The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings.

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE OF THE REVEREND and most LEARNED John Lightfoot D. D.

THE exemplary Vertue and Industry of good Men hath always had a considerable influence upon the manners of Men: Great Examples do work more powerfully than the most subtle Reasonings, and the most Elaborate Arts of Perswasion. For though Men are generally shye of an Eloquent and Witty Man, and apt to suspect an Artifice where they discern a piercing Wit, and a ready Invention; and con∣sequently are little bettered by the strongest Arguments of Perswasi∣on, but go on in a course of Vice, and Sloth in spight of all endeavours to reclaim them; yet there is something in a good Example which does more powerfully charm them: Here is a certain force not easily eluded: This confirms the Truth of what we should not without it so firmly have believed. Besides, it does after the most lively man∣ner represent Vertue and Goodness to us, and its Desirableness, and its Beauties in the most sensible and familiar way that we can desire. A great Example does also convince us, That it is a possible thing to do Vertuously, and that our excuses are but pretexts and covers to our Sloth and Laziness.

Hence it is that as the Death of a vertuous and good Man is a great loss to the Com∣munity, so the preservation of his Memory, and representing his Example to those who survive him, doth greatly advance the Publick good. Many excellent Persons have pas∣sed through the World with little observation; They have affected privacy, and avoided crowds, and shunned Publick notice. Their Modesty hath been as great as their other Vertues; and many others, who could not be concealed while they lived, have yet been soon forgotten after their decease, for want of some to do them right in transmitting their memory to posterity.

Upon these considerations, and upon no other whatsoever, I have undertaken to give the World some small account of our Reverend and very Learned Author. I Sincerely declare I had much rather it had been done by any other hand: For, besides my want of time and leisure, and of many other helps needful for such a Work, which I could plead for my excuse; I might justly have expected that this should have been done by some one who upon all accounts was better provided for it.

Our Author, John Lightfoot D. D. was born in the Rector's House of Stoke upon Trent, in the County of Stafford, on the 29th day of March (being Tuesday) Anno Domini 1602. As for this time of his birth I find it under his own Hand in one of his Academical Exercises, which he performed being Vice-Chancellor, in the stead of Dr. Arrow-Smith, Publick Divinity Professor and Master of Trinity College in Cambridge, who was at that time Sick: He tells us there That that Doctor and Himself were born

in the same year, on the same day above named, and almost in the same hour; that Doctor near New-Castle upon Tine in Northumberland, Himself near New-Castle under Line in the County of Stafford. For which he had a very dear affection, calling it, in one of his Epistles, his Mother, the Mother of his birth, and the Mother of his dearest interests. And in another, most passionately, and most elegantly, lamenting her under the miseries, that the Civil Wars had brought upon her.

He was the Son of Mr. Thomas Lightfoot Vicar of Uttoxetar in the County of Staf∣ford; A man not to be named without a preface of honour and respect. He was born in a little Village called Shelton in the Parish of Stoke above named: He was a Man of exemplary Piety, and of an industry indefatigable, and one of the greatest examples of this last Age for his constant care of those Souls which were committed to his Charge. This he shewed by his constant Preaching, and diligent Instructing and Catechizing the Youth of his Parish, which his Preaching did not excuse him from. He was a burning and shining light, and shewed his love to his great Lord and Master by the unwearied care of his Sheep. He was in Holy Orders six and fifty years, and thirty six years Vicar of Uttoxetar above named. Died July 21. Anno Domini 1658. and in the eighty first year of his age.

Our Authors Mother was Mrs Elizabeth Bagnall, a Gentlewoman of a very good Fa∣mily; Three of which Family were made Knights by Queen Elizabeth for their martial Prowess and Valour in the then Wars in Ireland against the Rebels. She was a Woman of exemplary Piety, and died Jan. 24. Anno Domini 1636. at the age of seventy and one.

Our Author, when he was fit to be sent to a Grammar School, was committed to the care of Mr. Whitehead School-Master at Morton-Green near Congerton in the County Pa∣latine of Chester. There he continued till June, Anno Domini 1617. And thence he was sent to Christ College in Cambridge, where he was admitted under the Tuition of the very Learned and Pious Mr. William Chappel then Fellow of that House, and after∣wards Doctor in Divinity, and Master of Trinity College in Dublin, and lastly Lord Bi∣shop of Cork in Ireland.

While he continued in Christ College he gave great proofs of a pregnant Wit, and great proficiency in his Studies. His Tutor told some of the Heads of the University, at that time, that he had a young Pupil, meaning Lightfoot, whom he thought the best Orator of all the Undergraduates in the Town. He made an extraordinary proficiency in his Studies during his stay in that place, especially in the Latine and Greek Tongues. For the Hebrew Tongue he neglected it there, and lost that skill in it which he brought thither. And for Logick he could by no means fancy that contentious and quarrelsom study, it being very disagreeable to the quiet genius of this young Student. He could not be so happy as to stay any longer in that learned Society than till such time as he was Bachelor of Arts.

After this he was admitted as an assistant to his former Master, Mr. Whitehead, who was then Master of a famous School at Repton in the County of Darby, where he con∣tinued a year or two, and made great improvement in the Greek Tongue. His conversa∣tion there was as pleasing to the Master, as his mildness was acceptable to the Boys who were under his trust.

Sometime after this he entred into Holy Orders; and the first place of his settlement, after this, was at Norton under Hales in the County of Salop: This was near to Bella∣port in the same County, which was the Mansion House of the very Learned and Worthy Sir Rowland Cotton Knight, who was his constant hearer then, his Patron afterwards, and his faithful friend whiles he lived.

This Sir Rowland Cotton was a Man of very singular learning: He was the Son of Mr. William Cotton Citizen and Draper of London: He had great skill in the Hebrew Tongue by the early instructions of Mr. Hugh Broughton, who often lodged, and, for some considerable time, resided at his Fathers House. There were few places in the Hebrew Bible which he was not able readily to read, and render into English, when he was but seven or eight years of age, and he did not only understand but readily speak the Lan∣guage. This worthy Knight our Author often mentioned as his great Friend, and a per∣son of a most exemplary life, as well as of great Learning and Judgment. I have seen a Sermon of our Authors prepared to be Preached at his Funerals, in which he bewails his death; and complains at the close of it that he was hindred by the express Command of this worthy and modest Knight, upon his death bed, from saying any thing of him.

This may seem to be a digression, but it is a very pardonable one, it being designed on∣ly to take an occasion of speaking well of one who deserved well of the World, and par∣ticularly of our learned Author, whose incomparable learning and skill in the Hebrew af∣fairs are under God in great measure owing to the Learned and Religious Gentleman.

Sir Rowland Cotton did, whiles our Author preached at the place above named, out of respect to his hopeful parts, take him into his own family, as his Chaplain: There he laid the foundation of his Rabbinical Learning, for which he is justly renowned, not only here in England but beyond the Seas. And that which put him upon it, as our Author himself would frequently relate it, was this. Sir Rowland would often question him in that Language, in which our Author was then but a Novice; and this after some time wrought upon him so effectually, that out of shame and indignation that he wanted that Learning, which his Patron had, he set himself close to the Study of the Tongues, and the Hebrew especially. He was ashamed to be baffled (as he confessed he often was) by a Country Gentleman; and that also in a piece of Learning which he by his Professi∣on and his Character, was much more obliged to attain to than his Patron could be sup∣posed to be. And this was the occasion of his applying himself to those very useful Studies, to which otherwise probably he would have continued a stranger.

In his Studies in this Family he made a great progress, and was greatly cherished in them by his Patron, to whom he was always very dear. With him he continued at Bel∣laport, till Sir Rowland left the Country and went to reside at London with his Family, at the request of Sir Allen Cotton, his Fathers younger Brother, who was Lord Mayor of the City.

Within a little while our Author followed his Patron to the City: He continued not long there before he returned into the Country again, and visited his Father and Mother at Uttoxetar above named, of whom he took a solemn leave, with a resolution to travel beyond the Seas, to their no little sorrow. But having left his Father and Mother and travailing as far as Stone in the County of Stafford, which place was then destitute of a Minister, he was, by the importunity of those who were concerned, perswaded to ac∣cept of that place: And so he did, and forthwith set his Parents at ease by letting them know that his Travels were now at an End. At this place he continued two years or thereabouts: During this time (May 21. 1628.) he married Joice, the Daughter of William Crompton of Stone Park Esq and Widow of George Copwood of Dilverne in the County of Stafford Gentleman.

From Stone our Author removed to Hornsey near the City of London, for the sake of the Library of Sion College, to which he often resorted; and from thence in the Spring, Anno Domini 1630. he and his Family came to Uttoxetar aforesaid; where he continued till the September following, when Sir Rowland Cotton preferred him to the Rectory of Ashley in the County of Stafford: Here our Author continued in great esteem for the space of twelve years; and here he very much pursued his Rabbinical Studies. And to that end he bought a small piece of Land lying near unto his Parsonage-house, where he built a small House in the midst of a Garden, containing a Study and withdrawing room below, and a lodging Chamber above. Here he closely followed his said Studies with great delight, and unwearied diligence, and did choose to lodge here very often, though it were so near to his Family and Parsonage House. He continued in this place till June Anno Domini 1642. when upon what occasion soever it was (most probably being cal∣led up to the Assembly of Divines) unwillingly he seems to leave his abode and Coun∣try, and became a kind of Exile in London: as we may collect from his Epistle before his Handful of Gleanings upon Exodus. Where he thus bespeaks the Parishoners of S. Bartholomews behind the Exchange, That when exiled from his own, they made him theirs. But in this his destitute state, it seems, he continued not long. His parts and worth, like a great light, could not be hid; but soon were taken notice of in the City. So that he became Minister to the Inhabitants of the Parish aforesaid. Where, as we learn from that Epistle, their first meeting was with extraordinary kindness, and the same mutual affection abated not between them. About this time it was also, that another employ∣ment was laid upon him: namely to be a Member of the Assembly of Divines at West∣minster. Whether I shall now follow him, and give some account of his carriage and demeanour there.

In the year 1643. The Ministers of the City of London met together to consult whe∣ther they should preach on the Christmas day following as they had been wont to do, or take no notice at all of the day. One of them (whom I shall not name) of great Au∣tority among them was against their Preaching, and was very near prevailing with the rest of his Brethren to forbear: Our Author was at that meeting (being at that time Minister at St. Bartholomews aforesaid) who was so far from consenting to the advice of that person who gave it, that he took him aside, and argued the Point with him; and did not only maintain the lawfulness of the thing in question, but the expedience of it also; and shewed that the omitting it would be of dangerous consequence, and would reflect very much upon those Men who made profession of no other design but refor∣ming what was culpable and faulty. In a word he so far prevailed with the Company, that when it was put to the question it was carried in the Affirmative, and there were not

above four or five of the whole who dissented. I forbear to mention the particular ar∣guments which our Author made use of (which I could easily have done) because I do not mention it as an instance of his Learning that he was able to maintain this cause; than which no thing can be thought more defensible; but only to let the Reader know, that though our Author lived in the late unhappy times, and conversed with Men who were extravagantly bent upon extreams, yet he did not want courage and integrity in standing against the stream.

In the debates of that Assembly at Westminster, our Author used the like freedom, and gave great proofs both of his courage and learning also, in opposing many of those Tenets, which the Divines were endeavouring to establish; of which I shall give some instances, which I do not take upon hearsay and uncertain report, but from better grounds, and such as are unexceptionable.

It is very well known that those Divines spent much time concerning Lay Elders, and their power of ruling. This they endeavoured to prove from 1 Cor. XII. 28. Helps, Governments: This opinion our Author did not forbear to oppose, and did with great truth and judgment affirm that the Seventy two used the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (Prov. 1. 5. & XI. 14. & XX. 18. & XXIV. 6.) to translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which word imports not the act but the ability of gifts fit to govern. And that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the place in hand imported helps to interpret the Languages and sense of those who spake with Tongues: as may be gathered by a diligent comparing of the 28, 29, and 30 verses together.

And whereas some would have founded Lay Elders upon the Elders of the Jewish Church, and did affirm that there were two Consistories in every City, and that they were Civil and Ecclesiastical; Our Author replied that the two Sanhedrin's or Consisto∣ries in every City are not owned by the Jewish Authors: and for that he alledged Mai∣monides at large. He proved that there were three Courts in Jerusalem, but that they were not distinguished into Ecclesiastical and Civil; and that there was but one Court or Consistory in every other inferior City. He granted indeed that there were Elders in the Sanhedrin that were not Priests or Levites, but withal they were Civil Magistrates.

At another time when they were for making a Court to consist of Lay Elders mixed with Presbyters to decide Ecclesiastical matters, and that from the Jewish practice; Our Author shewed that in divers things the Priest had a propriety and was only concerned, and the Civil Magistrate had nothing to do, as in the case of Leprosie, and the trial of Jealousie, and judging between clean and unclean, &c. and that in those things where the Lay Judges were concerned, as in Blasphemy, Idolatry, false Doctrines, &c. the cen∣sure was Civil, it being Capital.

And when some of them affirmed that the Civil Elders in the Sanhedrin judged in all cases, our Author replied that this was impossible in the case of Leprosie: It being evi∣dent that Leprosie was infectious to all Israel, but only to the Priests. And as for that place, Deut. XVII. he affirmed that it spake not of Appeals but of Advice, not of Judica∣ture but of Direction. For that the Judges of the inferior Courts were to go to the place which the Lord should choose to inform themselves in a matter too hard for them in judgment.

In that Assembly, in discoursing of Church Officers, there was a certain Divine who affirmed that Widows were to be esteemed as such; and for the confirmation of his opini∣on he alledged that it appeared from hence, viz. that they were chosen at sixty years of age. Our Author opposed that fond opinion from that very argument on which the Divine aforesaid grounded it, alledging that under the Old Testament the Officers at the Temple were dismissed at fifty years of age, and that it was therefore unreasonable to suppose that in the New any should be admitted to Office who were not under sixty. And whereas another Divine in that Assembly affirmed that the Priests were dismissed from their Service, because of the burden of carrying the Ark, &c. our Author replied that the Ark was fixed in Solomon's time, and that the courses of the Priests were so full as that eighty opposed Uzziah; and that Josephus saith, That the courses had five thou∣sand a piece at least in them, and their service but one week in about half a year, and that therefore they could not be supposed to be overladen with Work.

Our Author was against the Peoples election of their Ministers, which some in that As∣sembly attempted to prove from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which they would have to signifie not Laying on of Hands, but Election. He argued against this opinion from Zonaras and Balsamon and from an Apostolical Canon, and from the notation of the Greek word. To which he added, That it was not possible for the people in those early times of Chri∣stianity to Elect their Ministers, because none were fit in those times to be such but by the gift of the Holy Ghost; and that it was not reasonable to suppose that the People did nominate and choose such who were to receive that heavenly gift.

I find also that upon a consultation whether they should add something forbidding the Directory to be turned into a set Form, that our Author spake against it as a dangerous thing so much as to intimate any thing against a set Form of Prayer.

Upon that Proposition relating to Baptism, it is lawful and sufficient to sprinkle the child, our Author opposed them that worded it in that manner; it being unfit to vote that as lawful only, which every one grants so to be. And whereas one of that Assembly at∣tempted in a large discourse to prove that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which signifies Baptism) imports a dipping overhead: Our Author replied at large, and proved the contrary. 1. From a passage of Aben Ezra on Gen. 38. (2.) From R. Solomon Jarchi who in his Commen∣tary on Exod. 24. saith, That Israel entred into Covenant with sprinkling of blood and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews expounds by sprinkling, Heb. IX. (3.) From this, That John the Baptist sometimes Preached annd Baptized in places where he could not possibly Dip those who were Baptized. In conclusion, He proposed to that Assembly to shew him in all the Old Testament any one instance where the word used de Sacris & in actu transeunte implied any more than Sprinkling. It is said indeed, That the Priests washed their Bodies, and that the unclean washed himself in Water, but this was not a transient action. And when they came to the Vote whether the Directory should run thus, The Minister shall take Water and Sprinkle, or pour it with his Hand upon the Face or Forehead of the Child; some were unwilling to have Dipping excluded; so that the Vote came to an equality within one: For the one side there being twenty four, and for the other twenty five. The business was thereupon recommitted, and resumed the day following, where our Author demanded of them, who insisted upon Dipping, the reason of their opinion, and that they would give in their proofs; Hereupon it was thus worded, That pouring on of Water, or Sprinkling in the administration of Baptism is lawful and sufficient. Where our Author excepted against the word lawful, it being all one as if it should be determined to be lawful to use Bread and Wine in the Lords Supper; and he moved that it might be expressed thus, It is not only lawful, but also sufficient. And it was done so accordingly.

Concerning the Members of a Synod the Proposition was, That Pastors and Teachers and other fitting persons are constituent Members of a Synod; This our Author opposed and gave his Interpretation of the Brethren and the whole Church, Act. XV. viz. that by Brethren was meant the uncircumcised Converts, as vers. 1, & 23. And that it was most likely the Churches of the uncircumcised, would send their Ministers, and not Laymen; And that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was meant not the Church, but the meeting of the Council.

There were many other matters debated in that Assembly in which our Author was greatly concerned, and did not fail to argue very strenuously upon occasion against those opinions that were then in vogue. I could give a particular account of what he said in the debates touching the admission of persons to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, of Private Baptism, of the Learning required in those who were to be Ordained, of the raising Doctrines from a Text, of the use of learned Languages in Sermons, &c. But I forbear these things not being willing to exceed that short account of our Author which I only undertook at first.

In the later end of the year 1643. I find our Author was preferred to the Rectory of Much-Munden in the County of Hertford, void by the Death of that excellent Person Samuel Ward D. D. the Lady Margaret Professor in the University of Cambridge. In that Rectory he continued to the day of his Death; He resided upon his Living as much as was consistent with his relation to Catharine-Hall in Cambridge, of which he was Master many years before his Death. He was uneasie when he was from his Living, and would express a great desire to be at home with his Russet-Coats, as he was wont to call his Country neighbours, when he was absent from them. His Labours in that place were very great and exemplary: He was unwearied in his Studies, which he followed early and late with indefatigable diligence; he was a most constant and painful Preacher. His Parsonage House was about a mile distant from his Parish Church, whereunto he resorted every Lords-day, read the Prayers, and Preached Morning and Afternoon, and did many times continue there all the day, and returned not home till Night, remaining in the Church, not diverting to any other House to refresh himself, until Evening Service was all finished. He had for his Flock the care and compassions of a Father; he lived among them in great peace and with great Hospitality. There he continued without let or di∣sturbance many years. Indeed soon after the happy Restauration of his Majesty, a Fel∣low of a College in Cambridge procured a grant of our Authors Living. Of this he was soon advertised by his Neighbour and worthy Friend, Sir Henry Caesar, upon which, by the favour of the late Archbishop Sheldon, our Author was confirmed in his Rectory. This great favour of the Archbishop, our Author gratefully acknowledgeth in two Epistles Dedicatory to him, prefixed to his Horae Hebraicae upon St. Mark, and St. Luke. And he would often mention the great favour he received from that worthy and very

excellent Person Sir Henry Caesar, whose Neighbourhood and encouragement was one of the greatest comforts of our Authors life.

