The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings.

A CHOROGRAPHICAL DECAD Searching into some Places OF THE Land of ISRAEL: Those especially whereof mention is made in St. MARK.

WHEN this our Evangelist, whom we have undertaken to han∣dle, makes mention of some places in the Land of Canaan, whose situation is somewhat obscure and more remote from vulgar knowledge; I might seem to be wanting to my task, if I should pass them over unsaluted, and not clear them, as much as lyes in me, with some illustration: which I thought very convenient to do here in the very entrance; partly, lest by the thrusting in of these discourses into the body of this Comment, whatsoever it be, the order of it might be too much broken: and partly, be∣cause I would do the same here that I did before my Animadversions on St. Matthew.

The places which here are handled, are these,

• I. Idumea, Mark III. 8.
• II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Wilderness. Chap. I. 4.
• III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Treasury. Chap. XII. 41.
• IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Village over against. Chap. XI. 2.
• V. Dalmanutha. Chap. VIII. 10.
• VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Borders of Tyre and Sidon. Chap. VII. 24.
• VII. The Coasts of Decapolis. Chap. VII. 31. And to compleat the Decad are added,
• VIII. Some Measurings.
• IX. Some places here and there noted.
• X. Concerning some Inhabitants of the Land.

That I have enlarged upon some places, besides those in the Evangelists, I have done it for the Readers sake; to whom I hope it will not be unacceptable to hear such things, which do either bring with them profit, or pleasure, or at lest such as are not commonly heard of.

CHAP. I.

I. Idumea. II. A few things of Pelusium. III. Casiotis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cas-Iah. Exod. XVII. 16. IV. Rhinocorura. The Ara∣bic Interpreter noted. V. The Country of the Avites, a part of of new Idumea. VI. The whole Land of Simeon, within Idumea. VII. The whole Southern Country of Iudea, within Idumea. VIII. Concerning healthful Palestine.

SECTION I. Idumea, Mark III. 8.

THERE was a time, when the Land of Israel and Idumea were not only distinct Countries, but separated with an iron Wall, as it were, of Arms and Hosti∣lity: but I know not how, Idumea at last crept into Judea; and scarcely left its name at home, being swallowed up in Arabia.

They were truths which Pliny speaks, in that time when he spake them: a 1.1 Arabia is bounded by Pelusium LXV mile. Then Idumea begins, and Palestine, at the rising up of the Sirbon Lake. But thou art deceived, O Pliny, would the Antienter ages have said; for Idumea is bounded by Pelusium LXV. miles. Then begins Palestine at the rising up of the Sirbon.

We are beholding to Strabo that we know the reason of the transmigration of that people and of the name. For thus he writes; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. b 1.2 The Idumeans and the Lake (of Sirbon) take up the furthest Western parts of Judea, next to Casius. The Idumeans are Nabateans: but being cast out thence by a sedition, they joyned themselves to the Jews and embraced their Laws.

Every one knows, what the Land of Edom or Idumea, in the Old Testament was: but it is not the same in the New, and if that old Idumea retained its name, (which it scarcely did, but was swallowed up under the name of Arabia) then by way of distincti∣on, it was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, c 1.3 Great Idumea. Idumea the less or the new, is that which we are seeking and concerning which St. Mark speaks, no small part of Judea, so called either from its nearness to Idumea properly so called, or because of the Idu∣means that travailed thither and possessed it, and that became Proselytes to the Law and manners of the Jews. Such a one was Herod Ascalonita. When therefore it is said by the Evangelist, that a great multitude followed Jesus from Galilee and from Judea, and from Jerusalem and from Idumea, he speaketh either of the Jews inhabiting that part of Judea, which at that time was called Idumea, or at least of the Idumeans who inhabited it, being now translated into the Religion of the Jews. Concerning the Country now contained under that name we shall speak by and by, following first, Pliny's footsteps a little, from the place where he sets out his progress, namely, from Pelusium.

SECT. II. A few things of Pelusium.

IN Ezekiel XXX. 15, 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sin, in the Vulgar Interpreter is Pelusium: which the Latine Interpreter of the Chaldee Paraphrast follows there: nor without good Reason. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sin, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tin, among the Chaldees is Mud. See the Targum upon Esai. LVII. 21. And Pithom and Raamses, (Exod. I. 11.) in the Targums of Jerusa∣lem and Jonathan, are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tanis and Pelusium: thence those two Gates of Nile, the Tanitic and the Pelusiac, in Ptolomy and the Maps. But now, that Country or place which the Syrians and Chaldeans call Sin, that is, Muddy, the Greeks call Pelusium, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Mud. And who sees not that Tanis is derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tin?

And here for the sake of Learners, let me observe that Pelusium is called in the Tal∣mudists 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which who would not presently interpret Cappadocia?

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Would not any render the words thus, d 1.4 If a man marries a wife in Cappadocia and divorces her in Cappadocia, let him give her the mony of Cappadocia. But hear Rambam upon the place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 saith he, is Caphtor, and is called by the Arabians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Damiata: which all know is the same with Pelusium.

Hence the Targums of Jerusalem and Jonathan and the Syriac interpreter upon Gen. X. 14. for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphtorim, read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cappadokia, but the Arabic reads Damia∣tenos; And the Seventy, upon Deut. II. 23. for, The Caphtorim going out of Caphtor, read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Cappadocians going out of Cappadocia.

The Targum upon Jer. XLVII. 4. for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The remnant of the Country of Caphtor, hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Kapotokia. Where Kimchi saith R. sa••dias inter∣prets Caphtor 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Damiata.

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 e 1.5 These words were written upon the gate of Pelusium; Anpak, Anbaz, Antal. Which were the names of some measures that it might be known to all that they were to buy and sell according to that measure.

SECT. III. CASIOTIS.

WE now go on from Pelusium to mount Casiu••: So Pliny; From Pelusium, the trenches of f 1.6 Chabrias. Mount Casius, the Temple of Jupiter Casius. The Tomb of Pompey the Great, &c.

g 1.7 Casius was distant about CCC furlongs from Pelusium (in Antoninus it is XL miles) and the Lake of Sirbon was XXVIII miles from Casius. Thus Plinies LXV miles arise, from Pelusium to the ending of Arabia.

Casius in Ptolomy is written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Cassion and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Cassiotis, with a double••s, and so also it is in Dion Cassius, who adds this story.

h 1.8 Pompey died at mount Cassius, on that very day whereon formerly he had triumphed over Mithridates and the Pirates. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. And when from a certain Oracle he had suspition of the Cassian Nation, no Cassian laid wait for him, but he was stain and buried at the Mountain of that name.

Those words of Moses do rack Interpreters, Exod. XVII. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jad Al Cas-jah. The LXX render it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Lord wars with with a secret hand. All other versions almost render it to this sense, The hand upon the Throne of the Lord; So the Samaritan, Syrian, Arabic, Vulgar and the Rabbins, that is, God hath sworn.

What if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cas-jah be Casiotis? For that Country was the Country of the Edo∣mites, but especially of the Amalekites, concerning whom Moses treats in that History. We will not too boldly depart from the common consent of all, and we do modestly and humbly propound this conjecture: which if it may take any place, the words may there be rendred, without any scruple or knot, to this sense, The hand of the Lord is against Cassiotis, (the Country of the Amalekites, for) the Lord hath War with Amalek from generation to generation.

SECT. IV. Rhinocorura. The Arabic Interpreter noted.

WE are now come to the River Sichor: called the River of Egypt; not, because it was within the Egyptian territories, but because it was the Jews limits towards Egypt. There heretofore was Rhinocorura. Whence the LXX in Esai. XXVII. 12. render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Unto the River of Egypt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Unto the Rhinocoruri. I suppose the Arabic Interpreter imiated them, and writ first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Corura, but that at last a little poynt crept in into the last letter, and so it was changed from r into n. So that now we read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is sounded Coronis, in the Latine Interpreter.

SECT. V. The Country of the Avites: a part of the New Idumea.

PAssing the River, we enter into new Idumea, antiently the region of the Avites: in the holy Scripture called Hazerim, Deut. XI. 24. In the Eastern Interpreters, Raphia. In Pliny, Rhinocorura, and Raphia inwards. Sometimes also in the holy Scrip∣ture it is called Shur, and instead of it, in those Interpreters it is called Chagra. Whence is the name of Mount Angaris, concerning which Pliny speaks, Gaza, and inwards Au∣thedon, Mount Angaris. For when the Syrians pronounced Chaggara, the Greeks would sound a double Gamma by n and g, and would say Angara.

Shur also is sometimes rendred by the Eastern Interpreters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chaluzzah, as the Jerusalem Targum upon Gen. XVI. 7. and Jonathan upon Exod. XV. 22. The Arabic renders Gerarim, so Gen. XX. 1. And Jonathan Bared, Gen. XVI. 14. Bared indeed which signifies Hail, you call in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and whither the Targumists use the Greek word, when they render it Chaluzah, let the Reader Judge.

Shur, sometimes in the Syriac Interpreter is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sud, as Exod. XV. 22. the poynt for difference in the last letter, being placed amiss. In Gen. XVI. 7, 14. Shur, and Bared, are rendred by them Gedar, instead of Gerar, by the same error, Bared in the Arabic, is Jared there, with two poynts placed under the first letter instead of one.

The Country of the Avites, call it by what name you will, ended at Gaza, being stretched out thither in length from the River of Egypt, XLIV miles. But the Idu∣mea, which we seek, ended not there, but extended it self further into Judea, swallow∣ing up, under the name, that whole breadth of the Land, from the Mediterranean Sea, to the Sea of Sodom, according to the length of it.

SECT. VI. The whole portion of Simeon within Idumea.

IT swallowed up first, the whole portion of Simeon, a great part of which was contained within the Country of the Avites, but not a small part also extended it self further into Judea. Mention is made of his fourteen Cities, Josh. XIX. if you tell them one by one; but they are said to be only thirteen, ver. 6. where the LXX make an even number, while they take 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sharuhen, not for a City, but render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as if they had read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Their fields. But Sheba seems rather to be one and the same with Beersheba; and so the number is made equal.

SECT. VII. The whole Southern Country of Iudea, within Idumea.

IT swallowed up also the whole Country of South Judea, which was more general∣ly marked out by two names 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The upper and the nether South: a 1.9 more particularly and diffusively, as some of the Jews please, it is divided into se∣ven parts, 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

So that when the Holy Scripture divides the South of Judea from Idumea, Numb. XXXIV. and Josh. XV. we must know that dividing line now is broken, and all the South of Judea is called Idumea. But here by the way, I cannot but note the Arabic In∣terpreter who renders Edom, in Josh. XV. 2. by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rome, by what authority, let himself look to it, so let the Jews do too, who commonly call the Romans, Edomites.

How much this new Idumea shot it self into Judea, is not to be defined; since it ad∣mitted indeed no limits, but where either the Force or Fraud of that Nation could not thrust it self in farther. If you betake your self to Josephus, here and there speaking of that nation, you would think that it extended almost as far as Hebron. Thence perhaps, were those endeavours of some, b 1.10 of freeing the Hill Country of Judea from Tithing. Of which endeavour we can scarce conceive another reason then; that that Country was now too much turned Heathen, and Tithes should not be taken from Hea∣thens. For these Idumeans were but a remove from Heathen. They had passed into the Jewish Rites, but they were neither friends to the Jews, nor to their Religion.

SECT. VIII. Of the Third Palestine, or Palestine called the Healthful.

WHILE I am thinking of this new Idumea, I have a suspicion, whether the Third Palestine, which is also c 1.11 called the Healthful, may not be understood of this very part of Palestine; and while I think upon it, I doubt again of the division of Palestine into two parts, in the Code of Justinlan and Theodosius; and into three parts in the Notitia.

d 1.12 In the Edict of Theodosius and Valentinian are these words, Judaeorum Primates, qui in ••triusque Palestinae Synedriis dominantur, vel in aliis provinciis degunt, periculo suo anni∣versarium Canonem de Synagegis omnibus, Palatinis compellentibus, exigant ad eam for∣mam quam Patriarchae quondam, coronarii auri nomine postulabant, &c. The chief of the Jews, who were over the Sanhedrins in both Palestines, or live in other Provinces, &c.

The mention of both Palestines seems plainly to exclude a threefold division, or, at least, to conclude, that there were no Sanhedrins in the third part. For without all scruple, the Notitia Imperii gives us a Third part, in which are ranked, Under the dis∣position of the worthy man the Earl of the East, these Provinces underwitten:

Palestine.	Palestine the second.
Phenice.	Palestine the Healthful.
Syria.	Phenice of Libanus.
Cyprus.

And e 1.13 Justinian hath these words; When all Palestine formerly was one, it was after∣wards divided into three parts.

The head of the First the same Emperour assigns to be Cesarea, f 1.14 Gulielmus Tyrius to be Jerusalem: and concerning the Second and Third, he and Pancirolus do not agree. For the Metropolis of the Second, according to Tyrius is Cesarea, and Scythopolis of the Third. According to Pancirolus, Samaria is the Metropolis of the Second, and Jerusalem of the Third

On the credit of Justinian, you may with good reason suppose the First to be that whose head is Cesarea: the Second, reason it self will perswade us, to have been that of Jerusalem; and where you will go to seek the Third, I for my part know not, if not in this our Idumea. It is not indeed to be dissembled that in the Notitia imperii, in the Scheme adorned with the pictures of the Roman garrisons, Jordan is painted running between them, five being placed on this side, and eight on that. So that it may seem, that the Country beyond Jordan was the third part. But I shall not dispute here, whi∣ther that be not in part to be disposed under the Governour of Syria or Arabia; but there are some things which seem to favour such an opinion, partly in the Notitia it self, but especially in the Authors alleadged.

If therefore I may be allowed my conjecture, concerning this new Idumea, then some Answer may be given about the sanhedrins of both Palestines, in the mean time not de∣nying the threefold division of it. We must consider indeed that there were Councils or Sanhedrins, in the times of Theodosius and Valentinian, &c. They were, in times past, in that Palestine, whose head was Cesarea, and in that Palestine, whose head was Jerusalem: but not in that Idumea concerning which we speak, whose head, whither ye state it to be Gaza or Askalon, or Elutheropolis, concerning which Jerom so often speaks, and perhaps g 1.15 Bereshith Rabba, we do not define.

Mention indeed occurs in the Talmudists of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Southern Rab∣bins; but not so called, because they dwelt in the furthest Southern parts of Judea, for those of Jafne and Lydda had that name, but because Judea was South of Galilee. For the Rabbins of Tiberias give them that title.

But, whatsoever at last that third Palestine was, no less scruple arises why it was cal∣led Salutaris the healthful. Pancirolus will have it to be from the wholesom waters: and he learned from h 1.16 Sozomen, that they ran from Emmaus into Judea, namely, that fountain where Christ washed his disciples feet: from whence the water, to use his words, facta est diversarum medicamen passionum, became medicinal for divers distempers.

But besides, that that storie favours enough of fable, the word Emmaus, if I may be Judg, deceived its first Author, which indeed, sometimes is written for Ammaus de∣noting hot Bathes, and translates the word Chammath into Greek pronounciation; But He, whosoever was the first Author of it, had scarcely found that Town of Judea cal∣led Emmaus, written by the Jews 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chammath, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ammaus very far from the signification of warm Bathes.

To this add also, that mention is made in the same Notitia of Galatia Salutaris or the Healthful; and there is a distinction between Macedonia, and Macedonia the Healthful; Phrygia Pacatiana, and Phrygia the Healthful; Syria of Euphrates, and Syria the Health∣ful. In all which it will be somewhat hard to find medicinal waters: and the exam∣ples which the Author alledged produceth concerning some of them, are so incredu∣lous, that I would be ashamed to relate them after him.

I should rather think these Countryes so called from the Companies and Wings of the Roman Army, called Salutares: for mention is made in the same Notitia of Ala Salutis, The Wing of Health, or Safety; as Ala secunda Salutis, The second Wing of Safety under the Duke of Phenice, and Cohors prima Salutaria, The first saving Company, under the Duke of Palestine: or perhaps the best appoynted and strongest Garrisons of the Ro∣mans, and such as conduced most to the safety and peace of the whole Country, had their stations there. And in this our Idumea, which we suppose to be the Third Pa∣lestine or Salutaris, were placed, and that out of the greater Muster-roll.

The Dalmatian Horse of Illyria at Berosaba, or in Beersheba.

The Shield-bearing Horse of Illyria at Chermula, or in Carmel, where Nabal dwelt.

The promoted Horse, Inhabitants at Zodecath: which I suspect to be the Cave of Zede∣chia, concerning which the Talmudists speak.

