The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings.

CHAP. II.

VERS. I.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

And the third day there was a marriage, &c.

A Virgin b 1.1 marries 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 on the fourth day of the week, and a widow on the fifth. c 1.2 This custom came not in but from the decree of Ezra, and so onward, for the Sanhedrin doth not sit, but on the second and the fifth day; and by the decree of Ezra when the Sanhedrin assembled every day, then was it lawful to take a wife on any day. There is a twofold reason given for this restraint.

I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Virgin was to be marry'd on the fourth day of the week, because the Assembly of the Twenty three met on the fifth; so that if the husband should find his wife to be no virgin, but already violated, he might have recourse to the Consi∣story in the heat of his displeasure, and procure just punishment for her according to Law. But why then might they not as well marry on the first day of the week, seeing the Beth din met on the second as well as the fifth.

II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lest the Sabbath should be polluted by preparations for the Nuptials, for the first, second, and third day of the week are allow'd for those kind of preparations. And the reason why the widow was to be marry'd on the fifth day was, that her husband might rejoyce with her for three days together, viz. fifth, sixth, and the Sabbath-day. d 1.3

If therefore our bride in this place was a virgin, then the Nuptials were celebrated on the fourth day of the week, which is our Wednesday. If she was a widow then she was marry'd on the fifth day of the week, which is our Thursday. Let us therefore number the days according to our Evangelist, and let it be but granted that that was the Sabbath in which it is said, They abode with him all that day, Cap. I. v. 39. Then on the first day of the week Christ went into Galilee and met with Nathanael. So that the third day from thence is the fourth day of the week; but as to that let every one reckon as he himself shall think fit.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:

A Marriage.

Amongst the Talmudists it is sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all which denotes matter of pomp and gladness.

• I. The Virgin to be marry'd cometh forth from her Fathers house, to that of her hus∣bands. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in some veil, but with her hair dishevel'd, or her head unco∣ver'd.
• II. If any person meets her upon that day, he gives her the way, which once was done by King Agrippa himself.
• III. They carry before her a cup of wine which they were wont to call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the cup of Trumah, which denoted that she for her unspotted virginity might have married a Priest, and eaten of the Trumah.
• IV. Skipping and dancing they were wont to sing the praises of the Bride. In Palestine they used these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 she needs no paint nor sti∣bium, no plaiting of the hair, or any such thing, for she is of her self most beautiful.
• V. They scatter'd some kind of grain or corn amongst the children, that they if occasi∣on should serve might bear witness hereafter that they saw that woman a marry'd virgin.
• VI. They sprinkled also or sowed barley before them, by that ceremony denoting their fruitfulness e 1.4. Whether these sports were used at the wedding where our Saviour was present, let others enquire.
• VII. In Sotah f 1.5 there is mention of Crowns which the bride and bridegroom wore, a•• also what fashion they were of, and of what materials they were made.
• VIII. Because of the mirth that was expected at Nuptial solemnities▪ they forbad all weddings celebrating within the feasts of the Passover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles, Be∣cause there were great rejoycings at Nuptials, and they must not intermingle one joy with ano∣ther; that is, the joy of Nuptials with the joy of a festival e 1.6.
• IX. The Nuptial festivity was continu'd for the whole seven days which we also see of old, Judg. XIX. 12.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

And the mother of Iesus was there.

The mother of Jesus was there, not invited (as it should seem) with Christ and his Disci∣ples, but had been there before the invitation made to them.

You may conceive who were the usual nuptial guests by those words of Maimon a 1.7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The bridegroom and his companions, the children of the bride∣chamber are not bound to make a Tabernacle.

I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a more general sense denotes a friend or companion, Judg. XIV. 2. II Sam. XIII. 3. but it is more particularly applied to those friends that are the nuptial guests.

II. But in a most strict sense to those two mention'd b 1.8, Of old they appointed two Shosh∣benin, one for the bridegroom, the other for the bride, that they should minister to them, espe∣cially at their entry into the bridal chamber. They were especially instituted for this end, that they should take care and provide that there should be no fraud nor deceit as to the tokens of the bride's virginity. So Gloss. upon the place c 1.9. The Rabbins very ridiculously (as they almost always do) tell a trifling story, that Michael and Gabriel were the two Shoshbenin at Adam and Eves wedding d 1.10.