He commenced Doctor in Divinity in the year 1652. His Latine Sermon was upon those words, If any Man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be Anathema Maranatha, 1 Cor. XVI. 22. When he was in the University, he Preached frequently, and to the great advantage of the Students there. He always pressed an exemplary Life upon his Auditors, and to very good purpose Preached up the necessity of humane Lear∣ning, and exploded the Enthusiasm which had at that time gotten a great possession of the minds of unstable Men: He Preached up the lawfulness of Forms of Prayer in those times, when many Men were so extravagantly vain as to decry it. And for Schism and Separation from an Established Church, he was so great an Enemy to it, that he did in those times urge the necessity of Communion with a Church, which had corruption in it. And whoever will be at the pains to consider what he hath to this purpose in his Horae Hebraicae upon St. Matthew, Chap. VIII. vers. 4. and especially in his Sermon Preached at St. Michaels Church in Cornhill, before his Country-men of the County of Stafford, upon St. Joh. X. 22. (which is Printed with the rest of his Works) will be abundantly convinced of this. When he Preached at Cambridge, he did generally pitch upon some difficult Text of the Holy Scriptures which he explained to the great satis∣faction of the learned Auditors. In which, I reckon, he did very considerable service to the Publick. In doing so he relieved the minds of honest and inquisitive Men, who were at a stand, and defended the Holy Scriptures from the contempt of those who were prophane Scoffers, and were ready upon all occasions to lessen their Autority. And indeed he was very happy this way: I have heard a very Learned and Reverend Divine (lately deceased) Profess, that he never heard our Author preach but he learned something which he did not know before. He was of very singular use in the University in those times, and his discourses were of that nature that they greatly gained upon the more Studious, and inquisitive sort of Men. He laboured much in proving Infants Baptism against the Antipaedobaptists of those times: This he did upon most substantial grounds and such as commended themselves to the lovers of Truth: I doubt not but that he did confirm many by his way of proof who were wavering before. I find among our Au∣thors Papers a letter directed to him from a very Learned Divine William Outram D. D. who was then his Auditor in Cambridge. In which he gives our Author all possible thanks for his choice and truly learned Observations (as he justly calls them) in relation to the Lords Prayer, in which he asserted the lawfulness of Forms; and is earnest with him to grant him his Notes of his Sermons on Baptism, which (says he) I have most earnestly longed for ever since they were Preached, and not without due cause: For verily had I not heard them I should not to this day have been so well reconciled to Infants Baptism, (as I bless God I now am.) I desire therefore that you would be pleased to consider what real usefulness your notes may be of; and how (for my own part) I am infinitely more perswaded by your way of probation, than by some other ratiocinations of Men ordinarily used. There are many persons now living that have great cause to bless God for our Author, and will confess the eminent service which he did in that time.

In the year 1655. Our Author was chosen Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cam∣bridge; which Office he discharged with great care and diligence, though he had at that time a multiplicity of affairs to divert him, especially that of perusing the sheets of the Polyglott as they were wrought off from the Press. He was extreamly solicitous during his being Vice-Chancellor that he might not do any wrong to any Man, or any unkind∣ness to his friend. He did once fear, during that year, that he had by a Sentence deter∣mined injuriously against a Friend of his. This was so great a torment to his mind, that he told a Friend that is yet alive, that he thought it would accompany him with sorrow to his grave. But the good Man was soon satisfied that what he had determined was not only just but necessary also.

Nor were our Authors Labours confined to the University and to his Rectory. For besides the many excellent Books which he wrote (of which I forbear to give any ac∣count here, because I find it done to my Hand) he was concerned in the useful under∣takings which were begun and finished in his time.

Among which the Edition of the Polyglott Bible, which was finished in the year 1657. deserves to be mentioned in the first place. This excellent and useful Work was in great measure accomplished by the indefatigable pains of the Learned and Reverend Brian Walton D. D. (and afterwards Lord Bishop of Chester) and remains a monument of the exemplary diligence and eminent Learning of that excellent Prelate. I shall only at pre∣sent consider how far our Author was concerned in that Work. I find him consulted about that whole Work by Doctor Walton at his first entrance upon it in a Letter of the Doctors to him bearing date Jan. 2. 1653. In which he begs our Authors assistance, as to the Samaritan Pentateuch, which he bestowed much pains about; Vid. Dec. Chorograph. in

S. Marc. Cap. X. §. 5. Nor was this the first application which had been made to him; for by that Letter it appears that our Author had modestly declined the employment upon the score of his inability, to which the Doctor in that Letter replies, that our Author had given sufficient and publick Testimony to the World of his ability. I find also that Doctor Walton (as appears by his Letters bearing date Feb. 23. 1653. and April 24 1654. and June 14. 1654. and several others) sent our Author the several Alphabets of sheets as they came off from the Press, and desired him to peruse them as he had done, and note the mistakes he should meet withal. In one of which he tells him that as to the Samari∣tan, his Diligence and Judgment had been so exact that there would be little cause to alter, much less to censure and correct. I find also that our Author assisted in that Work several other ways, not only by procuring Subscriptions toward its encouragement, but by fur∣nishing him with several M S S. out of the University Library, viz. a Syriac M S. of the Prophets (which the Doctor acknowledges in a Letter bearing date Nov. 7. 1655.) and a Syriac Lexicon, a MS. He assisted him likewise in rectifying the Map of Judaea, as appears by another Letter dated July 23. 1656. and with certain Notes out of the Jeru∣salem Talmud, (as appears by another Letter Nov. 4. 1657.) Besides this our Author sent him his Chorographical Observations which we find prefixed to the Polyglott Bible un∣der his Name.

Next to the Polyglott Bible, and in order to render that the more useful also, the greatest Work of this last age, and indeed of any other of that kind, is that incompa∣rable Book, the Lexicon Heptaglotton, by Edmund Castell D. D. published in the year 1669. I find that Dr. Castell (a Man for his great Piety, incomparable Learning, and incredible Diligence not to be mentioned without a Preface of honour) before he en∣tred upon that Work, consulted our Author about it, and submitted it to him either to stifle or give it life, as he expresseth himself in a Letter to him bearing date Dec. 2. 1657. To which when the Doctor had received our Authors Answer, in which he approves his excellent design, in a second Letter the Doctor returns him his thanks, and after his ac∣knowledgments he adds. And truly (says he) had we not such an Oracle to consult with, bootless and in vain it would be to attempt such an undertaking. And a little afterwards he adds, O nos felices ter & amplius, quibus contigit, Te vivo, opus hoc tam grande, quam ar∣duum auspicato suscepisse: Et benedictus ob hoc semper sit summus ille rerum Arbiter. This Letter is not dated, but must be written upon the beginning of that great undertaking.

I forbear to relate in how many particulars his Advice and Assistance toward that ex∣cellent Work was requested. The Doctor tells our Author in a Letter dated (Feb. 22. 1663.) what his sense of him was in these word, your Worth and Works, so transcendent to the Vulgar way of writing, all the learned World doth and ought highly to esteem: I have and shall (as does become me) in this Work now upon me sundry times with honour mention, &c. Our Author did not only advise, and commend, and speak well: These are cheap things. He assisted by supplying with Money, and supporting the excellent undertaker: This I find acknowledged by the Doctor in a Letter bearing date, March 14. 1663. How far our Author gave his assistance this way I know not, but this I find, that in that Let∣ter the Doctor is transported, that in these three Kingdoms (says he to our Author) there should be one found (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for such a second has never yet appeared to me) who has mani∣fested such a sentiment of my ruined and undone condition. He does indeed except in that Letter the Bishop of Exon whose kindness to him was incomparably great.

Doctor Lightfoot indeed was very much concerned for that most Worthy undertaker, and did, I find, do his utmost to support the Good Man in that excellent Work. He wrote often to him, and failed not by all manner of ways to encourage him in his La∣bours. The Doctor tells him (in a Letter bearing date Nov. 15. 1664.) next to the Divine I meet with no lines like yours, that so sweetly refresh and delight my Soul when quite wearied with labour, &c. When the first Volume of that excellent Book came out, I find the Doctor giving our Author the notice of it, and promising him to transmit it, with a request to give a Censure of it, none being either more able to judge, or that will do it with greater Candor; especially he desires his more severe scanning of the Arabick. This he does in a Letter dated Jan. 14. 1667. He acquaints him also with the finishing of the Second Volume in a Letter dated to him June 9. 1669. By this it appears how far our Author was concerned in the encouraging of this excellent Work.

For the Synopsis Criti••orum undertaken by Mr. Matthew Pool, I find our Author like∣wise concerned. For I have seen many Letters of Mr. Pools to him full of thanks and ac∣knowledgment, and one bearing date Jan. 7. 1673. in which he does acknowledge to have received his second Papers, and expresses his great desire of receiving the Remain∣ing. How far our Author was concerned in that very useful design of that Diligent and Worthy Man hath not come to my knowledge, and therefore I cannot give a particular account of it. This only is not to be omitted, that a Friend of mine hath seen many short Annotations in Latine, written by his own hand, upon many Chapters of Exodus,

Numbers, Josua, which he communicated to Mr. Pool; whether for the use of his Synop∣sis, or somewhat else, it is uncertain.

This Reverend Man was divers years before his Death preferred by the favour of Sir Orlando Bridgeman, then Lord Keeper, to a Prebend in the Church of Ely: But in what year this was, hath not come to my knowledge: And I must confess there are many other things in which I wanted information: I did never think it would be my lot to give any account to the World of this excellent Person: had I foreseen that, I could, some years since, have been more plentifully furnished with materials to this purpose; having had the honour to be acquainted with him my self, and the opportunity (which is now passed) of informing my self better of His Life than now I have. And I do ac∣knowledge that this account that I now give I receive for the most part, from the Hands of the Reverend, and my worthy Friend, Mr. John Strype, Minister of Low-Leyton in Essex, who hath furnished me with such an account, as (though it be short of what might have been had, yet) may be relied upon. And I thought it better to give some (though imperfect) account of this Learned and Pious Man, than that he should go without any at all.

As to his great Learning, his Works are a proof beyond all exception; I make no doubt but that the Reader will receive great benefit by them. Our Author was a very perspicacious Man, and very happy in clearing the difficulties of the Holy Scriptures, and greatly furnished with that Learning which enabled him that way. His great abilities were acknowledged by the Learned of our own Country, and those beyond the Seas. I shall not need to insist upon the Testimonies to this purpose, which I could easily produce. However I shall not forbear to mention some. Our Author had sent Doctor Castell one of his Books, at that time when he was engaged in his Lexicon. In a Letter of his (bearing date Aug. 16. 1664.) he makes this following acknowledgment: Sir, you have laid an un∣utterable obligation upon me by the gift of this Learned and much longed for Work—you have enriched my poor Library with an addition so excellent and delightful, that truly, when I first received it, I could not contain my self from reading it quite through, notwithstanding the im∣portunacy of my publick engagement, and the clamor of all the Work-men, Corrector, Composi∣tors, Press-men, &c. to all whom I turned a deaf Ear till I had satisfied my Eye with the en∣tire perusal of it. And afterwards he adds—Sir, I will never he ashamed to confess by whom I have profited: All that would understand that clear light, together with the mysterious hidden use and benefit, which the most ancient Records of the Jews bring unto Holy Writ must confess themselves; above all others, deeply indebted to your Elaborate and incomparable Writings, who have fetched out more of these profound and rich Mines than any of the best Seers in this or the precedent Ages, have been able to discover. I might have added much more from that very excellent Persons own hand. Take the suffrage of another Learned Man, Mr. Herbert Thorndike, who in a Letter to our Author bearing date May 18. 1669. expresses his esteem of his Learning in the Jews Writings, and desiring his Judgment of the Exercitations of Morinus in words too long to be transcribed. And for Foreigners I shall content my self with two only. The first is that of Mounsieur Le Moin, a most Learned Minister of the Protestant Church of Roan, who in a Letter to Dr. Worthington, speaking of his Notes and Exercitations upon Josephus, he saith: In iis utor saepissime Light∣footii Talmudice Doctissimi, quem si inter Philebraeorum familiam ducem dixero, nihil certe dixero, quod assurgat ultra meritum cruditissimi illius viri. Quae de Templo, dechorographia sacra, in Matthaeum, in Actus, erudite & feliciter Conscripsit, diu est quod illa possideo, iis{que} praeclaris operibus Bibliotheca mea superbit. The other Testimony is that of the most Learned Professor of Basil, the late Doctor John Buxtorf: This great Man speaking of our Au∣thor, in a Letter of his to Doctor Castell, hath these words. Ex horis ejus Talmudicis in∣cepi illius doctrinam & diligentiam valde amare. Illae salivam mihi moverunt, ut propediem ab ipso similia videre desiderem & gustare. Precor ipsi omnia laeta, ac meritis ejus digna. Again, in a Letter of the same Professor to our Author, dated at Basil, Dec. 12. 1663. I find he expresses the highest esteem for him, whose diligence and accuracy, and dexteri∣ty, in illustrating the Holy Scriptures he tells him he admires. Rarae hae dotes hoc nostro saeculo in viris Theologis, rari hujusmodi Scriptores, &c. as he goes on in that Letter too long to transcribe.

As no man can question the great Learning of our Author, so he will appear to be very exemplary for his indefatigable diligence, if we duly consider under what disadvantages he arrived to this great degree of knowledge. He was young when he left Cambridge, and a stranger to those Studies which he was afterward so deservedly famous for: He went as an Usher into a Country School, remote from the Books and helps which might assist him: His hours were taken up with the care of Boys, and his Head filled with their noise and importunities. After this he entred into Orders, but that did not advance him in Learning: Besides, he entred upon constant Preaching when he was very young. After this he married a Wife and soon had the charge and burden of Children, and the cares of

the World to divert him from his Studies. His worldly circumstances were not large, and his family encreased, and his work in Preaching was constant: He was far from the help, and the leisure which a life in the University would have given him. But this brave Man surmounts all these difficulties and disadvantages: He in his great Judgment saw that the Oriental Learning was worth his while, that Chronology, and other difficult pieces of knowledge would be of use to him, and make him serviceable to others; he was sen∣sible of his defects, and generously does this young Divine resolve to shake off all sloth, and to make no excuses: He knew very well that what he undertook was a great Work, that it was

Magnum mentis opus nec de Codice paranda Attonitae—

And now he betakes himself in good earnest to these obstruse and perplexing Studies. He defrauds himself of his rest and ease, withdraws from his Friends, and abstracts himself from the World, and all Secular intanglements, and early and late pursues his wise and worthy End. His Motto seems to have been (for we find it written, in one of his Note Books, under his Name) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 denoting his resolution to rise up early and sit up late in the pursuit after knowledge.

Our Author had not the helps of Tutors to instruct him in these Studies; he had not the time of Students in the Universities who need take no care for their dayly bread; He had not the advantage of Books and learned Society which those Men have, who live in Cities; nor had he the advantages of Wealth or Dignities to provide himself of helps; nor interest in great Persons who might have encouraged his Studies; and yet when he appeared in the World he gave the greatest proofs of his abilities. He drew after him the Eyes of the Learned part of the Kingdom, and exceeded far the expectation of all Men. What would not our Author have done if he had had the advantages which he wanted? Had he been assisted by States and Kingdoms, encouraged with a supply of all Foreign helps, excited by some great Rewards, placed in a better Light, directed in his first attempts and Studies by the wisest Guids and Masters which the Age could afford?

He was not only a Man of great Learning, and exemplary Diligence, but of great Mo∣desty and Humility, and Gratitude, and Candor: He did not swell with pride upon the account of his Learning or his Labours. He was far removed from any great opinion and conceit of himself, or a low and mean one of his neighbour. Those who knew him will confess this. Indeed he was so far from thinking highly of himself and his own per∣formances, that some Men have thought him extream and something faulty, and that he did not value himself as he ought to have done. There did not perhaps live in the World a Man of more profound humility, than our Author was: A Man ready to hear others speak, willing to be put in mind of any thing that was a mistake or slip; full of the sense of another Mans worth, and without a just sense of his own. The most grate∣ful and modest Man, and of the greatest Candor and Humanity, and sweetness of Temper our Author was.

He died at Ely, Decemb. 6. 1675. To the great loss of the whole Kingdom, and par∣ticularly of the Inhabitants of Munden; to whom he was a Father, a diligent Pastor, and a bountiful Friend. Among them he spent the greatest part of his time for many years: He was not at ease when he was absent from his Flock. It was not the Fleece he regarded, but the Sheep: They had also a great regard for their Shepheard, they gladly heard his Voice and did not go astray in his time.

Thus I have given some short account of this excellent Man, and of his useful Life in the World. He lived to great purpose, died much lamented, and hath left us who sur∣vive an excellent Example. God grant that we may closely and vigorously follow every thing that in our Author, or any others was Virtuous and Exemplary: we shall in due time reap if we faint not.

An APPENDIX or COLLECTION of some more Memorials of the Life of the Excellent Dr. John Lightfoot, most of them taken from Original Letters, or MSS. of his own.

I. Concerning the Occasion, Reason and Method of his undertakings in Harmonizing the NEW TESTAMENT.

THE Original cause of those Books of Harmony, that this excellent Man pub∣lished at several times, was an ardent Love of the Holy Scriptures; which put him upon an earnest search into them, that, if possible, he might at length arrive to a true and sure understanding of them. This account he gives of himself. * 1.1 It was neither arrogance nor rashness, that made me employ my self in these obscu∣rities, but a studious mind, breathing after the knowledge of the Scriptures, and something restless, when in difficult places it knew not where to fix. And that he might read the Scriptures with the better advantage, this was his constant course in his private use of them, to take the Bible before him, and to read it according to the proper Order of its Times and Stories: always carefully observing where the method of it is direct, and where transposed, and how and where to place those transpositions. This, as he some∣where tells us, he proposed to himself, and practised many years together. By which he gathered no little help for the apprehending the right sense of those Holy Pages. This encouraged him not only to proceed still in that method himself, but seriously to recom∣mend it unto others: And for the helping and furthering all pious Students of Holy Scriptures, he resolved to communicate this his Course by publishing an Harmony for the use of all. And now he bends all his Study and Thoughts to do this fully and exactly, so as it might answer the Religious and good ends he intended it for: Vast and long pains it cost him: for the Course of his Studies was employed in elaborating (to use his own most true expression) the Harmony of the four Evangelists. And both Nature and Providence assisted him in this noble intended Work. For he was naturally of a stronge and hail con∣stituion, and his lot fell to be seated in a private Country Living, free from noise and secu∣lar business, and importunate Visits. Here in his beloved Study, built by himself in the midst of a Garden, he plods hard at it night and day, and for divers years allowed him∣self but some few hours in the night for sleep.