The javelin bearing Horse, Inhabitant at Zoar. But let these things be left in suspence.

And now to return thither, whence this whole dispute was raised, when it is said by St. Mark, That a great multitude followed Jesus from Galilee and Judea, and Jerusalem, and from Idumea, and from beyond Jordan; he retains the known and common division of the land of Israel at that time, although not in the same terms. The division was into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Judea; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Galilee; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Country beyond Jordan. Galilee and the Country beyond Jordan he expresseth in terms: and for Judea in general, he names the parts of it, Jerusalem and Judea, as distinguished from Idumea, and Idumea as the South part of Judea.

CHAP. II. The Wilderness. Mark I. 4, 12.

I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The wilderness, of different signification. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Wilderness of Iudah. III. A Scheme of Asphaltites, and the Wilder∣ness of Iudah, or of adjacent Idumea. IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Wil∣derness of Iudea, where Iohn the Baptist was. V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wild hony, Mark I. 6. V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Region about Iordan. Mat. III. 5.

THE word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wilderness, stops us in a Wilderness, if it is of so various, and doubtful signification.

I. Sometimes it denotes only the Fields, or the Country in opposition to the City: which we observed at Mat. III. 1. Where if any one be displeased, that I ren∣dred, Seah of the Wilderness, by the Country Seah, when it might be rendred, and per∣haps ought, the Seah which the Israelites used, when they encamped in the Wilder∣ness, let him, if he please, take another example for it.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a 1.17 They do not water, and kill the Cattle of the wil∣derness. The Gloss is, It was usual to water Cattel before killing them, that they might the more easily be stayed. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 But they water domestic (or tame) Cat∣tel. And these are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cattel of the Wilderness, Those that go out to pasture in time of the Passover, and return home at the first rain, that is, in the Month Marheshvan. Rabba saith, These are Cattel of the Wildernes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 namely, all that feed in the meddows and come not home. The Gloss is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Cattel of the Wilder∣ness are those that are abroad in the fields.

II. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The wilderness, denotes a Campain Country, where one mans ground is not distinguished by fences from anothers.

b 1.18 They do not breed up smaller cattel in the Land of Israel, but in Syria they do. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and in the Wildernesses of the Land of Israel. Where the Gloss thus, They do not breed such cattel in the Land of Israel, that they feed not down the fields: now the fields in the Land of Israel do belong without doubt to some Israelite. But they fed in the deserts, that is, where field was not distinguished from field, but all was common. Hence you may understand what is signified by the Desert of Ziph, of Maon, of Tekoah, &c. name∣ly, a Region, or Country, near to Cities, where also were scattered houses; but espe∣cially, either Champaign, where no fences were to make distinction of Lands, or Moun∣tainous, and that which was barren and without improvement.

III. There is no need to speak of the deserts that were altogether desolate, and with∣out inhabitant, such as the Deserts of Arabia, of Lybia, &c.

SECT. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Wilderness of Iudah.

PErhaps I shall be laughed at, if I distinguish between the Wilderness of Judah, and the Wilderness of Judea. And formerly such a distinction did deserve laughter; but when the name of Idumea, as I have shewed, swallowed up a great part of Judea, then it was not only to be born with, but necessary also, to distinguish between the Wilder∣ness of Judah, of which Josh. XV. 61. and the Title of Psal. LXIII. and the Wilderness of Judea where John Baptized.

The Title of that Psalm in the original Hebrew is thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Psalm of David when he was in the desert of Judah. But the Greek Interpreters render it, A Psalm of David when he was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the wilderness of Idumea. And the Vulgar, A Psalm of David when he was in the desert of Idumea: acting the part of no good Interpreters, but of no ill Paraphrasts. So Jer. IX. 26. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Upon Idumea, and upon Edom.

If you ask where David was when he composed that Psalm, it is answered, 1 Sam. XXIV. 1. In the wilderness of Eugaddi: and if you search further for the precise place, it was there where the Castel Masada was afterwards built. For I doubt not at all, that that place, as c 1.19 Josephus describes it, was the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Rocks of the wild Goats.

I appeal here to the Maps and their Authors, in whom Engedi and Masada (and Lots Cave) are placed not very far from the utmost North coast of Asphaltites; let them say whether Idumea stretched out it self so far. If not, let them correct the Interpreters whom we have named; and though it be so, they might shew by what authority they place those places there, and let them friendly correct me putting them far elswhere.

SECT. III. A Scheme of Asphaltites, and of the Wilderness of Judah, or Idumea adjacent.

[illustration]

WE are now indeed out of our bounds (but we hope not out of the bounds of truth.) Therefore in one or two words we thus confirm the situation that we have assigned to these places.

I. In Gen. X. 19. Gaza and Sodom are made to lye in a parallel line.

II. Lasha is Callirrhoe. So Jonathan renders 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Unto Lasha: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Unto Callir∣rhoe. So also d 1.20 Bereshith Rabba, and the e 1.21 Jerusalem Talmudists, in the places cited at the Margent.

You have the situation of it in Pliny on the same coast, with Macherus. f 1.22 Arabia of the Nomades looks upon Asphaltites on the East, Macherus on the South. On the same side is Callirrhoe a warm spring of a medicinal wholsomness.

And now let it be observed from the place alledged out of Genesis, that after the same manner, as Sidon and Gaza, the limits on the West part are placed, so are Sodom and Lasha seated on the East, one on the South, and the other on the North; and the other Cities stood in this order: From Lasha Southward Zeboim, after it Admah, after it Go∣morrha, and after it on the utmost Southern coast, Sodom.

III. g 1.23 The Asphaltites, saith Josephus, is extended in length, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, unto Zoar of Arabia; and Deut. XXXIV. 3. Moses from Mount Nebo beheld Zoar from the utmost bounds of the land on that side, as he had beheld the utmost bounds of it from other sides.

IV. Engedi is Hazezon Tamar; so the Targum, Onkelos in Gen. XIV. 7. See 2 Chron. XX. 2. and Tamar was the utmost South border. Ezek. XLVII▪ 19▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 h 1.24

V. i 1.25 The border of Judea, saith Solinus, was the Castle Masada. And that not far from Asphaltites l 1.26

m 1.27 Josephus indeed saith, that this Castle was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not far from Jerusa∣lem; which seems to thwart me in placing it as I have done. But besides, that we might contend about that reading, when it is very usual with Historians to use the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not far off, and near, in a very wide and loose sense, one can hardly build any thing upon this. So Solinus, n 1.28 Callirrhoe is a fountain very neer Jerusalem, when yet how far off was it? And in Strabo, o 1.29 Lecheus is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Port neer Italy, when yet it was distant many hundreds of miles.

Masada in Hebrew is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Matsada, which implies fortification: and that with good reason, when that Castle was fortified even to a miracle. The name is taken from 1 Sam. XXIII. 14▪ & 24. where the Seventy, the Syriack and Arabick seem to have read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Resh, and not with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Daleth. For they read in the former place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the strait places: and in the latter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Maserem, (otherwise 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Masereth) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the strait places. The Syriack and Arabick read Masroth; as though they had read in the Original 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 So p 1.30 Josephus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He (David) with those that were with him went up to the strait place of Mastheri.

SECT. IV. The Wilderness of Iudea, where Iohn Baptist was.

THUS far we have lanched out into the Wilderness of Judah, or Idumea, and that the more willingly, because in describing it, I have described also some part of new Idumea, of which discourse was had in the Chapter aforegoing. Now we seek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Wilderness of Judea, concerning which the Gospels speak in the History of the Baptist.

I. And first we cannot pass it over without observation, that it was not only without Prophetical prediction, that he first appeared Preaching in the Wilderness, Isa. XL. 3. but it was not without a mystery also. For when the Heathen world is very frequently in the Prophets called the Wilderness, and God promiseth that he would do glorious things to that Wilderness, that he would produce there Pools of waters, that he would bring in there all manner of fruitfulness, and that he would turn the horrid desert into the plea∣sure of a Paradice (all which were to be performed in a spiritual sense by the Gospel) it excellently suited even in the letter with these promises, that the Gospel should take its beginning in the Wilderness.

II. I indeed think the Baptist was born in Hebron, a City of Aaron, in the Hill-Coun∣try of Judea, Josh. XXI. 11. Luk. I. 5, 39. he being an Aaronite by Father and Mother. The house of his Cradle is shewn to Travellers elswhere, concerning which enquire whe∣ther Beth Zachariah, mentioned in q 1.31 Josephus, and the Book of the r 1.32 Maccabees, afforded not a foundation to that Tradition. It was distant from Bethsura only seventy furlongs or thereabouts, as may be gathered from the same Josephus, (by which word the Seventy

render South Bethel in 1 Sam. XXX. 27.) and whether the situation does not agree, let them enquire who please.

A little Cell of his is also shewed further in the Wilderness, as it is called, of Judea, cut out of a rock, together with his bed, and a fountain running by, which we leave to such as are easie of belief; the Wilderness certainly where he preached and baptized is to be sought for far elswhere.

III. Luke saith, That the word of the Lord came to John in the Wilderness, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and he went into all the Country about Jordan. He sojourned from Wilderness to Wilderness. In the Wilderness in the Hill-country of Judea, he passed his youth as a private man; not as an Eremite, but employed in some work or study; and assumed nothing of austerity, besides Nazariteship, before the thirtieth year of his age. Then the spirit of Prophesie came upon him, and the word of the Lord came unto him, teaching him concerning his function and office, instructing him about his food and cloth∣ing, and directing him to the place where he should begin his Ministry.

The region about Jericho was that place, or that Country that lay betwixt that City and Jordan, and so on this side of it and on that about the same space; also on this side Jeri∣cho towards Jerusalem. A Country very agreeable to the title which the Evangelists give it, and very fit for John's Ministry. For,

I. It was sufficiently desert, according to what is said, John came preaching in the Wilderness.

s 1.33 The space, saith Josephus, from Jericho to Jerusalem, is desert and rocky; but towards Jordan and the Asphaltites more level, but as desert and barren. And Saligniac writes, t 1.34 The journey from Jerusalem is very difficult, stony and very rough; the like to which I do not re∣member I have seen. Jericho is distant from Jordan almost ten miles, &c.

II. This Country might for distinction be called the Wilderness of Judea, because other Regions of Judea had other names: as The Kings Mountain, The Plain of the South, The Plain of Lydda, The Valley from Engedi, The Region about Betharon, u 1.35 &c.

III. Although that Country were so desert, yet it abounded very much with people. For besides that abundance of Villages were scattered here and there in it, 1. Jericho it self was the next City to Jerusalem in dignity. 2. There were always twelve thousand men in it, of the courses of the Priests. 3. That way was daily trodden by a very numerous multitude, partly of such, who travailed between those Cities, partly of such, who went out of other Parts of Judea, and likewise out of the Land of Ephraim into Perea, and of them who went out of Perea into those Countries. 4. John began his Ministry about the time of the Passover, when a far greater company flocked that way.

IV. This Country was very convenient for food and provision, in regard of its Wild Hony; of which let me say a few things.

SECT. V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wild Hony, Mark I. 6.

WHEN it is so often repeated in the Holy Scripture, that God gave to his people Israel a Land flowing with Milk and Hony, hence 1. One would conclude that the whole Land flowed with it. And 2. hence one would expect infinite hives of Bees. But hear what the Talmudists say of these things.

x 1.36 R. Jonah saith, The Land flowing with Milk and Hony is the Land, some part of which flows with Milk and Hony. And that part, they say, is in Galilee; for thus they speak, For sixteen miles every way from Zippor is a Land flowing with Milk and Hony: of which thing and Country we shall speak elsewhere.

y 1.37 R. Jose of Galilee saith, They bring not the first fruits out of the Country which is beyond Jordan, because that is not the Land flowing with Milk and Hony. And he that brought the first fruits was to say, The Lord gave us this Land flowing with Milk and Hony; And now I have brought the first fruits of the Land, which thou, O Lord, hast given me. Deut. XXVI. 9, 10.

But that part that flowed, how did it flow with Hony? Learn that from Ramban up∣on the place: When he saith, And Hony, he understands 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Hony of Palms. For the Palm Trees which are in the Plain and in the Vallies abound very much with Hony.

There was Hony also distilling from the Fig-trees. z 1.38 R. Jacob ben 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dositheus saith, I went on a certain time from Lydda to Ono before day break, up to the ankles in the Hny of Figs.

This is the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The wild Hony, of which the Evangelists speak, as of the Baptists food. And how convenient for this the Region about Jericho was, which was

called The Country of Palm-trees, is clear to every Eye. Diodorus Siculus hath these words of a certain Nation of Arabians; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ a 1.39 They have Pepper from the Trees, and much Hony, called wild Hony, which they use to drink with water. Whether it were also as plentiful in Locusts, we do not say; certainly in this also it gave place to no Country, if either barrenness or fruitfulness served for the breeding them: for Jericho, and the adjacent parts was like, a garden of pleasure, in the midst of a Desert. Certain∣ly the place was very convenient for that great Work to be performed by the Baptist, that is, Baptizing in Jordan.

SECT. VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Region round about Iordan, Matth. III. 5.

HERE that of Borchard is not unuseful. b 1.40 Know, that from the rise of Jordan un∣der Libanus, unto the Desert of Pharan, almost an hundred miles, Jordan it self on both shores, hath spacious and pleasant fields, which are compassed behind with very high moun∣tains. The truth of which, if his Eyes had not experienced it, he might have learned from Josephus, who speaks thus.

c 1.41 Over Jericho hangs a mountain stretched forth Northward, even to the Country of Scytho∣polis; and Southward to the Country of Sodome, and the utmost borders of the Asphaltites. It is craggy, and not habitable by reason of barrenness. Against it runs out a mountain near Jordan, beginning at Julias, and the North Country, and stretched out Southward unto Go∣morrha, where it bounds the Rock of Arabia. The Middle between these two Mountanous Regions is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The great Plain, extended from the Town Ginnabri unto the Asphaltites: in length MCC furlongs, in breadth CXX. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And it is cut in the middle by Jordan. The Plain of Jordan before the over∣throw of Sodome, &c. Gen. XIX. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Country about it, in the LXX.

Those words teach, what is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Region about Jordan: and the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 All, added by the Evangelist, may perswade us, that the further side may also be taken in, especially if it be considered, how small a distance the River made. The space was so little, that, as the Gemarists relate, d 1.42 a fire kindled on one side reached over to the other. And they suppose, water on this side, might be spurted to the other, in that Caution; e 1.43 Let no man take the waters of purification, and the ashes of purification, and carry them beyond Jordan. Nor let him stand on this side, and spurt to the other.

However, The River was not so broad, but that two standing on each bank, might look upon one another, cast something over from the one side to the other, yea, and talk together. And then think, whether the Inhabitants of the further side resorted not to the Baptist, being so near him, and as it were within sight of him.

The Masters dispute, whether Jordan be to be esteemed, as the bounds of the Land of Israel, or as the Land it self: and the occasion of that dispute, ariseth from another question, namely this, The flock of one man is separated and divided into two parts, and those two parts feed in distant places: it is asked, Whether tithe is to be taken as of one flock, or two? Hence the discussion of the point glides to Jordan; one part of the flock is on this side Jordan, the other on the other. If Jordan be to be esteemed for the bounds of the Land, then one part is within the Land, the other without. But if it be to be reputed for the Land it self, then the business is otherwise. Among other things in this dispute,

f 1.44 Saith Rabbah Bar bar Channah, R. Jochanan saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jordan is not, but inwards from Jericho, and beneath it. You would think me more skil∣ful than a Diver, to fetch this secret from the bottom. Jordan is not Jordan above Jericho, is a paradox that vexes the Glossers themselves, much more therefore may it me. One understands the thing according to the bare letter; for he that voweth, saith he, that he will not drink of Jordan, may drink above Jericho. Another understands it of Jericho, as being a bounds, yea as the bounds named below Jericho only, Josh. XVIII. 20. We make no tarrying upon the business. But if Jordan had such a limitation, that Jordan was not above Jericho, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Region about Jordan, is to be under∣stood in the same limitation, namely, that it is only below Jericho. See the LXX on Gen. XIII. 10, 12.

The Masters sifting this business out of one scruple move another; for they speak these words, Jordan sloweth out of the Cave of Paneas, goes along by the Sibbechean Sea, by the Sea of Tiberias, by the Sea of Sodome, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And passeth on, and glides into the great Sea, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 But Jordan is not but inwards from Jericho, and below it. Let any shew me where Jordan flows out of the Sea of Sodome into the Mediterranean. The River Shihor, carrying blackness in its name,

may be taken for it, if it be any other, but neither does this appear concerning it.