But as to the signification of this nuptial term in a more large sense, we may see further. e 1.11 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 If any amongst the brethren make a Shoshbenuth, while the father is yet alive, when the Sheshbenuth returns, that also is return'd too; for the Shoshbenuth is requir'd even before the Beth Din; but if any one send to his friend any measures of wine, those are not requir'd before the Beth Din, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for this was a deed of gift, or work of charity.

The words are very obscure, but they seem to bear this sense, viz. This was the man∣ner of the Shoshbenuth. Some Batchelor or single person, for joy of his friends marriage, takes something along with him to eat and be merry with the Bridegroom; when it comes to the turn of this single person to marry, this Bridegroom to whom he had brought this portion, is bound to return the same kindness again. Nay, if the father should make a wedding for his Son, and his friends should bring gifts along with them in honour of the nuptials, and give them to his Son [the Bridegroom] the father was bound to return the same kindness when ever any of those friends should think fit to marry themselves. But if any one should send the Bridegroom to congratulate his nuptials, either wine or oyl, or any such gift, and not come himself to eat and make merry with them, this was not of the nature of the Shoshbenuth, nor could be requir'd back again before the Tribunal, because that was a free gift.

IV. Christ therefore and five of his Disciples were not of these voluntary Shoshbenim at this wedding, for they were invited guests, and so of the number of those that were call∣ed the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 children of the bride-chamber distinguisht from the Shoshbenim. But whe∣ther our Saviours mother was to be accounted either the one or the other, is a vain and needless question. Perhaps she had the care of preparing and managing the necessaries for the wedding, as having some relation either with the Bridegroom or the Bride.

VERS. VI.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Six water-pots.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 f 1.12 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gloss. If any one have water fit to drink, and that water by chance contract any uncleanness, let him fill the stone vessel with it.

g 1.13 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 where the Commentators do indeed grant that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be understood marble vessels, although they admit of another rendring, but as to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there is no controversie.

The number of the six water-pots, I suppose needs not be ascrib'd to any custom of the Nation, but rather to the multitude then present. It is true indeed, that at nuptials and other feasts there were water-pots always set, for the guests to wash their hands at; but the number of the vessels, and the quantity of the water, was always proportion'd ac∣cording to the number of the guests; for both the hands and vessels, and perhaps the feet of some of them, were wont to be washed.

h 1.14 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mashicala mashi culla, the greater vessel out of which all wash 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Maschilta mashia callatha, the lesser vessel in which the bride washes, and (saith the Gloss) the better sort of the guests.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Firkins.

The Greek Version expresseth the measure of a Bath by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 2 Chron. IV. 5. so Hag. II. 16. where the same mea∣sure

of a Bath is to be understood. Now if every one of these water-pots in our story contain'd two or three Baths apiece, how great a quantity of wine must that be, which all that water was chang'd into.

a 1.15 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The water-pots of Lydda and Bethlehem; where the Gloss, They were wont to make pots in Lydda from the measure of the Seah to that of the Log, and in Beth∣lehem, from the measure of two Seas to that of one. How big were these pots that contain'd six or nine Seahs, for every Bath contain'd three Seahs.

As to the washing of the hands we have this in Jadaim, b 1.16 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They allot a fourth part of a Log for the washing of one persons hands, it may be of two, half a Log for three or four; an whole Log to five or ten, nay to an hundred; with this provision, saith R. Jose, that the last that washeth hath no less than a fourth part of a Log for himself.

VERS. VII.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

Iesus said, fill, &c.

I. IT is probable that the discourse betwixt Jesus and his Mother was not publick and before the whole company, but privately and betwixt themselves; which if we sup∣pose, the words of the Son toward the Mother, Woman what have I to do with thee, will not seem so harsh as we might apprehend them if spoken in the hearing of all the guests. And although the Son did seem by his first answer to give a plain denial to what was pro∣pounded to him, yet perhaps by something which he afterwards said to her (though not exprest by the Evangelist) or some other token, the Mother understood his mind, so far, that when they came into company again she could intimate to them, Whatsoever he saith unto you, do it.

II. He answer'd his Mother, My hour is not yet come; for it might be justly expected that the first miracle he would exert should be done in Jerusalem, the Metropolis of that Nation.

VERS. VIII.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The Governour of the Feast.

THIS Governour of the Feast I would understand to have been in the place of Chap∣lain to give thanks, and pronounce blessings in such kind of Feasts as these were. There was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Bridegrooms blessing recited every day for the whole space of the seven days, besides other benedictions during the whole Festival time, requisite upon a cup of wine [for over a cup of wine there us'd to be a blessing pronounc'd] especially that which was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the cup of good news, when the virginity of the Bride is declar'd and certify'd. He therefore who gave the blessing for the whole company, I pre∣sume, might be call'd the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Governour of the Feast. Hence to him it is that our Saviour directs the wine that was made of water, as he who after some bles∣sing pronounced over the cup, should first drink of it to the whole company, and after him the guests pledging and partaking of it.

