saw a Parliament accuse him of Breach of Privi∣ledges, when he came but to demand five men suspected for hold∣ing Intelligence with a Forraign Nation, and yet the same Parlia∣ment suffer tamely its own Army to pull out by the ears more than half of the best Members, that remained there for promoting the peace of their, and Vote it the Priviledge of the Subjects, to make tumults from all parts of the kingdom about Westminster, to fright King and Bishops from the Parliament, and a Breach of their Pri∣viledge for the same people in throngs there from as many parts

of the kingdom, to Petition the return of the one and the other. He from whom they extorted so much liberty in pretence for the Subject, had neither liberty for himself, being confined to hard Prisons, and harder Limitations, and Propositions, nor for the Sub∣jects; who had they injoyed their own freedom, had never endu∣red his captivity.

He that could not deny the kingdom a Free-Parliament, con∣sisting of above an hundred Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and five hundred Commons, lived to see that very Parliament Exclude all its Lords, and Reduce the five hundred Commons to thirty; who in the name of the people, when there was not one in five thou∣sand of them but would have ventured his life against it, threaten his life, whom they had sworn when they entred that House, to de∣fend; prepare to judge him, who called them there to consult with them; talk as if they would put a period to his days, who gave them their being (little dreaming that while they aimed at his Royal Neck, they cut off their own: for what is a Parliament called to advise with the King, if there be no King to advise with?)

He must be tried in whose name all others are tried, by that Law himself hath made, by those people that had sworn, protested, and covenanted, with hands lift up to the most high God in publick, and pawned their souls and all that they had, privately to restore him, whose only fault was, that he went from that Parliament that murdered him, when he returned to them. Riddles! Cromwell, Whaley, Ireton, &c. and the Army, weep and grieve (but the Hiena weeps when it intends to devour) at the hard conditions the Houses put upon him; and the Houses are displeased with the Armies hard usage of him, and yet both ruin him; the one bring∣ing him to the Block, and holding him there by the Hair of the Head, and the other cutting off his Head. The Scots durst not trust the Cavaliers with him, nor the Houses the Scots, nor the Army (a King at lowest advanceth that party where he is, though a priso∣ner) the Houses, nor the Juncto all the Army; nor N. the Juncto, being never safe till he put his finger into the Royal Neck, to see after execution, whether the head were really severed from the body? All the quarrel was, that the Cavaliers kept the King from the Parliament, and the meaning of it, it seems was, That they kept him from the Block.

A Prince, they destroyed that they durst not despise, all the Grandees in the Army not daring to own the least murtherous thoughts towards him publickly, when they seta 1.53 Agitators, i. e. two active Souldiers out of every Regiment in the Army (now modelled into such desparate Sects and Villanies) to consult about the horrid Fact in private, and to draw a bloudy Paper, as the A∣greement of the people, which was but a conspiracy of Traitors; Cromwell assuring the King, as he had a soul, that he should be re∣stored. And his Son Ireton at the same time Drawing up a Remon∣strance that he should dye. The Army treat him like a Prince (and that they might deceive his devout soul the more securely, allow

him the service of his Chaplains, and the Liberty of his Consci∣ence, the greatest injoyments left him in this world) with a design the more successfully to use him like a Traitor. Ah brave Prince! that none durst have abused, had they owned what they design, whom the Houses had saved, had they not been Cajoled by the Ar∣my; and the Army, had it not been Cajoled by the Houses. The King granted too much (saith Sir H. V. to him at the Isle of Wight) and too little saith the same man to the Houses) and the King must dye, when whatsoever they asked, they meant his life.

If the Tears, Prayers, Petitions, Treasures, or Bloud of the Na∣tion; if the intercession of forraign Princes; if the importunity of all the good Relations that these Regicides had, whereof one pressed hard on O. C. himself, though without effect, whence ever after he disowned his Relation and Name; if the endeavours of Loyal souls to do that justice upon the Traitors that durst judge their King, as one Burghill on Bradshaw, as soon as he heard he was to be President, who, if not betrayed by his friend Cook, had died the Villains robes in his own bloud, before he could have done it in the Kings. If the great Overtures of the Earls of Lindsey and Southampton, the Duke of Richmond, and the Marquiss of Hertford, to ransom their Soveraign, all ways imaginable, even with their own bloud; Offering, that as they his Servants did all that was done under him, so (he, as King, being capable of doing no wrong) they might suffer all for him. If the horror that seized all Princes of the world, Turkish and Heathenish, as well as Christian, upon the news of it, with the hatred and scandal thence arising to the English Nation; if the dissent of the Lords, and all other persons of any quality that went along with them till now, and had ne∣ver suffered this to have happened the King, but that (by the just hand of God) as bad had happened them; that very Army that they imployed to turn his Majesty out of his just Power, pulled them out of their usurped one. If the Declarations of their own Judges; if the strong Prayers and Sermons, that could raise Ar∣mies against his Majesty, indeavouring to advance the like for him; if the Rational, Pathetick, and Powerful Remonstrances from all parts of the kingdom; if the pressing of their own Oaths, the scandal of Religion, the ruin of the Nation; if any Laws or Presi∣dents, had been of force to have prevented this Crimen post homi∣nes natos inauditum, it had been only a Theory in some male-con∣tent Jesuits melancholy Chamber of Meditation, and not the sub∣ject of this Book.

But stay Reader, and take that Treason in the retail of it, that thou art amazed at in the gross: See a King, having treated at the Isle of Wight, upon the faith of a kingdom, for his honor and life, in the face of that kingdom bereaved of both. A King, that had the Oaths and Protestations of three Kingdoms to secure his life, loosing it in one of them; where the the Rebels (like the thieves that sate on Shuters-hill, upon the honest man for felony) impeach him of that treason they themselves were guilty of. Fond men! that when neither Rolfs Pistols, B's Dagger, E's Poison, nor other in∣struments

a 1.54 of Assassination laid about his doors and windows, could dispatch a Majesty, that a great while they durst not, against so many obligations of heaven and earth, put to death; and yet durst, against their own fears and guilt suffer to live! They durst judge and condemn him, aggravating a horrid treason, with a more horrid pretence: Hereby Law and Justice were forced (like Queen Anne Bulloigns Father, being Judge at his Daughters death) to assist in a Parricide against their own Father and Author. Why these ceremonies, formalities, and circumstances of Villany? why doth Treason chuse the Bench, rather than the Vault? and to Sentence rather than to Blow up; but that the Traytors within being more Villains than those without, had a design to render Ju∣stice it self as ridiculous as the great Master of it; and assassinate Law it self, as well as the Law-giver.

First, they lay violent hands on themselves (threatning the Lords, they should Sit no longer if they concurred not, and redu∣cing the House of Commons to forty, of the reproach of that As∣sembly) and then on his Majesty. It was necessary first, that they should murder the Parliament, by excluding, vexing, and abusing above four hundred of the Commons, and laying aside all the Lords, before they could come at the King; and leave not a sober man in power, before they robbed that good Man of his life.

This contemptible forty, of whom yet twenty dissented, Vote with their Mercenary and Fanatick Army, with whomb 1.55 they hoped to share in their spoils and power; no more Addresses to the King, nor any more Peace, and what was more ridiculous, ad∣just their own Crimes by their own Vote.

Votes so daringly overturning Foundations, that all men seeing all Law and Government cut off by them at one blow, looked to their Throats, Estates, and Children, when all that secured these was at one breath overturned. Here is a power ascribed the peo∣ple that they never owned, and a power derived from them that they never granted; here are the People brought in to judge their King; that abhorred it; and the King tried for war against his Peo∣ple, when all the People were ready to lay down their lives in a war for him. Here are the Commons of England pretended, when the whole House of Commons was almost excluded, and none but such persons (as were known Adulterers, Cheats, two Coblers, one Brewer, one Goldsmith, one Indicted for Committing a Rape, another for writing Blasphemy against the Trinity, another having said, that Diodorus Seculus was a better Author than Moses,) first asserting to themselves this new authority, and then exercising it. These that were to be brought to the Bar themselves, bring the King, in whose name all Malefactors were tried, to the Bar himself. Those that had been eight years indeavouring to murder the King in a war, are made his Judges now that war is over. A pretty sight, to have seen Clement, Ravillaic, Faux, Catesby, and Garnet, one day indeavouring to dispatch a King, and the next advanced to be his Judges. After prayers and fasts (the great fore-runners of mis∣chief) whereby they indeavoured as impudently to ingage God in

the villany he forbid, as they had done the people (for the Remon∣strance framed by Ireton for questioning the King, was called the Agreement of the people) in a Treason they all abhorred.

When all the Ministry of England, and indeed of the world, cryed down the bloudy design, contrary to Oaths, and Laws, and common reason, as the shame and disgrace of Religion: These Assassinates were satisfied with the preaments of one Pulpit Buffoon Peters, a wretched fellow, that since he was whipt by the Gover∣nors of Cambridge when a youth, could not endure government never after; and the Revelation of a mad Herfordshire woman con∣curring with the proceedings of the Army, for which she was thanked by the House; her Revelations being seasonable, and proceed∣ing from an humble spirit.

All the Nation abhorred their proceedings, therefore they hasten them, and in five hours draw up such an horrid Act, as was not heard of in five thousand years.

An Act of the (Commons of England) (when not one in five hun∣dred approved it) Assembled in Parliament, (when the Parlia∣ment by the Army destroyed) for Erecting of an High Court of (pretended) Iustice, for the Trying, and Judging of Charles Stuart King of England, of that Treason they should have been tried for themselves.

WHereas it is notorious, That Charles Stuart the now King of England, not content with those many incroachments, which his Predecessors had made upon the People in their Rights and Free∣doms, hath had a wickeda 1.56 design, totally to subvert theb 1.57 Ancient Laws and Liberties of this Nation: And in their place, to introduce anc 1.58 Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government, with Fire and Swordd 1.59 Le∣vied and Maintained a cruel War in the Land, against the Parliament and Kingdom; whereby the Country hath been miserably wasted, the publick Treasury exhausted, Trade decayed, and thousands of People murthered, and infinite of other mischiefs committed. For all which High and Trea∣sonable Offences, the said Charles Stuart might long since be brought

toe 1.60 exemplary and condign punishment: Whereas also thef 1.61 Parlia∣ment well hoping that the restraint and imprisonment of his person (after it had pleased God to deliver him into their hands) would have quieted the disturbers of this kingdom, did forbear to proceed judicially against him: But found by sad experience, that such their remissness served only to incourage Him and his Complices, in the continuance of their evil g 1.62 practises, and in raising of new Commotions, Designs, and Invasions; for prevention therefore of the like greater inconveniencies; and to the end that no Magistrate or Officer whatsoever, may hereafter presume, traite∣rously and maliciously, to imagine or contrive, the inslaving or destroying of the English Nation, and to expect impunity in so doing: Be it Or∣dained and Enacted by the Commons in Parliament Assembled, and it is hereby Ordained and Enacted by the Authority thereof; That Thomas Lord Fairfax General, Oliver Cromwell Lieutenant General, Henry Ireton Commissary General, Phillip Skippon Major General, Sir Har∣dress Waller, Colonel Valentine Walton, Col. Thomas Harrison, Col. Edward Whalley, Col. Thomas Pride, Col. Isaac Ewers, Col. Rich. Ingoldsby, Col. Rich. Dean, Col. John Okey, Col. Robert Overton, Col. John Harrison, Col. John Desborow, Col. William Goffe, Col. Robert Duckinfield, Col. Rowland Wilson, Col. Henry Martin, Col. William Purefoy, Col. Godfrey Bosvile, Col. Herbert Morley, Col. John Barkstead, Col. Matthew Tomlinson, Col. John Lambert, Col. Edmund Ludlow, Col. John Hutchinson, Col. Robert Tichborne, Col. Owen Roe, Col. Robert Mainwaring, Col. Robert Lilburn, Col. Adrian Scroop, Col. Algernoon Sidney, Col. John Moor, Col. Francis Lassells, Col. Alexander Rigby, Col. Edmund Harvey, Col. John Venn, Col. Anthony Staply, Col. Thomas Horton, Col. Thomas Hammond, Col. George Fenwyck, Col. George Fleetwood, Col. John Temple, Col. Thomas Wait, Sir Henry Mildmay, Sir Thomas Ho∣nywood, Thomas Lord Grey, Phillip Lord Lisle, William Lord Mounson, Sir John Danvers, Sir Thomas Maleverer, Sir John Bourchier, Sir James Harrington, Sir William Brereton, Robert Wallop, William Heveningham Esquires, Isaac Pennington, Tho∣mas Atkins Aldermen, Sir Peter Wentworth, Thomas Trenchard, Jo. Blackstone, Gilbert Millington Esquires, Sir William Constable, Sir Arthur Hasilrigg, Michael Livesey, Richard Salway, Humphrey Salway, Cor. Holland, Jo. Carey Esquires, Sir William Armin, John Jones, Miles Corbet, Francis Allen, Thomas Lister, Ben. Weston, Peter Pelham, Jo. Gurdon Esquires, Francis Thorp Esq. Serjeant at