And the Scheme he drew out and propounded to himself for the method of this great and useful work was,

• I. * 1.2 To lay the Texts in that Order, that the nature and progress of the Story doth require.
• II. To give his reasons for his so disposing them.
• III. To give some account of the difficulties of the Language in the Original, as he should meet with them.
• IV. To clear and open the sense all along. The way that he took in prosecuting these two last, was to examine Translations in divers Languages, to alledge the various Expo∣sitions, and Opinions of Commentators both Antient and Modern, and also of others, who spake to such and such places occasionally: and then lastly, to pass his own con∣jecture of the probability or improbability of them. Which seemed to be the same course that the Learned Doctor Pocock afterwards took in his late admirable Commen∣tary upon Micah and Malachi.

To all this he designed a large Preface: which should contain Prolegomena of divers things fit to be known, introductory to such a Work. Where he purposed to treat large∣ly and freely upon these five things. (Oh! that it had pleased God so to have disposed his future occasions and opportunities, that he might have accomplished these his useful and brave Designs!)

• I. To fix the certain year of our Saviours birth.
• II. To dispose in their proper places all the dislocations of Texts and Stories in the Old Testament: which are exceeding many. That such dislocations in the New Testa∣ment might be thought the less strange.
• ...

• III. To make a Chorographical Description of the Land of Canaan, and the places ad∣joyning: Which would help to the clearer understanding of much of the Story of the Gospel. And
• IV. A Topographical Description of Jerusalem, and of the Fabrick of the Temple: to facilitate divers passages in the Gospel of no small obscurity. And
• V. To give some History of the State and Customs of the Jews, in those times when the Gospel began, and was first preached, out of their own Authors.

What an excellent Book would this have been? And this he set himself roundly and in good earnest about, and had chosen him a Patron, viz. A Noble Man of his own Country, to whom to dedicate the whole. For this Work he had laid in many materials and made a good progress in it: in so much that he foresaw it was like to swell to a great Volume. This began to discourage him; not his own pains, that he saw by what he had already done would be very great; but the injurious Press, that in those times refu∣sed any thing, but what was very brief. This put him upon a new labour, namely, to contrive how to Epitomize and Abbreviate what he had written; and to send out his Studies piece-meal into the World; as he did afterwards. Whereby his Method was broken, many of his useful Notions suppressed by studying brevity; and all that after saw the Light, but a kind of confused Harmony. Whereas what a Noble and excellent Treatise would it have appeared, if it had been digested, according to the Authors first project, into one just Volume. Indeed had it pleased God to lengthen out his life some∣time longer, we might possibly have seen all his pieces compiled and digested into a Me∣thod by his own Hand, and reduced probably in such an Order, as he had originally de∣signed them. For upon the resort of some Booksellers to him, and their desire, that he would revise and prepare all his formerly published Works, he gave them his promise that he would consider their proposal. But his death prevented the bringing this to any effect.

But it may be some satisfaction to all those that value Doctor Lightfoot, and his Learn∣ing, that though the World enjoys not this Labour in the Method and Perfection it was at first intended, yet he lived so long as to impart to us, at several times, the sum and sub∣stance of it. For to look back upon the design of that Harmony and Preface before men∣tioned. Of the four parts, whereof the Harmony was to consist, the two last, namely, the explaining of the difficulties of the Language, and illustrating the sense, are effected in part in his last and best Labours, The Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations: and we la∣ment only, that his leisure, or his Life, permitted him not to have gone through all the Books of the New Testament, in that Method, as well as the Four Gospels; the first Epistle to the Corinthians, and some part of the Acts of the Apostles, and a scrap of the Romans. And the two former parts of the said Harmony, namely the Order of the Texts, and his Reasons for so ordering them, we have in his Three Harmonies after∣wards published, and especially in his last published in the year 1655. The chief thing we want here is the full Text of the Four Evangelists, laid down before us in its true Order of time. And this he had transcribed curiously and exactly, from end to end, by his own Hand, in that Order and Series as things occurred. Whereby those four Divine Historians were reduced into one compleat Story, and might have been read with far more ease, and pleasure, and understanding. But he offered it to the Press, and found its passage difficult; because it would swell the Book too much, as he tells us in his Epistle before that Book. This M S. lyes in a private Hand, and may hereafter (if occasion serve) see the Light.

As for the five Parts of the Preface designed, the two first were compleated and pub∣lished long since by him, Annis 1644 & 1647. And for the two next, the Land of Ca∣naan is Chorographically described, and the situation of Jerusalem and the Temple in some measure shewn in his Disquisitions prefixed before his several Horae Hebraicae, and in his distinct Treatise of the Temple. And this last Edition of his Works exhibits all this in three Maps, one of Jerusalem, another of the Holy Land, drawn according to the Doctors own judgment, and a third of the Temple it self, accurately drawn by the Doctors own Hand upon Vellam, and now Printed from that Original. This Map he mentions in his Epistle before the Prospect of the Temple. Which it seems he himself had a good conceit of, (athing he seldom had of his own performances) so as he would fain, for the excellent use of it, have had it published with the Book, but it would not then pass. Hear his own commendation of it. He calls it, A full, plain, punctual, and exact Prospect and Description of the Temple; its Situation, Dimension, Platform, Fabrick, and Furniture both within and without: the Walls, Gates, Courts, Cloisters, Chambers and Buildings, that were about it: the Altar, Lavers, Stations for Men, Slaughter places for Beasts, and all the Offices belonging to it. A Delineation so copious and plain, in all the par∣ticulars of that holy ground, that had it had the hap to have come to the publick view, I should not have feared to have made the Reader the Judge, and Censor upon the nature and use of the

thing. (He seldom speaks so confidently,) but the Hap of becoming publick is not happen∣ed unto it. Though now at last by good hap it is.

But however the World has at length gained this Map so long suppressed, yet his Cho∣rographical Description of Canaan, and the places adjoyning, is irrecoverably lost. You will be the more sensible of the loss of it, if you will hear what the Design of it was, and what pains he had taken about it. Take it from his own pen in one of his Epistles, He intended to describe the Land of Israel in a way somewhat new indeed and untrodden, and, as he believed, unattempted: he means, out of the Writings of the Jews. For he had observed three sorts of things, that might be picked up out of the Talmuds, and other Jewish Authors (if dextrously managed) in reference to the Land of Canaan. I. In exceeding many passages, when they come to speak of places of the Land, that are men∣tioned in Scripture, they either describe them, or shew their situation, or distance from such or such places. II. They give us abundance of names of Cities, Mountains, and other places in that Land. Which names are neither to be found in the Scripture, nor Josephus; nor in the Heathen, or Christian Records, that speak of the places of that Country; but in these Judaick Writers only. But yet carry a fair probability, and rational Evidence, that there were such names and places. III. They relate many choice, eminent and remarkable stories, occurring in such and such places, which are not to be found in any Records, but their own: and of singular illustration both of the situation, and of the story of the Land and Nation. Now the taking notice of passages of this nature had been his course for many years together, as he had occasion to read the Talmudical Writers. So that he had gathered a great stock of these Rarities, as he styles them, for the use of his Chorographical Work; even to the bulk of a great Volume. In so much that what he saith of his Book of the Temple, That it cost him as much pains to give that description of it, as to travail thither, is as much, or more true of this. The unhappy chance, that hindred the publishing this elaborate piece of his, which he had brought to pretty good perfection, was the Edition of Doctor Fullers Pisgah Sight; Great pity it was, that so good a Book should have done so much harm. For that Book handling the same matters, and preventing his, stopped his Reso∣lution of letting his labours in that subject see the light. Though he went a way alto∣gether different from Doctor Fuller, and so both might have shewn their faces together in the World, and the younger Sister, if we may make comparisons, might have proved the fairer of the two. But that Book is lost utterly, save that many of his Notions are preserved in his Chorographical pieces put before his Horae.

And for the last thing (whereof that Preface was to consist) namely to give some Historical account of the affairs of the Jews; that is done in part in his Commentary upon the Acts of the Apostles published Anno 1645. and in his Parergon, Concerning the Fall of Jerusalem, at the End of the Harmony, Anno 1655. But alas! these are but light touches of their story, rather than any compleat and full account thereof. But such as they are we must be glad of, and contented in the want of the rest. Indeed the Jews History from the beginning of the Gospel downwards for some Centuries would have been as excellent and useful, as the subject would have been rare and unusual. And a thing of that difficulty also, that the modest Doctor propounds it to others rather than dares to undertake it himself. For we find in one of his Epistles Dedicatory* 1.3, He re∣commends it to some able pen to continue the story of the Jews, where Josephus and Egesippus end theirs, and where Jerusalem ended her days, until these latter times, out of the Jews own Talmud and Writings; for the illustration of the Truth of those predictions of Scripture that foretel their doom, and for the evidencing that justice, that hath ever since haunted them for the murder of the Righteous One, whom they crucified.

II. Concerning his Learning and Studies.

NAture had endued him with a strong and sound constitution of Body: so that in his old age he was able closely to follow his Studies without finding any inconve∣nience by it: and though he had not spared his Eyes in his younger years, yet they still remained good; for which he blesseth God in a Letter to the Learned Buxtroph, Anno 1664. And divers years after that, he acknowledgeth the same blessing of health in his Epistle to his last Book that he put forth, which was not above a year or two before his death: calling it Vivacitatem corporis, animi atque oculorum; The Vivacity of his Body, Mind and Eyes. This excellent temperament qualified him for Study. Which he pur∣sued hard all his days. He had read much. Which may be gathered from his Note Books, wherein are short Notes from Book to Book and from Chapter to Chapter, of the chief Contents of many Authors, collected by his own Hand, and both Fathers and Historians,

and especially the latter: and such of them chiefly as might afford him light into the affairs of the Church in the earliest times of it. And hereby he laid himself in a good stock of materials to make use of in his future Rabbinical Studies. That abstruse and more recondite Learning he from his younger years greatly affected. To those Studies* 1.4, he tells us himself, he was most servently carried out, ex innato mihi nescio quo genio, by he could not tell what innate Genius: and that there was nothing so sweet and delicate to him: * 1.5 istis deliciis nihil mihi dulcius delicatiusque.

Indeed this Learned Man seemed to have a Genius, that naturally affected the Study of such things, as were beyond the sphere of ordinary and common Learning; and deligh∣ted to tread in * 1.6 untrodden paths, to use his own phrase; and loved to lead rather than follow. He was willing to spare no labour, and to take up all things at the first Hand: as he speaks somewhere. And this appeared by the very Title that he gave some of his Books. His Observations upon Genesis are called by him New and rarely heard of. In his Handful of Gleanings, he promiseth solution of difficulties scarcely given by any hereto∣fore: And in the second part of his Harmony published Anno 1647. he professeth to give Observations upon Text and Story, not commonly obvious, and more rare and unnoted. And that Proposition before mentioned, of a just History of the Jews, bespake the high and more than ordinary flights of his Learned mind. But especially his Harmony shewed this. Wherein he reckons himself the first that ever essayed a Work of that nature in the English Language: which he himself calls an untrodden path, and a bold ad∣venture.

But let us follow him to his beloved Rabbies, or rather to the beloved Writings of the ill-beloved Authors. Of whom he gave this character, That the Doctrine of the Go∣spel had no more bitter enemies than they, and yet the Text no more plain Interpreters. The reason he bent himself to the Study of them was because he was fully convinced an insight into their Language and Customs was the best way to a safe and sure understanding of the New Testament; which he thirstily gasped and breathed after the knowledge of. And though the barbarous and difficult style, and the great store of trifling, wherewith they abound, might, and doth, justly discourage many from reading them, yet Dr. Lightfoot undervalued all hardships and discouragements for the compassing that great and noble end he aimed at. Let us now view him tugging day and night at these Studies, and espe∣cially take notice of that excellent method he proposed to himself for the prosecuting them with the more fruit and advantage. Which was to Note, 1. Whatsoever any way tended to illustrate the Phrase or Story of the New Testament. 2. Whatsoever tended to the better knowledge of the places in the Land of Canaan. And 3. whatsoever re∣lated to History, and especially that of the Jews. And to acquaint you more particular∣ly how he ordered himself in taking up these notices, he used large Note-books in Folio. And therein he digested what he intended to Note, as he read the Talmuds, and other Jewish Books, under such Titles as these: Quaedam de Terra Israelitica sparsim collecta; Things scatteringly collected concerning the Land of Israel. And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Quaenam. What was the Land of Israel. And 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Things appropriated to the Land of Israel. And there is an Alphabet by him framed, in this method: A 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 B 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 C 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. K 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 D 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. E 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Graec. G 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. H 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. L 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A, &c. Under which according to their initial Letters he used to reduce all places of the Holy Land mentioned in the Tal∣mud, and something of their Situation, or History, with references unto the page of the Tracts, where they were mentioned. And lastly, There is another Title, viz. Places in Babylonia, under which he collected the Names and Stories of Towns or Cities in that Country also.

He was very curious indeed in tracing the Countries and places mentioned in Scripture, and especially wherein the Jewish Nation were any ways concerned. This sufficiently ap∣pears in his laborious Disquisitions premised before each of his Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations. And in one of his Note Books, he is tracing with much accuracy the Marches of Israel out of Egypt, under this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Motions and Stations of Israel in their March out of Egypt. Pity it is, it was not perfected by him.

He read over both Talmuds often, and with great deliberation, as appears from several of his Paper Books, in which are many rough Notes of the Contents thereof taken by him at several times; and sometimes short Observations of his own thereupon. He seem∣ed to have had a Design of publishing a brief account of the Jerusalem Talmud, and of the chief matters, whereof it treats from Tract to Tract. For there is such a thing fair∣ly written out by him in Latin, bearing this Title, Index aliqualis Talmudis Hierosoly∣mitani. But it is imperfect, reaching but to the seventh Tract of the first Classis.

He was as studious of the Sacred Chronology, of the Old and New Testament, as, we have seen, he was of the Chorography of the Holy Land: as accounting this highly neces∣sary to the understanding of the Scriptures. When it was once debated by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in what parts of Learning the Candidates for holy Orders

should be examined, and some were for waving the trying them in Scripture Chronology, Doctor Lightfoot urged the necessity of it in order to the apprehending the sense of the Sacred Volumes; alledging, that he held, that he read not Scripture, who was not expert in Chronology. And he prevailed in that debate. His abilities in that sort of Learning may be seen in several of his Works published, and in divers rude Essayes in MS.

He had long and very carefully searched into the Translation of the LXX, and com∣pared it verse by verse with the Hebrew Original, as appears by his MS. under this Title, Discrepantiae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX a textu Hebraeo, with brief Notes here and there. And under ano∣ther Title, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX, he enumerates all their errors throughout the whole Translation; and them he makes to be very many in this method; Inaniter addita Periculose decurtata. Sensum clarum obsuscantia. Vitiantia pulchrum. Reddita in sensum, alienum. Reddita in sensum plane contrarium. Reddita in sensum nullum. Traditiones Ju∣daicas redolentia. Hebraica retenta. Reddita pro fama gentis. Pro fama textus. Paraphra∣ses. Propria nomina facta Appellativa. Numeri male▪ calculati. Locorum nomina recen∣tiora. Vocales male Lectae. Literae male Lectae. Sensus foedatus. Variatio nominum. Ver∣sus male conjuncti, &c. And accordingly under each of these Heads the places of Scrip∣ture, so mistaken are by him disposed, which are infinite. Which cost him no small pains. By these things it appears he was no good friend to the LXX. It was great pity he lived not to digest into a just Volume these his careful Studies concerning the LXX, as he in∣tended to do; and had begun it in Latine, in three or four Chapters, written fair with his own hand, carrying this Title, Disquisitio modesta de LXX, & de Versione Graeca: and had likewise consulted the great Buxtorph about this his purpose.

He was also well seen in Josephus. He seems to have communicated his own Josephus, with Notes of his own written in it, unto Monseir Petit, a Learned Man of Nismes in France: who had laboured hard in preparing a good Edition of that useful Author: For Anno 1666. in a Letter June 12. from Dr. Worthington to him, speaking concerning Petit, he hath these words, I doubt not but when you have your own Josephus returned, you will meet with some observations of your own noted in him. Another French Man about the year 1666. viz. Monseir Le Moyn, reputed to be one of the Learnedest Men in France, and Minister of the Protestant Church at Roan, laboured in the same work that Petit before had done. And for the furthering of his design he wrote to the said Learned and Pious Doctor Worthington, that if he had any thing for the benefit of that Edition, to impart it. Whereupon he applies himself to his old Friend Doctor Lightfoot, (who, as he tells him, was well versed in Josephus) that he would assist him with his hints and short observations upon the doubtful passages in that Author: a thing that he knew would be very acceptable unto that Learned Man. What the issue of this request was, appears not; only we know the Doctor did not use to be backward in communicating any knowledge he had; who had so freely yielded his assistance to the Polyglot Bible, to the Heptaglot Lexicon, and the Synopsis of the Criticks, as we shall see by and by. We are sure Monseir Le Moyn made great use of what the Doctor had before published, especi∣ally in the Chorographical Century before S. Matthew, where he had occasion to speak to several places in Josephus. And so he writes expresly to Doctor Worthington, speaking of his Notes and Exercitations upon Josephus, In iis utor saepissime Lightfootii Talmudice Doctissimi, &c. In these I do very often make use of the Works of Doctor Lightfoot, a man well studied in Talmudical Learning, &c.

What Doctor Worthington contributed to this Work, besides the using his interest with his Learned Friends for the same purpose, let me mention, though not so much to our present Theam. At the Library at S. James's there was a Josephus in Greek, Printed at Basil: probably once belonging to the very Learned Isaac Casaubon; for in the Margin were various Lections written by his hand, which he had gathered out of MSS. and some conjectures and hints of his own; there were also marked in it other Notes of Patrick Young, written most in Greek. These the aforesaid Doctor transcribed, and numbred the Pages and the Lines, which made three Sheets of Paper close written, a matter of no small pains, and sent them over to the said Monseir Le Moyn. But to return to our Author.