While you see multitudes gathered together to John, and gladly baptized in Jordan, without fear, without danger, alas! how much was Jordan changed from that Jordan in that story of Saligniac. Jordan, saith he, g 1.45 in which place Christ was baptized, is fa∣mous for a ruinous building. Here therefore all we Pilgrims went into the holy River, and washed our Bodies, and our Souls; those from silth, and these from sin, a matter of very great joy and health, had not an unhappy accident disturbed our joys. For a certain Physician a French man of our company, an honest man, going something farther into the River, was caught with a Crocodile (whether one should call it a Dragon, or a beast, it is uncertain) and swallowed him up, not without the common grief of our brethren.

The Wilderness also, where our Saviour underwent his forty days temptation, was on the same bank of Jordan where the baptism of John was, St. Luke witnessing it, that Jesus being now baptized 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, returned from Jordan, namely from the same Tract, whereby he came thither.

CHAP. III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Treasury, Mark XII. 41.

I. Various Carbans. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Corban chests. III. The Corban 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cham∣ber. IV. Where the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Treasury, was. V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gad Ia∣van in the Temple. VI. Ierusalem in Herodotus is Cadytis. VII. The streets of Ierusalem. VIII. The street leading from the Temple towards the Mount of Olivet.

THAT which the Talmudists say of some other things 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a 1.46 that they were two, which at last became four, may have place as to the Corbans, or holy treasuries. b 1.47 They were two as to their end, but four as to the dispatch of them to that end.

c 1.48 There was a Corban 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the repair of the building of the Temple; and there was a Corban 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the preparing such things, as were necessary for the Divine Service in the Temple. And both were two. The duplicity of the former you have in this tradition.

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 There were two chambers in the Temple. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The chamber of the silent, or, of the private; where pious men offered privately; whence the children of pious parents were nourished also privately. That is, they did their charity se∣cretly, for this pious use, that it might not be known, who did it. There are some, who think these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Silent ones, were the same with the Esseans; of which we will not dispute: nor do we number this charitable Treasury among the Corbans, concerning which we are now treating; because it conferred nothing to the business of the Temple. But the Tradition goes forward.

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And there was the chamber of the Vessels, where whosoever offered any vessel, laid it. And after thirty days, the Treasurers opened the chambers, and whatsoever Vessel was found in it which was useful to the repairing of the building, was laid up for that use. And whatsoever was not useful was sold, and the price of it went 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to the chamber for the repairing of the House.

You observe, how there was a Corban of Vessels, or Instruments of Iron, Brass, Sil∣ver, &c. And a Corban of Mony: both for the same end, that is, for the repair of the building and structure of the Temple, and Courts, if by some means or other they might fall down, or might receive damage by the injury of time, of tempests, or rains.

Maimonides adds, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 d 1.49 The Vails of the Temple also come out of the chamber for the repair of the building; but the Vails of the doors out of the Corban 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the chamber. Of which afterwards.

SECT. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Corban chests.

THERE was also a double Corban, whence the charges of things necessary for the Divine Worship were defrayed. The first was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or certain Chests, of which thus the Masters.

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 e 1.50 There were thirteen chests in the Temple, in which was written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 New Shekels, (that is, of the present year) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Old Shekels, (or, Shekels of the year past) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Turtles, &c.

f 1.51 Maimonides still more largely and plainly: In the Temple were thirteen chests formed like Trumpets; that is, narrower below, and more broad above.

The first was for the Shekels of the present year.

The second was for the Shekels of the year past.

The third, for those who were to bring an oblation of two Turtles, or Pigeons, one for a burnt Offering, the other for a Sacrifice for Sin; the price o•• it they cast into this chest.

The fourth, for him, who otherwise ought an oblation of birds. The price of it he cast into this chest.

The fift, for him who voluntarily offered mony to buy Wood for the Altar.

The sixt, for him who offered mony to buy Frankincense.

The seventh, for him who offered Gold for the Mercy-seat.

The eighth, for that which remained of the Sacrifice for sin. Namely, when one dedicated mony for the Sacrifice for sin, and bought a Sacrifice with it, and something remained over and above, let him cast that into this chest.

The ninth, for that which remained of the Sacrifice for transgression.

The tenth, for that which remained of the Pigeons for the Women that had Fluxes, and that were delivered from Child-birth.

The eleventh, for that which remained of the Oblations of the Nazirite.

The twelfth, for that which remained of the Sacrifice of the Leper.

The thirteenth, for him who offered monies for the burnt offering of cattel.

And upon each chest was written that for which the mony that was laid up in it, was appointed.

In one of these chests the Widdow, commended by our Saviour, cast in her two mites: but where they were placed we will enquire by and by.

SECT. III. The Corban 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chamber.

THERE was also a Chamber, in which whatsoever mony was collected in these chests, of which we have spoken, was emptied out into three other chests; which is called by the Talmudists emphatically, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or The Chamber.

g 1.52 There were three chests, each containing three Seahs, into which they empty the Corban, and on them were written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And why saith R. Jose, was Aleph, Beth, Gimel writ upon them? Namely that it might be known, which of them was filled first, that it might first be emptied. R. Ishmael saith, the inscription was in Greek, Alpha, Beta, Gamma.h 1.53

The chests, which are here spoken of, were those, into which the three greater were emptied, which always stood unmoveable in the Chamber. The manner of the empty∣ing of which take from the words of the Gloss in the place alledged. Those chests, in which the mony was laid up did contain twenty seven Seahs (each nine) and they were cove∣red with a linnin cloth. He, who was to empty, entred with three chests containing nine Seahs. He first filled the chest marked 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, out of the first of the three great chests, and then covered it with the linnin cloth. Then he uncovered the second of the great chests, and out of it he filled the second chest, marked with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and covered it again. Then he uncovered the third of the great chests, and filled the third chest marked ••: but covered not the other again, &c.

Moreover of the manner and time of this emptying thus the Masters speak. i 1.54 Thrice in a year 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They take care about the Chamber (for let me render it thus in this place) that is, as the Gloss writes. Out of the thirteen chests they transferred whatsoever had been collected in them, into these three great ones, which were in this chamber, and in like manner they emptied them into three less, (of which before) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 About the space of half a month before Passover, before Pentecost, and before the Feast of Tabernacles: or, in the beginning of the month Nisan, and of the month Tisri, and fifteen days before Pentecost.

And here I cannot but transcribe the words of the Glosser in that place of the Tal∣mud, which we are now upon, as not a little illustrating the place in the Evangelists.

They published, saith he, and made known, that they should bring the oblation of the Lord (the half Shekel) they that were near (to Jerusalem) at the Passover; and they that were further off, at Pentecost; and they that were most remote, at the Feast of Tabernacles :〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 These words serve for a light to the story in S. Matthew, Chap. XVII. of the Collectors of the Didra••hm, or half Shekel, requiring it of Christ at Capernaum, when the Feast of the Passover was now past a great while ago. But we go on.

He who went into the Chamber, to empty the chests, went not in with a folded garment nor with shoes, nor with Sandals, nor with Phylacteries, nor with charms, &c. And the reason was, that there might be no opportunity, and all suspicion might be removed, of steal∣ing, and hiding any of the mony under them.

The money taken thence served to buy the daily Sacrifice, and the drink-offerings, salt, wood, frankincense, the shew-bread, the garments of the Priests, and in a word, whatsoever was needful for the Worship and service of the Temple.

Yea, l 1.55 Rabh Asa saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Judges of things stolen, who were at Je∣rusalem, received as their stipend ninety nine Mana's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 out of the rent of the Chamber.

SECT. IV. Where the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Treasury was.

WE have searched out the things, now let us enquire after the places.

I. Those thirteen Chests which were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Trumpets, we have fix∣ed without all doubt in the Court of the Women; and that upon the credit of Josephus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i 1.56 The Walks (saith he, speaking of that Court) running along between the Gates, extended inwardly from the Wall before the Treasuries, were born up with fair and great Columns. To this let us add the words of the Evangelist, Joh. VIII. 20. These words spake Jesus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Treasury: if it had been said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, over against the Treasury, which Mark saith, it might be understood of one of the Chambers, of which we have spoken: which sense the Arabick Interpreter seems to follow; who renders it, that Jesus s••t 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at the Gate of the Treasury. But when it is said, that he spake those words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the Treasury, those Cham∣bers are wholly excluded, into which it would be ridiculous to think that they permitted Christ to enter.

But note, the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Treasuries, in Josephus is the Plural Number, and that he speaks of the Court of the Women, and you will be past doubting that he respected these Chests under the word Treasuries; and you will doubt as little that Mark looked the same way, when you shall have observed that his speech is of the woman, how both she and others cast money 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, into the Treasury, which as appears from those things we have produced out of the Talmudists, was neither customary nor allowed to do into other Corbans.

This Court indeed is commonly called in the Jewish Writers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Court of the Women; not that women only entred in there, but because women might not go fur∣ther; in the same sense as the outward Court is called the Court of the Gentiles, not that Heathens only might enter there, but because they might not go further. That Court was also most ordinarily called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Mountain of the Temple; so this also whereof we are treating, was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Treasury.

When therefore it is said by St. Mark, that Jesus sat 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Over against the Treasury, it comes to this, that he sat under the Walk, before which those Chests were placed. And when John saith, Jesus spake these words in the Treasury, it is all one as if he had said, He spake these words in the Court of the Women; yea, in that place where those Chests were, that that place might be distinguished from others which were in that Court; for in every corner of that Court there was a little Court, each one call∣ed by its own name, as appears in the places written in the Margin m 1.57.

II. To trace the situation of the rest of the Corbans, concerning which we have made mention, is not now the business before us; for that which was propounded as our task, we have dispatched. But this we cannot but advise for the Readers sake, that on the North-side of the Court of Israel, was a Gate which was called the Corban-gate; n 1.58 yea by comparing the words of the Masters, there seem to be two Gates of the same name, one of which if you make to belong to that Corban Chamber, into which the money out of the thirteen Chests was emptied, and the other to belong 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to that Corban,

that was appoynted for the repair and amending of the building it self, perhaps you will not mistake. Certainly you will not find any place more probable in those Writers.

SECT. V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gad Javan in the Temple.

IN the Talmudic Book Zavim these words occur, obscure enough :〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He saw one (woman) multiplied (or, con∣tinued) like three, which are as from Gad Javan to Siloah. The thing discoursed of, is of the discovery of some profluvious issue. For example, one discovers such a profluvious issue in himself, now one, by and by another, presently after a third; it is disputed, how great or how little distance of time is to be assigned, to make it one or two pro∣fluviums; and consequently to how great or how small an oblation the party is bound for his purification. The Tradition, which we have produced comes to this: namely, if one sees such an issue at one time, which is so continued, that it contains the space of three discoveries; that is, so much time as one might walk from Gad Javan to Si∣loam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Behold! such a man is compleatly Profluvious.

The Glossers, and the Aruch teach us what was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gad Javan. Hear themselves, Gad Javan is a phrase drawn from those words : 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That prepare a Table for that Troop (Esai. LXV. 11. Where the LXX read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Preparing a Table for the Devil. The Vulgar reads, Qui ponitis fortunae mensam, Who set a Table for fortune. The Interlinear, Jovi mensam, a Table for Jupiter.) And it is a place where the Kings of Grecia erected an Idol: as it is said in the book Avodah Zarah, In the corner looking North-East, the Asmoneans hid the stones of the Altar, which the Greeks had profaned with their Idols.

But whether these our Interpreters suppose Gad Javan to be that chamber, where those stones lay hid, laid up there, by the Asmoneans when they repaired the Altar, concerning which place see, if you please, the place in the Margin; o 1.59 or whether they suppose it to be the place it self where the Idol stood, enquire. But how much space it was thence, and what way they went from thence to Siloam, I heartily wish, they had told us. They say only thus much of that matter, That it was so much space as one might walk while a man twice bathed, and twice dryed himself.

Being now in the Temple we cannot but take notice of a name of it, usual among the Masters, namely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Birah, that is, as the Aruch explains it, A Palace. p 1.60 If a mischance in the night (or a Gonorrhea) happened to any Levite, going forth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he went down into a secret walk, which led away under Birah, or the Sanctuary, to a Bath, &c. These things are related of the second Temple. But elsewhere, when it is disputed, Whether men were better under the first Temple, or the second, Rabba determins it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Birah may teach this, which they had, that lived before; but they had not, that lived after. If by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Birah, is to be understood the Temple it self, both they that lived before, and they that lived after, had it; if some particular part of the Temple, they that lived after had that also, as appears from the places alledged. But by the thread of the Discourse in the place quoted, it seems, that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Birah, Rabbah understood not the Temple it self, but the Glory of the Temple, and those divine endowments of it, The Heavenly fire, The Ark, Urim, &c. Which were present to the first Temple, but ab∣sent from the second. For presently they slip into discourse concerning the ceasing of Prophesie under the second Temple, and the Bath Kol succeeding in its places. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is in Davids mouth, 1 Chron. XXIX. 19. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to build the Palace for which I have made provision.

SECT. VI. Ierusalem in Herodotus is Cadytis.

LET us also salute Jerusalem, and that under its most glorious name, The Holy City. Herodotus points it out, if we are not much mistaken, under the name of Cady∣tis. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 From q 1.61 Phenice unto the mountains of Cadytis, which is the City of those Syrians, who are called Palestins. That Jerusalem is pointed out by him under this name, these things following perswade me.

I. It was commonly called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kedoshah, Holy. The Jewish mony wheresoever dispersed, spake out this title of the City. But now when it was very common in the Syrian Dialect to change 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Schin into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thau, how easy was it among them, and among other nations imitating them, that Cadysha should pass into Cadyta, and Cadytis; as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chedasha, New, passed into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chadatha.

II. He compareth Cadytis to the great City of Sardis. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 From the City Cadytis, as he goes on, not much less than Sardis, as I think. But now there was no City at all with∣in Palestine, worthy to be compared with Sardis, a most famous Metropolis in times past, except Jerusalem.

III. These things also he speaks of Necho King of Egypt: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 r 1.62 But Necus joyning in a foot battle with the Syrians in Magdalus, obtained the victory: and after that took Cadytis the great City of Syria.

Which passage, if it be compared with the holy story of Pharaoh Necho overcoming Josiah in the battel in the vale of Megiddo, and disposing of the Jewish throne, 2 King. XXIII. 33, 34. it fixeth the thing beyond all controversy.

Herodotus goes forward, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 From Cadytis the Sea Mart towns, as far as Jenysus belong to Arabia. From Jenysus on∣ward to the Serbon Lake belong to the Syrians, Words obscure enough, especially which was the City Jenysus: the Talmudists indeed mention 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Jenush among the Towns, which they say are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Consines, s 1.63 but the situation does not agree. But we will not pursue the matter in this place.

SECT. VII. The Streets of Ierusalem.

t 1.64 THE Streets of Jerusalem were swept every day. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hence The monies that were found in Jerusalem before those that bought Cattel, are always tenths. The monies found in the Mount of the Temple are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 prophane, or common. In Jerusalem on other days of the year they are common, but in the time of the Feasts, they are all Tenths. But saith R. Shemaia, Upon what reason is this? When the Streets of Jerusalem are swept every day.

The Gloss writes thus, They are always tenths: both in the time of the feasts, and in the time when there are no feals. But monies found in the mount of the Temple were com∣mon, even in the time of the feasts. For it is supposed, those monies fell from them, (or were lost) in the mount of the Temple, and thereupon they are common. But why were they tenths in Jerusalem in the time of the Feasts? And why is it not said, that they had fallen from them there before the Feast, as we say of the mount of the Temple? Because the streets of Jerusalem were swept every day; and if monies had been lost there before the Feast, they who swept the streets, had found them before. But the mount of the Temple had no need to be swept every day: for dirt and dust remained not there, because the mount was shelving: and moreover it was not lawful for any to enter there with his shoes, or with dust on his feet.

I cannot omit what he saith besides. Much of the flesh which was eaten at Jerusalem (in the time of the Feasts) was of (the second) tithes. For scarce any one tarried there until he had eaten all his tithes; but he gave the monies of the tithes either to the poor, or to his friends in the City. And for the most part with the monies of the Tithes they bought their thank▪ offerings.

SECT. VIII. The street leading from the Temple towards Olivet.

u 1.65 RAbban Jochanan ben Zaccai 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sat under the shaddow of the Temple, and taught the people the whole day. The Gloss, when the Temple was an hundred Cubits high, it cast its shaddow a great way in length, unto that street which was before 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Mountain of the House. And because that Street was spacious, and might contain a great multitude of men, Jochanan taught there by reason of the heat. For no Synagogue could contain his hearers.