Law, Jo. Nutt, Tho. Challoner, Jo. Anlaby, Richard Darley, Wil∣liam Say, John Aldred, Jo. Nelthrop Esquires, Sir William Roberts, Henry Smith, Edmund Wild, John Challoner, Josias Berne••s, Dennis Bond, Humphrey Edwards, Greg. Clement, Jo. Fry, Tho. Wogan Esquires, Sir Greg. Norton, Jo. Bradshaw Esquire, Serjeant at Law; Jo. Dove Esquire, John Fowke, Thomas Scot Aldermen, Will. Cawley, Abraham Burrel, Roger Gratwicke, John Downes Esquires, Robert Nichols Esquire, Serjeant at Law; Vincent Potter Esquire, Sir Gilbert Pickering, Jo. Weavers, Jo. Lenthal, Robert Reynolds, Jo. Lisle, Nich. Love Esquires, Sir Edward Baynton, Jo. Corbett, Tho. Blunt, Tho. Boone, Aug. Garland, Aug. Skenner, Jo. Dixwel, Simon Meyne, Jo. Browne, Jo. Lowry, Esq. &c.

Neither were they only bold enough to Vote among themselves this horrid murther, but likewise to try the pulse of the people, theya 1.63 Proclaim it first at White-hall Gate, and when they saw the people indured that, afterwards (upon Peters motion, who said, they did nothing, if they did it not in the City) at Temple-barr, and the Exchange. Indeed, all was hushed and silent! but with a dread∣ful silence, made up of amazement and horror; the very Traytors themselves, not daring to own their new Treason, perswaded the Nation that they would not do, even what they were most busie about; most people being of opinion, that they might fright, none thinking they durst (against all the reason and religion in the world, and the great and dreadful obligations of their own Oaths and Protestations) murder Him.

Yet these aforesaid Assassinates meet in the Painted-chamber, be∣come now the Jesuits Chamber of Meditation, to consult about the slaughter; and being heated by one or two of their Dema∣gogues, that perswaded them that the Saints (saying, that there were 5000. as good Saints in the Army, as any were in Heaven) should Bind the Kings in Chains, and the Nobles with Fetters of Iron, beseeching them, with bended knees, and lift up eyes and hands (in the peoples name) who yet were ready to have stoned them, not to let Benhadad go. They dare (but guarded strongly by a set of Executioners like themselves) to Convene before them, Ian. 19. 1648. Charles King of England, &c. (hurried, against the Publick Faith given him for his Honor and Safety, first, to Hurst∣castlt, to see whether he might be poisoned by the unwholesomness of that place (and thence withb 1.64 several affronts, not to be in∣dured by any man, much less a Prince) to a place more unwhole∣som than Westminster) and now to be deprived of his life, as he had been before of his kingdoms. Here the conspiracy might be seen in a body (having lost most of its parts, save a few villains, that would needs take away the Kings life, because they would not beg their own life, being one of those courtesies we are unwillingly beholding for, so hard it is for a man to trust another for his life, who (he knoweth) is conscious that he deserveth not to injoy it) contemptible and little. A poor Pettifogger Bradshaw, that had taken the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy but three Weeks be∣fore,

leading the Herd as President, and the whole Plot in his draught: Which after a traiterous Speech of Bradshaws opening their pretended authority and resolution to make inquisition for bloud, and the Kings laying his Staffe thrice on brazen-faced Cooks back, to hold the Libel, was read by a Clerk

The Traytors Charge of Treason against their Soveraign, consisting of sixteen Traiterous Po∣sitions.

THat the said Charles Stuart beinga 1.65 admitted King of Eng∣land, and therein trusted with ab 1.66 limited power to go∣vern by, and according to the Laws of the Land, and not other∣wise: And by his Trust, Oath, and Office, being obliged to use the power committed to him for the good and benefit of the people, and for the preservation of their Rights and Liberties; Yet ne∣vertheless, out of a wickedc 1.67 design, to erect and uphold in him∣self and Unlimited and Tyrannical Power, to Rule according to hisd 1.68 Will, and to overthrow the Rights and Liberties of the Peo∣ple; yea, to take away, and make void the Foundations thereof, and of all redress and remedy of Mis-government, which by the Fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom were reserved on the Peoples behalf, in the Right and Power of frequent and succes∣sive Parliaments, or National meetings in Counsel. He the said Charles Stuart, for accomplishment of such his designs, and for the protecting of himself and his adherents, in his and their wicked practises; to the same end, hath traiterously and maliciouslye 1.69 levied war against thef 1.70 Parliament and People therein repre∣sented. Particularly, upon or about the thirtieth day of Iune, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred forty and two, at Beverley in the County of York; and upon or about the thirtieth day of Iuly, in the year aforesaid, in the County of the City of York; and upon or about the twenty fourth day of August, in the same year, at the County of the Town of Nottingham, (when, and where he set up his Standard of war;) and upon or about the twenty third day of October, in the same year, at Edge-hill and Kein∣ton -field, in the County of Warwick; and upon or about the thir∣tieth day of November, in the same year, at Brainford, in the Coun∣ty of Middlesex; and upon or about the thirtieth day of August, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred forty and three, at Cavesham-bridge near Reading, in the County of Berks; and upon or about the thirtieth day of October, in the year last mentioned, at or near the City of Gloucester; and upon or about the thirtieth day of November, in the year last mentioned, at Newbury, in the

County of Berks; and upon or about the one and thirtieth day of Iuly, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred forty and four, at Cropredy-bridge, in the County of Oxon; and upon or about the thirtieth day of September, in the year last mentioned, at Bod∣min, and other places adjacent, in the County of Cornwall; and upon or about the thirtieth day of November, in the year last men∣tioned, at Newbury aforesaid; and upon or about the eight of Iune, in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred forty and five, at the Town of Leicester; and also upon the fourteenth day of the same month, in the same year, at Naseby-field, in the County of Northampton. At which several times and places, or most of them, and at many other places in this Land, at several other times, within the years afore-mentioned: And in the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred forty and six; He, the said Charles Stuart, hath caused and procured many thousands of the Free-people of the Nation to be slain; and by Divisions, Parties, and Insurrections within this Land, by Invasions from Forraign Parts, endeavoured and procured by him, and by many other evil ways and means: He, the said Charles Stuart, hath not only maintained and carried on the said war, both by Land and Sea, during the years before-men∣tioned; but also, hath renewed, or caused to be renewed, the said war against the Parliament and good People of this Nation, in this present year, one thousand six hundred forty and eight, in the Counties of Kent, Essex, Surrey, Sussex, Middlesex, and many other Counties and Places in England and Wales, and also by Sea: And particularly, He, the said Charles Stuart, hath for that purpose, given Commission to his Son the Prince, and others; whereby, besides multitudes of other persons, many such, as were by the Parlia∣ment intrusted, and imployed for the safety of the Nation, being by Him or his Agents corrupted, to the betraying of their Trust, and revolting from the Parliament, have had Entertainment and Commission, for the continuing and renewing War and Hostility against the said Parliament and People, as aforesaid. By which cruel and unnatural wars by Him, the said Charles Stuart, Levyed, Continued, and Renewed, as aforesaid, much innocent bloud of the Free-people of this Nation hath been spilt, Families undone, the Publick Treasury wasted and exhausted, Trade obstructed and miserably decayed, vast expence and damage to the Nation incur∣red, and many parts of the Land spoiled, some of them even to de∣solation. And for further prosecution of evil Designs; He, the said Charles Stuart, doth still continue his Commissions to the said Prince, and other Rebels and Revolters, both English and Forrai∣ners, and to the Earl of Ormond, and to the Irish Rebels and Revol∣ters associated with him; from whom further invasions upon this Land are threatned, upon the procurement and on the behalf of the said Charles Stuart.

All which wicked Designs, Wars, and evil Practises of Him, the said Charles Stuart, have been, and are carried on, for the advancing and upholding of the Personal Interest of Will and Power, and pretended Prerogative to Himself and his Family, against the Pub∣lick

Interest, common Right, Liberty, Justice, and Peace of the People of this Nation, by and for whom he was intrusted as afore¦said.

By all which it appeareth, that He the said Charles Stuart, hath been, and is the Occasioner, Author, and Contriver of the said Unnatural, Cruel, and Bloudy Wars; and therein guilty of all the Treasons, Murders, Rapines, Burnings, Spoils, Desolations, Dam∣mage and Mischiefs to this Nation, acted and committed in the said wars, or occasioned thereby.

And the said Iohn Cook by protestation (saving on the behalf of the People of England, the liberty of Exhibiting at any time here∣after, any other Charge against the said Charles Stuart, and also of replying to the Answers which the said Charles Stuart shall make to the Premises, or any of them, or any other Charge that shall be so exhibited) doth for the said Treasons and Crimes, on behalf of the said People of England, Impeach the said Charles Stuart as a Tyrant, Traytor, Murtherer, and a Publick and Implacable Enemy to the Commonwealth of England: And pray that the said Charles Stuart King of England, may be put to answer all and every the Premises; That such Proceedings, Examinations, Tryals, Sentence, and Judg∣ment, may be hereupon had, as shall be agreeable to Justice.

A Charge ridiculous in the matter of it, laying that war to the Kings charge, for which they should have been hanged them∣selves; accusing him for breaking the Priviledges of Parliaments, when they had the other day dissolved the very Being of them; and pretending the common good, when two or three years disco∣vered, the whole Plot was nothing but private Interest; these ve∣ry Miscreants being turned to grass, by one of their own self-de∣niers, for a self-seeking Combination. Contemptible in the framers of it, the one a Runnagate Dutch-man, Dorislaus, who being preferred by the King, History Professor at Cambridge, read Treason, in his first Lecture against his Patron, and now commits it: The other a poor and desperate Sollicitor, Cook, said to have two Wives to live with, and twenty ways, though none either honest or suc∣cessful, to live by. And worse in the witnesses of it, the scum of Mankind, two or three raked out of Prisons and Goals, not a man of reputation, or worth two pence in the three kingdoms; not∣withstanding a Proclamation to invite all persons to witness a∣gainst the King, appearing to promote so horrid a fact, and these hired men of Belial, with the hope of a morsel of bread. The King was always of an even temper, but never more than in this case, retaining a Majesty becoming himself in his misery, and looking as if he were, as he ought to be indeed, the Judge; and they, as they were indeed, the Malefactors: Smiling (as he might well, as far as the publick calamities gave him leave) at the horrid names (Murderer, Traytor, &c.) of the worst Subjects given to the best King.