III. Some account of him as a Divine.

HE gave no small specimen of his skill also in Divinity, as well as in Oriental and other Learning, when he proceeded Doctor, which was Anno 1652. The Question upon which he disputed, was, Post Canonem Scripturae consignatum non sunt novae Revelationes expectandae. Which he managed against the Enthusiasts, against whom he

by all means opposed himself; as being greatly sensible how that Sect tended to the over∣throw of the Holy Scriptures; which were his dearest Care and Delight. He managed this Question by discoursing first, Concerning the Sealing of the Canon of the Holy Scriptures; And secondly, Concerning not expecting Revelations after it was once Seal∣ed. His meaning he stated in these three particulars; That now after the Scripture Ca∣non is sealed, Revelations are not to be expected. I. To reveal new Doctrines of Faith. Nor, II. To discover the sense of the Scriptures, or to explain the Doctrines of Faith. Nor, III. To direct our Lives and Manners. And among other Arguments whereby he proved his Question, he produced two Historical passages for that purpose. The one was, That in those very Times wherein Revelations, Inspirations and Prophesies abounded, even then Men were directed to the written Word. Yea (which is more, and most worthy of notice) from the first founding of the Church of Israel unto the expiration of it, though for the most part Prophets and Men inspired were at hand; yet God ordained not these for the standing and constant Ministry, whereby the People were to be instructed, but Priests, that were skilled in the Law, and studied the Scripture. How far do our Enthusiasts, saith he, swerve from this Divine Institution concerning the publick Ministry; Who suffer none to be a Minister, who is Learned and Studious, but he only, who is inspired with the Spirit, and who can preach by the Spirit? The other is, That the Apostle S. Paul, after the first age of the Gospel in which Revelations were often very necessary, would no longer use the Imposition of his hands, which conferred the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost, because he well knew, that God saw good no further to make use of such a Ministry: and therefore placeth Timothy in Ephesus and Titus in Creet, and other excellent Men elsewhere, who, though they could not confer the Spirit, yet they ordained Ministers, not inspired by the Spirit, but Learned by Study. He the next day determined Learnedly upon that Question, An mors Christi fuerit in Redem∣ptionem universalem. His Clerum which he Preached was upon 1 Cor. XVI. 22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The sum whereof was after∣ward by him published in his Horae upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians.

And since we are considering him now as a Learned Divine, having before taken notice of him as a Learned Man; let us hear him arguing and shewing his great abilities among the Divines at Westminster. Whose notions he did not seldom oppose, even to a cha∣lenge; sometimes by the strength and clearness of his reasonings, and evidence of Scrip∣ture (for he seemed to deserve that character that was given to Apollos, a Man mighty in the Scriptures) he turned the whole Assembly: and sometimes, such was his honesty and courage, he would in some cases dissent from the whole Company, and be the only Ne∣gative in the Assembly. Some passages of his judgment in that Assembly are related in the Account of his Life, there are divers more, that deserve to be recorded to his fame and memory.

Doctor Lightfoots judgment was for general admission to the Holy Sacrament, and spake for it by these arguments. I. That though the Law forbid the unclean to come ad Sacra, yet it gave not power to any to repel those that offered themselves to come. Nor find we any such example. II. That in Matth. VII. Sanctum canibus, Give not that which is holy to the Dogs, is spoken in reference to the Apostles safety. For the Jews themselves, who use this Proverb, by Dogs and Swine understand the bitter Enemies and Persecutors of the truth. And so our Saviour hereby warrants his Disciples, though they Preach not to Persecutors, and Enemies, lest it cost them their lives. III. Circumcision was in∣differently ministred to all the Seed of Abraham, Ergo. IV. Judas received the Sacra∣ment, Ergo. And when Mr. G. instanced in Uzziah his being repelled, our Doctor answered, That it was ab Officio & loco, and withal said, Grant the Priest did and might repel the unclean, yet the case was different. For that uncleanness was external, and it might be known, whether they were purified or no. But so cannot a Minister now judge of a Mans Conscience. For though he were scandalous yesterday, yet may his re∣pentance be unfeigned by to day, for ought he knows. Dr. B. urged, That though Christ was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, yet Judas his Villany was not now known among the Disciples. Our Doctor answered, Christ had publickly marked him out for a Traitor before. Dr. H. urged, After the sop he went out. The Doctor answered, That was no Passover nor Sa∣crament, but before it. Upon this the matter arose to a great heat (for he seemed here∣in to oppose the whole Assembly) and leave was publickly given to our Author and Mr. P. to debate the point about Judas. And they did it somewhat largely. And the next day Dr. H. offered to dispute the same matter against him; but the Assembly thought fit not to allow it. Again, Matth. VII. was taken up, which Dr. Lightfoot again opposed, and desired, that the verse might be taken in this sense, which they would have, Give not the Sacrament to Dogs, lest they rend you; and then that they would consider, how doth this agree? And further urged, that Dogs in Scripture doth most constantly signifie An Enemy: and where Dog once signifies a prophane Man at large, it signifies many time for that one, either those without, or utter enemies of the Truth▪ Mr. S. pleaded

for the place thus, The Ordinances are not to be administred, where they will be pro∣phaned, but when a scandalous person comes, &c. Our Respondent denyed the Major. The other in proving it construed To tread under foot, as much as To neglect, or slight. Which received this answer, That neither the word in the Hebrew in the Old Testament, nor in the Greek in the New siguifieth in that sense. And that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies not prophaning, but a higher maliciousness, than ordinary slighting.

Again, they used that Text, for suspension from the Sacrament, in 2. Thes. III. 6. That ye withdraw your selves from every Brother that walketh disorderly. Where our Doctor de∣sired to know, how this private proof would come up to a positive proposition. For the proposition is of suspending another from the Sacrament, and this of suspending our selves from company with another. To which Dr. B. gave this answer, That though the terms be different in the Proposition and Text, yet the sense is the same. Against which our Champion argued thus, That in Matth. I. 19. for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Put her away, Erasmus and Brucioli the Italian, render it, He would depart from her. This, he conceived, did much change that sense, and spake not of any divorse at all from Joseph, but makes him Passive. Mr. P. answered again, That the Apostle, giving so strict a charge, makes the Passive an Active. He replied 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Law speaks in the Language of Man, that the Reader or Hearer may best understand. Now if the Apostle had mainly intended Actively, I conceive, saith he, he would have spoke Actively. Yet this Text being put to the Vote was carried in the Affirmative, nemine contradicente, but Dr. Lightfoot.

I perceive, I must beg the Readers pardon for so large a relation of the canvasing of one single point. But the use and pleasure of it may countervail its tediousness. Where∣by may be observed the manner of proceeding in that Assembly, (which, it may be, may be a curiosity, at least not unacceptable to some ingenious persons) and particularly the courage, honesty, quickness, learning and intimate knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, that appeared in the worthy Man of whom we are speaking.

Let us not be weary to hear his thoughts and discourse upon the other Sacrament of Baptism, as we have heard him upon that of the Lords Supper. Our Doctor did allow of private Baptism in some cases. This was opposed by some, who would have Baptism celebrated in publick only. Here the Doctor insisted upon these things. I. That in 1 Cor. I. I baptized the House of Stephanas, was in Ecclesia constituta, and the phrase im∣porteth that it was not in a Synagogue. II. Whereas some had asserted, that Circumcisi∣on was publick, he proved that it was generally private. 1. Otherwise in great Towns, every day sometimes would have been as a Sabbath; for every day would some Child come to be eight days old. 2. Moses his Wife, and Judah at Chezib, circumcised Chil∣dren distant from any Congregation. III. All the Nation was baptized, when they were to come out of Egypt, but this could not be in the Congregation. IV. The Jews Pandect tells us, That a Proselyte was to be baptized at home, as a Servant by his Master, but if either Servant or Master refuse, then should he be brought before the Congregation.

Then was there a Learned discourse between our Author and another well skilled in Hebrew Learning concerning the import of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The one in a large discourse making it to mean dipping over head and cars. Which Dr. Lightfoot largely also proved to imply no more, but Sprinkling. And finally made a challenge to them all, to produce any one place in all the Old Testament, where Baptizare, when it is used De Sacris, and in a Transient action, is not used of Sprinkling. And so assured he was of this, That he declared he held Dipping unlawful, and an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a piece of Wilworship.

Concerning Keeping the Sabbath, the first Proposition was, That the Sabbath is to be re∣membred before it come, &c. That Phrase, Before it come, Our Doctor spake against, as putting a Gloss upon the Commemoration of the fourth Commandment never heard of before. But howsoever it was carried in terminis. But he succeeded better in his dis∣like of the third Proposition, which was, That there be no feasting on the Sabbath: he in∣stancing in Christs feasting, Luke XIV. and in his feasting, at least Dining, with all his Disciples in Peters House, Matth. VIII. Whereupon it was thus proposed, That the Diet on the Sabbath day be so ordered, that no servants or others be unnecessarily kept from the pub∣lick Service.

The Assembly discoursing concerning Marriage, whether it should be denyed to be a part of Gods Worship, or whether it were to be held out as a mere civil thing, Mr. G. alledged, Eccles. VIII. 2. I counsel thee to keep the Kings Commandment, and that in regard of the Oath of God; to shew obedience to Magistrates to be a mere Civil thing, and yet it lays a tie of Obedience from God. Dr. Lightfoot denyed that Gloss of the place, and said, That the Oath there is not an Oath taken by the Subject to David, but the Oath made by God to Davids House.

When the Assembly had expounded the meaning of that Article, He descended into Hell, to be, that he continued under the power of death; he impleaded that sense as too

short, and not reaching to the meaning of the Greek phrase. For, saith he, 1. There is not so much difference between, He was dead, till he rose again, and He continued under the power of death, till he rose again, as to make two distinct Articles of the Creed. 2. The Greek phrase is a phrase used among the Heathen originally, and therefore from them best to be understood. 3. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among them signifies properly and constantly in relati∣on to the Souls departed. For this he cited Homer, Diphilus, and other Heathens, which prove this undeniably. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 imports locomotion, and there is a plain dif∣ference between Descending, and Continuing in. 5. It is without doubt that this Article came into the Creed upon emergent occasion, because it was inserted after so many scores of years absence out. Now the detention of Christ under death was not such an emer∣gency, as to cause an Article of so obscure a nature, for expression of that which was so well known. But it seems rather to have come in upon the Heresie of Apolinarius, who denied Christ to have had a true humane Soul. These things he pleaded at large: and at last prevailed to have this clause, In the state of the dead, added to the explication; but could not strain it to any expression of his Soul. Of this Article he hath a just and lear∣ned Discourse in the second Volume of his Works.

That Proposition, Christs whole Obedience is imputed to us, the Assembly proved from that place among others, Rom. V. 9, 17, 18, 19. Against this Mr. Ga. began to ex∣cept, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies here not Righteousness, but Justa Satisfactio: and that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Obedience of Christ, is to be restrained to Obedience in suffering. To this Dr. Lightfoot made reply, 1. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 translates 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Statutes, twenty times, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Commandments, five times in Psal. CXIX. and these words have plain reference to action. 2. That the Heathen Writers use it rarely for Recompence, if at all. For this purpose he alledged Aristotle and Dion. 3. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not used for the expression of Christs suffering, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Esa. LIII. Act. VIII.

Treating of the thirteenth Article of Religion, That Works done before Justification are not pleasing to God, one of the places brought to prove this Proposition was, Tit. I. 15, 16. Unto the pure all things are pure, but unto them that are defiled and unbelieving nothing is pure, &c. This place our Doctor held improper upon these reasons. 1. Because the place seems to speak concerning meats. 2. It speaks of unbelieving Jews, and our Ar∣ticle seems to speak of Men under Christianity. 3. That of most abominable wretches, our Article of Men of good morals. But it was voted to pass for all this.

Among the Rules laid down for Preachers, it was made one of the qualifications of a Doctrine raised from a Text, A Doctrine raised ought to be such a truth, as is principally in∣tended in that place. This was gainsaid by our Doctor, alledging these three places in one Chapter, viz. Matth. II. Out of Egypt have I called my son. And, In Rama was a voice heard. And, He shall be called a Nazarite: which the Evangelist quotes besides the principal intent of the Prophet. Whereupon they altered it thus, Such a Truth as it principally intended, or what is most for Edification. Mr. P. vehemently spake against the use of strange Tongues in Sermons. Among others that contraried him, Dr. Lightfoot was one; who pleaded, that the very Cadence of many sentences in the Hebrew is of divine Observation, as in Gen. XI. And that it is impossible to give the life and vigor of the Text to the full meaning of the Spirit without the very citing of the words of the Original. And urged further, that it would take ill abroad, if they should declare any thing against Languages: And moreover instanced in that place, which in Hebrew is called Abaddon. Now if I should, said he, preach upon this, how could I open it with∣out the use of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Numb. XXIV. 24. And when this point came afterwards to the Vote, it ran Against the unnecessary and unprofitable use of it.

The matter being debated, Whether Ministers should read the Service and Chapters before Sermon; some propounded, that young Men designed for the Ministry should do it for the ease of the Ministers. To this our Author assented, and shewed, That in the New Testament we find the Preacher to be different from the Reader; as Luke IV. The Law was read before Christ preached on it. So Act. XIII. And so the Karraim among the Jews seemed to be the Readers of the Law, and the Pharisees the Expositors (from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To expound) of it.

To that clause in the second Article of Religion, Who truly suffered, they added for its illustration, That for our sakes he suffered most grievous torments in his Soul immediately from God. These words after much debate were concluded on; and these proofs allow∣ed for its confirmation, Esa. LIII. 10, 11. Mark XIV. 33, 34. But those places gave not the Doctor satisfaction, nor the addition it self any content. For it was his fear, that it would intricate the Article, rather than clear it, and that the proofs would not either satisfie the honest conscience, nor convince and stop the cavils of the captious. Indeed this was an opinion that he could never digest: The dearly beloved of the Soul of God, to •…•…der the heaviest wrath of God! (as he speaks elsewhere) The Lord of Heaven and E•…•… be under the torments of Hell? Let it not be told in Gath, publish it not in the Streets

of Ascaelon. Let not the Jews hear i••, nor the Turks understand such a thing: lest they blaspheme our Lord of Life, more than they do. For the proving that clause in the same Article, To reconcile his Father to us, they produced Ezek. XVI. 63. which the Doctor opposed, as improper for the thing in hand.

At another time, being upon Discipline, when there had been great bandying of that place Ephes. IV. 11. Pastors and Teachers: Disputing what officers they were, whether distinct or the same, whether ordinary or extraordinary; the Doctor spake to this pur∣pose, That he for his part was of a strange indifferency in this place and point. For with the one part he held, that these two here named are distinct Offices, but it was pro hic & nunc, & ad tempus. For by that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. Till we all come, &c. vers. 13. he means the coming in of the Gentiles: and that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. The unity of the Faith, and the measure of the stature, &c. there spoken of. And, that these Officers were those that God appointed for the bringing in the Gentiles to the union with the Jews, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and therefore is no institution of such Offices for the time to come. A Pastor indeed is to continue, but this ex necessitate rei, rather than hujus loci. But a Doctor is not of such necessity. Then indeed there were, as Act. XIII. Prophets and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Teachers, but it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to the Church being, but now not so.

I will mention but one or two passages more, that will shew how accurate a Man he was, as well as Learned. When the Directory for Prayer was reading over, and they came to that clause, Freeing us from Antichristian darkness, he excepted against the expression as too low: for that Antichrist importeth an activeness against Godliness; and Darkness is but a privation of Godliness. Therefore it was thus mended, From Antichristian darkness and Tyranny. And again, whereas it was thus penned, These things we ask for the merits of our High Priest: This he likewise excepted against, for that the allusion would not hold. For the Jews prayed to God by the Mediation of the High Priest, but never by the merits. Whereupon the word mediation was put in.

By all which passages laid together we may discover not only his knowledge in Divini∣ty, his great parts and quickness, and his happy skill in interpreting Scriptures, and the great progress he had then made in the Oriental Learning: but also much of his judge∣ment in the Presbyterian points; and how frequently and freely he opposed their most beloved and espoused Tenets.

He was now but a young Man, little above forty years old: but by all this it appears he had read much, and maturely digested his reading, especially Jewish Learning. Nay long before this he was an Author. For he published his Erubhin, or Miscellanies at seven and twenty years of age. By the frequent quotations in which Book it appears, that he had then read and studied even to a prodigy. For he doth not only make use of divers Rabbinical and Cabbalistical Authors, and of Latine Fathers, but he seemed well versed in the Greek Fathers also, as Clemens Alexandrinus, Epiphanius, Chrysostome, &c. well read in antient Greek prophane Historians and Philosophers, and Poets, Plutarch, Plato, Homer, &c. well seen in Books of History Ecclesiastical and prophane of our own Na∣tion: and in a word skilled in the modern Tongues as well as the Learned: as is evident from his quotation of the Spanish Translation of the Bible, and a Spanish Book. And of what worth and value the Book it self was, you may guess by the Censure, that a Man of great Learning and Wisdom gave of it: I mean that Worshipful person to whom he dedicated it, his Patron Sir Rowland Cotton. Who in a Letter to him upon the receit of the Book tells this young Author, That he had read it over, and that there were many rari∣ties; nothing so Vulgar that he needed to fear his Books entertainment, unless it lapsed into the hands of an envious or stupid Dunce. And that he joyed much in his proficiency.