As to what is contain'd in the 14, 15, 16 verses of this Chapter, I have already discust that in Mat. XXI. 12.

VERS. XVIII.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;

What sign shewest thou unto us?

NOah c 1.17, Ezekiah, &c. require a sign, much more the wicked and ungodly.

Since there had been so many, no less than four hundred years past, from the time that the Holy Spirit had departed from that Nation, and Prophecies had ceased, in which space there had not appear'd any one person that pretended to the gift either of Prophe∣sying or working miracles, it is no wonder if they were suspicious of one that now claim'd the character, and requir'd a sign of him.

VERS. XIX.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Destroy this Temple.

I. CHrist sheweth them no sign, that was meer sign, Mat. XII. 39. The turning of Mo∣ses his Rod into a Serpent, and returning the Serpent into a Rod again; the hand becoming leprous, and restor'd to its proper temperament again, these were meer signs;

those wonders which Moses afterward wrought in Egypt were not meer signs, but miraculous judgments; and those stupendous things which our Saviour wrought were not meer signs, but beneficent miracles, and whoever would not believe upon those infi∣nite miracles which he wrought, would much less have believ'd upon meer signs. And in∣deed it was unbecoming our Blessed Lord so far to indulge to their obstinate incredulity, to be shewing new signs still at every beck of theirs, who would not believe upon those infinite numbers he put forth upon every proper occasion.

II. Mat. XII. 39, 40. when they had requir'd a sign, Christ remits them to the sign of the Prophet Jonah; and he points at the very same sense in these words, Destroy this Temple, &c. That is, my Resurrection from the dead will be a sign beyond all denial, proving and affirming that what I do I act upon Divine authority, and that I am he who is to come. (Rom. I. 4.) further than this, you must expect no other sign from me. If you be∣lieve me not while I do such works, at least believe me when I arise from the dead.

He acted here whiles he is purging the Temple under that notion, as he was the autho∣riz'd Messiah, Mal. III. 1, 3. and expresly calls it his fathers house, v. 16. Shew us therefore some sign (say the Jews) by which it may appear that thou art the Messiah the Son of God, at least that thou art a Prophet. I will shew you a sufficient sign, saith Christ: Destroy this Temple, viz. of my body, and I will raise it from the dead again, a thing which was never yet done, nor could be done by any of the Prophets.

VERS. XX.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Forty and six years.

I. THAT this was spoken of the Temple as beautify'd and repair'd by Herod, not as built by Zorobabel, these reasons seem to sway with me.

I. That these things were done and discours'd betwixt Christ and the Jews in Herod's Temple.

II. That the account if meant of the Temple of Zorobabel, will not fall in either with the years of the Kings of Persia; or those seven weeks mention'd Dan. IX. 26. in which Jerusalem was to be built, even in troublous times. For whoever reckons by the Kings of Persia, he must necessarily attribute at least thirty years to Cyrus, which they willingly do that are fond of this account; which thirty years too, if they do not reckon to him, after the time that he had taken Babylon, and subverted that Monarchy, they prove nothing as to this computation at all.

a 1.18 Cyrus destroy'd the Empire of the Medes, and reign'd over Persia, having overthrown Astyages the King of the Medes. And from thence he reckons to Cyrus thirty years. But by what authority he ascribes the Jews being set at liberty from their captivity, to that very same year, I cannot tell. For Cyrus could not release the Jews from their captivity in Ba∣bylon, before he had conquer'd Babylon for himself; and this was a great while after he had subdu'd the Medes, as appears from all that have treated upon the subversion of that Empire, which how they agree with Xenophon, I shall not enquire at this time; content at present with this, that it doth not appear amongst any Historians that have committed the acts of Cyrus to memory, that they have given thirty or twenty, no not ten years to him, after he had taken Babylon. Leunclavius in his Chronolog. Xenoph. gives him but eight years, and Xenophon himself seems to have given him but seven. So that this account of forty and six years falls plainly to the ground, as not being able to stand, but with the whole thirty years of Cyrus included into the number.

Their opinion is more probable who make these forty and six years parallel with the seven weeks in Dan. IX. 26. But the building of the Temple ceast for more years than wherein it was built; and in truth if we compute the times wherein any work was done upon the Temple, it was really built within the space of ten years.