Upon the Picture of his Majesties sitting in his Chair before the High Court of Iustice.

NOt so Majestick in thy Chair of State, On that but Men, here God and Angels wait, Expecting whether hopes of Life, or fear Of Death, can move Thee from Thy Kingly Sphere, Constant and Fixt, whom no black storm can soyl Thy Colours, Head and Soul are all in Oyl.

And the Ladya 1.71 Fairfax saying aloud in the face of the Pre∣tended Court, That where as they took upon them to Iudge his Majesty, in the Name of the People of England, that it was a Lye, the tenth, she might have said the thousandth, part of the People, being so far from allowing that horrid villany, that they would dye willingly to prevent it.

The Charge being Read, his most Excellent Majesty (looking upon it as below him to interrupt the impudent Libel, and vie Tongue with the Billings-gate Court) with a Calmness, Prudence, and Resolution peculiar to his Royal breast, asked the Assassinates, By what authority they brought a King, their most Rightful soveraign, against theb 1.72 Publick Faith, so lately given him at a Treaty between him and his two Houses? By what lawful Authority? said he again more Emphatially: For I am not ignorant (continued he) that there are on foot every where very many unlawful Powers, as of Thieves and Robbers on the High-way: Adding, That whatsoever they did, he was re∣solved not to betray the Charge committed to him by, and confirmed to him by Ancient Descent. And answering the pretended Presidents interruption and false suggestion, That he was called to an accountc 1.73 by the Authority of the People of England, by whose Election he was admitted King.

That the kingdom descended not to him by Election, but by Hereditary Right, derived from above a thousand years: That by refusing an unlaw∣ful power, he stood more apparently than they for the Priviledges of the People of England, whose Authority was shewed in Parliament Assem∣blies; but that there appeared none of the Lords, whose presence (and not only theirs, but the Kings also) was required to the Constituting of a Parliament; but that neither one nor both Houses, nor any Iudicatory upon Earth, had power to call the King of England to account, much less some certain Iudges, chosen by his Accusers, and masked with the autho∣rity of the Lower House: That he could not make his defence, unless they shewed their authority; since it would be the same offence to acknowledg a Tyrannical power, as to resist a Lawful one. And upon the prating Fore-mans bold suggestion, That they were satisfied in their own autho∣rity, Replying rationally, That it was not his own apprehension, nor theirs neither, that ought to decide the Controversie. Whereupon the most Excellent King was commanded away, with Tomlinson and Hackers guard, parting with the Conspiracy without moving his Hat, with these words, Well Sir, and saying (on the sight of the

Sword) I do not fear that: And nothing else observable, save that the Silver Top of his Staffe falling off at the reading of the Charge, he wondred at it, and seeing none to take it up, he stoop¦ed for it himself, and put it in his Pocket.

Munday Ian. 22. after three bloudy Harangues at their Fasta 1.74 Ian. 21. on Gen. 9. 6. Mat. 7. 1. Psal. 149. 6, 7. Three Texts as mi∣serably tormented that day, as his Majesty was the next; these men always first being a torment to Scripture, the great Rule of Right, and then to all that lived according to it.

They being perplexed with the Kings Demurrer to their un∣heard of Jurisdiction, resolved among themselves, after some de∣bate, to maintain it as boldly.

b 1.75 That if the King offer to dispute the same again, the President shall tell him, That the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament, have Constituted the Court, whose power may not be permitted to be dis∣puted by him.

That if he refused to Answer, it shall be accounted a Contumacy to the Court.

That if he Answer with a Salvo of his Prerogative above the Court, he shall be required to Answer possitively, Yea, or, No.

Whereupon, the King appearing to the no little disturbance of the Spectators, and astonishment of thec 1.76 Conventicle its self, not without interruption from the desparate Ringleader of the pack, insisted on these Heads, without any other Answer, for their own power, than their own authority.

That he less regarded his Life, than his Conscinece, his Honor, the Laws and Liberties of the People; which that they might not all perish toge∣ther, was a sufficient reason why he could not make his defence before these Iudges, and acknowledge a new form of Iudicature: For what power had ever any Iudges to erect a Iudicature against their King? or by what power, said he, was it ever granted? Not by Gods Laws, which on the contrary command obedience to Princes; nor by the Laws of the Land, which injoyn all Accusations to be read in the Kings Name; nor do the Laws give any power to the Lower House, of judging even the meanest Subject. Nor lastly, doth their power flow from any authority which might be pretended extraordinary, delegated from the people, since they had not asked the consent so much as of every tenth man in this matter; and that if power without Laws may set up Courts, he knew not how any man could be safe in his Life or Estate; it being not his own, but the whole kingdoms, that he stood upon.

The Traytor in grain, still ever and anon interrupting the Kings Speech, and telling him, That the Court was abundantly satisfied of their authority, and would not admit of any reasons that should detract from their power. At last, prest upon him to be mindful of his Doom; But where, said the King, in all the world is that Court, in which no place is left for reason? You shall find, Sir, answered the President, that this very Court is such a one.

Whereupon, after several appearances which they had, to see whether they could satisfie theird 1.77 dissenting Members, or whe∣ther they could alter the judgment of the resolved King.

Remember, said he then, when he was going away, that it is your King from whom you turn away your ear; in vain certainly will my Subjects expect justice from you, who stop your ears to your King ready to Plead his Cause.

Its very remarkable, how that in this, and all other transactions of his Majesty, he appeals to the Reason and Law of the world, which is impartial to all Mankind: His adversaries to themselves, vouching both the truth of their Charge, and the Jurisdiction of their Court, with their own authority; being neither able to prove his Majesty guilty, except by their own testimony; or if guilty, to be tried by any Court on earth, but by their own Asser∣tion. Nay, they that alledged the Parliament of England for the Authority, against whom the King should transgress, and that by which they proceeded, would not receive the Kingsa 1.78 earnest and reiteratedb 1.79 Appeal to the Lords and Commons, who made up that Parliament.

Long were they troubled how they might assert their power, longer how they might execute it; some would have Majesty suf∣fer like the basest of Malefactors, and that in his Robes of Habilia∣ments of State, that at once they might dispatch a King and Mo∣narchy together: Others malice, proposed other horrid violences to be offered to him, but not to be named among men (the men were indeed huge ready at inventing torments, being a company of Executioners got together, rather than Judges; and a pack of Hangmen, rather than a Court) till at last, they thought they should gratifie their ambition, to triumph over Monarchy, sufficiently, if they Beheaded him; and so waving all his Pleas for himself, and the Allegations of Mankind for him; after several unworthy Haran∣gues, consisting of nothing else but bold affirmations of that power, whereof they had no one ground, but those affirmations and reflections on the Kings Demurrer, as a delay to their proceed∣ings; when indeed he hastened them, by offering that towards the peace of the kingdom in one hour, that was not thought of in several years. Notwithstanding his seasonable caution to them, That an hasty Sentence once past, might be sooner Repented of than Recalled; Conjuring them, as they loved the Liberty of the People, and the Peace of the Kingdom, they so much pretended for, they would receive what he had to offer to both; adding, that we should think long before we resolve of great matters, and an hasty Judgment may bring on that trouble, and perpetual in∣convenience to the kingdom, that the Child unborn may repent of; adjuring them, as they would answer it at the dreadful day of Judgment, to hear what he had to say.

The Club of Assassinates proceed to this horrid Sentence.

Whereas thec 1.80 Commons of England in Parliament, have ap∣pointed them an High Court of Iustice, for the Trying of Chales Stuart King of England, before whom he had been three times Convented, and at first time a Charge of High Treason, and other Crimes and Misdemeanors was read, in the behalf of the kingdom of England, &c.

Here the Clerk Read the Charge.

Which Charge being Read unto him, as aforesaid, He, the said Charles Stuart, was required to give his Answer, but he refused so to do, and so exprest the several passages at his Tryal in refusing to Answer. For all which Treasons and Crimes, this Court doth adjudge, that the said Charles Stuart, as a Tyrant, Traytor, Mur∣therer, and a Publick Enemy, shall be put to death, by the Seve∣ring his Head from his Body.

To which horrid Sentence the whole Pack stood up, by agree∣ment among themselves before made; and though they agreed in nothing else, either before or since, unanimously Voted the bloudy words, words of so loud a guilt, that they drowned all the earnest Proposals of Reason and Religion, offered by a Prince that was a great master of both; reason being a more dreadful Sentence a∣gainst, than that they pronounced against him; and then used the sameforce to hurry the King away, that they had imployed to bring him thither; answering his Allegations with that violence, where∣with they composed and made good their own.

The King, always great, was now greater in the eye of the world, for the great Reason he offered, the honorable Conduct 〈◊〉〈◊〉 managed, and the freedom of Speech he used much beyond other times, the captivity of his Person contributing much to the liber∣ty of his Discourse.

All the great throng that pittied, but could not help, afflicted Majesty, with whom they saw themselves drawn to the slaughter, groaned upon the Sentence, but with the peril of their lives; It being as fatal then, for any persons to own respect or kindness to Majesty, as it was for the King to carry it; and as dangerous for others to be good Subjects, as for him to be a good King. They that were to force him out of his Life, forced others out of their Loyalty; endeavouring fondly to depose him from his Subjects hearts, as they had done from his Throne. Several persons hav∣ing since deposed, that to set off their ridiculous Scene, they had those who were appointed to force poor creatures to cry Iustice, Iustice, (who, as the excellent Prince observed, would have done as much for money for their own Commanders) a word one of them in Command then said, since he cried, because, if it had been heard, the Traytors had been at the Bar, and the Judges of the Land at the Bench; and deterr others from saying, God save the King: Notwithstanding which force, this last voice was the most hearty, and the other most forced. Observable it is, that to make his Majesty parallel with his great Pattern, whom he represented equally in his Sufferings, and in his Goodness and Power, a wretch, that was within a little while executed by his own Partner, Spit in his Face, whereat his Majesty not moved, only wiped the Spittle, and said, My Saviour suffered much more for me. The Excellent Prince (while the Traytors before him, were as much slaves to their base Malice, Envy, Fear, Ambition, and Cruelty, as the poor People were to them) exercising as ample a Dominion over himself now, as he had heretofore over three

kingdoms; looking not as if he were before the Miscreants, but they before him; and he to give, as he did, and not receive a Doom.

I cannot forget how an Ancient Father saith,

That some crea∣tures would not suffer God to be a God, unless he please them.

These are the Creatures, that would not endure Gods Vice-gerent should be so, unless he served them.