IV. Some Remarks upon his Horae Hebraicae & Talmudicae.

I Design not to give a particular account of his Works as they came forth, something hath already been spoken of them; his several Epistles before them will shew that: only of his last pains, that crowned all the rest, I mean his Horae Hebraicae, I would re∣mark something: and that is, the universal approbation and applause they met with in the Learned World, both at home, and in forain parts. When our Author had sent his Horae upon S. Mark to the great and profound Linguist Dr. Castel, he calls it an unutter∣able obligation laid upon him; that it was a learned and much longed for work, and that it en∣riched his poor Library with an addition so excellent and delightful, &c. And upon the Doctors sending him his Horae upon St. John, he writes thus; I received last week by your appointment a gift auro quovis, gemmis{que} contra non charum: that all the riches of the Levant congested together cannot equal: such a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as will justly deserve to be enrolled among the very next Records to those of Infallibility. And truly, Sir, all your rare discoveries of

Celestial Verities, seem to me to be at such, above the reach either of doubt or hesitation. And again, Your Criticism of Bethabara and Bethany (saith he) is so native, proper, genuine, and ingenious, I no sooner read it, but straitway said to my self, Securus jurarem in Verba Magistri. Tis like all the other births of your blest Minerva. And upon the edition of another of those pieces Mr. Bernard of S. Johns, Oxon, a Man of known learning, worth and piety, writes thus to him; I most humbly thank you for the happy hours on the more copious Evangelist; by which that most excellent part of Holy Scripture is finisht, and com∣pleatly expounded in the most proper and yet untrodden way. God reward you both here, and in the better World for this, and the rest of your labours in this sort; which posterity will ad∣mire, and bless, when they see them altogether. Dr. Worthington another person of great judgment, learning and goodness, treats our Doctor with these words in a Letter wrote to him, Feb. 166••. concerning the same subject; I wish you length of life, health, vacancy and freedom for what remains. I hope that you are still proceeding, and are not weary in well do∣ing, though Books sell but little: those that are able to buy, less mind Books, and those that would buy are less able: having little to spare from what is necessary for their families. But your labour will not be in vain in the Lord: nor here neither. The learned Men beyond the Seas had also an high value for these pieces: let some of them speak for themselves. Fre∣derick Mieg, (son to a great Councellor of the Elector Palatine, once brought up under Buxtorph in Hebrew, and Rabbinical Studies, and of whom he gives a high character) thus writes to our Doctor from Paris 1664. concerning those precious Hours, as he styles them, and publick Labours. Publicos enim labores non vereor appellare, quos in publicum li∣terarii Orbis commodum redundare, nemo est qui ignoret. And tells him besides, that there were no learned Men, as he knew, on that side the Seas, but did summis anhelitibus, earnestly pant after his Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, which he had then ready for the Press. And begs him in his own Name and in the Name of that love those Studies, ut lucem non invideas scripto luce dignissimo, ne{que} illud intra privatos parietes consenescere sinas, unde tantum imminet publico emolumentum. That he would not envy it the light, since it was so worthy of it: nor suffer that to lie longer concealed within private walls, whence so great profit would accrue to the publick. In a Let∣ter from Nicholas Hoboken, Secretary to the Dutch Ambassador, here in England, written to Dr. Lightfoot in the year 1659. he acquaints him with the sense Gisbertus Voetius (Professor of Divinity, and a Man of great Name in Holland) had of his Chorographi∣cal Century before his Horae upon S. Matthew, namely, That he had expressed to him (the said Secretary) the complacency that he took from those Geographical illustrations of his, fetched out of the Talmudists: ita tamen, ut spe largiori frui desideret plura Lucubrationum ejusmodi tuarum videndi. And if we should travail into France, there we shall find a Man of as great fame as the other was in Holland, and, it may be, of greater Learning, I mean, Monseir Le Moyn, who in a Letter to Dr. Worthington, Anno 1666. expressing the value he had of Dr. Lightfoots Books, and among the rest of his sacred Chorography before S. Matthew, he saith, that his Library is proud of them. But the judgment of the Venerable Buxtorph is instar omnium, who in a Letter to Dr. Castel in the year 1664. earnestly desires to know what Dr. Lightfoot did: and saith, That by his Talmudick Hours he began greatly to love his Learning and Diligence, and wished heartily to see more of them. And in the year before that in a Letter to our Doctor himself, he thus accosts him: Ex quo Horas tuas Hebraicas & Talmudicas in Matthaeum vidi & legi, coepi te amare, & pro merito aestimare: Tantam enim in eis Talmudicae lectionis peritiam, & ad illustrationem SS. literarum dexteritatem; tantam etiam diligentiam & accurationem in illis deprehendi, ut non potuerim non Te magnifacere, & in admirationem Tui rapi. Rar•• hae dotes hoc nostro saeculo in viris Theologis, rari hujusmodi Scriptores; qui nil nisi suas proprias observationes lectoribus proponunt: Unde ab eo tempore desiderium me tenuit, ob studiorum communionem propius tecum conjungi, & familiarius te noscere. Since the time I saw and read the Hebrew and Talmudick Hours upon Matthew, I began to love you, and to esteem you, as you deserved. For in them I observed so great skill in Talmudical reading, and dexterity in illustrating the Holy Scriptures, accompanied with so great diligence and accuracy, that I could not but extol you, and be carried away with an admiration of you. These endowments are rare in Divines in our days, writers of this nature are rare; who propound to Readers only their own observa∣tions. Whereupon from that time, I had a desire from the commonness of our Studies, to be better acquainted with you.

This was the reception these Learned Hours of his found in the World: and a great and invaluable loss it was, that he went not through the whole New Testament in that ex∣cellent method of explaining them. His friends indeed often called upon him and set him on to proceed. Dr. Worthington's judgment was, that he would do better to publish more at a time than he did, since he needed not to fear now their reception; so as Luke and John might make one Volume, and after that the Acts and the Epistle to the Romans would make another; and then his Works would meet at the Epistle to the Corinthians.

But if the tediousness of the Work should discourage him to go on, yet he earnestly re∣commends one Book at least to him, and that is the Epistle to the Hebrews, the matter of it being so sutable to his Hebrew Studies. Such good suggestions were made to him, but they took not effect: not that his strength began to fail him, or that he was unwil∣ling to give his pains, (for he had a mind generously disposed to communicate his know∣ledge) but the true reason was, because he could not get them Printed, and had so much impaired his own estate by what he had before sent abroad. This he complains of more than once: and particularly in a Letter to Buxtorph: into whose bosom thus he pours out his mind. Exasciavi paucis adhin•• annis commentariolum, &c. A few years since I pre∣pared a little Commentary upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians in the same style and manner as I had done that on Matthew. But it laid by me two years and more, nor can I now publish it, but at my own charges, and to my great damage: which I felt enough and too much in the edition of my Book upon S. Mark. Some progress I have made in the Gospel of S. Luke, but I can print nothing but at my own cost. Whereupon I wholly give my self to reading, and scarce think of writing more. Our Booksellers and Printers have dulled my edge, who will print no Book, especially Latine, unless they may have an assured and considerable gain. So that I know not whether we ought to be more angry or grieved; grieved that we are deprived of such useful Labours, or angry with those, who were the occasions of it.

V. The assistances he gave to the Polyglot Bible, the Heptaglot Lexicon, and other Learned Works and Men in his time.

THUS his fame spred it self far and wide: and this made him sought unto by many Learned Men for his Counsel or furtherance in their Studies, or for his directions or castigations in their Labours that they intended for the publick. How much the Right Reverend Bishop Walton made use of him in his Bible, one of the bravest Works that ever came forth, and Reverend Writer of the account of the Doctors Life sheweth. It was as good a Work as it was great, and this raised a wonderful zeal and affection in the Doctor to it, and excused the trouble that he was at about it, in revising it; and specially the Samaritan Pentateuch: and so the great Undertaker tells him in one of his Letters to him. And it much rejoyced his heart, when the Work was brought to perfection: which he expressed in a congratulatory Letter to Mr. Samuel Clark of Oxon, who had a great hand in it. To which that excellent Linguist makes this answer: As for the Work past through, I have great cause of thankfulness, blessing God, that hath even beyond our own hopes, carried us through it. Yet I have no reason to attribute to my self, as due, any part of that thanks and praise, whereunto you are pleased joyntly to entitle me with others far more deserving: But I rather contract a greater debt of thankfulness, that by the Testimony and suffrage of one so emi∣nently Judicious as you are, I am adjudged to have been faithful. I conclude this matter with a part of Dr. Lightfoots speech, that he made at the Commencement, Anno 1655. being then Vicechancellor: wherein he mentions this Work then in hand in a kind of triumph, as so much tending to the honour of Learning, and particularly of the English (then despised) Clergy, and finally for promoting the knowledge of the Bible all the World over. Sic sub protrito & proculcato statu Cleri nuper Anglicani germinavit, & adhuc ger∣minat, nobile illud eruditionis germen, editio Bibliorum multi-linguium, qua quid generosius vix vidit unquam Resp. literaria, nec quicquam Anglia sibi honorificentius. Opus aeternae fa∣mae, monumentum memorabile in sempiterna secula futurum, summae eruditionis, zeli, & in Deo bonarum literarum protectore fiduciae Cleri Anglicani jam tum summe periclitantis. Macti estote, viri Venerandi & Doctissimi, qui in opere tam magnanimo desudatis. Pergite, quod facitis, trophaea vobis erigere, Patriae{que} & perlegant ope vestra omnes Gentes Sacra Biblia suis linguis; atque iisdem linguis eadem ope praedicentur fama eruditionis & literatura gentis An∣glicanae. Thus under the now despised and trampled on English Clergy, hath grown up, that noble issue of Learning, the edition of the Polyglot Bible, and still it grows: than which the learned World hath scarce ever seen any thing more generous, nor the English Nation any thing to its self more honourable. A work of eternal fame, a memorial to endure to everlast∣ing ages of the English Clergies, great learning, zeal, and trust in God the Protector of Learn∣ing, when now it lay under mighty hazzard. Go on, ye Reverend and Learned Men, who are sweating in so brave a Work. Proceed, as ye do, to raise trophies to your selves, and your Country. And by your labours let all Nations read the Holy Bible in their own Tongues: and by the same Tongues, and the same labours let the English Nations fame for its Learning and literature be proclamed. Thus did the good Man rejoyce in Learning, and in the fame of his Coat, and of his Country.

The next Book to the Polyglot Bible, for Labour and Worth, and which is always to be named with it, is the Heptaglot Lexicon: to the laborious Author of which our Doctor also contributed his aid. A Work it was of seventeen years; a seventeen years drudgery, as he styles it in one of his Letters: in which, besides his own pains, he main∣tained in constant salary seven English, and as many strangers for his assistants: all which died some years before the Work was finished; and the whole burthen of it fell upon himself. Though by Gods grace he at last finished it, before it finished him.

And here I cannot but turn a little out of my way, to condole with this Author, that wore out himself, and his Estate too in a Work so generally beneficial; and had little thanks after for his labour. See and pity his condition, as he sets it out in one of his Letters to Dr. Lightfoot: where he says, He had spent twenty years in time to the publick service, above 12000 l. of his own estate, and for a reward left in the close of the Work above 1800 l. in debt. Thus he kept his resolution, though it was as fatal to him as use∣ful to the World. For in the beginning of the undertaking, he resolved to prosecute it though it cost him all his Estate, as he told Mr. Clark. This forced him to make his con∣dition known unto his Majesty, wherein he petitioned, That a Jaylmight not be his reward for so much service and expense. Tis pity such true Learning and hard Labour should meet with no better encouragement.

But to go back whence for mere charity and commiseration, we diverted. In this great undertaking Dr. Castel more than once acknowledgeth the help of our Author. Sure I am my Work could never have been so intire as it is without you. All pretenders to the Orien∣tal Tongues must confess their great obligation to you. And in another Letter, with which he sent him his Lexicons, he tells him, That his Name ought to have shined in the Front, who had given the most orient splendor (if there be any such in them) unto all that is Printed, and may therefore most justly (saith he) be called Yours. And again, He calls him His greatliest and most highliest honoured Master, Father and Patron. Indeed our Doctor did frequently encourage and comfort him with his Letters, got him Subscribers and Friends, afforded him his Lodgings at Katherine Hall, whensoever he came to Cambridge to read his Arabick Lectures, for some years, and such like kindnesses. For which he always professed a most dear affection and honour for him.

Another great Man in this kind of Learning, I mean Mr. Samuel Clark, one employed in both the aforesaid great Labours, applied to him for his Counsel and help in a learned Work, that he designed for the publick. Which was the publishing of the Targum upon the Chronicles, with his own Translation; which was a part of the Hebrew Bible belong∣ing to the Library of the University of Cambridge. A MS. it seems that the University set so highly by, that he made three journies to Cambridge, before he obtained it. But he borrowed it at last by Dr. Lightfoots means, about the year 1659. And by the Doctors interest had it continued to him for some years. This he designed (as soon as he had finished it) to joyn, with some other Additionals, to the Polyglot Bible. Which de∣sign he communicates to our Doctor before he came to a resolution about it; telling him, that if he and such as he approved the design, it would be an encouragement to him to proceed in it. That the Doctor approved of his purpose it appears, from that constant assistance that he gave him afterwards about it: Mr. Clark sending it as he transcribed and transla∣ted, sheet by sheet, for the Doctors review and correction. For which in a Letter dated from Holywel, Sep. 3. 1667. He professeth himself exceedingly engaged to him for the great pains he had taken, and that he had so freely declared his judgment in some places he had noted: being so far from unwillingness (saith he) to have my errors shewed me, that I am very thankful to you for it: and entreat you to go on as freely with the rest. This Targum, it seems, by a place in the Talmud mentioning Onkelos, the Doctor was moved to think Onkelos might be the Author of. For which discovery Mr. Clark heartily thanks him, tel∣ling him, that he would do him a great favour, if he would please to let him know his sense of it, whether he conceived that passage of weight enough to entitle him to this his Targum (as he calls it) upon the Chronicles.

This same worthy Person had Printed that Tract of the Talmud called Beracoth, which he sent to our Doctor, desiring his impartial judgment upon his performance therein, and begging him to signifie to him wherein he might be guilty of mistake.

Nor ought we to forget the assistance he gave to the Author of the Synopsis of the Criticks, upon his desire. For he cheerfully devoted himself to the publick good. First, He encouraged him with an ample Testimonial of the usefulness of the design in general, and of the careful and impartial management of it by the undertaker. Then as to his pains in the Work it self; he seems to have reviewed it piece by piece as it passed from the hand of Mr. Pool, before it went to the Press. For in one Letter he tells the Doctor, that he therewith sent him one part upon Numbers, begging still his thoughts upon any thing as he should meet with it. He likewise promised him, in such places as he observed to be most defectively done, to give him some explications tending to the clearing of the He∣brew

words, or phrases or matter which Mr. Pool designed to bring ••nto a distinct Volume as Paralipomena, to go under the Doctors name, by themselves, with some other things, as Appendices to his Work; as De Nummis, ponderibus, mensuris, De Templo: Quaestiones Chronologicae, Chorograpicae, Historicae, &c. Some sheets of these Explications of Scripture I have seen, which he had sent to Mr. Pool according to his promise. There is all the Book of Josua, and some Chapters of Exodus and Numbers. Where the Doctor pro∣ceeds Chapter by Chapter briefly to give the sense or illustration of difficult passages ac∣cording to the Talmudists and Rabbins. But this last designed additional Volume, I think, Mr. Pool never published. And this was not all, for in another Letter he takes notice of a promise, made him by the Doctor, of his assistance in reference to the Histo∣rical Books of the Old Testament from Josua to Job out of the Rabbins and Talmud: unless perhaps this was the same with the former.

VI. The addresses of Learned Men to him.

IT would be endless to mention the Applications of Learned Men to him. The deeply Learned Mr. Herbert Thorndike in the year 1669. writ to him a long Letter, desi∣ring him to communicate the sum of his judgment concerning Morinus his Exercitations of the Jews, in the second Book of his Exercitationes Biblicae. Mr. James Calvert, a Learned Man of York begs his advice about the right position of the Priests portion in the holy square of Ezekiel. This Learned Man for the clearer understanding of divers passages in the Prophetical writings, was inclined to think, that that Vision of Ezekiel, commonly understood mystically, is rather literal and historical. The only or main ob∣jection against this Hypothesis is the placing of the Priests Portion: for if the Temple be either five, or thirty miles distant from the City, there can be no question but that the Vision is mystical: (they are his words) but if there be an error in placing of the Priests portion, and that the City and Sanctuary may meet together, the greatest objection against the literal sense will be removed. And thus concludes his Letter, Sir, I do not know your person, but I have both read and heard so much of your excellent Learning, and your candid and ingenu∣ous nature, that it emboldens me to write thus freely to you, and to entreat you, that as you have hitherto, so you would still make this one great end of your rare Learning, to illustrate the Scripture Text, that instead of too many aerial and subtil speculations the Church of Christ may be fed with solid food: I mean, the simple and sincere meaning of the Holy Ghost, be it History or Mystery.

It would be too long to tell of young Buxtorph, upon whom the Magistrates of Basil conferred his Fathers Hebrew Professors place at seventeen years of age. Maximo Parente spe major filius, as Dr. Castel characters him; John Henricus Ottho, a Learned Man of Berne in Switzerland, Frederick Miege a Noble, Learned and Ingenious German, D. Knory a very Learned Man of Silesia, Theodore Haac, and many other forrainers of divers Nati∣ons; that came into England chiefly to see Dr. Lightfoot, and to be directed in their Rabbinical Studies by him: All whom he did with much humanity and affability receive: and from him they departed with great satisfaction; as by their Letters to him after their departure does appear.

VII. His Correspondences.

HE held a Learned Correspondence, especially with persons most eminent for that recondite Learning, that he was so famed for, and was dear unto and highly valu∣ed by them. Namely, The great Buxtorph while he lived, and at home, the Right Re∣verend Father in God Brian Lord Bishop of Chester, deceased, Dr. Pocok, Hebrew Pro∣fessor at Oxon, Dr. Castel, Arabick Professor at Cambridge, Dr. Marshal the Reverend and Learned Rector of Lincoln College, Oxon, Mr. Samuel Clark, sometime Keeper of the Famous Library of the University of Oxon, Dr. Worthington, sometime Master of Jesus College in Cambridge, Mr. Bernard of S. Johns College, Oxon: all Men famous in their generation, whose names we need only mention; and among the laity, he held a most intimate friendship and correspondence with Sir Tho. Brograve, of Hertfordshire, Baronet, his Neighbour and Kinsman, a Gentleman well seen in those abstruser Studies. Nor did their Letters consist of vain strains of Complements, nor were they stuffed with idle and unprofitable News, of affairs in the State: but they carried deep and Learned

enquiries about difficulties of Scripture, or doubts in their Oriental Studies: they con∣ferred about brave and high Designs for the better promoting of Truth and Religion, and solid, useful Learning. One Conference I meet with between Dr. Castel, who was the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Propounder, and our Doctor, The Resolver, was upon this sub∣ject proposed by the former, Whether when the ordinary Interpretation of any Hebrew words renders the sense hard and rough, recourse may not be had to the Interpretation of those words according as they signifie in Syriac, Chaldee or Arabic. This question had been occasioned from Dr. Lightfoots excellent Interpretation of that difficult place, Ezek. VIII. 17. Upon which place he put a fair sense (as it seems) by Interpreting some word or words there, according to some of those Languages. Whereupon he tells him, That he met often with many seeming contradictions and absurdities in our English (though one of the best) as well as in other Versions. As Job III. 5. Let the shaddow of death stain it (in the margent, chalenge.) A Catacresis I remember not to be found else∣where. But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the word there used) in the Arabic use is Excipere, Colligere, as the LXX, not there alone best. Chap. XV. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thou (speaking to Job) restrainest prayer. Whereas Job was often in Prayer: in Arabic (in which Language many words with him occur) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is, to Protract and Multiply, as the Syriac and Arab there render it, Thou art much in com∣plaints, Chap. XVIII. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aucupia Verborum, again from the Arab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Con∣tradicendi vices, as the Arab and Chaldee both. Chap. XVI. 18. O Earth cover not thou my blood, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so that there should be no place to my cry: Because blood is a Crying sin. To pray his Cry should have no place: I am a Davus to that sense. Prov. XXIII. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 As he thinks in his heart—and yet his heart is not with thee: seem very repugnant. Where∣upon he propounds this Question, That meeting with a World of these (seeming contra∣dictions) every day, he ••r••••es his judgment, Whether the Arab, Chaldee, Syrian may not some∣time sit upon the Bench, and pass their Vote concerning their old Mothers meaning? All the News communicated between these Correspondents was about the further progress of Ori∣ental Learning, the discovery of more Books of that Nature, &c. which was the best and joyfullest news to them. It may be it will not be amiss to communicate a Letter or two of this nature. The one is of the aforesaid Dr. Castel, written 1664. Sir, Though I perish, it comforts me not a little to see how Holy Writ flourishes. I lately received an Arme∣nian Psalter given me by Professor Golius, come newly off the Press: where they are Printing (at Leyden) the whole Bible in that Language. The Old Testament is there Printing in the Turkish Language, perfected by Levinus Warnerus. The New Testament in Turkish, done by Mr. Seaman, is just now in the Press at Oxford: of which I have some sheets by me: as I have also of the old Gothic, and Anglo-Saxon Gospels, now Printed with a Glossary to them at Leyden. Mr. Petreus hath Printed some parts of the Old Testament in Ethiopic, and hath many more prepared both in that and the Coptic Language. The Lithuanian (of which I have a good part by me) and the New England Bibles, I need not name. I have a specimen of a Turkish Dictionary Printed at Rome, and of a Chaldee Dictionary in folio in the He∣brew Language, composed by the Learned Coken de Lara; which our 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Professor Buxtorph much desired he might live to see finished: tis said to be now near its period at the Press. And News of the same import the Learned Mr. Bernard communicated to him from Oxon about the year 1673/4. which let it not be too tedious to peruse also: it ran thus.