That street which was before the Mount of the Temple, according to the accustomed form of speech, was that by which they went to the Temple, at the East gate; concerning which Street, and the people convened thither by Hezechia, mention is made 2 Chron.

XXIX. 4. This Street went out into the Vally of Kidron by the Water gate. And this way the Priest went out, that was to burn the Red Cow in Olivet. And this way our great High Priest entred with Palms and Hosanna. This was called the Street of the Temple, Ezra. X. 9.

CHAP. IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Village over against. Mark XI. 2.

I. A Sabbath days journey. II. Shops in Mount Olivet. III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Lavatory of Bethany. IV. Migdal Eder near Ierusalem. V. The LXX Interpreters noted. VI. The Pomp of those that offered the first fruits.

SECT. I. A Sabbath days journey.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. As they came near to Jerusa∣lem, to Bethpage and Bethany. So also Luke: when according to the order of the story; one would think it should rather be said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. To Be∣thany and Bethphage. For Christ in his travailing came to Bethany, and there lodged, Joh. XII. and from that City went forward by the space almost of a mile, before he came as far as Bethphage. And yet it is named by them in this order, To Bethphage and Be∣thany; that it might be shewn that the story is to be understood of the place where Bethany and Bethphage touch upon one another: Matthew therefore names Bethphage alone.

We have elsewhere shewn more at large these two things out of the Talmudists, which do not a little tend to the clearing of this matter.

I. That a Tract, or one part of Mount Olivet was called Bethany, not from the Town of that name, where Lazarus dwelt, but the Town was so called from that Tract; and that Tract from the Dates or Palm trees growing there 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth Hene, The Pla••e of Dates.

II. That there was no Town at all named Bethphage, but another Tract of Olivet was so called, for Green figs growing there; that is the meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth-phagi, The place of Green figs; and that the Village, or outmost steeet of Jerusalem, laying next it, was called by the same name.

We observed also that that place in mount Olivet, where these two Tracts Bethany and Bethphage touched on one another, was a Sabbath days journy from the City, or thereabouts. Which, how it may be applied to illustrate the present business, we are upon, let us say a few things concerning such a journey.

How far the bounds of a Sabbath days journy reached, every one knows: and every one knows, that that space was measured out every way without the Cities, that the certain bounds might be fixed, and that there might be no mistake, and that by some evident mark, the limits might be known, that they might not remain doubtful, in a thing wherein they placed so much religion.

These are the rules of the Masters concerning measuring two thousand Cubits from every side of the City.

a 1.66 A City, which is long or square, when it hath four just corners, they let be as it is, and they measure two-thousand cubits for it on every side. If it be round, they frame it into a square, and they measure, from the sides of that square, If it be triangular, they frame it into a square, and measure from the sides of the square, &c. And after, They measure only with a line of fifty cubits, and that of flax.

An intimation is given concerning the marks of those bounds by that Canon. b 1.67 They do not ride upon a beast (on the Sabbath, and on an holy day) that they go not forth beyond the bounds. Where the Gloss is, Because he that walketh not on foot 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 s••eth not the marks of the bounds.

It is said by St. Mark, that the two Disciples sent by Christ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, found the colt tyed where two ways met. Let me pass my conjecture, that it was in such a place, where a mark was set up of a Sabbath days journey from the City; where the Sabbath way from the City, and the common way thence into the Country touched on one another.

SECT. II. Shops in mount Olivet.

THE c 1.68 shops of the children of Chanan, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were layd wast three years, before the destruction of the Temple. d 1.69 And why were the shops 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Beth Heno laid wast three years before the destruction of the Temple? Because they established their doings upon the words of the Law, &c. The Gloss is, That which was forbidden by the words of the wise men, they found allowed by the words of the Law.

The story is the same in both places. In the former place the shopkeepers are named, in the latter, the place of the Shops. The Shopkeepers were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sons of Chanan or Jochanan (for in the Jerusalem Language Chanan and Jochanan are the same.) The place was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth Heno; which I fear not to assert to be the same with Bethany. The reason of my confidence is twofold. 1. Because the Talmudists call Bethany 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth Hene to which how near does Beth Heno come? 2. Because in them there is open mention of Shops in Mount Olivet.

There e 1.70 were two Cedars, say they, in Mount Olivet: under one of them there were four Shops, where all things needful for purification were sold. From one of them they produ∣ced forty Seahs of Pigeons every month, whence women to be purified were supplyed. Four Shops were under one, and how many were there under another, whence so many Pi∣geons should come? Therefore either shew me some other Village between the Town of Bethany, and the first skirt of Bethphage, or else allow me to believe that this was that to which the two Disciples were sent, and which, then when they were sent was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Village over against you: namely either a Village consisting of those various Shops only, or a Village, a part of which those Shops were.

SECT. III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Lavatory of Bethany.

PARDON the word, which I am forced to frame, left if I had said The Bath, or the Laver, they might streighten the sense of the thing too much. That place where∣of we are now speaking, was a Pool, or a Collection of waters, where people were wont to wash; and it agreeth very well with those things, that were spoken before concerning Purifications. Here either unclean men or unclean women might wash them∣selves; and presently buying in the neighbouring Shops what was needful for Purifi∣cation, they betook themselves to Jerusalem, and were purified in the Temple.

Of this place of washing, whatsoever it was, the Gemarists speak in that story 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 f 1.71 A Fox rent a Sheep at the Lavatory of Beth Hene: and the cause was brought before the Wisemen, and they said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It is not a rending. We doubt not that Beth Hene is Bethany: and this cause was brought thence before the Wise men of Jerusalem, that they might instruct them, whether it were lawful to eat of the carcas of that sheep, when the eating of a beast that was torn was forbidden. See if you please, their distinction between 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sna••ching away by a wild Beast, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tearing, in the place cited, where they discuss it at large.

Travailers speak of a Cistern near the Town of Bethany, neer which in a field is shewn the place where Martha met our Lord coming to Bethany. They are the words of Borchard the Monk. Whether the thing it self agrees with this, whereof we are speaking, must be left uncertain.

SECT. IV. Migal Eder. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

BY occasion of these places discovered to us by the Talmudists, I cannot but ob∣serve another also out of them, on another side of the City, not further distant from the City, than that whereof we now spake, if it were as far distant as that. That is Migdal Edar, or the Tower of the Flock, different from that mentioned, Gen. XXXV. 21. The Jerusalem Talmudists of this our place speak thus, g 1.72 The Cattle which are

found 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 From Jerusalem as far as Migdal Eder on every side, &c. The Babylonian Writers more fully, h 1.73 The Cattle which are found from Jerusalem as far as Migdal Eder, and in the same space on every side, being males are burnt offerings, fe∣males, are peace offerings.

In that place the Masters are treating and disputing, Whether it is lawful to espouse a Woman, by some consecrated thing given in pledg to assure the thing. And concer∣ning Cattle, found between Jerusalem and Migdal Eder, and the same space every where about Jerusalem, they conclude that they are to be reputed for consecrated. Because it may be supposed (as the Gloss speaks) that they were strayed out of Jerusalem; for very many Cattle going out thence were to be sacrificed.

They have a tradition not unlike this, as we said before, of mony found within Jerusalem. i 1.74 Monies which are found in Jerusalem, before those that buy Cattle, are always tithes, &c.

But to our business. From the words alledged we infer, that there was a Tower or a place, by name Migdal Eder, but a very little space from Jerusalem, and that it was situate on the South side of the City. I say, A little space from Jerusalem: for it had been a burthen to the Inhabitants dwelling about the City, not to be born, if their Oxen, or smaller Cattle, upon any occasion straying away and taken in stray, should imme∣diately become consecrated, and that the proper Owner should no longer have any right in them. But this Tower seems to be situate so near the City, that there was no Town round about within that space. We say also, that that Tower was on the South side of the City; and that upon the credit (shall I say?) or mistake of the LXX Inter∣preters.

SECT. V. The LXX Interpreters noted.

HERE, Reader, I will resolve you a riddle in the LXX in Gen. XXXV. In Moses the story of Jacob in that place is thus. They went from Bethel; and when it was but a little space to Ephratha, Rachel travailed, &c. And afterwards, Israel went on, and pitched his Tabernacle beyond the Tower Eder.

The LXX invert the order of the history, and they make the encamping of Jacob be∣yond Migdal Eder to be before his coming to the place where Rachel dyed. For thus they write: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. And Jacob departing from Bethel, pitched his tent over against the Tower Gader. And it came to pass, when he approached to Chabratha to come to Ephratha, Rachel travailed, &c.

I suspect, unless I fail in my conjecture, that they inverted the order of the history, fixing their eyes upon that Migdal Eder, which was very near Jerusalem. For when Jacob travailed from Bethel, to the place of Rachels Sepulchre, that Tower was first to be passed by, before one could come to the place; and when Jacob in his journey tra∣vailed Southward, it is very probable that Tower was on that quarter of the City.

There was indeed a Migdal Eder near Bethlehem, and this was near Jerusalem; and perhaps there were more places of that name in the Land of Israel. For as that word denotes, The Tower of a Flock, so those Towers seem to have been built for the keeping of Flocks; that Shepherds might be there ready also anights; and that they might have weapons in a readiness, to defend their Flocks, not only from wild beasts, but from robbers also. And to this sense we suppose that expression, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Tower of the Keepers, is to be taken in that saying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 From the Tower of the Keepers to the strong City, 2. King. XVII. 9. & XVIII. 8.

Hence the Targumist Jonathan, to distinguish Migdal Eder of Bethlehem from all others, thus paraphraseth Moses words. And Israel went forward, and pitched his Ta∣bernacle beyond Migdal Eder, the place whence the Messias is to be revealed in the end of days. Which very well agree with the history, Luke II. 8. Whether Micha, Chap. IV. 8. speak of the same, enquire.

SECT. VI. The Pomp of those that offered the first fruits.

WE have spoken of the places nearest the City, the mention of them taking its rise from the Triumph of Christ sitting upon the Ass, and the people making their acclamations: and this awakens the remembrance of that Pomp, which accompained the bringing of the first fruits, from places also near the City. Take it in the words of the Masters in the place cited in the Margin.

After l 1.75 what manner did they bring their first fruits? All the Cities 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which were of one station (that is, out of which one Course of Priests proceeded) were gathered to∣gether into a stationary City, and lodged in the Streets. In the morning he who was the first among them, said, Arise, Let us go up to Zion, to the house of the Lord our God.

An Ox went before them, with gilded horns, and an Olive crown upon his head, (The Gloss is, That Ox was for a Peace-offering) and the Pipe played before them, until they approach∣ed near to Jerusalem. When then they came to Jerusalem, they crowned their first fruits, (that is, they exposed them to sight in as much glory as they could) and the chief men, and the high Officers, and Treasurers of the Temple came to meet them, and that to do the more honour to them, that were coming; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And all the workmen in Jerusalem rose up to them (as they were in their shops) and saluted them in this manner, O our brethren, In∣habitants of the City N. ye are welcome.

The Pipe played before them till they came to the Mount of the Temple: When they came to the Mount of the Temple 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Even King Agrippa himself, took the basket up∣on his shoulder, and went forward, till he came to the Court, the Levites sung, I will exalt thee, O Lord, because thou hast exalted me, and hast not made mine enemies to rejoyce over me (Psal. XXX. 1.) While the basket is yet upon his shoulder, he recites that passage, (Deut. XXVI. 3.) I profess this day to the Lord my God, &c. R. Judah saith, when he recites these words, A Syrian ready to perish was my Father, &c. vers. 5. he casts down the basket from his shoulders, and holds his lips, while the Priest waves it hither and thither. The whole passage being recited to vers. 10. he placeth the basket before the Altar, and adores, and goes out.

CHAP. V. Dalmanutha. Mark VIII. 10.

I. A Scheme of the Sea of Genesaret, and the places adjacent. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The house of Widowhood, Zalmon. Thence Dalmanutha.

MAtth. XV. 39. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And came to the coasts of Magdala. Mark VIII. 10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Came into the parts of Dal∣manutha.

The story is one and the same; and that Country is one and the same: but the names Magdala and Dalmanutha are not so to be confounded, as if the City Magdala was also called Dalmanutha, but Dalmanutha is to be supposed to be some particular place within the bounds of Magdala. I observe the Arabick Interpreter in the London Polyglot Bible, for Dalmanutha in Mark, reads Magdala, as it is in Matthew; in no false sense, but in no true interpretation. But the Arabick of Erpenius his edition reads Dalmanutha. Erasmus notes, saith Beza upon the place, that a certain Greek Copy hath Magdala. And Augustin writes that most Copies have Mageda. But in our very old Copy, and in another besides, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Into the parts of Dalmanuth•…•… is written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Into the Coasts of Madegada.

If the name and situation of Magdala in the Talmudists, had been known to these In∣terpreters, I scarcely think they would have dashed upon so many uncertainties. We have largely and plainly treated of it in another Volume, out of those Authors: and out of the same, unless I mistake, something may be fetched, which may afford light to Marks Text of Dalmanutha. Which thing before we take in hand, perhaps it will not be un∣acceptable to the Reader, if we describe the Sea of Genesaret, and the places adjoyning, by some kind of delineation, according to their situation, which we take up from the Hebrew Writers.

SECT. I. A Scheme of the Sea of Genesaret, and the places adjacent.

[illustration]

COmparing this my little Map with others, since you see it to differ so much from them, you will expect, that I sufficiently prove and illustrate the situation of the places, or I shall come off with shame. I did that, if my opinion deceive me not, a good while ago in some Chapters in the Chorographical Century. I will here dispatch the sum total in a few lines.

I. a 1.76 Chammath was so called because of the warm baths of Tiberias: from which it was so very little distant, that as to a Sabbath days journey the men of Tiberias, and the men of Cham∣math might make but one City.

It is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chammath of Gadara, not only to distinguish it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chammath of Pella, that is, Callirrhoe; but because a part of it was built upon the bank of Gadara, and another part upo•• the bank of Nephthali, or Tiberias, the bridge lying between: which shall be shewn presently.

Tiberias stood touching on the Sea; b 1.77 for on one side it had the Sea for a Wall.

Genesaret was a place near Tiberias where were Gardens and Paradises. They are the words of the Aruch.

Capernaum we place within the Country of Genesaret upon the Credit of the Evange∣lists, Matth. XIV. 34. and Mark VI. 53. compared with Joh. VI. 22, 24.

c 1.78 Taricha was distant from Tiberias thirty furlongs: Bethmaus four furlongs.

Magdala was beyond Jordan; for it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Magdala of Gadara: and that which is said by the Talmudists, d 1.79 The Gadarens might, by the permission of R. Juda Nasi, come down to Chammath on the Sabbath, and walk through it, unto the furthest street, even to the bridge; is expressed and expounded by them in the same place, That the people of Magdala, by the permission of R. Juda Nasi, went up to Chammath, &c. From which single tradition one may infer, 1. That Magdala was on the bank of Gadara. 2. That it was not distant from Chammath above a Sabbath days journey. 3. That it was on that side of Chammath, which was built on the same bank of Gadara, by which it reached to the bridge above Jordan, which joyned it to the other side on the bank of Galilee.

e 1.80 Hippo was distant from Tiberias thirty furlongs. With which measure compare these words, which are spoken of Susitha; which that it was the same with Hippo, both the derivation of the words, and other things do evince.

R. Juda saith, f 1.81 The Monoceros entred not into Noahs Ark, but his whelps entred. R. Ne∣hemiah saith, Neither he, nor his whelps entred, but Noah tyed him to the Ark. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And he made furrows in the waves, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for as much space as is from Tiberias to Susitha. And again, g 1.82 The Ark of Noah swam upon the waters, as upon two rafters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as much space as is from Tiberias to Susitha.

h 1.83 Gadara was distant sixty furlongs from Tiberias.

i 1.84 Bethsaida was in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lower Gaulanitis, beyond Jordan in Batanea. It is shewn to Pilgrims on the shore of the Sea of Genesaret in Galilee; and thence the er∣ror of the Maps was taken. Hear our Countryman Biddulph, who saw those places about the year MDC.

March the twenty fourth we rode by the Sea of Galilee, which hath two names, Joh. VI. 1. The Sea of Galilee and Tiberias of Galilee, because it is in Galilee; and of Tiberias, because the City of Tiberias was built near it: also Bethsaide, another antient City. We saw some ruines of the Walls of both. But it is said in that Chapter, Joh. VI. 1. That Jesus sailed over the Sea of Galilee. And elsewhere, that he went over the Lake; and Luke IX. 10. it is said, that he departed into a desert place near the City Bethsaida. Which Text of John, I learned better to understand by seeing, than ever I could by reading. For when Tiberias and Bethsaida were both on the same shore of the Sea, and Christ went from Tiberias, to, or near Bethsaida: hence I gather that our Saviour Christ, sailed not over the length, or bredth of the Sea, but that he passed some bay, as much as Tiberias was distant from Bethsaida. Which is proved thence, in that it is said elsewhere, That a great multitude followed him thither on foot; which they could not do, if he had sailed over the whole Sea to that shore among the Ger∣gasens, which is without the Holy Land. These are his words.