Thus having formerly forgotten the Oaths of God that were upon them, laid aside the Allegiance which they owed, gone against the sense of the Law, of the Clergy, the Nobility, the Gentry, and most of the sober people of the Nation: Besides, above half of both Houses before they could fight the King. But infinite were the obstructions they were to break through (so carefully hath God guarded Kings) before they could murther Him, they must suppress the unanimous desires of the whole Nation, expressed in the looks, wishes, and prayers of all men, and the declared sense of several Countries in their respective Petitions, which many thousands de∣livered in London, with the hazard of their Lives, and maintained ina 1.81 North-wales, under Sir Iohn Owen; in South-wales, under Laughorne and Poyer; in the Navy under the Prince; in Kent, Essex, and Surrey, under several of the Nobility and Gentry, of those and the adjacent Counties; they must steal the King (that won ground from his Adversaries by his carriage, as much as they had done upon him by their Arts and power, reducing to an entire o∣bedience to his Government all that conversed with his Excellent Person) from those men that were now as ready to engage for him, as ever they did against him, as they did at Holdenby, when it was said (so considerable is a suffering King, his very miseries being more powerful than his Armies) by the Faction, that now they had the King in their power, they had the Parliament in their Pockets, they must renounce those promises they made upon their Souls, and as they and their Posterity should prosper, that pittying the barbarous usage of His Majesty, they were resolved never to part with their Arms till they had made his way to the Throne, and rendred the condition of his party the more tolerable: Promises that to en••nare the charitable Prince (that suspected not that falshood in others, that he found not in himself) they gilded with the like specious, but entrapping kindnesses, as the permission of what they knew was as dear as his Life, to the pious King, the Ministry of his Chap∣lains; Commerce by Letters with his Queen, the Visits of his Par∣ty, the service of his Courtiers, (some whom they also admitted to their Council of War, to mould Propositions which they will urge in his behalf, and alter them to the Kings gust, and at his advice, the intermingling with their Remonstrances, such good words as these, That the Queen and the Royal Family must be re∣stored to all their Rights, or else no hope of a solid Peace.

They must sacrifice Eleven of the most Worthy Members in the House of Commons, and seven Noble Lords, to the lusts and cavils of mercenary Soldiers, that would not hearken formerly to the de∣livering of half so many to answer the Articles of their Soveraign,

(an Argument that Religion, Justice, or the love of Liberty which are alwayes uniform, but unworthy Interests that vary with hopes and fears, had the strongest influence upon them.

Nay, they must overcome thea 1.82 Parliament, it, by whose pre∣tended Authority they had hitherto theb 1.83 City of London, at whose charge they had hitherto fought, and the first Leaders of the Army, by whose Reputation it was first raised, and by whose skill and activity it so long prospered: The Kings prudence, and their own jealousies (combinations in crimes conclude in jealou∣sies, each party thinking the advantage of the other too great) having committed and injealousied them.

They must Conquer Scotland, and their dear Brethren, and take the King off from the Presbyterians, by their arts and insinuations inveighing him into the pit they had laid for him in the Isle of Wight (for his escape from Hampton-Court, by the withdrawing of the Centinels from their usual posts, appeared to be their design) they must oppose the highest reason in the world offered by the King there, intent upon the settlement of the Nation for a Perso∣nal Treaty, agreeable to the sense of the whole kingdom. 1. By Preliminary Articles, which they knew the King could not yield to; and upon his refusal, four Votes of No Addresses to him, which they could never have compassed, had they not sent half the Members away to the Country, upon pretence of expediting the Contributi∣ons; and tired the other half with late Sitting, from ten in the morning till twelve at night; and withal, the Menaces of the Offi∣cers that came with Remonstrances to the House, and the terror of the Army; two Regiments whereof, under colour of guarding, but indeed for awing the Parliament, were quartered at White∣hall.

They must endure the clamors of an undone people, deluded with pretences of avoiding Tyranny into Slavery. 1. For an ex∣cellent Religion, broken into Schismes and Heresies. 2. For Pray∣ers and Fasts, made to serve impious designs, and promote prospe∣rous crimes. 3. For Liberty, become an empty name, the com∣mon ways of confinement being too little to secure those that would not break the Law; men lingring inc 1.84 strange impri∣sonment, knowing neither their crimes nor their accusers, be∣cause they had not guilt enough for condemnation; thousands forced to be Exiles in strange lands, ord 1.85 Slaves at home. 4. For Propriety, hedged no longer by Law, but become a prey to the fraud and violence of the Conspirators. 5. For great Virtues, become as dangerous as formerly great crimes were. 6. For Con∣verse, become a snare, spies in each company watching mens words, and searching into their thoughts. 7. For the Parliament, become a Conspiracy, divided in its self, and enslaved to its vassals, who made Laws according to their interests, and executed them according to their lusts. The whole Nation now better under∣standing their good and wise Prince; the publick interest and themselves panted for a return to the obedience of the most in∣comparable Government, and most inestimable Prince in the

world. Insomuch (so admirable were the returns of Divine Ju∣stice at that time) that the very same Convention, that first stirred up this way of tumultuary Petitions against the King, were now forced to complain, That the honor and safety of Parliaments (for so they called the poor remainder of that Assembly) was indangered by Petitions.

They must rescinde the City Petitions, and their own Votes, that the Kings Concessions were a safe ground for the Parliament to set∣tle the Peace of the kingdom on: The King having granted so much as the people might see he was not, as he was reported, obstinate a∣gainst his own happiness, and the Nations peace, and so gratified not his Enemies, and yet so discreetly, that he deserted not his Friends; his wisdom tempering prudently their harsh Propositi∣ons, and his Reason urging effectually his own.

They must cast off all obedience to their own Superiors, as well as to the King; and imprison the Parliament, as well as the King; Violate their Protestation, and renounce their Solemn League and Covenant, disown the Lords House, and leave not above sixty of almost five hundred Members in the House of Commons.

In fine, they must go against their own Prayers, Sermons, En∣gagements and Consciences, against the very foundations of Go∣vernment in the world; and the sentiments of Mankind about it, against the known Laws of the Land, and against truths as clear as the Sun, in these unheard-of Propositions.

• I. That the People, under God, are the Original of all just Power.
• II. That the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament, being chosen by, and representing the People, have the Su∣pream Authority of this Nation.
• III. That whatsoever is Enacted and Declared for Law by the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament, hath the force of a Law.
• IV. That all the people of this Nation are concluded thereby, although the consent and concurrence of the King and Peers be not had thereunto.
• V. That to raise Arms against the peoples Representative, is Treason.
• VI. That the King himself took Arms against the Parliament, and on that account is guilty of the Bloud-shed throughout the Civil War, and that he ought to expiate the Crime with his own Bloud.

Bold and ridiculous men! That think with one breath to alter the notion of Good and Evil, and to make their Usurpations just, because they had the face to declare them so.

Qui amici veritatis esse possent sine labore, ut peccent Laborant. Greg. de curâ past. They who might have been honest with so much ease, what pains do they take to be wicked!

For these and many more restraints, they must break through before they came at the Kings Life.

Towards the taking away of which,* 1.86 they pack a Court of Iustice, as they called them, though it had nothing to do with Justice, but that it deserved to be the object of it, of such people as the Ring-leader of them, O. C. called at the Table of an Independent Lord, A Company of Rascals, whom he knew to be so, and would so serve, In∣vested with a power to Cite, Hear, Iudge, and punish Charles Stuart King of England.

Reader, I know not with what temper thou readest these lines, I tremble when I writ them: One or two Brewers, two or three Coblers, many of them Mechanicks, all poor Bankrupts; one turn∣ed out of the House for a Rape, another for writing a Blasphemous Book against the Trinity, and another a known Adulterer: Men so low, that no lesser crime could raise them; and so obnoxious, there was no other way for them to hope for impunity; men fitter to stand at a Bar, than to sit on the Bench.

These (though a search was made for a number of men that could not blush at, nor fear any guilt, yet many of them abhorred the villany and left them, others stayed, with a design toa 1.87 disturb it) went to act the murther, not as other Regicides, Ravillaic, &c. used to do privately, or as they themselves used to Preach it in a corner, but as solemnly as ever they took their Solemn League and Covenant against it. Spots not of Christianity only, but of Nature! Born to obey the Soveraign they judged; erecting a Court of Justice against that Sacred Head, whence flowed all the Ju∣risdiction in the Land. These people that were fitter to keep Shops in Westminster-hall, than sit in the Courts there: Many of whom that now hoped for the Kings Land, must otherwise have been contented with the Kings High-way; the true scum of Eng∣land, the basest, and then the highest part of it! Trades-men still! making a trade of war and bloud! base people, therefore the more cruel; The most Savage Beasts are those that come out of Dens. The good Kings calamity being enhansed by the vileness of the instruments, The steam of a Dung-hill clouding the Sun, and vermin (the expression is proper to beggars) tearing the Lion, as Rats formerly ate the Thracians! These resolved rather to take away the Kings life, than beg their own; for life is one of those benefits we have to receive, and men are usually ashamed to con∣fess they deserved death.

And when their own Judges hadb 1.88 declared against them, and the Peers abhorred them, to help a wretched cause, and keep up the spirits, and concurrence of their party, they salve those two affronts, with two wretched artifices.

1. They bring from Hertford-shire a Woman (some say a Witch) who said, That God by a Revelation to her did approve of the Armies proceedings: which message from heaven was well accepted of with thanks, As being very seasonable, and proceeding from an humble spirit.

2. A model of Democratical Principles, discountenanced by Faction it self, as soon as it had served their turn; and against all the publick abhorrencies and detestations, by all persons of ho∣nor

and conscience, proceeded first to blacken the King (as one of them said they must) and then to judge him, contrary to those numerous and fearful obligations of their many Oaths; to the publick and private Faith, which was expressed in their Pro∣testations and many Declarations; to the Laws, the commands of Scripture; to the dishonor of Religion, and the endanger∣ing of the publick good of the kingdom.

For levying that war against the disobedient, to which they had neces∣sitated him; for appearing in arms in divers places, proclaiming the war, and executing it by killing divers of the good people.

Impeaching him for a Tyrant, a Traytor, a Murderer, and an implaca∣ble Common Enemy. Whom they fought for to bring home to his Throne, they lead when they have him, to a Tribunal where they had nothing against him, but what generous Conquerors never re∣proached the conquered for (deeming it its own punishment) the unhappy issues of a war, which leaves the conquered the only criminal, while the names of justice and goodness are the spoils of the Conqueror; and a pretence of Tyranny in that govern∣ment whose only defect, if it had any, was Lenity and Mercy, to∣wards those whose lives Justice would not formerly have pardon∣ed, and they despaired lest mercy should not now.

These Conspirators forming themselves into the Pagantry of a Court, with aa 1.89 President of an equal infamy with his new em∣ployment. A Monster of Impudence, and a most fierce prosecu∣tor of evil purposes; one of little knowledge in the Law, but of so virulent a Tongue, that he knew no measure of modesty in speaking; and was therefore more often Bribed to be silent, than Feed to maintain a Clients Cause: His vices had made him penurious, and those with his penury had seasoned him for any execrable undertaking. And a Solicitor, that having in vain by various arts and crimes sought for a subsistence, durst not shew himself for fear of a Prison, till vexed with a tedious poverty, he entertained the horrid overtures of this vile ministry, which at the first mention, he did profess to abhorr: As also anb 1.90 Advo∣cate, that being a German Bandito, by the mercy and favour of the King escaped here a severer, in charge in his own Country, than he could invent against his Majesty.