Reverend and Right Learned, I cannot but acquaint you, that the Learned and Pious Mr. Robert Huntington, present Minister of the Church of the English Factory at Aleppo, hath lately sent over hither, a good Samaritane Pentateuch, together with an account of the Religion of the Samaritans of Sichem, written by themselves there upon his request, and sent as it were to their Brethren here in England (as they mistook Mr. Huntington, who told them that there were Hebrews here, he meaning Jews, and they their own Sect.) The Translation whereof into Latine out of the Samaritane (which is nothing but the Biblical Hebrew, save some Arabismes here and there: for that is the Language commonly made use of by them at Sichem) I have here sent: and, if you think it worthy the while, I will also transmit a Copy of the Samaritane unto you. Mr. Huntington acquaints me that there are about thirty fami∣lies of these Samaritans at Sichem, and not more, that they desire correspondence here. But care is to be taken that we do not dissemble with them, but beg their History of Joshua, and their Liturgy; and also examine them upon points that may be material. If you please to send what Questions you would desire resolution from them in, I will send them to Mr. Huntington, to whom I shall write about three weeks hence. The said good Mr. Huntington hath likewise sent over an hundred and fifty MSS. Arabic and Hebrew. Among which are Cosis in He∣brew, R. Saadias his Sepher Emunah in Arabic, Bar Bahlul's Lexicon well written, Mai∣monides his Yad entire except two Tracts, which are not quite compleat, R. Saadias his Versi∣on and Notes on Job in Arabic, Maimonides's Moreh, both in Arabic and Hebrew,

Maimonides his Sons Notes on his Fathers Yad, Gregorius's Syriac Grammar, pieces of R. Tanchum, and his Lexicon, or Murshed, Kimchi's Michlol, R. Alphes, and Tanchuma, and other good Books in Hebrew MSS. Besides, he hath sent over a Catalogue of Books to be had now at Damascus in Arabic and Persian, and some in Hebrew. He is skilful himself, and ready to serve you in any thing Jewish or Oriental, that may be had there. This opportunity I would not let you be ignorant of, knowing how you have recommended above all others the Study of Jewish Learning, as plainly necessary to the right understanding of the New Testament, as well as the Old. And then by way of Postscript. As for Greek MSS. he could meet with none, that were classical, but Ascetics enough. The account of their Calendar in the Samaritanes li∣bel is somewhat obscure and defective. Whether these two Gentlemen or either of them, are yet alive, my Country retirement and want of Society gives me not opportunity to know. But if they be, I am confident such an intire respect they have to the memory of this excellent Man, that they will not be unwilling these their Letters should be exposed to the publick, or any thing else, that I have mentioned from them, that may any ways tend to the preserving his fame or honour. If it be said that these matters are no news now, though they were then. I answer, Probably divers things here related are not so common and ordinarily known, at least to many, but that they may be read with satis∣faction. But the truth is, I produced them not so much to inform the World of News, as to discover some of the Learned matters of the Doctors correspondence.

VIII. An account of his imperfect pieces.

BEsides the Works of this our Learned Man, that saw the Light, and of which we have spoken somewhat, he had several other considerable things upon the Anvil: which shew as well his abilities as his inexhaustible and continual labour and industry. Of which give me leave to give this Catalogue.

In Latine.

• I. Historia Quadripartita•• Chronica Universalis, Judaica, Romana, Ecclesiastica, De rebus Gestis, Imperante familia Flaviana, Vespaciano, Tito, Domitiano. The Chronica begins at the birth of Christ, and is digested under six Columns, viz. The first con∣tains the year of the World; the second of Rome; the third of the Emperor; the fourth of Christ; the fifth Rerum Gestarum; the sixth of the Consuls.
  Pars Secunda, viz. Iudaica.

  CAP. I.

  Cineres Hierosolymorum, & Vastatae terrae facies.

  CAP. II.

  Synedrium magnum collocatur in Iabne.

  This is sufficient to shew the design of that Book.
• II. Computus Temporum Iudaicorum ab Urbis Excidio ad conscriptum Talmud Hierosoly∣mitanum.
• III. Index aliqualis Talmudis Hierosolymitani.
• IV. Disquisitio modesta de LXX, & de Graeca Versione.
• V. Discrepantiae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX a textu Hebraeo in Pentateucho.
• ...VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX. Giving an account of all the errors of all kinds at large.
• VII. Hillel, a short discourse.
• VIII. De spiritu prophetiae. A discourse occasioned from 1 Cor. Chap. XIV.
• IX. Concio ad Clerum, Habita in Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae, Ian. 12. 1651/2. pro Gradu Doctoratus.
• X. Disputatio in publicts Comitiis pro Gradu Doctoratus.
• XI. Orationes & Determinationes, cum Procancelariatu functus est.
• XII. Aetates Rabbinorum.
• XIII. Quaedam de Israelitica sparsim collecta.
• XIV. Annotationes in primum & quartum Caput Geneseos.
• XV. Memorabilia quaedam sub Ezra, & Synagoga ejus magna, Chronologice disposita.
• XVI. Correctiones & observationes in Textum Samaritanum.
• ...

• XVII. Adversaria e Rabbinis collecta in Iosuam, & in quaedam Capita Exod. & Nume∣rorum.
• XVIII. The Minor Prophets in the Vulgar and LXX translations compared with the He∣brew, and the various readings and additions taken notice of.
• XIX. Divers other loose papers, concerning the destruction of Ierusalem, situation of places in the Holy Land. Chronology, History, &c.

In English.

• I. The Book of Chronicles of the Kings of France, and of the Kings of the House of Otoman the Turk. Written in Hebrew by Ioseph the Priest, and Translated in English by I. Lightfoot.
• II. The Consent of the four Evangelists. A Century. Perfect.
• III. A plain and easie Exposition of the Prophesie of Hosea.
• IV. An Exposition upon the Old and New Testament by way of Chronology, and Harmony; with a preface instructing how to understand the Scripture.
• V. The Motions and Stations of Israel in their March out of Egypt.
• ...VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Things appropriated by the Iews Traditions to the Land of Israel.
• VII. Names of places in the Holy Land explained out of the Rabbins, set down by way of Alphabet.
• VII. Of the Creation. A Chapter.
• IX. A Discourse upon Joh. XIII. 27, 30.
• X. History beginning from the fall of Ierusalem.
• XI. Historical passages in the first year of Trajans reign.
• XII. A Table of the years from the birth of Christ to the Fall of Ierusalem.
• XIII. The Iewish, Christian, Roman History, Anno Christi XXXVI.
• XIV. The Chronology and History of Dioclesian, Constantine and Constantius.

Indeed some of these were only Notes and Memoranda for his own private use; but several of them undoubtedly were intended to have seen the Light at one time or other, but that he found the Press so loth to receive things of that nature, and so he cast them by, some only begun, and as it were in Design; all of them imperfect, but One.

IX. Encomiums given him by Learned Men.

ALL these Labours of his, published and unpublished, and those deep notions in the way of his Learning, that he communicated by Letters or in Conversation, raised high and Venerable opinions of him amongst the best and most knowing Men. It would be endless to recount what large Testimonials and Commendations they have given him. Some we have read already. Let us hear a few more. Your Name (saith Dr. Castel) is indeed a sweet Odour poured out into all Nations, who are all bound to pray heartily for you, your health, welfare, prosperity, longevity. And again, Nemini notus, quin te humani gene∣ris aestimet delicias; nemini ignotus, cui non absconditus maximus sub Coelo Thesaurus. And if you will, once more, in another Letter: Chaldea, whose antient glory, and multiplicity of Sciences are, by the wheels of Nature in the long decurse of time, rolled into Munden. Which you, Sir, a right Trismegistus, for Christian, Jewish and Ethnic literature, will make to after ages more illustrious than either Babylon, or Athens were of old. Another, namely Mr. Samuel Clark, speaks thus, Your own great worth is sufficient to preserve your memory verdant with me, or any other, that hath any sense of Learning or Goodness. Mr. Bernard does violence to the Doctors modesty in these words: I know your self and Doctor Pocok to be the very Pillars of Sacred Learning, like the Monuments of Seth, in a corrupt and vain age. God add, I beseech him, yet to your years and health so advantageous to his Church. And for forainers, besides what we have heard from them already, take the Value they had for him by the words of one of them, named before, viz. Johannes Henricus Otto: He was a Learned young Man of Bern, who it seems had travailed into France and other places for his improvement, and at last came into England, and being at Oxon, sends a Letter to our Doctor: wherein apologizing for his address, he tells him, That the fame of his Piety and singular Learning had so spred it self over the World, that there was no Scholar, who loved him not in his mind, and was not ambitious of his friendship. Plurimi sunt qui nondum meruerunt a te cognosci, qui tamen inter alias Gentes famam nominis tui exceperunt, & post praeclarorum scriptorum tuorum lectionem, in cultum tui venerabundi iverunt. But especially (he assures him) all studious of Hebrew do applaud him. And instanceth in

Turretius junior at Geneva: Justellus, Tormentinus, Tenevottus, Capellanus, Ferrandus, at Paris: Toignard at Orleans: not to speak any thing (saith he) of mine own Country and Germany also, whose Names this Letter would scarcely contain. Abundance more I might produce, both of our own Country-Men and Strangers; but he stands not in need 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of Letters of Commendation.

X. Concerning his love to, and endeavours of promoting Oriental Learning.

THERE was no Man under the Sun our Author more reverenced and honoured, than Buxtorph Professor of Divinity and Hebrew in Basil: and the reason was be∣cause, next to his piety he had been so instrumental by his published Labours in further∣ing the knowledge of Jewish Learning: to which from his Youth the Doctor had a strong, and almost natural inclination, and it continued with him to the end of his Life. When Dr. Buxtorph had writ a Letter to him by the Hands of one, who had for∣merly been his Scholar, our good Man received both Letter and Bearer with the highest resentments of joy and complacency, for the sake of the Reverend Professor. And when he had signified in a Letter to our Doctor, that by reason of age and infirmities growing upon him, and finding himself greatly to decline in strength of body and mind, he must lay aside all thought of publishing any thing more; this our Doctor took heavily to heart, and lamented in a Letter he sent him. For by him he acknowleged himself to have arrived to what skill he had in his Rabbinical Learning; and from the grateful sense he had of this, arose a vast love and reverence for him. Placet (saith he) Honora∣tissimo Domino, de peritia mea in Talmudicis loqui, quae siqua est (quam scio quam sit exigua) tota tibi ipsi referenda est, & incomparabili Parenti tuo, &c. It pleaseth you, most honoured Sir, to speak of my skill in the Talmudists, which if it be any, (and how small it is I well know) is wholly owing to you, and to your incomparable Father. Plowing with your Oxen (using your Lexicons) I have sowed, and if any crop comes of it, it is yours. And what Christian is there, I pray, who reads over the Talmudick Writings, that ows not the same tri∣bute? So much is the whole Christian World endebted to the great name of Buxtorph. And then he professes to him, he could not read it without tears, when he told him, that by reason of the weaknesses and indispositions of old age, he must promise the World no more of his Writings. This was in the later end of the year 1663. And indeed the death of that Learned Professor happened not long after, namely in the beginning of September the year after. For whom the Magistrates of Basil had such a great esteem; that before the Fathers death, they chose his very young Son to succeed him in the He∣brew Professorship; as in his other of Divinity Dr. Zwinger (descended of that fa∣mous Man of his name) was also elected. And one of the last respects Dr. Lightfoot could pay the memory of that great Man he wrote an Epicedium upon him, and got Sir Tho. Brograve to write another in some of the Oriental Languages: and so also did Dr. Castel: which were sent to the Friends of the deceased. And when not long after the young Professor came into England, he received a most kind and obliging reception from our Doctor as well for his Father, as for his own sake.

It was his love of this Learning, and his great desires to see it more Studied, that made him so great a friend to Dr. Castel, under his ruinating and destructive Undertaking, as he himself truly called it, and under that which was the bitterest pill of all for him to swallow, namely the scornful reproaches of his pains that he met with from some, as if they were of little or no use. This had quite broke his almost broken heart, had not our Worthy Man continually upheld him, encouraged him, by Mony, Subscriptions, Counsel, Comfort. So that, that the Work was ever finished was owing in a great mea∣sure, (sub bono Deo,) to Dr. Lightfoot, and a few more Men in the World of that ten∣dency of Learning. But the truth is, saith he, one Dr. Lightfoot is more to me than ten thousand such Censors. Besides some few others amongst our selves, I have a Golius, a Bux∣torph, a Hottinger, a Ludolfo, &c. in forain parts, that both by their Letters, and in Print have not only sufficiently, but too amply and abundantly for me to communicate, exprest their over high esteem of that, which finds but a Prophets reward here in its own Country.

He highly admired Mr. Broughton and Mr. Selden, Men deeply Studied in this kind of Learning, calling them a matchless pair; and never mentioned them without honour; un∣dervaluing himself to nothing, as often as he had occasion to speak of them, or such as they.

And for the better setting afoot these Studies, upon the death of the Learned Golius, Hebrew Professor beyond Seas, who had an excellent collection of Rabbinical, and Ori∣ental Books, vast were the pains and diligence he, and Dr. Castel▪ and some others used

for the purchasing of them for the enriching the Library of Cambridge, or some other publick one here in England. Though I think they succeeded not, those Books being af∣terwards sold at a publick Auction in Holland.

He could not patiently hear the antient Records of the Rabbines too much aspersed, as proceeding most commonly from ignorance of their admirable use in explaining the Holy Scripture. When Rutherford in the Assembly of Divines had said, that there was no news of somewhat in controversie, but in the Rabbines, (It was of a Cup in the insti∣tution of the Passover,) seeming to speak contemptibly of them; Dr. Lightfoot reply∣ed, That there are divers things in the New Testament, which we must be beholden to the Rabbins for the understanding of, or else we know not what to make of them.

So much did he delight in any Scholar, that took in hand the Study of those Eastern Languages, that in case any were minded to ingratiate himself into Dr. Lightfoots affecti∣on, next to Piety and Religion, he could not take a readier course to do it than bending his Studies that way. And very officious he was to assist such with his directions; la∣bouring to bring young beginners into an affection and liking to that Learning, and fa∣cilitating the crabbedness of it to them, as much as he could. I know, some now alive, that have had the experience of what I say.

XI. His kindness and affection to Katharine Hall.

AS he truly loved Learning, so he had an intire favour to the Universities, where it was fostered and promoted. This appeared in that publick and open joy and Tri∣umph that he expressed in his Oration, when Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, which was Anno 1655. at the opening of the Commencement. For when in those unjust and Vio∣lent times wherein so much malice was exercised against Religion, no wonder its hand∣maid Learning was designed for ruine: nothing then was talked of so much, and so much intended, and almost come to a final resolution, as the seizing the possessions and revenues of the University, and turning out the Scholars to shift for themselves. But by Gods gracious overruling Providence this feral design took not place. Upon which our Vice-Chancellor made a long Harangue, expressive of wonderful joy and thankfulness. Non fingere nobis id{que} moestis animis tremulis{que} non potuimus, qualis futura Anglia erutis ocu∣lis, &c. We could not but imagine, and that with sad and trembling hearts, what England would have been, her Eyes, viz. The Universities, and Clergy, being put out: what Cam∣bridge would have been without Cambridge: what a spectre of a dead University, what a Sce∣leton of empty Colleges, what a funeral of the Muses, and a carkas of deceased Literature, &c. and after breaks forth into thanks to Almighty God for their happy deliverance. And then taketh occasion hence to expatiate Learnedly in his Rabbinical way of the Anti∣tiquity, use and necessity of Universities. Academias primum fundavit ipse Deus, &c. God was the first Founder of Universities, of equal age with his Law and visible Church, and not to dye but with them, &c. as he Elegantly and Learnedly goes on.

Thus his good will spred it self over the whole Universities, but it was more pe∣culiar to two Colleges in that of Cambridge, unto which he was particularly related, viz. Christs College, where he had first been bred, and Katharine Hall, over which for many years he presided. And this kindness he shewed by dedicating a Book to each. That to Katharine Hall is before the first Horae Hebraicae he published. Where∣in by giving them account of his first falling upon Jewish Studies, and the excellent method he used in perusing the Rabbins, he, like a careful Master, directs their Studies; and in the close he professeth his Dedication proceeded from that real respect and endearment he had to them, and that he designed his Book as an eternal memorial of it. What else sounded those kind words which he used in his Letters to forainers concerning his College, styling the Students thereof, Catharinenses mei? And Doctor Castel, who knew as much of his mind as any, there being a great friendship between them, speaking to him concerning the College, calls it, Your delighted in Katharine Hall. Tis true he was at first put in Master there by the Powers that then were; but upon the happy settlement of these Kingdoms upon their old and true foundation of Monarchy, and the restitution of the King, our Doctor knowing the right of that place belonged to another, namely to Dr. Spurstow, voluntary and freely went and resigned it up to him: but upon his refusal to return back again, and take that charge, he applied to the King, who graciously bestowed his Letters upon him to confirm and settle him in that Master∣ship. And upon his coming down with those Letters, the Fellows of the College rode

out some miles to meet him, and to receive him with that ceremony, as if he had been a New Master of Katharine Hall.