But take heed, Sir, that your Guids, who shew those places under those names, do not impose upon you. If you will take Josephus for a Guid, he will teach, That l 1.85 Phi∣lip repaired the Town Bethsaida, and he called it Julias, from Julias the Daughter of Cesar. And, That m 1.86 that Julias was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, In lower Gaulanitis. Nor is the argument good, Otherwise they could not follow him a foot: for from Capernaum and Tiberias, there was a very beaten, and common way by the bridge of Chammath into the Country of the Gadarens, and so to Bethsaida.

Cana was a great way distant from Tiberias: n 1.87 Josephus spent a whole night travailing from this Town to that with his Army. It was situate against Julias of Betharamptha, as may be gathered from the same Author in the place quoted in the margin o 1.88. Now that Julias was situate at the very influx of Jordan into the Sea of Genesaret.

These things might be more largely explained and illustrated, but we are affraid of be∣ing too long; and so much the more, because we have treated copiously of them else∣where. This will be enough to an unbiassed Reader, to whose judgment we leave it: and now go on to Dalmanutha.

SECT. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zalmon. Thence Dalmanutha.

IF we may play a little with the name Dalmanutha, hear a Talmudical Tradition. p 1.89 He that sells a Farm to his neighbour, or that receives a place from his neighbour, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to make him a house of betrothing for his son, or a house of widowhood for his daughter; let him build it four cubits this way, and six that. Where the Gloss, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 An house of widowhood for his daughter, whose hus∣band is dead, and she now returns to the house of her father.

The meaning of this Tradition is, When the son of any one had married a wife, he did not use to dwell with his father in Law; but it was more customary, for his Father to build him a little house near his own house. So also when the husband was dead, and the daughter now being a widow returned to her father, it was also customary for the father to build her a little house; in which she dwelt indeed alone, but very near her father.

But now from some such house of more note than ordinary, built for some eminent widow; or from many such houses standing thick together, this place perhaps might be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dalmanutha, that is, The place of widowhood. And if some more pro∣bable derivation of the name occurred not, it might not without reason have had re∣spect to this.

But we suppose the name is derived elsewhere; namely, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zalmon, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsaddi being changed into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Daleth; which is no strange thing to the Syrians and Ara∣bians.

Of Zalmon we meet with mention, Judg. IX. 48. namely, a Mountain, or some tract in a Mountain, near Sychem: but that place is a very great way off of that, concerning which we are now treating. But the Talmudists mention a place called Zalmon, which agrees excellently well with Dalmanutha. q 1.90

There is a story, say they, of a certain man in Zalmon, who said, I N. the son of N. am bitten by a Serpent, and behold I die. They went away, and found him not: they went away therefore, and married his wife. The Gloss is, They heard the voice of him crying, and saying, Behold, I die, but they found not such a man in Zalmon. And again, r 1.91 There is a story in Zalmon of a certain man, who planted his Vineyard sixteen and sixteen cubits; and a gate of two ranks of Vines: now he turned on this side, and the year following on the other, and plowed on both sides. And the cause was brought before the wise Men, and they ap∣proved of it.

None will suspect this Zalmon to be the same with that near Sichem, when it is said that they brought the cause before the wise Men; for what had the Samaritans to do with the wise Men of the Jews? One might rather believe it to be some place near to Tiberias (where was an University of wise Men) well known, and commonly spoke of, and mentioned in the Traditions cited, as a place so known. So divers places about Tiberias are mentioned by the Talmudists, as well known, which you will scarce find any where but in the books of the Talmudists. Such are Chammath, Magdala, Beth Meon, Palta∣than, Caphar Chittaia, &c. Concerning which we have spoken in another place. There was also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mizgah, s 1.92 The seat of Simeon ben Lachish; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 t 1.93 It is of Tiberias, a place near Tiberias, of an unwholsom air; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 u 1.94 The Cave of Tiberias; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bar Selene, and others, which are no where mentioned, but in these Authors; but in them of very noted name. Of this number we suppose this Zalmon was, a place so near to Tiberias, and so known, that it was enough to name it only. But now when any that spake Hebrew would pronounce it Zalman, and Zalmanu∣tha, he that spake Syriack would pronounce it Dalmon and Dalmanutha.

CHAP. VI. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Coasts of Tyre and Sidon. Mark VII. 24.

I. The Maps too officious. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Coast. III. The Greek Interpreters noted. IV. Midland Phenicia. V. Of the Sabbatick River.

SECT. I. The Maps too officious.

YOU will see in some Maps, the Syrophenician woman pictured making her sup∣plication to our Saviour for her possessed daughter, almost at the Gates of Sidon. But by what right, I fear the Authors will not tell me with solidity enough.

In one of Adrichomius's, the woman is pictured and no inscription added: but in the Dutch one of Doet, she is pictured with this Inscription, Hier badt de Cananeische Uron voor s••ine dochter, Here the Canaanitish Woman prayed for her daughter, Matth. XV. In that of Geilkirch, with these words written at it, Porta Sidonis, ante quam mulier Canaanaea filiae suae Doemoniacae a Domino salutem obtinuit: The Gate of Sidon, before which the Ca∣naanitish Woman obtained health for her daughter possessed with a Devil, Matth. XV.

Before the gate of Sidon (saith Borchard the Monk) Eastward, there is a Chappel built in the place, where the Canaanitish Woman prayed our Saviour for her Demoniacal daughter: concerning whom we read thus, Matth. XV. that going out of the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, she came to Jesus.

There are two things, which plainly disagree with that situation, and opinion.

I. That it is not credible, that Christ ever passed the bounds of the Land of Israel. For when he said of himself, I am not sent but to the lost sheep of Israel only: and to his Disciples, Go not into the way of the Gentiles: and, If these wonderful works had been done

in Tyre and Sidon; you will never perswade me, that he ever went as far as the gates of Sidon.

II. It is said by S. Mark, that after that Maid was healed, Christ came from the coast of Tyre and Sidon to the Sea of Galilee, through the middle of the coasts of Decapolis. What? From the gate of Sidon to the Sea of Galilee through the midst of Decapolis? It would have been more properly said, Through the midst of Galilee: and hence, as it seems, some have been moved to place Decapolis within Galilee, with no reason at all. We shall meet with it in another place, in the following Chapter, and in such a place, that it is not easie to conceive how Christ could pass through it from the Gate of Sidon to the Sea of Galilee.

SECT. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Coast.

TO determine concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the coasts of Tyre and Sidon in this story, we first propound this to the Reader. It is said 1 King. IX. 11, 12. That Solomon gave to Chiram the King of the Tyrians twenty Cities in Galilee: which when he had seen, and liked them not, he called the Land 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chabul unto this day. The LXX render it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He called them the border, or coast. Now let any one, I beseech you, skilled in the Tongues, tell me what kin there is between 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A bound, or coast, that moved the LXX so to render it.

The Talmudists speak various things of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chabul: but the sense and sig∣nification of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A coast, is very far distant from their meaning. The Jerusalem Talmudists speak thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a 1.95 Chabul signifies a Land, which bears not fruit: The Babylonian thus; b 1.96 What is the meaning of the Land Chabul? Rabh Honna saith, Because its Inhabitants 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were wrapped up in silver and gold. Abba saith to him, Is it so? Behold it is written, That the Cities pleased him not. Should they displease him, because they were wrapped up in silver and gold? He saith to him, Yea, because they were wealthy and delicate, they were not fit for the Kings works. Rabh Nachman bar Isaac saith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 It was a salt Land, and gaping with clefts. Why is it called Chabul? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Because the Leg is plunged in it up to the garters. Josephus thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Outwards they called it the Land of Chabal: for this word Chabal being interpreted signifies in the Phenician Tongue, that which pleas∣eth not.

These things they speak, tracing the sense of the word, as well as they can; but of the sense of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a bound, or coast, they did not so much as dream.

I cannot pass away without taking notice of the Glosser at the place, cited out of the Babylonian Talmudists, having these words; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Text alledged speaks of twenty two Cities, which Solomon gave to Chiram: he reckons two and twenty, when in the Hebrew Original and in all Versions, twenty Cities only are mentioned. Whether it be a failing of the memory, or whether he speaks it on purpose, who is able to define? Much less are those words of the Holy Ghost to be passed over, 2 Chron. VIII. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Grammatical interpretation is very easie, And the Cities which Churam gave to Solomon, Solomon built them: but the historical interpretation is not so easie. For it is demanded, Whether did Chiram give those Cities of his own; or did he restore them, which Solomon gave to him, when they pleased him not? And there are some Versions, which render the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not, he gave, but he re∣stored, or gave back again; and in this sense, Solomon built the Cities, which Chiram had restored back to Solomon. As if Hiram would not keep those twenty Cities in the Land Chabul, because they displeased him, but restored them back to Solomon in some in∣dignation.

Kimchi on the place more rightly, It is very well expounded, that Hiram gave Cities to Solomon in his own Land; and he placed Israelites there to strengthen himself. And he in like manner gave Cities to Hiram in Galilee; and that to strengthen the league between them. In the book of the Kings it is recorded, what Solomon gave to Hiram; and in this (of the Chronicles) what Hiram gave to Solomon. Most true indeed: for that Hiram gave to Solomon some Cities in his jurisdiction, appears beyond all controversie from thence, that Solomon is said to build Tadmor in the wilderness, 1 King. IX. 18. But what is that place Tadmor? Josephus will teach us: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. c 1.97 Thada∣mor, saith he, the Greeks call Palmyra. And the Vulgar Interpreters read, He built Pal∣mira. Therefore we must by no means think, that Hiram rejected the Cities that were given him by Solomon, however they pleased him not; but kept them for his own, which Solomon also did with them, which Hiram gave to him.

But whence should the Greek Interpreters render that place called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chabul by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a coast, when there is no affinity at all between the significations of the words?

SECT. III. The Greek Interpreters noted.

THE Greek Interpreters are not seldom wont to render the names of places, not by that name as they are called in the Hebrew Text, but as they were called in after times under the second Temple: which is also done often by the Chaldee Targumists. Of this sort are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cappadocians, for Caphtorim: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rhinocorura for the River of Egypt: of which we have spoke before; and among very many examples which might be produced, let us compare one place out of the Talmudists with them.

The Jerusalem Talmudists, calling some Cities, mentioned Jos. XIX. both by their an∣tient and present names, speak thus at vers. 15.

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 d 1.98 Kattath is Katonith. The LXX render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Katanath.

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nahalal is Mahalol.

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shimron is Simonia. The LXX render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Symoon.

:〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Irala is Chiriah. The LXX render it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Jericho.

He that observes shall meet with very many such. And from this very thing you may perhaps suspect, that that Version savours not of the Antiquity of the times of Ptolomeus Philadelphius.

The same that they are wont to do elsewhere, we suppose, is done by them here; and rejecting the former name whereby that Region of Galilee was called in the more anti∣ent ages, namely Chabul, they gave it the name and title, whereby it now ordinarily went, that is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The bound, or, the Coast.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I suspect, denotes the very same thing, in that Tradition in the Jerusalem Wri∣ters; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.99 Those Cities are forbidden 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the border, or coast, Tsur, Shezeth, and Bezeth, &c. and those Cities 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are permitted, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in the border, or coast, Nebi, Tsur, Tsiiar, &c. The permission, or prohibi∣tion here spoke of, as much as we may by guess, fetch from the scope of the place, is in respect of tithing; and the determination is, from which of those Cities tithes were to be required and taken, and from which not. They were to be required of the Israelites, not from the Heathen: which thing agrees very well with the Land of Chabul, where Cities of this and that jurisdiction seem to have been mixed, and as it were interwoven.

SECT. IV. Midland Phenicia.

THERE was a Midland Phenicia, as well as a Phenicia on the Sea coast. That on the Sea coast all know; of the Midland thus Ptolomy. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. The e 1.100 midland Cities of Phenicia are Arca, Paleobiblus, Gabala, Cesarea of Paneas.

Whether Midland Phenicia, and Syrophenicia be to be reckoned all one, I am in doubt. I had rather divide Phenicia into three parts, namely, into Phenicia on the Sea coast, Midland Phenicia, and Syrophenicia. And the reason is, because I ask whe∣ther all Midland Phenicia might be called Syrophenissian: and I ask moreover, whether all Syrophenicia were to be reckoned within the bounds of Tyre and Sidon. Certainly Nicetas Choniates mentions the Syrophenissian Cities, as far as Antioch. For he in the story of John Comnenus, hath these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He resolved to set upon the Syrophenissian Cities bordering upon Antioch, which were possessed by the Agarens. But now will you reckon those Cities as far as Antioch to be within the jurisdiction of Tyre and Sidon? But certainly there is nothing hinders, but you may reckon those to be so, which Ptolomey esteems to belong to Midland Phenicia, only the scruple is about Cesarea of Paneas, which is Cesarea Philippi: and that we shall see, belonged to the Decapolitan Cities, and may be determined without any absurdity to be within that jurisdiction of Tyre and Si∣don, as also Leshem of old, which was the same City, Judg. XVIII. 28.

Let one clause of the Talmudists be added, and then those things which are spoken may be reduced into a narrower compass. They, reducing the bounds of the Land under the second Temple, fix for a bound 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 f 1.101 Tarnegola the Up∣per which is above Cesarea. Observe that Cesarea is a City of Midland Phenicia accor∣ding to Ptolomey; and yet Tarnegola which bends more Northward is within the Land of Israel according to the Hebrews.

So that in this sense, Christ might be within the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, and yet be within the limits of the Land of Israel. We must therefore suppose, and that not with∣out reason, that he when he healed the possessed Maid was, 1. In that Country, in the outermost coasts of Galilee, which formerly was called Chabul, in the Seventy called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Coast; in the Talmudists 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The border; which antiently was given by Solomon to the King of Tyre; and from that grant in the following ages it belonged to the right and jurisdiction of Tyre and Sidon; however it were within those boundaries, wherein the Land of Israel was circumscribed from the beginning; yea wherein it was circumscribed under the second Temple. 2. We suppose him to have been not far from the spring, or stream of Jordan, which being passed over he could not come to the Sea of Galilee, but by the Country of Decapolis.

SECT. V. Of the Sabbatic River.

WHEN we are speaking of Syro-Phenicia, we are not far off from a place, where the Sabbatic River either was, or was feigned to be: and I hope the Reader will pardon me, if I now wander a little out of my bounds, going to see a River that kept the Sabbath: for who would not go out of his way to see so astonishing a thing?

And yet if we believe Pliny, we are not without our bounds, for he fixeth this River within Judea. g 1.102 In Judea, saith he, a River every Sabbath day is dry. Josephus other∣wise, h 1.103 Titus, saith he, (going to Antioch) saw in the way a River very well worthy to be taken notice of, between the Cities of Arca and Raphana, Cities of the Kingdom of Agrippa. Now it hath a peculiar nature. For when it is of that nature, that it flows freely, and does not sluggishly glide away; yet it wholly fails from its springs for six days, and the place of it appears dry. And then, as if no change at all were made, on the seventh day the like River ariseth. And it is by certain experience found that it always keeps this order. Whence it is called the Sabbatic River, from the holy Seventh day of the Jews.

Whether of the two do you believe, Reader? Pliny saith, That River is in Judea: Josephus saith, No. Pliny saith, It is dry on Sabbath days: Josephus saith, It flows then. The Talmudists agree with Pliny, and Josephus agrees not with his own Coun∣try men.

In the Babylonian Tract Sanhedrin, Turnus Rufus is brought in, asking this of R. Aki∣bah, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i 1.104 Who will prove that this is the Sabbath day? (The Gloss, For perhaps one of the other days is the Sabbath) R. Akibah answered, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sabbatic River will prove this. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He that hath a Python, or, a familiar spirit will prove this. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And the Sepulchre of his father will prove this. The Gloss writes thus: The Sabbatic River will prove this. That is a rocky River, which flows and glides all the days of the week, but ceaseth and resteth on the Sabbath. He that hath a Python, or, a familiar spirit will prove this. For a Python ascendeth not on the Sabbath day. And the Sepulchre of Turnus Rusus all the days of the year sent forth a smoke; because he was judged and delivered to fire. But Transgressors in Hell rest on the Sab∣bath day. Therefore his Sepulchre sent not forth a smoke on the Sabbath day.