With an impudent and mimical Buffoon Minister, ignominious from his youth (for then suffering the contumely of discipline, being publickly whipped at Cambridge, he was ever after an enemy to Government) preaching the villany from Psal. 149. 8. and cal∣ling them Saint Judges, with a profession, that upon a strict scruti∣ny, there were in the Army five thousand Saints, no less holy than those that now are in Heaven conversing with God. And begging in the name of the People of England (as the Conspirators talked too, when as the Lady Fairfax said, like a Branch of the House of the Veres, declared in Court a loud, it was a Lye, not the tenth part of the people were guilty of such a crime) that they would not let Benhadad go. They, with such Officers, as had not a name before they were of this black list, invite all people to testifie against the

King their calumnies, and having, with much ado, published their Sitting, they appear with all the shapes of vile terror, and the Kings Majesty with a generous mind, scorning the Pageant tribu∣nal, and pittying the people, now sad with expectations of their own fates, when Majesty was no security, appeared, demanding the Authority and Law they brought him there by, contrary to the Publick Faith; and they answering, The Parliaments: disco∣vered the notoriousness of that assertion as false, and the vanity of it, if true. Four days together keeping up his courage and speech from doing any thing unworthy of himself, notwithstand∣ing the reiterated reproach of several appearances before the most infamous among men. And thea 1.91 hired indignities of the basest of the people, saying no more, when some Souldiers were forced by Axtel to cry Iustice, Iustice, Execution, Execution; than, Poor souls! for a piece of money they would do as much to their own Commanders: And others hired to Spit, and what was more odi∣ous, to blow Tobacco in his Face, than wiping it off, with, My Savi∣our suffered far more for my sake. All the people, with the hazard of their lives, doing their reverence to him, with, God save the King; God he merciful unto him. Only he left this Speech upon Re∣cord against the infamous Usurpation, containing the substance of the discourse that passed between him and his Traytors.

His Majesties Reasons against the pretended Iurisdi∣ction of the High Court of Iustice, which he in∣tended to have delivered in writing on Munday, Ian. 22. 1648: but was not permitted.

HAving already made my Protestations, not only against the il∣legality of this pretended Court; but also, that no earthly Power can justly call me (who am your King) in question as a de∣linquent: I would not any more open my mouth upon this occa∣sion, more than to referr my self to what I have spoken, were I alone in this case concerned. But the duty I owe to God in the preservation of the true Liberty of my People, will not suffer me at this time to be silent: For, how can any free-born Subject of England call life, or any thing he possesseth his own, if power with∣out right daily make new, and abrogate the old fundamental Law of the Land? which I now take to be the present case: Where∣fore, when I came hither, I expected that you would have endea∣voured to have satisfied me concerning these grounds, which hin∣der me to answer to your pretended Impeachment; but since I see nothing I can say will move you to it (though Negatives are not so naturally proved as Affirmatives) yet I will shew you the reason, why I am confident you cannot judge me, nor indeed the meanest man in England: For I will not (like you) without shew∣ing

a reason, seek to impose a belief upon my Subjects.

There is no proceeding just against any man,* 1.92 but what is war∣ranted either by Gods Laws, or the Municipal Laws of the Coun∣try where he lives. Now I am most confident, that this days pro∣ceedings cannot be warranted by Gods Laws; for on the contra∣ry, the authority of the obedience unto Kings is clearly warrant∣ed, and strictly commanded both in the Old and New Testament; which if denied, I am ready instantly to prove: And for the que∣stion now in hand, there it is said, That where the word of a King is, there is power; and who may say unto him, what dost thou? Eccles. 8. 4. Then for the Laws of this Land, I am no less confident, that no learned Lawyer will affirm, that an Impeachment can lye against the King, they all going in his Name; and one of their Maxims is, That the King can do no wrong. Besides, the Law, upon which you ground your proceedings, must either be old or new; if old, shew it; if new, tell what authority warranted by the Fundamental Laws of the Land hath made it, and when: But how the House of Commons can erect a Court of Judicature, which was never one it self (as is well known to all Lawyers) I leave to God and the World to judge: And were full as strange, that they should pre∣tend to make Laws without King or Lords House, to any that have heard speak of the Laws of England.

And admitting, but not granting, that the People of Englands Commission, could grant your pretended power, I see nothing you can shew for that; for certainly you never asked the question of the tenth man of the kingdom, and in this way you manifestly wrong even the poorest Plough-man, if you demand not his free consent; nor can you pretend any colour for this your pretended Commission, without the consent, at the least, of the major part of every man in England, of whatsoever quality or condition, which I am sure you never went about to seek; so far are you from hav∣ing it: Thus you see, that I speak not for my own Right alone, as I am your King, but also for the true Liberty of all my Subjects, which consists not in the sharing the power of Government, but in living under such Laws: Such a Government as may give them∣selves the best assurance of your lives, and propriety of their goods. Nor in this must, or do I forget the Priviledges of both Houses of Parliament, which this days proceedings doth not on∣ly violate, but likewise occasion the greatest breach of their Pub∣lick Faith, that I believe ever was heard of, with which I am far from charging the two Houses: For all the pretended crimes laid against me, bear date long before the late Treaty at Newport, in which I having concluded as much as in me lay, and hopefully ex∣pecting the two Houses agreement thereunto, I was suddenly sur∣prized and hurried from thence as a Prisoner, upon which account I am against my will brought hither; where since I am come, I can∣not but to my power defend the Ancient Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, together with my own just Right. Then, for any thing I can see, the Higher House is totally excluded. And for the House of Commons, it is too well known, that the major part

of them are detained or deterred from Sitting; so, as if I had no other, this were sufficient for me to protest against the law∣fulness of your pretended Court. Besides all this, the peace of the kingdom is not the least in my thoughts, and what hopes of settlement is there, so long as power reigns without rule of Law? Changing the whole frame of that Government, under which this kingdom hath flourished for many hundred years (nor will I say what will fall out, in case this lawless, unjust proceeding against me do go on.) And believe it, the Commons of England will not thank you for this change, for they will remember how happy they have been of late years under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, the King my Father, and my self, until the beginning of these unhap∣py troubles; and will have cause to doubt, that they shall never be so happy under any new. And by this time it will be sensibly evident, that the Armes I took up, were only to defend the Fun∣damental Laws of this kingdom, against those who have supposed my power hath totally changed the ancient Government.

Thus having shewed you briefly the Reasons, why I cannot sub∣mit to your pretended Authority, without violating the trust which I have from God, for the welfare and liberty of my peo∣ple; I expect from you, either clear reasons to convince my judg∣ment, shewing me that I am in an error (and then truly I will rea∣dily answer) or that you will withdraw your proceedings.

With what composedness of Spirit, and patience he heard the pretended Charge, and all its Slanders and Reproaches, smiling at the words Tyrant, Traytor, &c. with what Authority he demanded, by what lawful Power, grounded on Gods Word, or warranted by the Constitutions of the Kingdom, they proceeded! with what ear∣nestness he admonished them,a 1.93 both what Guilt, and what Judg∣ments they would bring upon this Land, by proceeding from one sin to another against their lawful Sovereign!

With what resolution he told them, He would not betray the Trust reposed in him, for his own Prerogative, his Peoples Liberty, and the Pri∣viledges of Parliament, as long as there was breath in his body, until they could satisfie God and the Countrey. Adding, that there was a God in heaven that would call them to an account. And that it was utterly as unlawful to submit to a new and unlawful Authority, as to resist a lawful one; Neither his apprehension nor theirs being likely to end the Controversie! How zealously he told them, That if the free People of England (now secure of nothing, when all things were subject to an Arbitrary Power) were not concerned as well as himself, he would have satisfied himself with one Protestation against any Jurisdiction on earth, trying a Supream Magistrate; but in a case of so extensive a Concernment, it was unreasonable to impose upon men bold Assertions, without evident Reasons; it being not enough to say, The Court assert their own Jurisdi∣ction, and you must not be permitted to offer any thing against it, its not for Prisoners to require•• (to the last whereof it was excel∣lently well answered: Prisoners! sir, I am not an ordinary Prisoner:)

Reasons are not to be heard against Jurisdiction. Shew me (reply∣ed the good King) that Iurisdiction, where Reason is not to be heard. Flinging the Reply, with this parting Memorial: Well, remember, that the King is not suffered to give in his Reasons, for the Liberty and Freedom of all his Subjects.

How pathetically he did Conjure them by all that was dear unto them, to let him offer his Reasons in the Painted Chambera 1.94 be∣fore the Lords and Commons, leaving with them these weighty considerations, That they should think long before they Resolved of great matters suddenly; a little delay might give peace to the kingdom, whereas a hasty Iudgment may bring on that trouble and perpetual in∣convenience, that the Child unborn may repent it! Re-inforcing them with this great period, I do require you, as you will answer it at the dreadful day of Iudgment, that you will consider it once again. These noble circumstances, together with those ignoble ones of their consulting about Hanging and Quartering him, or Beheading him in his Robes. Their proceeding (after a wretched Harangue of B's alledging the Treasons of former times as presidents for this, and wresting, Law and History as their Preachers did the Scripture) to the Sentence; to which sixty seven Mechanick Regicides expressed their Assent by standing up, their consultation about the time and place of executing that Sentence, and the warrant sealed by forty eight of them, we are the more brief in, because they are so ex∣cellently published in a Royal Volume already Printed 1662. for Mr. Richard Royston his Majesties Bookseller, and his Fathers faithful Servant, who underwent as many dangers in publishing the Defences of the Royal Cause, as others in maintaining the be∣ing of it.

Now they would not suffer him to live, yet they let him not quietly dye; envying him, even his very solitudes which they di∣sturbed with irreligious intrusions, and interruping his Devotion (as if they intended the loss of his soul as well as his life) with two things he was equally averse to, Impertinent Talk and Tobacco. Much ado had, the best of Princes, to gain the priviledge of the worst Ma∣lefactor. 1. To seeb 1.95 his Children and Relations for the satis∣faction of his minde. Or 2. His Chaplain, Bishop Iuxon, to settle his Conscience; the latter of whom being permitted to come not till eight of the Clock on Saturday night; the incomparable Prince enjoying in the midst of tumults a calm serenity, being full of his own Majesty, and having a greater power over his temper, than his enemies had over his person, bespeaks him thus: My Lord, that you came no sooner I believe was not your fault, but now you are come, because these Rogues pursue my bloud, you and I must consult how I may best part with it. Indeed, all the while he did all things becoming a Christian obliged by his calling to suffer, not reflecting that he, was a Prince (to whom such usages were unusual) born to command.

Since they could not keep the Bishop from coming to him, they disturbed him both the next day Ian. 28. in Reading Divine Ser∣vice, and Preaching on Rom. 2. ult. and at other times at Saint

Iames's, with scoffs and unnecessary and petulant disputes, which he either answered irrefragrably, or neglected patiently; and at White-hall, with the noise of the work-men that prepared the Scaffold; he being brought thither on purpose Ian. 28. at night to dye often by every stroke of the Axe upon the Wood, before he should dye once for all, by one stroke of it upon himself.

Neither do they only disturb, but either out of fear or design tempt him too, with unworthy Articles and Conditions, which be∣ing levelled at his Honor and Conscience, as their other malices were at his Life: After hearing one or two of them read to him, he resolved not to sully the splendor of his former virtues, with too impotent a desire of life. His Soul composed to Religion (as all others were to sorrow for the villany of the Actors in this Tra∣gedy, and their own sins, especially their credulity, and fear of the horrid consequence, there being a dreadful calm all over the City, that was neither tumult nor quiet, all Sermons, Prayers, and Dis∣courses full of horror, and all Congregations overwhelmed with tears) applied its self to such duties of Religion, as Reading, Pray∣ing, Confession of Sins, Supplication for Enemies, Holy Commu∣nions, and Conferences, and such offices of humanity, as sending Legacies to his Wife and exile Children, and exhorting those at home, admitted to him Ian. 29. to this purpose, his last words to them being taken in writing, and communicated to the world (by the Lady Elizabeth his Daughter, a Lady of most eminent endow∣ments, who though born to the supreamest fortune, yet lived in continual tears, and died confined at Carisbrook (whither her Father was cheared) in the Isle of Whight) to this effect••

A true Relation of the Kings Speech to the Lady Elizabeth and the Duke of Glocester, the Day before his Death.