A small College indeed it was, and illy built, but yet was so blessed by God, that it could boast of many famous and excellent Divines and Prelates of the Church of Eng∣land, and other very worthy Men, formerly members of it; and was usually stored with such numbers of Students, that they could hardly be contained within the Walls of the College. For the honour therefore of it, as well as its necessary enlargement, this our Master and the Fellows resolved to pull down at least some part of it, and to build it with more decency, capacity and advantage. Towards which as every Fellow presently laid down twenty pounds, so our Doctor gave a very liberal and generous contribution; and moreover was instrumental by his interest with his Friends to procure good benefacti∣ons for the same use from others. But he died soon after the Work was begun. So that the good Progress that is since made in that chargable Work is owing in the first place to the indefatigable pains of the Reverend and very Worthy John Eachard D. D. present Master, and those very many generous persons in London, and elsewhere, whose love of Learning, and favour to him, have excited them freely to contribute thereunto. But to return to Dr. Lightfoot. Who besides the former contribution, had before been a Benefactor to his College by redeeming a piece of Land to it. And therefore is always mentioned at the Commemoration of the Benefactors.

It was not his want of affection to his College, that made him reside not much there, but partly because he thought himself most bound to be chiefly among his Flock, of whose Souls he had the care: and partly because in the Country was most retirement, a thing that for the sake of his Studies he greatly affected to the last. Which were not in∣grateful to his old Age, but rather an ease and a pleasure to it. Studendo solor senectutem, was a saying of his to a Learned Man.

XII. His Patrons and Friends.

HIS great Learning and excellent Qualities reconciled him Friends and admirers among those of his own Rank and Degree, and made him a favourite to Men of Eminency and Honour. Besides those I have already mentioned he was dear to, and highly valued by, his Grace, the most Reverend Father in God Gilbert late Lord Arch∣bishop of Canterbury: through whose mediation, his Parsonage of Great Munden, and his Mastership of Katharine Hall were confirmed to him by the King. Which he acknow∣ledged in two Epistles before two of his Hebrew and Talmudick Exercitations. The Right Honorable, Sir Orlando Bridgman, sometime Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, a Learned and Good Man, took a pleasure in his Learning; and when he was Judge, and went the Circuits, he always desired, and frequently procured Dr. Lightfoot to preach at the Assises at Hertford, whom for his Learned and unusual Notions he delighted to hear. He was one of his great Encouragers to proceed in his Hebrew and Talmudical Explana∣tions of the New Testament; Consilio, auxilio, Patrocinio, Munificentia, by his Counsil, aid, Patronage, and Bounty, as he speaks himself in his Epistle Dedicatory before the Horae upon S. John. The Right Honorable and Right Learned Sir William Morice Kt. one of the Principal Secretaries of State, deserves to be mentioned in the next place; who, unasked, unsought to, was very serviceable to our Author in procuring the Kings favour and his Letters Patents for him: The sense of which (for none so sensible of kindnesses) made him think himself obliged to put his Name before one of his Books. He was also endeared to two Personages of Hertfordshire, of great Honour and Integrity, viz. Sir Tho. Brograve Baronet, and Sir Henry Cesar Knight.

The former of these was doubly related to the Doctor, viz. in affinity, and in the course of his Studies, being Learned in the Jewish literature. As appears by a design he and the Doctor had of going to Dr. Castels Library to peruse some Books of his of that nature. To which Dr. Castel in a Letter gives them free leave, telling them, That his Cabbalistic and Rabbinic Books were most of them at Higham Gobyon: where his Study doors should stand wide open to give Sir Thomas and him entrance, every Book they found there most truly at the service of them both, to take and use at their pleasure. The entercourse between Sir Thomas and the Doctor was very frequent both by Letters and Visits, the distance not being so great, (only two miles) but that they might walk the one to the other on foot: which they often did, out of that great endearedness that was between them, and for conferring together in the things of their Studies. A Friend of mine has heard the Doctor tell more than once, how upon occasion of some discourse between them about such a Subject, Sir Thomas departed from him, and presently penned a Discourse about

the University of Athens, and brought it to him; which the Doctor after lent out to some one, that had desired it, but could not call to mind to whom; so that that Lear∣ned piece was stifled, and irrecoverably gone. And I have great cause to suspect, that this which happened to the Writing of the Doctors friend, happened also otherwhiles to himself. In whose hands soever any of his Books or Writings lie concealed, to say no worse of them, they deserved not the Friendship of so worthy a Man.

His friendship to Sir Henry Cesar appeared in the several Visits he gave him in his sick∣ness, the small Pox, which I think was mortal to him. Though he was very fearful for his own Family; yet his singular love and respect to Sir Henry made him not to prefer that consideration to his service in such a time. Whose early death he very much la∣mented.

But his first and antient Friend, Chaplain and Patron (as he used to call him, and that in many just regards) we must not, we cannot forget: for he never forgat him to his dy∣ing day, and scarcely ever spake of him but with a transport of affection. I mean Sir Rowland Cotton of Shropshire. Who gave him the Presentation of Ashley in Stafford∣shire, and was the great instrument of putting him upon the study of the Rabbins, and being himself very Learned in them was his Tutor, as well as his Patron. With much care, tenderness and condescension did he guide and lead on my Studies (as he publickly de∣clares in an Epistle to Mr. William Cotton his Nephew and his Heir) in the same way, that he himself had been trained by that choice and incomparable Oracle of Learning, Mr. Hugh Broughton. And in the same Epistle, He professeth, he always esteemed it one of the choi∣sest advantages that ever accrued to him, that it was his hap and happiness at his first setting out into the Study of Scriptures and Divinity, to be settled in his House, and to come under his Tutorage and Instruction. Undoubtedly Sir Rowland had perceived a good Spirit, and an excellent genius in young Mr. Lightfoot: and that he wanted nothing but counsil and direction, and some body to recommend a good method of study to him, to make him a great Scholar; and this made that worthy Person undertake him himself; as foreseeing what he would afterwards prove, in case his Studies were well regulated at first. This kindness he ever remembred: which let him speak for himself. He (meaning Sir Row∣land) laid such doubled and redoubled obligations upon me by the tender affection, respect and favour that he shewed towards me, as have left so indelible an impression upon my heart, of Honour to his dear Name and observance to his House of Bellaport, that length of time may not were it out, nor distance of place ever cause me to forget it. As a Commentary upon which words, I might mention the care and regard he ever had to the family of the Cot∣tons. And I do remember, that when I was a Student of Katharine Hall, there was one who was a Cotton, and an heir of that Family, was likewise a Student, and admitted there by the Doctors means: over whom he had a more especial Eye; and frequently had him sent for into his Lodgings, to eat with him, and confer with him, and to shew kindness to him for Jonathans (I mean his Great Uncles) sake. And out of respect to that dear name he caused one of his sons to be called, Cottonus. Nay he loved the very name of Bellaport, the seat of Sir Rowland. And I have a Letter, which Sir Rowland wrote Anno 1629. in answer to his Epistle Dedicatory to him before his first Book, that he published; this beloved Letter the Doctor preserved unto his dying day, as a kind of Sacred Relique: upon which was wrote with his own hand, Sir Rowland Cottons Letter.

And for a conclusion of our Discourse of Sir Rowland Cotton, whom we have spoke so largely of (and of whom Dr. Lightfoot could never talk enough) hear the Conclusion of his Funeral Sermon upon him, prepared, though not Preached, upon what occasion I know not.

That blessed Soul, that is now with God, in the night of its departure, laid the burthen of this present Work upon me, in these words, You are my old ac∣quaintance, do me the last Office of a Friend, make my funeral Sermon, but praise me not. A hard task, Fathers and Brethren, is laid upon me; when I, who of all Men this day have the greatest cause to mourn for his loss that is departed, should of all Men this day be allowed the least liberty of mourning, because of this present work. And a strange task, Fathers and Brethren, is laid upon me, when I must make to you all a Funeral Sermon, and yet must tell to none of you for whom tis made. For if I do but call him Sir Rowland Cotton, I commend him. It was not a time to say so then, but now I dare say it over again; a hard task, Fathers and Brethren, is laid upon me, when I must have much cause of tears for his death, and yet not be allowed to weep; and such reason of remembrance of his life, and yet be denyed to praise. I obey, Blest Soul, I obey: but I am full, I cannot hold: Dispence with me something, for I cannot hold. It is for your sake, Worthy Audience, that I must hold tears, lest they should hinder my speech. Be pleased to give me liberty of speech, in recompence of my re∣strained tears. And it is for thy sake, Blest Soul, that I must withhold commendation, lest I should break thy command: give me liberty of indignation against that command

in recompence of my restraint from thy Commendation. Meus, Tuus, noster, imo Christi, as Hierom of Nepotianus: so we of him, whose departure we may commemo∣rate: My, Sir Rowland Cotton, Yours, the Countries, nay Christs, hath forsaken us: and because Christs, therefore he hath forsaken us, to go to him, whose he wholly was.

Oh! that my head were waters, or rather words, for only that manner of mourn∣ing; and my Tongue a fountain of tears, for only that instrument of weeping is al∣lowed me now: that I might weep day and night, not for him that is gone; for he is gone where he always was, and where he would be: but for my self, but for you, but for the Country. It is not my ambition, but my sorrow, that I claim the first place, and to be first served in this heavy dole of lamentation. For I have lost, I cannot tell you what: My Noble Patron, my best Friend, my Father, my—my Self. I should lose, if I should but begin to tell what he was to me. Why should I speak more? For should I speak my self away, I could never speak enough. Oh! my Father, my Father, the Chariot of Israel, and the Horseman thereof; How thy love to me was wonderful, passing the love of Women! And is it nothing to you, O ye that s•••• by? Behold and see, if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow, which is done unto me, wherewith the Lord hath afflicted me in the day of his fierce anger. He it was, that first laid the foundation of my poor Studies, and always watered them with his discourse, and encouragement: and now the Lord hath taken my Master from my head. He it was under whose branches I sheltred, when any storm was up; and now my Tree of defence is cut down. He it was, that was my Oracle, both for things of this life, and of a better: and now my Prophet is not any more. He it was, that was all things to me, that man could be; but now can be nothing to me, but sorrow. And is this no∣thing to you, O all ye that sit by? Yes, the Cup is gone among you also, and a great Man is fallen in your Israel. Hath not the Magistracy, hath not the Gentry, hath not the Country, lost such a Man, as was—But you must speak out the rest: for his Command stops my mouth. You of the Magistracy know how he had Wisdom in an high degree, as was his calling, and withal care and conscience answerable to his Wis∣dom, to discharge his calling. And you may commend this rarity in him, I dare not. You of the Gentry know, that he was a prime Flower in your Garland, that he spake a true Gentleman in all his actions, in his comportment, in his attendance, in his talk, once for all, in his hospitality, even to admiration: and you may commend him, I dare not, &c.

A sensible strain of Rhetorick! which passion and inward sorrow had as large a share in dictating, as Art.

XIII. His Relations.

HAving expatiated thus largely in our notices of this Man, that we may omit no∣thing that is material, we will now begin to consider him in his more private and personal capacity. His Reverend Father had five Sons, whereof our John was the se∣cond. His eldest was Thomas, the only of all his Sons bred to a secular employment, be∣ing a trades Man. The third Peter, a very ingenious Man, and practised Physick in Ut∣toxeter; and besides his Art, he was of great usefulness in that Country, and often in Commissions for ending of differences. He also had intended to have writ the Life of his Brother Dr. John Lightfoot, but was prevented by death. The next was Josiah, who succeeded his Brother Dr. Lightfoot in his Living of Ashley; the only of the Brothers now living. The youngest was Samuel, a Minister also, but long since deceased. And as it was his Honour, that he was derived of an honest and gentile stock by both Father and Mother: so it was a part of his Happiness, that God blest him with a Posterity. He was twice married, and both times into Families of Worship. His first Wife was Joyce, the Daughter of Crompton, of Staffordshire, Esquire, a Gentleman of a very antient Family and of a good Name, and Estate. Her Mother was an Aston of the fami∣ly of the Lord Aston of Tixal, but before they were Papists. This their Daughter was the youngest, if I mistake not, of nine Sisters, all the rest that lived, having been mar∣ried into worshipful Families there. In the Church of Stone in that County, where the Doctor sometime was Minister, there remains the Pourtraiture of them all, with three Sons, and their Father and Mother, in Brass. She was first wedded to Mr. Copwood, a Gentleman of a good Estate in that County: by whom she had two Sons and one Daugh∣ter. The Sons since died; but the Daughter is now living, and married there, and in∣herits the Estate. The Relict of this Gentleman the Doctor became acquainted withal, when he lived in Sir R. Cottons family, and not long after married her, himself being yet young. By whom he had issue four Sons and two Daughters. To one of which

the Lady Cotton was Godmother. His eldest son was John, who was Chaplain to the late Right Reverend Father in God Brian, Lord Bishop of Chester, the famous Undertaker of the Polyglot. By whom this Mr. Lightfoot was much esteemed, but died soon after his Lord and Patron, and lies buried in the Cathedral Church aforesaid. He had six Daughters, all now deceased, but two, who live at Chester. Anastasius was his second Son, who had also these additions to that name, viz. Cottonus, Jacksonus, in memory of Sir Rouland Cotton, and Sir John Jackson, two dear friends of the Doctors. This was also a Clergy-man, Incumbent of Thundridg in Hertfordshire; and died there; leaving one Son still living. The third Son was Athanasius, brought up a Trades Man in London: deceased also. And his fourth Son Thomas died young. His Daughters were, Joyce, now the worthy consort of Mr. John Duckfeild, Rector of Aspeden in Hartfordshire: (whom I must not name but with an addition of respect for communicating to me most of the Pa∣pers and original MSS. and Letters of Dr. Lightfoot and others, that I have made use of both in these relations, and in the published Sermons.) And Sarah, now a Widdow, for∣merly married to one Mr. Colclough, a Gentleman of Staffordshire, deceased.

This pious Matron, and discreet Wife the Doctor buried in the year 1656. in his Church of Munden: after he had lived well near thirty years with her. Afterwards he took to Wife Anne, the Relict of Mr. Austin Brograve, Uncle to Sir Thomas, before spoken of. By her he had no issue. Whom he likewise survived. She died also at Mun∣den, and was buried there.

His pious Father, Thomas Lightfoot hath a great but a true character given of him in the Account of the Doctors Life. I shall only add the Inscription upon his Monument, as it now is in the Church of Uttoxeter; a Copy whereof Mr. Michael Edge, the pre∣sent or late Minister there communicated to us: composed as it seems by his Learned Son, Peter Lightfoot, Physician, lately deceased.

M. S.

Huc oculos & Lacrymas, O Viator, Qui veteri studes Veritati, Pietati, Charitati, Huc: ubi teipsum es olim celaturus. THOMAS LIGHTFOOTE Verbi divini per annos 56 fidelissimus Minister, Ecclesiae hujus per annos 36 Vigilantissimus Pastor, Vir antiquorum morum, & primaevae sanctitatis, Coruscantis zeli, doctrinae, Virtutis, exempli. Vir verum exscribens virum: Pastor pastorem. Sudore semper squallidus, at formosus pastorali, Salutem suam anhelans semper & aliorum.

Gloriam magni Pastoris ambiendo indefessus, Annis satur tandem, & bonis operibus, Confectus studendo, docendo, faciendo, patiendo, Onustus spoliis de Satana triumphatis, Idem{que} improborum odiis beate oneratus, Hic suaviter in Christo obdormit; Abstersis lacrymis & sudoribus, Et Vivacissimus Resurrecturus.

Una{que} ELIZABETH, tori-consors & pietatis, Digno Conjuge Conjux digna.

Obiit ille Iulii 21. 1653. Aetat. 81. Obiit illa Ianuarii 24. 1636. Aetat. 71.

And let me add as a Coronis, an Epitaph, which the same Mr. Thomas Lightfoot had prepared for himself, and which was found in his Study after his decease. Which I ad∣joyn, to let the World see somewhat as well of the pious and heavenly breathing mind, as the Scholarship of that Man, from whom our Doctor was derived.

THOMAS LIGHTFOOT

Olim superstes, nunc defunctus, alloquitur amicos suos, qui in Vivis sunt.

En mea tam multis puppis quassata procellis, Nunc tandem portum, fracta, quietis habet. Nil scopulos ultra, bibulas nil curat arenas, Istius aut mundi quae mare monstra parit. Nam{que} mare est mundus, puppis vaga corpus obumbrat, At{que} animam signat navita quis{que} suam. Portam quam petimus, coelum est: sed & aura salutis, Quae navim impellit, Spiritus ille Dei est. Solvite felices igitur, portum{que} tenete, Post aerumnosae turbida damna maris. Sed non ante datur portum contingere, quam sit Fract a per undosum vestra carina mare.

XIV. His last Sickness and Death.

AND now we are arrived at the last scene of this great and good Mans life. In the later end of the year 1675. that year when Colds were so rife and so mortal, our Doctor going to his residence at Ely, fell into one of these Colds: which he complaining of was persuaded to eat a Red Herring, and to drink two or three glasses of Claret. The former he easily did, but the later he was more difficultly drawn to, having always used to drink nothing but small Beer or Water. This little Wine, according to the judgment of his Physician cast him into a Fever, or at least heightned it. The disease much af∣fected his head, so that he lay dozing and slumbering, saying but little: only when any asked him, how he did, he would devoutly say, In the Hands of a good God; which he repeated often. His behaviour all the time of his sickness was with exceeding much meekness, patience and silence, speaking much with God and himself, but little, as I said, to others. When Dr. Callamy, then a Fellow of Katharine Hall, went to Ely to Visit him, he found him in this condition, using very few words; when he asked him if he had made his Will, and settled his Secular affairs, he answered, He had, and told him where his Will was. His Physicians were Dr. Gosnald of Cambridge, and Dr. Hicks of Ely. Dr. Mapletoft, the Reverend Dean, and Dr. Womock, a Prebend there, now Lord Bishop of S. Davids, were his chief Visitants, who performed the Offices of the Church with him. Thus he lay near a fortnight, and then rendred up his Pious and Virtuous Soul into the Hands of his good God, in a good old age, being seventy four years old within some few months: and yet might have lived much longer, if one may gather con∣jectures of the length of Mens lives by their healthfulness, and vivacity. But besides his years, his Works, and the excellent service he did in his generation would have bespoke him an old Man indeed. In which regard none was freer from that which Seneca makes the great reproach of old age, viz. when there is nothing to compute age by, but years. Nihil turpius est, saith he, quam grandis natu senex, qui nullum aliud habet argumentum, quo se probet diu vixisse, praeter aetatem. His body was brought from Ely to his beloved Mun∣den, where he had been Minister near two and thirty years, and was there buried; Mr. Gervase Fulwood, formerly a Fellow of Katharine Hall, and who had long known him, preaching his Funeral Sermon. He was interred greatly beloved and greatly la∣mented by all that knew him, and especially his Parishioners, who took their last leave of him with many sighs and tears.