Do you not suspect, Reader, whence and wherefore this fable was invented? Namely, when the brightness of the Christian Sabbath was now risen, and encreased every day, they had recourse to these Monsters either of Magick, or of Fables, whereby the glory of our Sabbath might be obscured, and that of the Jews exalted. The various, and indeed contrary relations of Historians, bring the truth of the story into suspicion.

CHAP. VII. The Region of Decapolis, What? Mark VII. 30.

I. Illy placed by some. II. Scythopolis, heretofore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bethshean, one of those Decapolitan Cities. III. Also Gadara, and Hippo. IV. And Pella. V. Caphar Tsemach, Beth Gubrin. Caphar Carnaim. VI. Ce∣sarea Philippi. VII. The City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Orbo.

SECTION I. The Region of Decapolis not well placed by some.

WE meet with frequent mention of Decapolis in the Evangelists, as also in forreign Authors; but no where in a more difficult sense than in those words of St. Mark, Chap. VII. where it is thus spoken of Christ; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And again departing from the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, he came to the Sea of Galilee through the midst of the coasts of Decapolis. The difficulty lies in this, that supposing by the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, a place near the gates of Sidon is to be understood, of which before, it can scarcely be conceived how Christ went through the middle of Decapolis to the Sea of Galilee, unless it be supposed, that Deca∣polis was within Galilee.

Hence a 1.105 Borchard certainly, and others that follow him, seem to be induced, to num∣ber these Towns of Galilee for Decapolitan Towns; Tiberias, Sephet, Kedesh Naphtali, Hazor, Capernaum, Cesarea Philippi, Jetopata, Bethsaida, Chorazin, Scythopolis. Upon whose credit Baronius writes thus: b 1.106

The Province of Decapolis, saith he, was placed in the same Galilee; so called because there were ten Cities in it, among which one was reckoned Capernaum.

Confidently enough indeed, but without any ground. Pliny much otherwise.

There is joyned to it, saith he, on the side of Syria the Region of Decapolis, from the number of the Towns, in which Region all do not keep the same Towns. Yet most do. Damascus and Opoto watered with the River Chrysorrhoa, fruit∣ful Philadelphia, Raphana, all lying backwards towards Arabia: Scythopolis, (hereto∣fore called Nysa from Father Bacchus, his Nurse being there buried,) from Scythians drawn down, (and planted) there: Gaddara, (the River) Hieromiax gliding by it, and that which is now called Hippo, Dio, Pella rich in waters, Galasa, Canatha. The Tetrarchies run between these Cities, and compass them about, which are like to King∣doms, and are divided into Kingdoms, namely, Trachonitis, Paneas, in which is Cesarea, with the Fountain before spoke of, Abila, Arca, Ampeloessa.

Whom should we believe? Borchard and his followers place all Decapolis within Ga∣lilee, being extended the whole length of Galilee, and adjacent to Jordan, and on the shore of the Sea of Genesaret. Pliny and his followers, place it all in the Country be∣yond Jordan, except only Scythopolis.

In Scythopolis both parties agree, and I in this with both: but in others I agree with Borchardus hardly in any, and not with Pliny in all. In them, it is absurd, to reckon the most famed Cities of Galilee for Cities of Decapolis, when both in sacred and pro∣phane Authors, Galilee is plainly distinguished from Decapolis. In Pliny, it seems an un∣equal match to joyn Damascus and Philadelphia, formerly the two Metropoles of Syria and the Kingdom of Ammon, with the small Cities of Gadara and Hippo.

With Pliny and his followers, Josephus also consents, in reckoning up some Cities of Decapolis. For severely chiding Justus of Tiberias, he has these words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. c 1.107 You also and all the men of Tiberias, have not only taken up arms, but have fought against the Cities of Decapolis in Syria. Observe that, The Cities of Decapolis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Sy∣ria, not in Galilee. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Thou hast set their Cities on fire. And a little after; After that Vespasian was come to Ptolemais, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The chief men of Decapolis of Syria sharply accused Justus of Tiberias, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he had fired their Towns. But what those Towns of Decapolis

were, he hints elswehere in these words: d 1.108 Then Justus perswading his fellow citizens to take arms and compelling those that would not, and going forth with all these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he fires the Villages of the Gadarens and the Hippens.

You see how with Pliny Josephus joyns the Region of Decapolis to the side of Syria, and how he reckons Gadara and Hippo for Decapolitan towns with him. And yet as we said, Pliny doth not please us in all: but that which in him might seem most ridicu∣lous and absurd, namely, that he reckons Scythpolis, which is beyond Jordan, with the other Cities, pleaseth me most of all. For from that very City we are certified what were the other Cities, and why they were of such singular name and note: having first taken notice of the condition of Scythopolis, it will be more easie to judg of the rest.

SECT. II. Scythopolis, heretofore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Bethshan, one of the Decapolitan Cities.

THE Talmudists very frequently propound the particular example of the City Beth-shean, which is also called Schythopolis (see the LXX in Judg. I. 27.) and do always resolve it to stand in a different condition from the other Cities of the Land of Israel.

e 1.109 Rabbi, say they, looseth Beth-shean, Rabbi looseth Cesarea, Rabbi looseth Beth Gubrin, Rabbi looseth Caphar Tsemach from the Demai; that is, from the tithing of things doubt∣ful. Jarchi citing these words addeth these moreover, f 1.110 For all those places were like to Bethshean, which the Israelites subdued coming up out of Egypt, but they subdued it not when they came out of Babylon.

g 1.111 R. Meir, say they, ate the leaves of herbs (not tithed) in Bethshan, and thenceforth Rabbi loosed all Bethshean from tithing. Upon which story thus Jarchi again, R. Meri ate leaves in Bethshan not tithed, because tithing is not used out of the Land of Israel. Note this well, I pray, that Bethshean which plainly was within the Land of Israel, yet is reckoned for a City, which is out of the Land of Israel, and for a Heathen City: and the reason is given, because although it were within the Land, and came into the pos∣session of the Israelites in the first conquest of it, yet it came not into their possession in their second conquest, but was always inhabited by Heathens. The same with good grounds we judg of the rest of the Cities of Decapolis, which were indeed within the limits of Israelitic Land, but which the Syrians or Heathens had usurped, and until then possessed. After we have numbred some of those Cities, the thing will appear the more clearly.

But if you ask by the way, who the Inhabitants of Bethshean were, when the Jews came up out of Babylon; and who would not, could not be subdued by the Jews, is a matter of more obscure search: you would guess them to be Scythians from the deri∣vation of the word, and from the words of Pliny: Scythopolis, heretofore Nysa, from Scythians brought down thither. But if you go to Herodotus, h 1.112 discoursing concerning the Empire of the Scythians in Asia, and especially in Palestine, you will find that that Em∣pire was extinct, when the Grandfather of Cyrus was scarce born: that it may seem more a wonder, that the name of Scythopolis did so flourish, when the Jews under Cyrus went back to their own Land. But concerning this matter we will not create more trou∣ble either to the Reader, or to our selves.

SECT. III. Gadara and Hippo Cities of Decapolis.

SO Pliny and Josephus in the words lately alledged out of them: and so the Evan∣gelists not obscurely concerning Gadara. For Mark saith, He began to preach in Decapolis; Luke, He departed preaching throughout all the City of Gadara.

And that Gadara was of Heathen jurisdiction, besides what may be gathered out of those words of Josephus, may be made out also from thence, that Hogs were kept there in so great a number, (Mat. VIII.) the keeping of which was forbidden the Jews by the Talmudic Canons, as well as the eating them by the Mosaic Law. Hence in our notes on Mark V. we are not affraid to pronounce that possessed Gadaren to be a Hea∣then; and that if our conjecture sail us not, upon good grounds.

That Hippo also was of Heathen jurisdiction, the testimonies of the Jews concerning the City Susitha, may sufficiently argue: which as it is of the same signification with the word Hippo, so without all doubt, it is the same place. So they write of its Heathenism.

The i 1.113 Land Jobh, to which Jephta fled, is Susitha. And why is the name of it called Tobh, (that is, good) Because it is free from tithes. And whence came it to be free from tithe? Because it was of Heathen possession. For there was no tithing without the Land, that is, out of any place, which belonged to the Heathen. And again, If two l 1.114 witnesses come forth out of a City, the greater part of which consists of Gentiles, as Su∣sitha, &c.

SECT. IV. Pella, a City of Decapolis.

PLINY numbers Pella also among the Decapolitan Cities: and so also doth m 1.115 Epipha∣nius: and that it was of the same condition, under which, we suppose, the other Decapolitan Cities were put, namely, that it was inhabited by Heathens, the words of Josephus make plain. n 1.116 The Jews recovered these Cities of the Moabites from the Enemy, Heshbon, Medeba, Lemba, Oronas, Telithon, Zara, Cilicium, Aulon, Pella. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. But this (Pella) they overthrew, because the Inhabitants would not endure to be brought over unto the customs of the Country. Behold the Citizens of Pella vigorously Heathen, so that their City underwent a kind of Martyrdom, if I may so call it, for retaining their Heathenism. And when it was restored under Pompey, it was rendred back to the same Citizens, the same Josephus bearing witness. o 1.117

But take heed, Reader, that his words do not deceive you concerning its situation; who writes thus of Perea, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. p 1.118 The length of Perea is from Macherus to Pella, and the Nothern Coasts are bounded at Pella: that is, of Perea, as distinct from Trachonitis, and Batanea. For Pella was the furthest Northern coast of Perea, and the South coast of Trachonitis. Hence Josephus reckons and ranks it together with Hippo, Dio, Scythopolis, in the place before cited. q 1.119

There is no need to name more Cities of Decapolis beyond Jordan, these things which have been said make sufficiently for our opinion, both concerning the situation of the places, and the nature of them. Let us only add this, while we are conversant beyond Jordan, and about Pella.* 1.120 Ammon and Moab, say the Gemarists, tithe the tithe of the Poor in the seventh year, &c. Where the Gloss thus, Ammon and Moab are Israelites who dwell in the Land of Ammon and Moab, which Moses took from Sichon. And that land was holy according to the holiness of the Land of Israel. But under the second Tem∣ple its holiness ceased. They sow it therefore the seventh year; and they appoint thence the first tithe, and the poor•• tithe the seventh year, for the maintenance of the poor; who have not a corner of the field left, nor a gleaning that year: Thither therefore the poor betake themselves, and have there a corner left, and a gleaning, and the poors tithe.

We produce this, for the sake of that story, which relates how the Christians fled from the siege and slaughter of Jerusalem to Pella. And why to Pella? Certainly if that be true which obtains among the Jews, that the destruction of Jerusalem was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the seventh year (which was the year of release) when on this side Jordan they neither plowed nor sowed, but beyond Jordan there was a Harvest, and a Tithing for the poor, &c. hence one may fetch a more probable reason of that story, than the Historians themselves give. Namely, that those poor Christians resorted thither for food and sustinence, when husbandry had ceased that year in Judea and Galilee. But we admire the story, rather then acquisece in this reason.

SECT. V. Caphar Tsemach. Beth Gubrin. Caphar Carnaim.

WE neither dare, nor indeed can, number up all the Cities of Decapolis, of the same condition with Bethshean: yet the Jerusalem Talmudists fix and rank these three under the same condition with it, in those words which were alledged be∣fore, Caphar Carnaim excepted, of which afterwards.

• I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Tsemach. Let something be observed of its name out of R. So∣lomon.
  • 1. In the Jerusalem Talmudists it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Tsemach; but R. Solomon citing them reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Amas: which one would wonder at. But this is not so strange to the Chaldee and Syriac dialect, with which it is very usual to change 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsadi into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ain. So that the Rabine in the prouncing of this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Amas, plays the Syrian in the first letter, and the Grecian in the last, ending the word in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Samech for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cheth.
  • ...

• ...
  • 2. We dare prononnce nothing confidently of the situation of the place: we have only said this of it before, that it is reckoned by the Jerusalem Writers among 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Cities forbidden in the borders; perhaps 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In the Coast, of which before: but I resolve nothing.
• II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beth Gubrin. The situation of this place also is unknown. There was a Gabara about Cesarea Philippi, called by the Rabbins 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tarnegola the Upper. But we dare not confound words and places. It is famous for s 1.121 R. Jochanan of Beth Gubrin, who said, there are four noble tongues, &c.
• III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 t 1.122 Caphar Karnaim, say the Jerusalem Talmudists, is of the same condition with Bethshean: that is, of Heathen jurisdiction.

And now let the Reader judge, whether these were some of the Decapolitan Cities. Whether they were or no, we neither determine, nor are we much solicitous about it: that which we chiefly urge, is, that by the places before mentioned, it appears, as I suppose, that the Cities of Decapolis were indeed within the limits of the Land of Israel, but inhabited by Gentiles. Jews indeed dwelt with them, but fewer in number, infe∣rior in power, and not so free both in their possessions and priviledges. And if you ask the reason, why they would dwel in such an inferiority with the Heathens, take this. u 1.123 The Rabbins deliver. Let one always live in the Land of Israel, though it be in a City, the greatest part of which are Heathens. And let not a man dwel without the Land, yea not in a City, the greatest part of which are Israelites. For he that lives in the Land of Israel hath God: but he that lives without the Land, is as if he had not God: as it is said, To give you the Land of Canaan, that God may be with you, &c. Would you have more reasons? whosoever x 1.124 lives within the Land of Israel, is absolved from iniquity. And whosoever is buried within the Land of Israel, is as if he were buried under the Altar. Take one for all. y 1.125 The men of Israel are very wise. For the very climate makes wise. O most wise Rabbins.

SECT. VI. Cesarea Philippi.

THIS City also is of the same rank with Bethshean in the Talmudists: and Ptolo∣my besides encourages us to number it among the Cities of Decapolis, who reckons it among the Cities of Midland Phenicia; and Josephus, who in his own life intimates Syrians to be its Inhabitants. We correct here that which elsewhere slip∣ped us, namely, that the Arabic Interpreter while he renders Cesarea for Hazor, Jos. XI. 1. may be understood of Cesarea of Strato, when he seems rather to respect this Ce∣sarea.

And now from what has been said, think with your self, Reader, what is to be re∣solved concerning those words of St. Mark, Jesus went from the coasts of Tyre and Sidon unto the Sea of Galilee, through the midst of the coasts of Decapolis. Think, I say, and judge, whether by the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, any place can be understood at the very gates of Sidon: and not rather some place not very remote from Cesarea Philip∣pi. And judge again, whether Decapolis ought to be placed within Galilee, and not rather (with Pliny and Josephus) that a great part of it at least, ought not to be placed in the Country beyond Jordan, and if any part of it stood in Galilee, whether it ought not to be placed in the utmost Northern coast of it, except only Scythopolis, or Beth∣shan.

SECT. VII. The City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Orbo.

BY occasion of the mention of Bethshean, I cannot but subjoyn the mention of the City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the words of R. Judah in the place at the margin. x 1.126 R. Judah saith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Ravens (or The people of Orbo) brought bread and flesh Morning and Evening to Elias. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That City was in the borders of Bethshean, and was called Orbo.

Some Jews raise a Scruple, whether Ravens brought Elias bread and flesh, or men called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ravens. So Kimchi upon the place: There are some who by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 under∣stand Merchants, according to that which is said, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The men of Orbo of thy merchandize, Ezech. XXVII. 27. Hence you may smell the reason, why the Arabic renders it Orabimos. To which sense our R. Judah, who thinks that they were not ••a∣vens, but the Inhabitants of the City of Orbo that ministred to Elias. But here the objection of Kimchi holds. God commanded Elias, saith he, that he should hide himself,

that none should know that he was there. And we see that Achab sought him every where, &c.

But omitting the triflingness of the dream, we are searching after the Chorogaphical concern: and if there be any truth in the words of R. Judah, that there was a City by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Orbo, by name near Bethshan, we find the situation of the brook Cherith, or at least, where he thought it ran. That brook had for ever laid hid in obscurity, had not E∣lias lay hid near it: but the place of it as yet lies hid. There are some Maps which fix it beyond Jordan, and there are others fix it on this side; some in one place, and some in another, uncertainly, without any setled place. But I especially wonder at Jo∣sephus, who saith that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. z 1.127 He went away towards the North, and dwelt near a certain brook: When God in plain words saith, And thou shalt turn thee, or go towards the East. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 For he was now in Samaria. God adds, Hide thee at the brook Cherith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is before Jordan. So, you will say, was every brook that flowed into Jordan. But the sense of those words, which is before Jordan, is this, which (brook,) as thou goest to Jordan, is flowing into it on this side Jordan. So that although the Rabbin mistakes concerning the creatures that fed Elias, yet perhaps he does not so mis∣take concerning the place where the brook was.