HIs Children being come to meet him, he first gave his Blessing to the Lady Elizabeth, and bad her remember to tell her Brother Iames, when ever she should see him, that it was his Fa∣thers last desire, that he should no more look upon Charles as his eldest Brother only, but be obedient unto him as his Soveraign; and that they should love one another, and forgive their Fathers Enemies. Then said the King to her, Sweet-heart, you'l forget this: No (said she) I shall never forget it whilst I live; and pour∣ing forth abundance of tears, promised Him to write down the particulars.

Then the King taking the Duke of Glocester upon his knee, said, Sweet-heart, now they will cut off thy Fathers head (upon which words the Child looking very stedfastly on him) Mark Child what I say, They will cut off my head, and perhaps make thee a King: But mark what I say, you must not be a King, so long as your Bro∣thers

Charles and Iames do live; for they will cut off your Brothers heads (when they can catch them) and cut off thy head too at last: and therefore I charge you do not be made a King by them. At which the Child sighing said, I will be torn in pieces first: which falling so unexpectedly from one so young, it made the King rejoyce exceedingly.

Another Relation from the Lady Elizabeths own Hand.

WHat the King said to me, Ian. 29. 1648. being the last time I had the happiness to see him, he told me, he was glad I was come, and although he had not time to say much, yet somewhat he had to say to me, which he had not to another, or leave in writing, because he feared their Cruelty was such, as that they would not have permitted him to write to me. He wished me not to grieve and torment my self for him, for that would be a Glorious death that he should dye, it being for the Laws and Liberties of this Land, and for maintaining the true Protestant Religion. He bid me read Bishop Andrews Sermons, Hookers Ecclesiastical Policy, and Bishop Lauds Book against Fisher, which would ground me against Popery. He told me, he had forgiven all his Enemies, and hoped God would forgive them also; and commanded us, and all the rest of my Brothers and Sisters, to forgive them. He bid me tell my Mother, that his thoughts never strayed from her, and that his love should be the same to the last. Withal, he commanded me and my Brother to be obedient to her, and bid me send his Blessing to the rest of my Brothers and Sisters, with commendation to all his Friends. So after he had given me his Blessing, I took my leave.

Further, he commanded us all to forgive those People, but ne∣ver to trust them; for they had been most false to him, and to those that gave them power; and he feared also to their own Souls: and desired me not to grieve for him, for he should dye a Martyr, and that he doubted not, but the Lord would settle his Throne upon his Son, and that we should be all happier then we could have expected to have been, if he had lived; with many other things, which at present, I cannot remember.

Elizabeth.

Till at last (all indeavours for preventing so great a guilt fail∣ing) even Col. Downes, one of their own Members, attempting a Mutiny in the Army, and the Lord Fairfax being resolved with his own Regiment to hinder the Murther, until the Conspirators in vain urging, That the Lord had rejected him, took him aside to seek the Lord, while their instruments hasten the Execution by private order, and then they call that a return of their prayers.

On the Fatal day, Ian. 30. having desired five Preachers sent to pray with him by the Juncto, to pray for him, if they pleased, tell∣ing them, that he was resolved, that they who had so often and so causelessly prayed against him, should not in his agony pray with him; and preparing himself with his own Devotion in the offi∣ces of the Church; he was strengthened in his own sufferings by the sufferings of his Savior, whose Body and Bloud he received that morning, and thea 2.1 History of whose Passion fell to be the Chap∣ter of the day of His; who had he been before Christ, had a condi∣tion, and an innocence that had made him a Type of him. So that he came chearfully from St. James's to White-hall (often call∣ing on his slow Guards, that kept not pace with him (who always walked fast) to move faster, with these words, I now go before you to strive for an heavenly Crown, with less sollicitude than I formerly have led my Souldiers for an earthly Diadem) with extraordinary ala∣crity, ascending the staires leading to the Long-gallery, and so to the Cabinet-chamber; whence his supplications being ended, he went through the Banqueting-house to the adjoyning Scaffold, every way dressed to terror, with the same spirit he used to ascend his Throne, shewing no fear of death, but a sollicitude for those that were to live after. He thought it to as little purpose to Harange the Army, as to complement a Mastive or a Tyger; and others were kept at such distance, that they might see, but not hear; and therefore expressed himself thus to those that stood near him.

His Majesties Speech upon the Scaffold.

I Shall be very little heard of any body here, I shall therefore speak a word untob 2.2 you here: Indeed, I could hold my peace very well, if I did not think, that holding my peace would make some men think, that I submit to the guilt as well as to the punishment; but I think it my duty to God and to my Country to clear my self as an honest man, as a good King, and a good Christian. I shall first begin with my Innocency: In troth, I think it is not very needful for me to insist long upon this, for all the world knows, that I did not begin a War with the two Houses of Parliament; and I call God witness, to whom I must shortly make an account, that I never did intend to incroach on their Privi∣ledges, they began upon me: It is the Militia they began upon, they confest the Militia was mine, but they thought it fit to have it from me: And to be short, if any man will look to the dates of Commissions, of theirs, and mine; and likewise to the Declarati∣ons, will see clearly, that they began these unhappy Troubles, not I: So that as the guilt of these enormous Crimes that are laid against me, I hope in God, that God will clear me of; I will not, I am in charity: God forbid, that I should lay it upon the two Houses of Parliament, there is no necessity of either, I hope they are free of this guilt; for I do believe that illinstruments between them and me, has been the chief cause of this blood-shed: So that by way,

or speaking, as I find my self clear of this, I hope (and pray God) that they may too; yet for all this, God forbid that I should b•• so ill a Christian, as not to say, Gods Judgements are just upon me; many times he does pay Justice by unjust Sentence, that is ordina∣ry. I will only say this, that an unjusta 2.3 Sentence that I suffered to take effect, is punished now by an unjust Sentence upon me, this I have said to shew you that I am an innocent Man.

Now to shew you that I am a good Christian: I hope there isb 2.4 a good man that will bear me witness, that I have forgiven all the world, and even those in particular, that have been the causers of my death; who they are, God knows, I do not desire to know, I pray God forgive them. But this is not all, my charity must go farther; I wish that they may repent, for indeed they have com∣mitted a great sin in this particular. I pray God, with St. Stephen, that this be not laid to their charge, nay, not only so, but that they may take the right way to the Peace of the Kingdom; for my cha∣rity commands me, not only to forgive particular men, but to en∣deavour to the last gasp, the Peace of the Kingdom. So, Sir, I do wish with all my soul (and I do hope there are somec 2.5 here will carry it farther) that they may endeavour the Peace of the King∣dom.

Now, Sirs, I must shew you, both how you are out of the way, and will put you in the way: First, you are out of the way; for certainly, all the way you ever have had yet, as I could find by any thing, is in the way of Conquest; certainly, this is an ill way; for Conquest, Sir, in my opinion, is never just, except there be a good just cause, either for matter of wrong, or just title, and then if you go beyond it, the first quarrel that you have to it, is it that makes it unjust in the end, that was just at first: But if it be only matter of Conquest, then it is a great Robbery; as a Pyrate said to Alexander, that he was the greater Robber, himself but a petty one: And so Sir, I think the way you are in, is much out of the way. Now, Sir, to put you in one way; believe it, you will never do right, nor God will never prosper you, until you give God his due, the King his due, (that is, my Successors) and the People their due; I am as much for them as any of you: you must give God his due, by rightly regulating his Church (according to his Scrip∣tures) which is now out of order. To set you in a way particular∣ly, now I cannot, but only this, A National Synod freely called, free∣ly debating among themselves, must settle this; when every opi∣nion is freely and clearly heard.

For the King, indeed, I will not (then turning to a Gentleman that touched the Axe) said, Hurt not thed 2.6 Axe, that may hurt me.

For the King, the Laws of the Land will clearly instruct you for that, therefore, because it concerns my own particular, I only give you a touch of it.

For the People, and truly, I desire their Liberty and Freedom as much as any body whatsoever; but I must tell you, that their Li∣berty and Freedom consists in having of Government, those Laws by which their Life and Goods may be most their own. It is not

for having share in Government (Sir) that is nothing pertaining to them: A Subject, and a Soveraign, are clean contrary things; and therefore, until they do that, I mean, that you do put the People in that Liberty, as I say, certainly they will never enjoy themselves.

Sir, it was for this that I am now come here: If I would have given way to an Arbitrary way, to have all Laws changed accord∣ing to the power of the Sword, I needed not have come here, and therefore I tell you (and I pray God it be not laid to your charge) that I am the Martyr of the People.

Introth Sirs, I shall not hold you much longer, for I will only say this to you, that in truth I could have desired some little time long∣er, because I would have put this that I have said in a little more order, and a little better digested then I have done, and therefore I hope you will excuse me.

I have delivered my Conscience, I pray God you may take those courses that are best for the good of the Kingdom, and your own salvations.

Dr. Iuxon.

Will your Majesty (though it may be very well known your Majesties affections to Religion, yet it may be ex∣pected that you should say somewhat for the worlds satisfaction.

King.

I thank you very heartily, my Lord, for that, I had almost forgotten it. Introth Sirs, my Conscience in Religion, I think is ve∣ry well known to all the word, and I declare before you all, that I dye a Christian, according to the profession of the Church of Eng∣land, as I found it left me by my Father, and thisa 2.7 honest man I think will witness it.

Then turning to the Officers, said, Sirs, Excuse me for this same, I have a good Cause, and a gracious God, I will say no more. Then turning to Col. Hacker, he said, Take care they do not put me to pain, and Sir, this, if it please you. Then a Gentle∣man coming near the Axe, The King said, Take heed of the Axe, pray take heed of the Axe. Then speaking to the Executioner, said, I shall say but very short prayers, and when I thrust out my hands.—

Then the King called to Dr. Juxon for his Night-cap, and having put it on, he said to the Executioner, Do's my Hair trouble you? who desired him to put it all under his Cap, which the King did accord∣ingly, by the help of the Executioner and the Bishop: Then the King turning to Dr. Juxon said, I have a good Cause, and a gracious God on my side.

Dr. Juxon.

There is but one Stage more, this Stage is trouble∣some and turbulent, it is a short one; but you may consider it will soon carry you a very great way: It will carry you from Earth to Heaven; And there you shall find a great deal of cordial Joy and Comfort.

King.

I go from a Corruptible to an Incorruptible Crown; where no disturbance can be, no disturbance in the world.

Dr. Iuxon.

You are Exchanged from a Temporal to an Eternal Crown, a good Exchange.

The King then said to the Executioner, Is my Hair well?

Then the King took off his Cloak and George, and giving his b 2.8 George to Dr. Juxon, said, Remember.

Then the King put off his Doublet, and being in his Wastcoat, put his Cloak on again, and looking on the Block, said to the Exe∣cutioner, You must set it fast.

Executioner.

It is fast, Sir.

King.

When I put my hands out this way, stretching them out, then ...

After that, having said two or three words (as he stood) to him∣self, with Hands and Eyes lifted up, immediately stooping down, laid his Neck upon the Block: And then the Executioner again putting his Hair under his Cap, the King said, (thinking he had been going to strike) Stay for the Sign.

Executioner.

Yes, I will, and please your Majesty.

Then the King, making some pious and private Ejaculations be∣fore the Block, as before a Desk of Prayer, he submitted without thata 2.9 violence they intended for him, if he refused his Sacred Head to one stroke of an Executioner (that was disguised then, as the Actors were all along) which Severed it from his Body.

In the consequence of which stroke (great villanies, as well as great absurdities, have long sequels) the Government of the world, the Laws and Liberties of three Kingdoms, and the Being of the Church was nearly concerned. So fell Charles the First, and so expired with him the Liberty and Glory of three Nations; being made in that very place an instance of Humane Frailty, where he used to shew the Greatness and Glory of Majesty.