II. This number of forty six years fits well enough with Herod's Temple; for Josephus tells us that b 1.19 Herod began the work in the eighteenth year of his reign; nor does he con∣tradict himself when c 1.20 he tells us, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, In the fifteenth year of his reign he repair'd the Temple; because the fifteenth year of his reign alone after he had conquer'd Antigonus, was the eighteenth year from the time wherein he had been declar'd King by the Romans. Now Herod (as the same Josephus re∣lates) d 1.21 liv'd thirty seven years from the time that the Romans had declar'd him King; and in his thirty fifth year Christ was born; and he was now thirty years old when he had this discourse with the Jews. So that between the eighteenth of Herod, and the thirtieth of Christ exclusively, there were just forty six years compleat.

III. The words of our Evangelist therefore may be thus render'd in English, Forty and six years hath this Temple been in building; and this Version seems warranted by Josephus e 1.22, who beginning the History of G. Florus the Procurator of Judea about the 11th. of Nero▪

hath this passage, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. From that time particularly our City began to languish, all things growing worse and worse. He tells us further that Albinus when he went off from his Go∣vernment, set open all the Goals and dismist the Prisoners, and so filled the whole Pro∣vince with Thieves and Robberies: withal, that King Agrippa, permitted the Levite singing men, to go about as they pleased in their Linnen Garments: and at length con∣cludes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And now was the Temple finished [as may be obser∣ved] wherefore the people seeing the workmen, to the number of eighteen thousand, were at a stand, having nothing to do—besought the King that he would repair the Porch upon the East, &c. If therefore the Temple was not finished till that time, then, much less was it so, when Christ was in it. Whence we may properly enough render those words of the Jews into such a kind of sense as this:

It is forty and six years since the repairing of the Temple was first undertook, and indeed to this day is not quite perfected, and will thou pretend to build a new one in three days?

VERS. XXI.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

But he spake of the Temple of his body.

IF we consider how much the second Temple, came behind that of the first, it will the easilier appear, why our blessed Saviour should call his body the Temple.

a 1.23 In the second Temple, there wanted the fire from Heaven, the Ark with the Propitiatory, Cherubims, Urim and Thummim, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Divine Glory, the Holy Ghost, and the Anoint∣ing Oyl.

These things were all in Solomon's Temple, which therefore was accounted a full and plenary type of the Messiah. But so long as the second Temple had them not, it wanted what more particularly shadowed and represented him.

I. There was indeed in the second Temple, a certain Ark in the Holy of Holies, but this was neither Moses's Ark, nor the Ark of the Covenant b 1.24: which may not unfitly come to mind when we read that passage Revel. XI. 19. The Temple of God was opened in Heaven, and there was seen in his Temple the Ark of his testament. It was not seen, nor indeed was it at all in the second Temple.

The Jews have a Tradition that Josias hid the Ark, before the Babylonish Captivity, lest it should fall into the hands of the Enemy, as once it did amongst the Philistines c 1.25. But there is no mention that it was ever found and restored again.

II. In Moses his Tabernacle, and Solomon's Temple, the Divine presence sate visibly over the Ark, in the propitiatory, in a Cloud of Glory: But when the destruction of that Temple drew near, it went up from the Propitiatory, Ezek. X. 4. and never re∣turned into the second Temple, where neither the Ark nor the Propitiatory was ever restored.

III. The High-Priest indeed ministred in the second Temple, as in the first, in eight several Garments d 1.26. Amongst these was the Pectoral, or Breast-plate, wherein the pre∣cious stones were put, (out of which the Jasper chanced to fall and was lost e 1.27:) but the Oracle by Urim and Thummim, was never restored. See Ezra II. 63. and Nehem. VII. 63. if not restored in the days of Ezra, or Nehemiah, much less certainly in the ages following, when the Spirit of Prophecy had forsaken and taken leave of that people. For that is a great truth amongst the Talmudists f 1.28 Things are not askt or enquired after now [by Urim and Thummim] by the High-Priest, because he doth not speak by the Holy Ghost, nor does there any divine Afflatus breath on him.

This, to omit other things, was the state of Zorobabel's Temple, with respect to those things which were the peculiar glory of it. And these things being wanting, how much inferior must this needs be to that of Solomon's?

But there was one thing more that degraded Herod's Temple still lower; and that was the person of Herod himself to whom it is ascribed. It was not without scruple, even amongst the Jews themselves, that it was built and repaired by such an one (and who knew not what Herod was?) They dispute whether by right such a person ought to have meddled with it, and are fain to pump for arguments for their own satisfaction, as to the lawfulness of the thing.