The story of the Syrophenissian Woman beseeching our Saviour for her possessed daughter, and of his return thence by Decapolis to the Sea of Galilee, hath occasi∣oned a discourse of the coasts of Tyre and Sidon, and the Region of Decapolis. And now having finished the search after the places, let us speak one word of the woman her self. She is called by Mark 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Syrophenissian Greek, which is without all scruple; but when she is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Canaanitish woman, by Matthew, that is somewhat obscure. If those things, which in our animadversions upon Mat∣thew we have said, upon that place, do not please any, let these things be added. 1. That Canaan, and Phenicia are sometimes convertible terms in the LXX, Jos. IV. 1. 12. &c. 2. If I should say that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Greek woman, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A Canaanitish wo∣man were also convertible terms, perhaps it may be laughed at; but it would not be so among the Jews, who call all Men servants, and Women servants not of Hebrew bloud, Canaanites. It is a common distinction 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 An Hebrew Servant, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Canaanite Servant; and so in the feminine sex. But now a Canaanite Servant, say they, is a servant of any nation, besides the Hebrew nation. Imagine this woman to be such, and there is nothing obscure in her name: because she was a Servant woman of an Hea∣then stock, and thence commonly known among the Jews under the title 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Of a Cnaanite woman Servant.

CHAP. VIII. Some Measurings.

I. The Measures of the Iews. II. Their measuring of the Land by diets. III. And the measuring of the length of the Land within Iordan. IV. Ptolomy consulted and mended. V. Pliny to be corrected. VI. The length of the Land out of Antoninus. VII. The bredth of the ways. VIII. The distance of the Sepulchres from the Cities.

SECT. I. The Measures of the Iews.

IT obtained among the Jews a 1.128 That the Land of Israel contained the square of four hundred Parsae. And they are delighted I know not how, nor why, with this num∣ber and measure. b 1.129 Jonathan Ben Uzziel interpreted from the mouth of Haggai, Za∣chariah and Malachi; and the Land of Israel was moved 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Four hundred Parsae every way. c 1.130 When a hog was drawn up upon the walls of Jerusalem, and fixed his hoofs upon them, the Land of Israel shook four hundred Parsae every way.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Parsa contains in it four miles. Ten d 1.131 Parsae, saith the Gloss at the place in the Margin, are forty miles. Which might be proved largely elsewhere, if need were. So that four hundred Parsae, (or so many thirty furlongs) made a thousand six hundred miles. Which measure why they ascribed it to the Land of Israel on every side of the square of it, whether from the measurings of Ezechiel, or from somewhat else, we do not here enquire. But we cannot but observe this; that the same number is men∣tioned, and perhaps the same measure understood, Revel. XIV. 20. Bloud issued out of the Lake to the horses bridles for a thousand six hundred furlongs. Where the Arabic reads, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the space of a thousand six hundred miles.

The Talmudists measure sometimes by miles, sometimes by Parses, sometimes by Diets. Every one of these you will meet with in them very frequently.

Of the Talmudic mile, take this admonition of theirs. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Namely that it e 1.132 consisted (not of eight, as the Greek and Roman did, but) of seven furlongs and an half. For by what other word to render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I know not, nor do I think it to be rendred by any other.

And of the Diet take this. f 1.133 R. Jochanan saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 How much is a mans journey in one day? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ten Parses. From the first dawning of the morning to Sun rise, five miles. From Sunset until stars appear, five miles. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 There remain thirty. Fifteen from morning to noon. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Fifteen from Noon till Even. Behold a days journey, of forty miles in one sense, that is, as much as may be dispatched in one day; and of thirty in another, that is, as much as most usually was wont to be dispatched. Where you are admonished by them also; that these are computed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 according to the Equinoctial day.

They g 1.134 feign that Saul in one day travailed sixty miles, as the Israelites did also from Jordan to mount Gerizim: but most commonly they judge the Diet, to be ac∣cording to what was said, namely, that under it are comprehended thirty miles.

And hither let those passages be brought. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 What h 1.135 is a long way? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 From Modim (the Sepulchres of the Macabees) and forward, and according to this measure on every side. He saith, moreover: From Modim to Jerusa∣lem were fifteen miles. The Dispute is upon that, Numb. IX. 10. where it is com∣manded that every one keep the Passover in the first month, unless he be unclean, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Or in a long way, and it is concluded, that by a long way is to be under∣stood the distance of fifteen miles at the least, which was the half of a common Diet.

SECT. II. The Iews measuring out the Land by Diets.

IN the place noted in the margin the Masters ask, i 1.136 How long is any bound to make known by public outery concerning something found? R. Judah saith, Three feasts, and seven days after the last feast. Namely, three days for any to go home to seek, whe∣ther he hath lost any thing, and three days to come back (to Jerusalem) and that still one day might remain for public outery. (The Gloss is, That he might make an outery, I lost, such a thing, and these are the marks of it) But they object, the third day of the month Marheshvan they pray for rains. Rabban Gamaliel saith, the seventh of that month, which is the fifteenth day from the Feast of Tabernacles: namely, that the last of all the Isra∣elites (who came up to the Feast) might go to Euphrates, and not be caught by the rains.

It is presumed by this Tradition, that the utmost bounds of the Land of Israel was within three days journy of Jerusalem, nor amiss: and under the same condition the utmost bounds of the Land beyond Jordan, are reckoned; namely that they exceeded not that distance; but how much they came short of it, is left in doubt. It is not my purpose to determine of that busines in this place: that which we pursue is, to mea∣sure out the bredth of the Land within Jordan.

SECT. III. The Talmudists measuring the bredth of the Land within Iordan.

THere was a Traditon and National Custom famous among them, concerning which we have mention somewhere, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 l 1.137 That a Vineyard of four years old should go up to Jerusalem in a days journey on every side. The sense of the Tradition is this; The second Tithes were either to be eaten at Jerusalem, or being sold at home, the mony was to be brought to Jerusalem, whence somethings were brought, that were eaten there. Now provision is made by this Ca∣non,

that the tithe of Vineyards which were within a Diet of the City should not be sold, but that they should be brought to Jerusalem, and eaten there.

But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 What are the bounds say they, of that days journey.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:

Elath on the South. Acrabat on the North. Lydda on the West. Iordan on the East.

So both Mishnahs. But the Babylonian Gemara in the m 1.138 places noted in the margin reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Elath on the North, Acrabat on the South. By what reason, and in what sense these words agree, Commentators endeavour to resolve obscurely enough: but it is not of so much moment, to detain us.

Elath recals to my mind some things which are spoken by the Notitia of the Eastern Empire. Where, under the Disposition of the Honourable man the Duke of Palestine, is sub∣stituted among others, Praefectus Legionis Decim•• Fretensis Ailae, The Lieutenant of the Tenth Fretensian Legion at Aila. Where Pancirollus writes, that Aila was seated on the shore of the Red Sea. S. Hieron. upon Ezek. XLVII. writes thus, The tongue of the Red Sea, on the shore of which Aila is seated, where a Roman Legion and Garrison is now quar∣tered. And the same Father n 1.139 elsewhere, Aila, saith he, is in the utmost borders of Pa∣lestine, joyned to the South Desert, and the Red Sea, whence men sail out of Egypt into In∣dia, and thence into Egypt. And there also is a Roman Legion called Decima, The Tenth.

We dare not contradict so great an oracle, otherwise my thoughts would run back to this our Elath: and that upon this reason especially, because it seems somewhat hard, to substitute a Garrison at the Red Sea under the Duke of Palestine, when that was so far distant from Palestine, and since there was a Duke of Arabia (in which Elath at the Red Sea was) as well as of Palestine.

You see the Fathers of the Traditions measuring from Lydda by Jerusalem to Jordan in a double diary: but here also they leave us again at uncertainties of the bredth of the Land; because Lydda was not upon the utmost coast of the Land on that side. Un∣less perhaps you might say, that whatsoever space went between Lydda and the Sea, was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Region of the Sea, esteemed as Heathen Land; when Caphar Lodim, which was seated in that Interval, and not far from Lydda, was of no better o 1.140 account, Let us get therefore, if we can, more certain accounts, and more faithful direction.

SECT. IV. Ptolomy consulted and amended.

IT would be ridiculous so much as to dream, that the bredth of this Land is every where the same: since the Seas bounding on all sides, here the Mediterranean, there that of Sodom, the Sea of Genazeret, the Sea of Samochonitis, and Jordan gliding, be∣tween them, cannot but make the space very unequal by their various windings.

Take a prof of this from Ptolomy in the Mediterranean Shore. p 1.141

Thus He

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉	〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Thus the Latine version of him.

Cesarea Stratonis.	66. 15.
Ioppa.	65. 40.
Iamnetorum portus. The haven of the Iamnites.	65.
Gazaeorum portus. The haven of the Gazites.	64. 45
Gaza.	65. 26.

and more of the like variation.

Of the last, namely of the haven of the Gazites, and Gaza it self, we may justly be at some stand. In Ptolomy himself, as you see, the Haven of the Gazites is in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 65. 45. But the Latine Interpreter hath 64 45. Nor indeed without reason, when Gaza it self is only in 65. 26. But indeed on the contrary it is more probable, that the Haven of the Gazites should be placed in 65. 26. and Gaza it self in 65. 45, Where by the Haven is by no means to be understood that place where Ships put in, and unladed, but the whole Bay comprehended within the Promonotories, that thrust themselves out into the Sea; the very last poynt of which thrusting forth you may conceive to be in degr. 65. and 26. From the City 19 minutes.

If therefore you are minded to follow Ptolomy with this amendment in measuring out the bredth of the Land between Gaza and Asphaltites, take it thus. Let Gaza be

in degr. 65. 45. And in him also, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Latin Version is, Asphaltitis medium continet gradus 66. 50. The middle of Asphaltites contains degrees 66. 50. From Gaza therefore to the middle of the Dead Sea will be a whole degree, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 minutes; to which LXV mil••s, and V minutes do answer: whence if you withdraw the half of the Asphaltites, there will remain LV miles, or thereabouts, from the shore of it to Gaza.

SECT. V. Pliny to be corrected.

AND here I cannot but amend the reading of Pliny, or at least shew that it wants mending, in whom we read thus. q 1.142 Deinde Nabataei oppidum, &c. Thence the Nabateans inhabit the Town called Petra, The Rock, in a Valley, little less then two miles in bigness, cirrounded with unaccessible Mountains, a River running between. It is distant fro•• Gaza, a Town of our Shore, D. C. miles. From the Persian bay CXXII. miles. Two double ways meet here, the way of those who went to Palmyra of Syria, and of those who came from Gaza. Those words, It is distant from Gaza, &c. are they with which we have to do.

What? D. C. M. six hundred miles from Gaza to Petra, the Metropolis of the Moa∣bites? I wonder the very Learned r 1.143 Heidman should so softly swallow down these words, and that without any regret. But let me have leave to conjecture, that Pliny in his own Copy wrote thus, It is distant from Gaza, a Town of our Shore CX. M. But by the care∣lesness of the Transcribers, the Numerical letter X was cut into two parts after this man∣ner) (, and the left half of it at length closed in with the former C in this manner (), and so at last passed into D. And the other right hand half remained thus C, and was reckoned for an hundred.

However we may mistake in our conjecture, yet certainly concerning the space and number of the miles we do not so mistake. For allow XXXVIII miles or thereabouts between Petra and Asphaltites, and grant XX miles or thereabouts to the bredth of that Sea (that we may go something in the middle between Pliny and Josephus concerning the bredth of it) then there will remain, of the CX miles, which we suppose Pliny wrote, LII or thereabouts from that Sea to Gaza. Which is not far from the mark. But the mark is vastly overshot, when DC miles are assigned from Gaza to Petra. You will surely favour our computation, and conjecture of the injury done Pliny by the Tran∣scribers, when you shall have observed, that the first shore of Gaza is according to Pto∣lom••y, as we have said, in Degr. 65. 26. and Petra is only in Degr. 66. 45.

Let us therefore grant LII or LIII miles or thereabouts for the bredth of the Land from the shore of the Mediterranean Sea to the Asphaltites: you must allow some more miles between the Mediterranean shore and Jordan: because by how much the more broad the Asphaltites is, so much the less broad is the Land; and the same must be said of the Sea of Genesaret, and Samochonitis. And Gallilee is not only straitned according as they are enlarged, but it is straitned also by the Territories of Tyre and Sidon running between it and the Sea.

So that it would be in vain to trace out an exact bredth of the Land every where; and it would be ridiculous to measure it by any one measure or extension. It is well enough, if one come near the thing by some convenient guess here and there, or err not much of it.

The determination of the length of the Land seems more sure, while it is measured out by Towns and Cities, from Sidon to the River of Egypt: but here also is not the same space to all, and in some places the measuring is very uncertain.

SECT. VI. The length of the L••nd out of Antoninus.

THUS the Itinerary of Antoninus.

From Sidon to Tyre	XXIV	miles	Phenicia.
To Ptolemais	XXXII	miles
Sicamina	XXIV	miles
Cesarea	XX	miles
Betaro a	XVIII	miles	a Palestine.
Diospoli	XXII	miles
Liamnia	XII	miles
Ascalon	XX	miles
Gaza	XVI	miles
Rapa	XXII	miles
Rhinocolura	XXII	miles
	CCXXXII.

We have elsewhere measured out this space by the cords of Pliny and Strabo, less than this number by thirteen miles: where if some mistake hath crept into the computation, let Gulielmus Tyrius bear the blame, who stretched the bounds of Phenicia four or five miles only from Tyre Southward.

But what shall we say of another Itinerary? Which whether it be Antoninus his, I dare not define; where it is thus,

From Cesarea to Betaron	XXXI	miles
To Diospolis	XXXVIII	miles.

exceeding the former computation nine and twenty miles. There is somewhat there al∣so, which how to reconcile with Josephus, it is not easie to shew: for it is said,

From Neapolis to Aelia	XXX	miles
To Eleutheropolis	XX	miles
To Ascalon	XXIV	miles.

Where from Aelia or Jerusalem to Ascalon run out only XLIV miles: whereas Josephus saith of Ascalon, that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: s 1.144 distant from Jerusalem DXX furlongs; or LXV miles. This breach is a little filled up by this, that New Ascalon was nearer to Jerusalem, than the old, by sixteen miles, as Benjamin relates.

Whether Betaron were the same with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Betar, where that horrible slaughter was under Ben Cozba, we will not dispute here; there is no doubt to be made but Liamnia is illy writ for Jamnia. And now let us follow Antoninus to Pelusium.

Rhinocolura
Ostracena	XXIV	miles
Cassio	XXVI	miles
Pentascino	XX	miles
Pel••sio	XX	miles.

Which how they agree with Pliny, who numbers only sixty five miles from Pelusium to the ending of Arabia, viz. to the Sirbon, on which Rhinocolura borders, I shall not take upon me to say. This I have said elsewhere, that it is a wonder, that some Maps should place the Sirbon between Cassius and Pelusium, when the contrary manifestly appears both here, and in Pliny and Strabo. Perhaps they took the error from Ptolomey, or at least from his Interpreter, in whom Cassius is in Latitude, Degr. 31. 15. But the breaking out of the Sirbon in 31. 10.

SECT. VII. The bredth of the ways.

THE t 1.145 Rabbins deliver. A private way (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) is four cubits. A way from a City to a City is eight cubits. A publick way (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) is sixteen cubits. The way to the Cities of refuge is two and thirty cubits. The Kings way hath no measure: for the King may break down hedges to make himself a way. And the way to a Sepulchre hath no measure, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the honour of the dead. Compare Matth. VII. 13. 14.

There was this difference between a way from a City to a City, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a pub∣lick way; that a publick way was that along which all Cities passed; a way from a City to a City was that, along which this City passed to that, and that to this, but no other City passed that way.

That way from a City to a City was eight cubits, saith the Gloss, that if haply two Chariots met, there might be space to pass.

The way to a sepulchre had no measure, that those that attended the Corps might not be separated by reason of the straitness of the way. They add, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A station, as the Judges of Zippor say, is as much as contains four Cabes, By Station they understand the place where those that return from the Sepulchre stand about the Mourner to comfort him. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

u 1.146 For men servants and women servants they do not stand, nor for them do they say the blessing of the Mour∣ners. The Gloss is, When they returned from the Sepulchre 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they stood in rows comforting him. And that row consisted not of less than ten. They made him set, and they stood about him. x 1.147

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

A piece of ground containing four Cabes of seed, saith the Gloss, is thirty three cubits, and two hands bredth broad, and fifty long.