All the Nation was composed to mourning and horror (no King ever leaving the world with greater sorrows) women miscarrying at the very intimation of his death, as if The Glory was departed: Men and women falling into Convulsions, Swounds, and Melan∣choly, that followed them to their graves. Some unwilling to live to see the issues of his death, fell down dead suddenly after him: Others glad of the least Drop of Bloud, or Lock of Hair (that theb 2.10 covetousness of the Faction, as barbarous as their Treason, made sale of) kept them as Relicks, finding the same virtue in them, as with Gods blessing they found formerly in his person: All Pulpits rung Lamentations, and the great variety of opinions in other matters were reconciled in this, That it was as horrid a fact as ever the Sun saw, since it withdrew at the sufferings of our Saviour; and the King as compleat a man, as mortality re∣fined by industry was capable to be. Children amazed and wept, refusing comfort at this; even some of his Judges could not for∣bear to mingle their tears with his bloud: All the learning then in the world expressed its own griefs, and instructed those of others in most excellent Poems and impartial Histories, that vindicated his honor, and devulged the base arts of his enemies, when their power was soc 2.11 dreadful, that they threatned the ruin of all inge∣nuity, as they had murthered the Patron of it.

While the few Assassinates that crept up and down, afraid of every man they met, pointed at as Monsters in nature, finished not their reason when they had ended his Martyrdom; One (O. C.) to feed his eyes with cruelty, and satisfie his solicitous ambi∣tion,

curiously surveyed the murthered Carcass, when it was brought in a Coffin to White-hall, and to assure himself the King was quite dead, with his fingers searched the wound, whether the Head were fully severed from the Body, or no. Others of them delivered his body to be Embalmed, with a wicked, but vain de∣sign, to corrupt his Name, among infamous Empericks and Chirur∣gions of their own, who were as ready to Butcher and Assassinate his Name, as their Masters were to offer violence to his Person; with intimations to enquire (which were as much as commands to report) whether they could not find in it symptomes of the French disease, or some evidences of frigidity and natural im∣potency, but unsuccessfully; for an honest and able Physician intruding among them at the Dissection, by his presence and au∣thority, awed the obsequious Wretches from gratifying their op∣probrious Masters; declaring the Royal body tempered almost ad pondus, capable of a longer life than is commonly granted to other men.

But since their search into his Body for calumnies were vain, they run up to Gods Decrees, and there found, that he was rejected of God; and because his Raign was unhappy, they concluded that his person was reprobated.

And when they had indeavoured to race him out of Gods Book of Life, and consequently out of the hearts of his People, the vain men pull down his Statue, both at the West End of Saint Pauls, and at the Exchange; in the last of which places they plaistered an Inscription, which men looked on then as false, and Providence hath rendred since ridiculous; Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus. Fond Rebels! that thought (to use the weighty words of the reverend Dr. Pirrinchief) to destroy the memory of that Prince,a 2.12 whose true and lasting glory consisted not in any thing, wherein it was possible for successors to shew the power of their malice, but in a Solid Vertue, which flourisheth by age, and whose fame gathereth strength by multitude of years; when Statues and Monuments are obnoxious to the flames of a violent envy, and the ruins of time.

But he had a Monument beyond Marble, his Papers with the Bi∣shop of London and others, and his Incomparable Book of Medita∣tions and Sollioquies. Those Repositories of piety and wisdom, which first they suppressed, envying the benefit of mankind; and when the more they hindered the publication of the Royal Peices, the more they were sought after. They would have robbed his Majesty of the honor of being theb 2.13 Author of them, knowing they should be odious to all posterity, for murthering the Prince that composed a Book of so Incredible Prudence, Ardent Piety, and Majestick and Truly Royal Stile. Those parts of it which consisted of Addresses to God, corresponded so nearly in the oc∣casions, and were so full of the Piety and Elogancies of Davids Psalms, that they seemed to be dictated by the same spirit.

The ridiculous President, in his Examination of Mr. Royston, who Printed it, asked him, How he could think so bad a Man (for

such would that Monster have this excellent Prince thought to be) could write so good a Book?

But these attempts were as contemptible as themselves were odious, the faith of the world in this point being secured, 1. By the unimitably exact Stile, not to be expressed any more than Ioves thunder, but by the Royal Author. 2. By those Letters of his which they published, of the same periods with these Meditations they suppressed. 3. By Colonel Hammonds testimony, who heard the King Read them, and saw him Correct them. 4. By the Arch-bishop of Armaghs evidence, who had received commands from the King, to get some of them out of the hands of the Faction, who had taken them in his Cabinet at Naseby: Besides, Mr. Roy∣stons command sent him from the King, to provide a Press for some Papers he should send to him, which were these, together with a design for a Picture before the Book; which at first, was three Crowns indented on a Wreath of Thorns; but afterwards the King re-called that, and sent that other which is now before the Book.

This was the vile employment of villains, while all that was virtuous in the Nation honored the memory of that good Prince, who like the being he represented, the more he was understood, the more he was admired and loved; leaving great examples behind him that will be wondered at, eastier than imitated,

Particularly, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquiss of Hertford, the Earls of Southampton and Lindsey, and the Lord Bishop of Lon∣don, obtained an order to Bury his Corps (which four of his Ser∣vants, Herbert, Mildmay, Preston, and Ioyner, with others in a Mourn∣ing Equipage, had carried to Windsor) provided that the expenses exceeded not 500l. which they did in St. George his Chappel, in a Vault, discovered them by ana 2.14 honest old Knight (they disdain∣ing the ordinary grave the Governor had provided in the body of the Church) withb 2.15 Henry the Eighth, and Iane Scymour his Wife, whose Coffins those were supposed to be that were found there, the Officers of the Garrison carrying the Herse, and the four Lords bearing up the Corners of the Velvet-pall, and my Lord of London following, Feb. 9. about three in the afternoon silently and sorrowfully, and without any other solemnity than sighs and tears; the Governor refusing the use of the Common Prayer, though in∣cluded in their order, Because he thought the Parliament (as he called them) would not allow the use of that by Order, which they had abolished by Ordinance: Whereunto the Lords answered, but with no suc∣cess, That there was a difference between destroying their own Act, and dispensing with it; and that no power so binds its own hands, as to dis∣able its self in some cases. Committing the great King to the earth, with the Velvet Pall over the Coffin, to which was fastned an In∣scription in Lead, of these words;

KING CHARLES 1648.

Besides which, he hath in the hearts of men such Inscriptions as these are. 1. The excellent Romans Character given him by Dr. Perrinchief.

Homo virtuti simillimus, & per omnia Ingenio diis quam hominibus proprior; qui nunquam recte fecit, ut recte facere videretur; sed quia aliter facere non poterat; cuique id solum visum est habere rationem quod haberet Iustitiam omnibus humanis vitiis Immunis semper in potestate sua fortunam habuit: Vell. Patr. l. 2.

The Second Epitaph bestowed upon him by the Reverend and Learned Doctor Peirce.

Caroli Primi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Epitaphium: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

SIstas sacrilegum Pedem viator Ne forsan temeres sacros sepulchri Augusti cineres; Repostus hic est In terrae gremio decor stuporque Humani generis; senex & infans; Prudens scilicet, Innocensque princeps, Regni praesidium, ruina regni Vita presidium, ruina morte: Quem regem potius, Patremve dicam? O Patrem prius, & deinde regem! Regem quippe sui, patremque regni. His donumque Dei, Deique cura, (Quem vitaque refert, refert{que} morte) Ringente satana, cauente Coelo, Diro in pegmate (gloriae theatro) Et Christi cruce, victor, & securi Baptistae emicuit; Ruina Faelix! Quae Divum Carolus secutus agnum Et post liminio domum vocatus Primae vae patriae fit Inquilinus.•• Sic Lucis prius Hesperus Cadentis Resplendet modo Phosphorus reversae Hic vindex fidei sacer vetustae Cui par est nihil, & nihil secundus Naturae typus absolutioris.— Fortunae domitor ferendo suae; Qui quantum Calicis bibit tre∣mendi. Tantundem sibi gloriae reportat. Regum maximus, unicue{que} regum, In quo res minima est fuisse re∣gem, Solas qui supera locatus arce, Vel vita poterit funi priore Cum sint relliquiae, cadaver umbra Tam sacri capitis vel ipsa sacra Ipsis eulogiis coinquinato. Quaeque ipsum— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pro∣phanat. Sistas sacrilegum pedem viator.

Tho. Peirce D. D. Mag. Col. apud Oxon Praeses.

The Third of the excellent Marquiss of Montrosse, written with the point of his Sword.

GReat! Good! O Just! could I but Rate My griefs, and thy too rigid Fate; I'de Weep the World to such a strain, As it should Deluge once again. But since thy loud Tongu'd Blood demands supply's, More from Bojareus Hands than Argus Eyes. I'le sing thy Obsequies with Trumpets Sounds, And write thy Epitaph with Blood and Wounds.

WIthin this sacred Vault, doth ly The Quintescence of Majesty;

Which being set, more Glorious shines; The best of Kings, best of Divines. Britains shame, and Britains glory, Mirour of Princes, compleat story Of Royalty: One so exact, That the Elixars of praise detract, These are faint shadows: But t' indure, He's drawn to the Life in's Pourtraicture. If such another Piece you'l see, Angels must Limn it out, or He.

And so we shut up this short view of the Life and Reign of this glorious King, as Tacitus doth the life of Iulius Agricola, a right Noble Roman, the names of the persons only changed.

Quicquid ex Carolo amavimus, quicquid mirati sumus, manet mansu∣rum quaeest in animis hominum, in Aeternitate temporum, fam a rerum.

Horat. Carm. 24.

Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit, Nulli flebilior quam ••ihi.— Sed monumentis quotquot uspiam est.

Illa, Illa. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Notes

• I 1.1

  His Extra∣ction & Birth.
• a 1.2

  Whose Daugh∣ter Ma••gare•• married J. 4 of Scotland.
• b 1.3

  Aethaling's Daughter married Malcolme Conmor K. of Scots.
• c 1.4

  Dr. P. in his life.
• II 1.5

  His Educa∣tion and Hopes.
• d 1.6

  ••••••eupon he in disdain threw the Cap down, and trampled it un∣der f••e••: An Omen, said some, what an enemy be would he to the Arch-bishops O der, which had ne∣ver since it needed such a better friend, though he sus∣pended the Arch-bishop.
• e 1.7

  When the Chaplains re∣ceived directi∣on from the King, not to dispute with∣out great ne∣cessity; but if they did, George should hold the Co••∣clusien, and Charles, &c.
• f 1.8

  Mr. Vines saying, That he was the best Divine in England.
• III 1.9

  His Carri∣age while Prince.
• g 1.10

  To whom he was very dear.
• h 1.11

  The Q of Bohemia, whose Bride∣man he was.
• i 1.12

  Who might 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pla•• uites ••b•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 b∣••••cts of the peoples discon∣••••nt.
• k 1.13

  As his own Grandmother, the Q of 〈…〉〈…〉 to England.
• l 1.14

  This K. James was not sinsi∣ble of, ••ill Ar∣••hec Clapped his Cap on his head, for ••••••∣ting the Prince goe to Spain; and saying, That if he re¦turned, he would take off ••he Cap from ••he King of England's head, and set 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••n the K. of Spain's Which ••ad the King melanch••lly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 heard h•• P••••nce was at Sea.
• IV 1.15

  His Carri∣age when King.
• 1 1.16

  His Marri∣age, his Chasti∣••y, and Gods blessing him with Children.
• m 1.17

  Given the D. of Cheve∣reux.
• n 1.18

  Trinity Sunday, 16••5.
• o 1.19

  No Subject fought him for injuring ••hem, he having, by his power and example, ••••••u∣red them in all their Relations.
• 2 1.20