XV. His Temper and Spirit, Piety and Vertues.

AND thus having gone through the most remarkable stages of his Life and labours in an historical way; let us now stop a little, and by way of reflection look back upon the Man, the subject of this long discourse, and take some notice of his Temper, Course and manner of Life. He was of a comly Person, and a full and sizable propor∣tion, of a mild and somewhat ruddy Countenance, and a most strong and hail constitu∣tion: good signatures of his mind. Easie of access, grave, but yet affable and courteous in his deportment, and of a sweet, obliging innocent and communicative conversation. And though he was plain and unaffected, yet there appeared somewhat of a becoming gentility in his behaviour. When he light into company of ingenious and good Men he was free and discoursive; but if he happened to be present, where rude, idle or debauch∣ed talk was, he was silent and most uneasie, and would take his leave as soon as he could. He was very temperate and abstemious in his diet, the noblest part of Physick, as Queen Elizabeth used to call it: his Food was plain, and coarse; Wine he altogether abstained from, and likewise from Beer and Ale abroad, drinking only Water; except he were at home where he had his Beer brewed for him, which was very small; and that he delight∣ed in, drinking it also very new. He eat seldom above once a day, namely, a Dinner on the week days, and a Supper on Sundays. Whereby he redeemed the more time for his Studies, and preserved himself in such a constant good plight of health. He was of a Genius more curious than ordinary, affecting an inquiry into hidden things, and to tread unbeaten ways: as may be sufficiently judged by the Studies that he followed. He seemed to be inquisitive into the nature of Spirits, and concerning the apparitions of de∣ceased persons. There was a long account of the appearance of a Spirit in Driffeild a Town in Yorkshire, which was sent to Dr. Burton, when fellow of Magdalen College in Cambridge by a friend of his, formerly his Collegian, he receiving the Relation from the Woman her self, to whom this Spirit often appeared. This Letter Dr. Burton communicated to our Doctor, who transcribed it with his own Hand, though it filled almost a sheet of paper, as not only pleasing his curiosity, and satisfying him of the Truth of apparitions, but also surprizing him by the various and strange discourse that that Spirit used: too long here to be repeated. He was of a very meek and tender spirit, easily discouraged, often melting into tears. I have been told, that being to give a publick Admonition to a lad of his College for being guilty of some high misdemeanors; The College Bell being rung, and the Students met together in the Hall, the Master gave the Scholar his admonition with much gravity, and with as much compassion, tears being observed to stand in his Eyes while he did it. This soft disposition made him easily dis∣couraged. I know not to what better to attribute that passage, whereby the World had almost been deprived of his excellent Tract of the Temple: Which was this (as he him∣self tells it) That going that very morning that he began his Description of the Temple, to see a piece of Land, but a mile off from his House, which he had been owner of ma∣ny years, but never saw, he chose to take direction, and so to go alone by himself for meditation sake. But in fine mist his way, and lost himself. Here his Heart (he said) took him to task, and called him fool, so studiously to search into things remote, and that so little concerned his interest, and so neglective of what was near him in place, and that so particularly concerned him: and a fool again, to go about to describe to others places and buildings, that lay so many hundred miles off, as from hence to Canaan, and under so many hundred years ruines; and yet not able to know or find the way to a field of his own that lay so near. And this so far prevailed upon him, that it put him upon a resolution to lay by that work; and so he did for some time, till afterward his Bookish mind made him take it in hand again. So easily, and upon such little accidents are gene∣rous Spirits sometimes daunted. No Man was more sensible of favours than he, and none more apt to pass by injuries: being of a calm, settled and undisturbed Spirit.

He was also wary, and discreet in his purposes, duly weighing circumstances, and peircing into the consequences of things. This appeared in the Arguments he made use of against certain City Ministers many years ago, more zealous, than wise, and some of them Assembly Men, who earnestly advised to lay aside the Celebration of Christmas day; When besides reasons taken from Religion; as that the thing was in it self lawful, and that our Saviour preached at the Feast of Dedication, which had an humane Original: he urged the inconveniences of it in point of prudence; as That it would bring an Odium upon the Assembly, That it would certainly breed a Tumult: and that it would be safer to let such things alone to Authority, than for them to meddle in. Which be∣spake him to be a well advised Man, as well as one not affecting novelties. And another

thing shewed his acuteness as well as his prudence. That it being moved in the Assembly, that when any went out of the Assembly before all rose, he should solemnly make his obeysance (that the better notice, I suppose, should be taken of such as went out) this being even ready to pass, our Doctor desired, that they might not leave it upon their Re∣cords to posterity, that this Assembly had need to take order for common Reverence and Civili∣ty. Upon which it was laid by, and the Order reversed.

But his spiritual endowments, as he was a Minister and a Christian, rendred him more illustrious, than all his natural and acquired. These made him beloved of God, as the others valued and admired of Men. He took a good course at first for the better prepa∣ring himself for the Ministry. For after his departure from Cambridge having spent two or three years in the County, where he made an entrance into his Hebrew studies, he re∣solves to come up to London to take the opportunity of the Divinity Library there: thereby to furnish himself with a good stock of Reading and Learning, proper to the holy Employment he had undertaken, before he engaged himself further in it. Here he lay for some years close and private, and read over the Fathers, and many other Books tending to the furthering his Divinity studies. He preached then indeed but seldom, or not at all, his business now being something else. But when some, who had a mind to have themselves eased by his labour, charged this upon him, as a crime of idleness; to clear himself of that imputation, he published his first Book, to let the World see he was not idle, though he preached not. He never cared to be accused of idleness: and his own conscience cleared him of that (as he tells us before that Book) though he con∣fessed, that he was not so hasty, as many be, to intrude himself where there is no necessity. But when he had taken the charge of Souls upon him, in all the parts of the Ministerial Function, he was very diligent: A constant Preacher, resorting to his Parish Church, which stood a mile distant, every Sunday, Winter and Summer, wet and dry, unless abroad, or hindred by sickness. He failed not to visit the sick, whensoever sent for, compassionating their condition, and administring wholsom counsils and comforts to them. He was a great enemy to Schism and Faction, and uncharitable separation from the Church; and did use to press Communion both in his Sermons and ordinary discourses. And it may not be amiss to mention the notable argument he used to manage in the be∣half of holding Communion with the National Church: which was our Lords Example. This he often and convincingly urged in this case: and particularly, but some few months before his death, in one of his ordinary Sermons he had these words. Let me ask them (meaning the neglecters of the Publick Worship) do they think that our Saviour ever let Sabbath day pass in all his time, while here, but he was present at the Publick Service, either in the Temple or in the Synagogue. Look the Gospel through, and see by the current of the story there, whether ever he absented himself from the Publick Congregation on the Sabbath day. Read that Luke IV. 16. (To spare more) He came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up, and, as his custom was, went into the Synagogue on the Sabbath day, and stood up for to read. It was his custom to go to the Synagogue, to the Publick Service and Congregation on the Sabbath day, and he never failed of it. And he stood up for to read in his own Town-Synagogue, as owning himself a member of that Congregation. For it is not recorded that he read in any Synagogue beside. It was his Custom to go to the Publick Congre∣gation on the Sabbath day: it is these Mens custom not to come there. He never absented himself from the Publick Meeting, these Men account it Religion to absent themselves ever. Is our Publick Service more corrupt than theirs was then? If it be, let them shew it. If it be not, let them give a reason, why they go so directly contrary to our Saviours own practice. Generally his Sermons were very plain, as preached to a Country Auditory, and practi∣cal, recommending above all things piety and a good life; and if he chanced to fall up∣on controversial points in the course of his Sermons, he would strive in few words to pass over the controversie, and while he was upon it, to render it as useful and service∣able to pious ends, as he could. His Sermons always carried a sweet and easie strain with them; a Rhetorick peculiar to himself, notably raising attention, and making a quick impression upon the Affections. Insomuch as he seldom failed of a great Auditory: having scarce one in his Parish, that absented from his Ministery. And another qualifi∣cation he had of a good Clergy-man, and that was his Charity: which was free and large. His House was a continual Hospital; none went away thence unrelieved, which was so well known, that he had a more than common charge at his Door. For such was his compassionate Spirit, that all sorts of comers, pretending need, partook of his libe∣rality: and he would frequently bring poor people within Doors to his fire, to warm them as well as feed and cloth them. Besides he used in the Winter seasons to find work for the poor of his Parish, as spinning, &c. Whereby at once industry and labour might be encouraged, and poverty succored. And his secret charities are supposed considerable. For he had 300 l. per annum; and no charge, nor visible expence, and yet spent all.

Take him in his more private Capacity, he was a truly pious and devout Christian to∣wards God. This was his friend Dr. Castels character of him. I know no Man under Heaven, whose Voicinity would make my life more patiently tolerated, than to be near one, who hath in him so much of Heaven, as you have. On the Lords days abroad as well as at home, he always forbore eating or drinking till the Evening Service were over, that he might be the more intent upon his Devotions and Meditations in private, and the freer from dul∣ness and drowsiness in publick, a thing so unbecoming the Worship of God. Whenso∣ever he returned home from a journy, it was his manner to pass through his House, to his retirements, without saluting or speaking to any body, unless they came in his way, till he had performed his private Devotions. For his food whatsoever it was, he was always very thankful to God; never complaining of any thing at his Table; but ever expressing a thankfulness for what ever was set before him, besides his usual blessing before and after meals. He was indeed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an universal Good Man, which reconciled him a reverence wheresoever he came: but for some particular Virtues he deserved

—Monstrari & dicier Hic est,

To be taken notice of and admired. I will instance only in his profound meekness and humility: a Man so learned, of such great abilities beyond most Men, and yet so void of all conceit of himself, so mean, so little, so nothing at all in his own Eyes; that one would wonder to hear the expressions that he useth of himself. In his Epistle to Christs College, you have him in this strain. Cum repeto quantum sine numero, &c. When I recollect what a number, (almost without number) of learned & eminent Men Christs College hath fostered, and brought up, I call my self Dunce and Blockhead, to come from so learned a bosom, and from among so learned a Society, so unlearned, so mean, and obscure, and still so to remain. Oh! dull creature, that I have been and am, in and after so many and so great advantages, and examples of Learning. I rejoyce and triumph, Dearest Nurse, in the multitude of thy Sons, who either have been, or now are, an honour and an ornament to thee. But I am deeply sensible, how void of Learning, how ignorant, how nothing I am: I most freely confess, and lament it; and so he goes on in an elegant strain of Rhetorick to under∣value himself: And subscribes himself Indignissimus Hominum, The most unworthy of Men. Oh! how becoming was so great Learning vailed under so much modesty. And in ano∣ther Epistle to the Reader (That you may see, this was not a single transient fit of hu∣mility, but his constant tenour;) he styles himself, The least of Men and of capacities, who am nothing, and less than nothing in comparison of many thousands. And again, Heu! quam ego, cum Doctos cogito, in oculis meis non sordesco solum, sed & nihilesco. And lastly in respect of his published labours, this is the sense he had of them, and of their Author: Being most ready ever to submit to others, and to acknowledge mine own infirmities, and owning nothing in my self, but sin, weaknesses, and strong desires to serve the Publick. As he writes in the conclusion of his Epistle before the second Part of the Harmony. And this humble Spirit, methinks, I have well reserved to the conclusion of my Discourse up∣on our Doctor, being the very Crown of all his other Virtues and accomplishments. And in this he had outstripped his Masters Master, I mean, Mr. Hugh Broughton; a Man greatly Learned, but as greatly conceited, impatient of contradiction and apt to despise others, which qualities our Doctor never knew.

XVI. Some Apology for our Author: and the Conclusion.

HAving said all this, I know nothing else needful to be done, but to dispel some mists that may darken his Name, and to leave Dr. Lightfoots memory as fair and unblemisht, as may be, to posterity: and so we will gently draw the curtains about his Hearse, and take our leave of the Reader and him at once. I plainly see, there are two things that some will be apt to charge upon him. The one is certain peculiar Opinions that he espoused: and the other, that he seemed to be too much carried away with the late Evil Times. I do not pretend, wholly to excuse and justifie him in these things, but only to lessen and mollisie the charge: Consider then, that he was but a Man, and so subject to humane slips and frailties as well as others: and that even such who have enjoy∣ed the greatest fame either for Learning or Goodness, have for the most part had some abatement in their Coat of Arms. Nullum magnum ingenium sine mixtura. And those great endowments that were in him, and that eminent service he did the Church and Common-wealth of Learning, may justly merit his pardon for any faults, which either his ignorance or infirmity betrayed him into.

As for his peculiar Opinions: such as the utter and everlasting Rejection of the Jews, his different judgment about the four Monarchies, his interpretation of some things in the Revelations and some others, that may be observed in his Writings, and in his Di∣sputes in the Assembly of Divines; there is this that may be apologized for them, that if they were not true, yet they were innocent, such as made no breach either upon the Churches Peace, or the Analogy of Faith: two things, that he was ever most tender of, Innocua, ut spero, proponens semper. Propounding, I hope, such things as are always harmless. As he speaks in his Epistle before the Horae upon S. John. And before another, I hope it will not give offence upon this account, that if I am mistaken I mistake only in Historical mat∣ters, as most things are, that create difficulty here, (viz. The Epistle to the Corinthians:) where there is no fear of infringing the Analogy of Faith, or the Doctrine of the Church. And so long as these are preserved safe, it seems allowable, especially for learned Men, offer∣ing fair probabilities, to abound in their own sense.

He was indeed a Member of the Assembly of Divines, and long after that (I think) one of those, who at the beginning of the Kings joyful Return were appointed to con∣fer with the Episcopal Divines at the Savoy: whereby it appears that he bended some∣time towards Puritanism. It was indeed his unhappiness, as well as of many other pious well meaning Men, to live in those times of Temptation; whereinto if they fell, it was because they were not Politicians enough to see the bad consequences of those smooth and fair pretences. I may plead for him, that it was his credulity, not his malice, or any evil design that made him err. He was carried away with their Dissimulation, (and there was an Apostle once was so) and that the more easily, being a Man of an innocent and unsuspicious nature, especially when such goodly things as Religion and Reformati∣on were so much boasted: And I make no doubt he afterwards was convinced how he had been trepanned, and saw his error, as appeared sufficiently by his ready compliance with the Laws and orders of the established Church upon the happy Restauration: and encouraging his Sons also to the same, who were both conformable men of the Clergy. He never was a Bigot, or a busie officious Man, always rather Passive than Active, unless in the Assembly. And then generally those matters wherein he stirred were such points, as in which the very Locks of the Presbyterians strength lay, which he for the most part op∣posed. And certainly when we consider, how he thwarted their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, their chief principles; arguing against Lay Elders, standing for general admittance to the Sa∣crament, for Forms of Prayers, and many such like, the Presbyterians could never reckon him truly theirs; and I am apt to think, they wished him more than once out of their Assembly. Indeed he was then rather a Man at large by himself, that followed his own Studies, than followed any party of Men, and promoted true goodness, as far as in him lay. In those times he particularly made these three or four things his main Drift, viz. To beat down Enthusiasm, which he plainly saw tended to the enervating the Au∣thority of the Holy Scriptures; To maintain the honour of Learning and a Regular Clergy; and to shew the necessity of keeping up publick Communion with the Natio∣nal Church: whereby unquestionably he did excellent service to the Church in those evil days. He had an excellent faculty in resting out of the Hands of Shismaticks those wea∣pons, that they most confided in. For this I might shew his way of dealing with Enthu∣siasts, Anabaptists, &c. But I will instance only in those that would justifie their separa∣tion, from the word Saints in Scripture, supposing that thereby were meant persons tru∣ly and inwardly Holy. The ignorance of the latitude of this word was then the cause of many bitter contentions, and wild opinions, nay, and of no small danger to all that were not Saints in their account. To this purpose he speaks in a Latine Sermon preach∣ed at Ely, at an Episcopal Visitation held there by the Right Reverend Father in God Benjamin, late Lord Bishop of Ely: Nec periculosius aut terribilius son••it olim Shibboleth Gileaditarum, &c. That the Shibboleth of the Gileadites antiently sounded not more dangerous∣ly, than the Title of Saints of late. Whereas, as he shews in that Sermon, and used to urge in the late times, That by Saints is meant nothing but Christians in opposition to Heathens or Unbelievers. And that the Apostle in that phrase speaks with the common notion of the Jewish Nation; to which 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In Holiness, signifies no more than Within the Profession of the Jewish Religion, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Not in Holiness signifies as much as In Heathenism.

But it is time to make an end: though I am sensible all that hath been said is far short of what might have been, concerning a Man of his Figure in the Learned World; and what should, if further accounts of him had come to hand from such his Learned friends and acquaintance, as could or would have imparted them. But what hath been written is sufficient to give a Draught of him. Which however defective it may be, it hath this advantage, that it is a true one; these notices being taken partly from such Persons who well knew him, or were related to him; and partly collected out of his Printed Epistles, but chiefly out of abundance of other Letters, loose Papers, Note-books, and other

M S S. in my hands. Which course is now become the most fashionable, as it is indeed the best way of writing Historical matters. Epistolaris Historia est optima Historia, as Cardinal Baronius used to say. I have had no temptation to write any thing favore aut odio: having no other aim in this undertaking, but to represent our Author fairly and truly to such as shall be disposed to read him, or know him. And I chose to digest it in this method, as most proper for it, being a hasty Rapsody of remainders of things, wor∣thy to be remembred concerning this excellent Man, and which were omitted in the Ac∣count of his Life. The method, I know, is not so correct and exact as it might have been, and as it should, if more time and leisure had been allowed. If any would know our Author better, let him have recourse unto his Books: there he shall have Doctor Lightfoot speaking for himself; and giving his own Character in every Page: there he may read and see Learning, Diligence, Accuracy, Candor, Humility, a love of Peace and an earnest scrutiny after Truth, and a great Zeal for God and Religion, shining every where.

And now upon the whole, shall we retire from reading this long Relation without reaping any benefit thereby, further than to have heard some news? Then we have in effect, but lost our time. Great Examples are great arguments to provoke to imitation. If we desire the Esteem he had left behind him among good Men, let us take the course he did, and try to arrive at his Virtue and Learning; and if we would attain to that, let use his tools; I mean, Industry, Study, Constancy, and especially Modesty, and a sense of our own Ignorance. Without which last, if any one hath attained to any considerable degree of knowledge, thousands have failed thereof for the want of it. This was Seneca's judgment; Puto multos potuisse ad Sapientiam pervenire, nisi putassent se pervenisse: That many might have arrived to Wisdom, had they not vainly thought that they had already done it. Finally if we are any thing our selves, or have any advantages communicated to us from the gifts and endowments of others, as all is ultimately to be resolved into the grace and goodness of God, so let us not forget to give him all the Praise and Glory.

I. STRYPE.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ep. before his Hor. Hebr. upon 1 Cor.
• * 1.2

  Vid. Ep. to the Harmony publish. 1644.
• * 1.3

  To the Earl of Essex, Anno 1645.
• * 1.4

  Ep. Ded. be∣fore the Hor. upon S. John.
• * 1.5

  ubi ante.
• * 1.6

  Ep. before his Harm. pub∣lish. 1647.