They object first, g 1.29 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 'Tis not permitted to any one to demolish one Synagogue till he hath built another. Much less to demolish the Temple. But Herod demolished the Temple before he had built another. Ergo,

They answer, Baba ben Buta gave Herod that counsel that he should pull it down. Now this Baba was reckoned amongst the great wise men, and he did not rashly move Herod to such a work. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He saw such clefts and breaches in the Temple that threatned its ruine.

They object secondly, concerning the person of Herod, that he was a Servant to the Asmonean Family, that he rose up against his Masters, and killed them, and had killed the Sanhedrin.

They answer, We were under his power, and could not resist it. And if those hands, stained with blood would be building, it was not in their power to hinder it.

These and other things they apologize for their Temple; adding this invention for the greater honour of the thing; that all that space of time wherein it was a building, it never once rained by day, that the work might not be interrupted h 1.30.

The Rabbins take a great deal of pains, but to no purpose, upon those words, Hagg. II. 9. The glory of this latter House shall be greater than the former. i 1.31 R. Jochanan, and R. Eliezer say; one, that it was greater for the Fabrick; the other, that it was greater for the duration▪ As if the glory of the Temple consisted in any Mathematical reasons of space, dimension, or duration; as if it lay in walls, gilding, or ornament. The glory of the first Temple was the Ark, the divine cloud over the Ark, the Urim and the Thummim, &c. Now where or in what can consist the greater glory of the second Temple, when these are gone?

Herein it is indeed, that the Lord of the Temple, was himself present in his Temple; he himself was present 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In whom dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily, Coloss. II. 9. as the divine glory of old was over the Ark 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, typically or by way of shadow only.

This is the glory, when he himself is present, who is the great High-Priest and the Prophet, who, answerably to the Urim and Thummim of old, reveals the counsels and will of God; He who is the true and living Temple, whom that Temple shadowed out.

This Temple of yours, O ye Jews, does not answer its first pattern and exemplar: There are wanting in that, what were the chief glory of the former; which very de∣fect intimates, that there is another Temple to be expected that in all things may fall in with its first type, as it is necessary the Antitype should do. And this is the Tem∣ple of my body.

No further did he think fit to reply to them at that time.

Notes

• b 1.1

  chetubboth. cap. 1. hal. 1.
• c 1.2

  Ibid. fol. 3 1.
• d 1.3

  Vid. loc. & Gloss. Rambam.
• e 1.4

  Vid. Chetubb. cap. 1. 11.
• f 1.5

  Fol. 49. 1.
• e 1.6

  Motd Katon, Fol. 2. 8.
• a 1.7

  Sotah▪ cap. 6.
• b 1.8

  Chetubb. fol. 12. 1.
• c 1.9

  Fol. 6. 2.
• d 1.10

  Beresh. rab. fol. 10. 4.
• e 1.11

  Bava bathra▪ fol. 144. 2.
• f 1.12

  Beza, fol. 17. 2.
• g 1.13

  Kelim. cap. 1. hal. 1.
• h 1.14

  Schab. fol. 77. 2.
• a 1.15

  Kelim. cap. 2. hal. 2.
• b 1.16

  Cap. 1. hal. 1.
• c 1.17

  Sh••moth rab. Sect. 9.
• a 1.18

  Euseb. in Chronic.
• b 1.19

  Antiq. lib. 15. cap. 14.
• c 1.20

  De Bell. lib. ••▪ cap. 16.
• d 1.21

  Antiq. lib. 17. cap. 10.
• e 1.22

  Antiq. lib. 20▪ cap. 8.
• a 1.23

  Hierosol. Taa∣nith. fol. 6. 1. & Bab. Joma, fol. 21. 2.
• b 1.24

  Joma, fol. 52. 2.
• c 1.25

  Joma, ubi su∣pra. & Cheri∣thuth, fol. 77. 2.
• d 1.26

  Joma, fol. 71. 2.
• e 1.27

  Hieros. Peah, fol. 15. 3. & Bab. Kiddush. fol. 60. 2.
• f 1.28

  Joma, fol. 73. 2.
• g 1.29

  Bava bathra, fol. 3. 2.
• h 1.30

  Taanith, fol. 23. 1. Joseph. Antiqu. lib. 15. cap. 14.
• i 1.31

  Bava bathra, fol. 3. 1.