  His first Parliament.
• p 1.21

  Mu••ining against their Commander the Lord Wim∣bleton.
• q 1.22

  With a Plagu••¦bred by the•• Discontent: As discontent∣ed m••n are most subject to that Distemper.
• 3 1.23

  His Corona∣tion and Fru∣gality.
• 4 1.24

  His second Parliament.
• V 1.25

  The Bene∣fits of his Go∣vernment.
• 1 1.26

  ••••s dismissi∣on of the Inso∣lent French.
• r 1.27

  Besides Land Merigaged for 120000 l. to the C•••••• and 30000 l. bor∣rowed of the East-India Company.
• s 1.28

  In that tryal of ••umb•••• which he jud••••d un∣lawful wherein one Rey would have proved, that one Ram∣sey would have h••d him serve D. Ha∣milton, to at∣tain the King∣dom of Scot∣land, whose right to it they blazoned abroad.
• t 1.29

  Which his Enemies knew so well, that it was b•••• effec∣••ing him Propo∣〈7 letters〉〈7 letters〉 repug∣nant to his Conscience, and th••y need not fear a Peace.
• VI 1.30

  The bles∣sing of God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him and his fortun••.
• u 1.31

  Many Arts revived.
• VII 1.32

  His Mer∣cy and Love to his People, Hu∣mi••ity and Pa∣tience.
• w 1.33

  Oliver, they say, could not endure to hear a man speak sence. Plato was like to eye, because he ••••med wiser than the Sicili∣an Tyrant.
• x 1.34

  Being delu∣ded, as he said, to unwor∣thy thoughts of him; but n••w convineed to a great reverence of him.
• y 1.35

  There are methodical and si••••wy extracts of his draw•••• out of Bishop Laud, Mr. Hooker, and Bish Andrews, therein he draw together all the argu∣ments giving light and strength to them even while he ••••tomised them.
• z 1.36

  Witness his ••••um vednass at Prayer when ••he sad News of the Duke of Buckinghams death was brought to him: bidding the Chaplain go on, when he stop∣ped at the di∣sturbance.
• a 1.37

  Meaning the Bishop of Ar∣magh.
• * 1.38

  〈…〉〈…〉
• IX 1.39

  His Valou••, Resolution, and Conduct.
• b 1.40

  The Senate of Rome thank'd a Con∣sul, though he was beaten, that he did not de∣spair of the Commonwealth
• c 1.41

  This was at Edgehill, Oct. 13. 1641.
• a 1.42

  In France
• a 1.43

  Who had an honest design to undo the whole Conspi∣racy.
• X 1.44

  What great things the King granted, and did for the Nation, during the 23 years that he reigned.
• f 1.45

  For which the last Parlia∣ment would have given him 600000 l.
• g 1.46

  At the Isle of Wight.
• XII 1.47

  His Suf∣ferings.
• h 1.48

  As appears by a Letter un∣der Londons hand•• to desire Protection of the French King.
• i 1.49

  And a Lady, that formerly had followers for beau••y, and ••ow for intelli∣gence.
• k 1.50

  ••s Fulke and Ven did.
• a 1.51

  He called them Rebls in the first Speech Oct 3 1640. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was forced to explain him∣self after∣wards.
• b 1.52

  As he was to that first 1640. by Sir H V. who ex•• asperated them by demanding twice more Subsidies than he had order to d••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so oc∣casioned their Dissolution. And to the Parliament of Scotland by H. and Tra. who under the pretence of be∣ing Mediators and Commissi¦oners, put the worse constru∣ctions they could upon his actions to the Parliament, and upon theirs to him.
• a 1.53

  Who after the King, death, finding their Masters jugglers, would have done in much for them as they had done for the King, until the Officers would have laid them aside which they could not do till several of them were executed.
• a 1.54

  Where ••n•• lay with a Sword and Pistal without ready is mur∣der the King if became out, while others per∣swaded him to escape out through that window with¦in.
• b 1.55

  A Vote once before Passed, but surreptitiously, and repealed by the whole House.
• a 1.56

  And yet neither Lords, nor Iudges, four hundred & fifty of eight hundred Commons confess, nor a man in England, except twenty Rebels owned it.
• b 1.57

  Villains that overthrowed all the Laws of this Nation•• to try the King for doing it. When he died rather than he would do it.
• c 1.58

  They complain of his Arbitrary Power, when there was nothing more Arbitrary than for them. First, To Vote themselves, but twenty in number, to be the whole kingdom. Secondly, To Vote a Conventicle, where there were neither Lords, nor King, nor ten lawfully chosen Commons, for a Parliament. Thirdly, To Vote the Kings defensive war, which he made with the assistance of his People, a Treason against his People. Fourthly, To Vote him guilty of that bloud that they shed. Fifthly, To Vote him a Traytor, when there is no Treason but against him. And what was more than all the rest, to Vote themselves, after a Na∣tion had been an hereditary Monarchy for a thousand years, the Supream Power of it in an hour.
• d 1.59

  When they began the war against him, who with his people was forced to defend himself, or be acces∣sary to that overthrow of all Religion and Government, which (though not believed) he saw they aimed at then, and all the world saw they designed now.
• e 1.60

  Not till the Traytors had set a force upon the whole Nation, those very persons against whom he began the war abhor∣ring the thoughts of calling him in question for it; and thinking it a great favour if they could be secured from being called in question for it them∣selves. Ob∣serve the im∣pudence of the men, these slaves and instru∣ments, that durst not fight against the King, but in the names of the Lords and Commons, yet dare murther him in their own, and that for le∣vying war against those Lords and Commons, to whom, before they could meddle with the King, they offered violence them∣selves.
• f 1.61

  The Parliament, as they called it, had received such Concessions in order to a peace, that this mur∣der could never have been attempted upon the King, till these wretches had attempted another violence upon them. The Parliament, they say, delayed this Iudgment, when God knows they always abhorred it; and these men first turned out of the House, for refusing to consent to this murder, and then they commit the murder in their name.
• g 1.62

  Observe all the practices and commotions they talk of as of late raised for the King, were but the endeavours of those very men that first employed the Army against the King, to rescue the King and themselves from the power of that Army; and whereas these wretches say the Parliament Order the Kings Tryal, it was the Parliament that encouraged all those tumults and commotions 47, 48. to deliver the King from that Tryal.
• a 1.63

  By Dendy the Kings own Serjeant at Arms Son.
• b 1.64

  Not being permitted to breakfast, be∣ing reviled all the way by P. and ••thers that rid by him; the King being put upon a loan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iade.
• a 1.65

  He was born so.
• b 1.66

  He was a free Monarch.
• c 1.67

  What his design and theirs were, the world hath lately seen.
• d 1.68

  He d••ed because he would not al∣low an Arbi∣trary Power, and they killed him by an Arbi∣trary Power.
• e 1.69

  He levied war to defend a King, and they to murder one.
• f 1.70

  Have dare they take away his life, for levying war in his own de∣fence, against the Seditious part of the Parliament, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Army of Rebels, when these the Par∣liaments sworn servants, lay violent hand•• on the whole Parliament, to take away his life. He would have punished two or three rebellious Par∣liament-men, they turn out the whole House; he fought the traiterous Army they sen•• against him, these Members of that Army turn out those they fought un∣der; he must be a Traytor against the Parliament, and yet within a fortnight before they set on his assassinatio••, they break trouble, and abuse that Parliament, as if it were Treason to be against the Parliament, when they were against the King; but no Treason to be against them, when now they were for him.
• a 1.71

  With the danger of her life.
• b 1.72

  Pointing at Col. Cobbet that brought him from the Isle of Wight, where he said be Treated with many ho∣norable Lords & Gentlemen, and is this the end of the Treaty?
• c 1.73

  Both parts of the impu∣dent Assertion equally ••rue. 1. That he was now Iudged by the People, and that he was at first chosen by them.
• a 1.74

  On Sunday wh••n its a∣gainst all Ca∣nons to fa••t, none ever do∣ing so but these and the Scots Presti••••s, who would needs Proclaim a Fast that day, because the King de∣signed to Feast the Embassador of Denmark.
• b 1.75

  As they had Voted it, Ordering.
• c 1.76

  That or∣dered that none should make any di∣sturbance on pain of death.
• d 1.77

  C. Downs that thought it fit the King should be hea••d by the Lords and Commons.
• a 1.78

  Wherein ••e was earnest, not for his own concerns, but for those of the kingdom
• b 1.79

  Though he offered much ••o say for the peace of the kingdom, which if the meanest man had offered, he should have been heard.
• c 1.80

  This was their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that the Commons of England in Parliament appointed them a Court, where∣as they neither did i••, nor ••••uld do it.
• a 1.81

  All d••cla∣ring for a Pe••∣sonal T••••aty.
• a 1.82

  Secluding 140. Mem∣bers.
• b 1.83

  Imprison∣ing the Chief Citizens, ••id∣ing triumph••n∣••y through the streets of London, and seizing the Tower, &c.
• c 1.84

  On ship∣board in Sum∣mer time•• others sold slaves.
• d 1.85

  Suffering nasty Confine∣ments and ignominous Tortures.
• * 1.86

  The method leading to the Kings death.
• a 1.87

  C. Downs disturbed the their proceed∣ings, declaring that what the King offered should be heard.
• b 1.88

  Declaring that it was contrary to the known Laws and Customs of England, that the King should be brought to Tryal.
• a 1.89

  I. B. Dr. P. Cha∣racter of him.
• b 1.90

  Dr. D formerly Histo∣ry Professor of Cambridge, set there by F. Brookes, where reading in the stift lines of Taci∣tus, he disco∣vered so much of a popular spirit, that he was complai••∣ed of about his d••scourses of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three sorts of government.
• a 1.91

  Set on by the Instructors of their villa••ny.
• * 1.92

  Hereabouts he was stopped, being not per∣mitted to speak any more of Reasons.
• a 1.93

  Telling them, that it was not a slight thing that they were about.
• a 1.94

  A motion so reasonable, that Colonel Downs could not but presse them to heark∣en to it, so far that they had adjourned not to consider what the King had of∣fered but to check Col. D. into a compli∣ance.
• b 1.95

  They ut∣terly refused his Queen that liberty.
• a 2.1

  After the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 the Bishop for his 〈7 words〉〈7 words〉 man replied that it was not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but the Chur∣ches choice for the d••y. Whereat his majesty was much comforted.
• b 2.2

  Meaning Col. Thom∣i••son.
• a 2.3

  Strafford.
• b 2.4

  Pointing to Dr. Juxon.
• c 2.5

  Turning to some Gentle∣men that wrote.
• d 2.6

  Meaning, if he did blunt the edge.
• a 2.7

  Pointing to Dr. Juxon.
• b 2.8

  It is thought to give it to the Prince.
• a 2.9

  They had provided I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 G••app••es to pull him down.
• b 2.10

  They sold Chips of the Block, and Sands disco∣••••red with his bloud.
• c 2.11

  Others Proclaimed his Son in the face of his Fathers murtherers.
• a 2.12

  Imp••iso••∣ing the Bishop of London, and searching Pocket••s and Cloaths.
• b 2.13

  See M. Iconoclastes.
• a 2.14

  Though they were seign to carry it a•• fit had been discovered by chance, by walking on the hollow part of it.
• b 2.15

  The place exactly an∣swering the designation of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in last Will and Testament, and lying under an Herse, that lay there all Q Elizabeths reign; besides, that no Sub∣ject had newer been buried in that Q••ire.