SECT. VIII. The distance of Sepulchres from Cities.

BUrying places z 1.148 were not near the Cities, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They are the words of the Glosser upon Kiddushin in the place quoted; and that upon this Tradition:

For all the thirty days he is carried in his Mothers bosom, and is buried by one Woman and two Men; but not by one Man, and two Women.

The sense is this, An Infant dying before the thirtieth day of his age, hath no need of a Bier, but is car∣ried in his Mothers bosom to burial, two men accompanying; but he is not carried by two women, one man only accompanying. And this reason is given, Because when the Burying places were a good way distant from the City, it might happen that two women might be enticed by one man to commit whoredom, when they were now out of the sight of men, but two men would not so readily conspire to defile one woman.

They produce examples,

A certain woman, say they, carried out a living Infant, as though it were dead, to play the whore with him, who accompanied her to the place of burial. And, Ten men took up a living woman, as though she were dead, that they might lye with her.

Certainly, thou forgetest thy self, O Jew, when one while thou sayest, that two men would scarcely conspire together for the defiling the same wo∣man, and other while, that ten men did.

The burying places were distant two thousand cubits from the Levitical Cities; from all other Cities a great space, if not the same. How far Jerusalem agreed with these in this matter, or not agreed, we must observe elsewhere.

CHAP. IX. Some places scatteringly noted.

I. The Roman Garrisons. / II. Zin 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cadesh / 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ono. /

SECT. I. The Roman Garrisons.

BEing to speak of some places scatteringly taken notice of here and there, let us be∣gin with the Roman Garrisons, which were dispersed all the Land over: and this we do the rather, because the Notitia Imperii, whence they are transcribed, is not so common in every ones hand.

NOTITIA. Under the Command of the Honourable person, The Duke of Palestine.

• Equites Dalmatae Illyriciani Berosabae.
• Equites Promoti Illyriciani Menoide.
• Equites Scutarii Illyriciani Chermulae.
• Equites Mauri Illyriciani Aeliae.
• Equites Thamudeni Illyriciani Bitsanae.
• Equites Promoti Indigenae Sabaiae.
• Equites Promoti Indiginae Zodocathae.
• Equites Sagittarii Indigenae Havanae.
• Equites Sagittarii Indigenae Zoarae.
• Equites primi Foelices Sagittarii Indigenae Palaestinae Saburae, sive Veterocariae.
• Equites Sagittarii Indigenae Mohaile.
• Praefectus Legionis Decimae Fretensis Ailae. And those that are taken out of the lesser Muster-roll.
• Ala prima miliaria Sebastena Asuadae.
• Ala Antana Dromedariorum Admathae.
• Ala Constantiniana Tolohae.
• Ala secunda Foelix Valentiniana apud Praesidium.
• Ala Prima miliaria hastae.
• Ala Idiota constitutae.
• Cohors Duodecima Valeria Afro.
• Cohors Decima Carthaginensis Carthae.
• Cohors Prima Centenaria Tarbae.
• Cohors Quarta Phrygum Praesidio.
• Cohors Secunda Gratiana Iehybo.
• Cohors Prima equitata Calamonae.
• Cohors Secunda Galatarum Arieldelae.
• Cohors Prima Flavia Moleahae.
• Cohors Secunda Cretensis juxta Iordanem fluvium.
• Cohors Prima Salutaria inter Aeliam & Hierichunta. The Office stands thus.
• Principem de Schola Agentium in rebus.
• Numerarios & Adjutores eorum.
• Commentariensem.
• Adjutorem.
• A libellis, sive subscribendarium.
• Exceptores, & caeteros Officiales.
• All this out of Notitia.

SECT. II. Zin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cadesh 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

THESE places are named in the line bounding the Land Southward. Numb. XXXIV. and Jos. XV.

The Jews teach us that it was called the Desart of Zin from a Mountain of that name, and that the Mountain was so called from the Groves of Palm-trees, and that it was fa∣mous for Iron-mines. For those words, Numb. XXXIV. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And pass on to Zin, are rendred by Hierusalem Targumist, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And the border passed on to the Mountain of Iron. By Jonathan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And passed on to the Palms of the Mountain of Iron. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Talmudists are lesser Palms. a 1.149 Rabh Judah saith, He that sells a farm to his neighbour, must write, Possess to thy self, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Let the Aruch be an Interpreter for us.

• ...〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are loftier Palm-trees.
• ...〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the rest of the greater trees.
• ...〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the rest of the smaller trees.
• ...〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the smaller Palm-trees.

And the Talmudists again 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 b 1.150 The Palms of the Mountain of Iron are fit, to make a bunch to hold in the hand in the feast of Tabernacles. Where the Gloss, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are smaller Palms.

It seems therefore to be some mountanous tract, very near to the borders of the Land of Israel, famous for Palms of a lower size, and Iron mines, called from its Palm-trees 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsin, and from that name giving a denomination to the adjacent Country, which was desert.

Cadesh, in the Eastern Interpreters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rekam, was a bound of the Land; yet Cadesh it self was in effect without the Land. Hence those words, c 1.151 He that brings a bill from a heathen place, &c. Yea, that brings it from Rekam. And, d 1.152 All the spots that come from Rekam are clean. The Gloss is, Some spots in the garments (namely of a profluvious wo∣man) which came from Rekam, were clean, because they determined not of the spots of stran∣gers. Another Gloss thus. In Rekam were Israelites, and yet spots coming from Rekam are clean, because they belong to Israelites, and the Israelites hide their spots, &c.

Cades, as Bridenbachius, relates, is called Cawatha by the Arabians: for thus he, At length we came into a certain Country, which in the Arabian Tongue is called Cawatha, but in the Latine Cades. Which while we read, those things come into my mind, which the eminent Edward Pocock S. T. D. a man of admirable Learning, discourseth concerning the word Kawa in his very Learned Miscellaneous Notes, e 1.153 that it should signifie Crying aloud, an outcry, &c. To which whether the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gohe, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (whereby Rekam is also called) that denotes Bellowing, may any way answer, it is more fit for that great Oracle of Tongues to judge, than for so mean a man as I am.

SECT. III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ONO.

ONO f 1.154 was distant three miles from Lydda, R. g 1.155 Jacob ben 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dositheus said, From Lydda to Ono are three miles; and I on a certain time went thither before day break, up to the anckles in hony of figs. h 1.156 R. Simai and R. Zadok went to intercalate the year in Lydda, and kept the Sabbath in Ono.

The Talmudists suppose this City was walled down from the days of Josua, but fired in the war of Gibeah: because it is said, All the Cities also to which they came, they set on fire, Judg. XX. 48. but that it was rebuilt by Elpaal a Benjamite, 1 Chron. VIII. 12. R. Lazar ben R. Josah saith, It was destroyed in the days of the Concubine in Gibeah, but Elpael stood forth, and repaired it.

With Lod and Ono is also joyned 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or, The Vally of Crafts-men, Nehem. XI. 35. which some of the Jews suppose to be a particular City; and that it was walled from the days of Josua. But saith R. Chananiah in the name of R. Phineas, Lod and Ono 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 themselves are The Vally of Crafts-men. That i 1.157 R. Chananiah was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Citizen of the City of Ono, eminent among the Rabbins, one of the five Learned who judg∣ed before the wise Men. These were Ben Azzai, Ben Zuma, Chanan, and Chananiah, and Ben Nanas.

Why the Maps placed Lod and Ono near Jordan, not far from Jericho, I can meet with no other reason, than that in Josephus is found the Town Adida, not far from thence, and Hadid is reckoned with Lod and Ono in Ezr. II. 33. and Lod and Hadid are framed

into one word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Lodadi, Ezr. II. 33. and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Lodadid, Nehem. VII. 37. by the Seventy Interpreters. But there were more places called by the name of Adida, so that that reason fails, if that were the reason. For there was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Adida in Sephel, Adida in the Vally. l 1.158 And, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The City Adida in the Mountain: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Under which lay the plains of Judea. m 1.159 And, Adida in Galilee before the great Plain, n 1.160 if it were not the same with Adida 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Sephel.

Of Lydda, which we are now near, when we are speaking of Ono, let that be con∣sidered for the sake of young Students, which the Gloss o 1.161 adviseth, That Lydda is called also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lodicea: and frequent mention is made of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Martyrs in Lydda, which is sometimes also pronounced 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Martyrs in Lodicea; as in that story among other places: p 1.162 When the Tyrant (or Trajan) endeavoured to kill Lolienus (per∣haps Julianus) and Papus his brother 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Lodicea, &c. the Gloss, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lodicea that is Lydda) he said to them, If you are of the people of Ananias, Michael and Azarius, let your God come, and deliver you out of my hand.

The Martyrdom of these brethren is much celebrated, which they underwent for the Kings daughter, who was found slain, and the enemies of the Jews said, that the Jews had slain her; and these brethren to deliver Israel, said, We slew her, therefore those alone the King slew. So the Gloss.

In the Tract Kelim q 1.163 there is mention of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which whether it refers to the same place, and be to be rendred The Sandal of Lydda, doth not appear. With it is mentioned also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Emkean sandal, so called from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Imki; the mention of which place is in the Tract Taanith, where it is said, r 1.164 The City out of which are five hundred footmen, as Caphar Imki, &c. So the Aruch and R. Solomon cite the place, and pronounce the name of the City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Imki; but in the Talmudick Text it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Caphar Imiki. About which we shall not contend.

CHAP. X. Of the various Inhabitants of the Land.

I. It was the Land of the Hebrews, before it was the Canaanites. II. Whence it came to pass that Canaan was only a part of Canaan, Judg. IV. 1. III. Who the Perizzites were. IV. The Kenites. V. Rephaim.

SECT. I. It was the Land of the Hebrews, before it was the Canaanites.

ABRAHAM is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hebrew, then only, when the difference between him, and the Elamites was to be decided by war. And the reason of the sur∣name is to be fetched from the thing it self, which then was transacted.

• I. The hereditary right of the Holy Land, which by Divine disposal was Sems Land, Elem the first born of Sem did deservedly claim; nor was there any of the sons of Sem, upon whom in humane judgment it was more equally and justly devolved. But the Di∣vine Counsil and Judgment had designed it another way; namely, that it should come to the family of Arphaxad, and Heber, of which family Abraham was. Him therefore God strengtheneth against the Army of Elam, and declares him heir by a stupendious victory; which Sem himself likewise does, blessing him, although he had overthrown in battel his sons the Elamites, born of his first born Elam. For that most holy Man, and a very great and noble Prophet withal, acknowledged the Counsel of God, whom he is so far from opposing him for the slaughter of his sons, that on the contrary he blesseth the Conqueror, and yields him the choisest fruits of his Land, Bread and Wine, not only for refreshment to him and his Soldiers, but also perhaps for a sign rather of resigna∣tion, and investing him with the hereditary right of it, whom God by so signal a mark had shewn to be the heir. Upon very good reason therefore Abraham is called Hebrew, to point as it were with the finger, that God would derive the inheritance of that Land from the family of Elam to the family of Heber: from the first born to him that was born after, which was also done afterwards with Ruben and Joseph.
• ...

• II. It neither ought, nor indeed can be passed over without observation, that the Country of Pentepolis, and the Countries adjacent, were subjects and tributaries to Che∣dorlaomer King of Elam. What? Was there any part of the Land of Canaan subject to the King of the Persians, when so many Kings and Countries lay between it and Persia? No idle scruple and difficulty, I assure you, nor, as far as I can see, any otherwise to be resolved, than that Elam the first born of Sem, or Melchisedek, by his birthright was heir of that Land, which his father Sem possessed by divine right and Patent; and the sons of Elam, also held after him, and his grandsons unto Chedorlaomer▪ For when it is said, that those Cities and Countries had served Chedorlaomer twelve years, the times of his reign seem rather to be reckoned, than the years of the reign of the Elamites. Not that those Nations were subject to the Scepter of the Elamites twelve years only, but that that year was only the twelfth of Chedorlaomer. But now God translates the inheri∣tance to the family of Heber, called Hebrew before, but now more particularly, and more honorably, since of all the families of Sem, that was now most eminent. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 He∣ber denotes Hebrews as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Assur denotes Assyrians in those words of Balaam, Numb. XXIV. 24. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And shall afflict Assur, and shall afflict Heber.

It is a dream of some body among the Rabbins. That * 1.165 when the whole Land was di∣vided among the seventy Nations, at the confusion of Tongues, the Land of Canaan came to none: therefore the Canaanites betook themselves thither; and being found not only empty, but conferred by lot upon none, they usurped it for their own.

But what then shall we say of Melchizedek, whom now all acknowledge for Sem? Which is more probable, that he intruded among the Canaanites, now inhabiting the Land, or that they intruded upon him? Was not that Land hereditary to him and his rather, than usurped by wrong and intrusion? And did not he by the direction of the Spirit of God betake himself thither rather, than either that he wandring about uncer∣tainly lighted upon that Land by chance, or acted by a Spirit of ambition or usurpation violently possessed himself of it? For my part, I scarcely believe, either that the Cana∣anites went thither before the confusion of Tongues, or that Sem at that time was not there: but that he had long and fully inhabited the Land of Canaan (as it was after∣wards called) before the entrance of the Canaanites into it: and that by the privilege of a Divine Grant, which had destin'd him and his posterity hither: and that afterwards the Canaanites crept in here, and were first subjects to the family of Sem, whose first born was Elam; but at length shook off the yoke.

When therefore all those original Nations from the Confusion of Tongues, pertook of their names immediately from the fathers of their stock, as the Assyrians from Assur, the Elamites from Elam, &c. the same we must hold of the Hebrew Nation, namely, that it from that time was called Hebrew from Heber: and that it was called the Land of the Hebrews before it was called the Land of the Canaanites. For I can neither think, that the stock of the Hebrews had no name for almost three hundred years after the Confusion of Tongues, until the passing of Abraham out of Chaldea found a name for it, which some would have: nor methinks is it agreeable, that Abraham was therefore called Hebrew, because travailing out of Chaldea into the Land of Canaan he passed Euphrates; when upon the same reason both Canaan himself, and the Fa∣thers of all the Western Nations almost, should be called Hebrews; for they passed over Euphrates, travailing out of Chaldea. And when the Patriarch Joseph himself is called by his Mistress a Hebrew servant, Gen. XXXIX. 17. and so called by the servants of Pha∣raoh, Chap. XLI. 12. and when he saith of himself, that he was stollen away out of the Land of the Hebrews, Gen. XL. 15. it is scarcely probable, that that whole Land was known to other Countries under that name, only for one family now dwelling there, and that family a stranger, a travailer, and living in danger from the Inhabitants: but rather that it was known by that name from antient ages, even before it was called The Land of the Canaanites. Nor, if we should raise a contest against that opinion, which asserts that the Language of the Canaanites and the Hebrews was one and the same, would that argu∣ment any whit move us, that the Towns and Cities of the Canaanites bore names, which were also Hebrew; for those their Hebrew names they might receive from Sem, Heber, and their children, before they were places of the Canaanites.

Heber lived when the Tongues were confounded, and the Nations scattered; and when none denied, that the sons of Heber were Hebrews (yea, who would deny that that Land was the Land of Heber?) By what reason should not they, and that Nation take their name from him, after the same manner, as other Nations took theirs from their father, at the Confusion of Languages?

SECT. II. Whence Canaan was a part only of Canaan, Judg. IV. 2.

CANAAN with his people wandring from Babylon after the confusion of Lan∣guages, passed over Euphrates through Syria, and travailed towards Palestine, and the way led him straight into the Northern part of it first. And that which the Jews say of Abraham travailing thither, may be said of his person also, in this regard. b 1.166 God said to Abraham, say they, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To thee, To thee, the words being doubled by reason of a double journy, one from Arain Naharaim, the other from Aram Nachor. While Abraham li∣ved in Aram Naharaim, and Aram Nahor, he saw men eating, drinking, and playing: he said therefore, Let not my portion be in that Land. But after he came 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 To the ladder of the Tyrians, he saw men labouring in digging their grounds, in gathering their Vintage, and in husbandry: and then he said, Let my portion be in this Land.

Note, how Abraham coming into the Land of Canaan, is first brought into the North part of it; for there was Scala Tyriorum, The Ladder of the Tyrians. Canaan in like manner with his sons, travailing from Babylon went the same way, and possesseth first the North parts, both those that were without the Land of Canaan, and those that were parts of the Land of Canaan it self.

First, Let the seats of these his four sons without the Land of Canaan be observed.

• ...

  I. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arvadi, The Arvadites. Which word in all Versions almost is read as Aradi, The Aradites. And their seats are easily discovered in Arad, and Antarad. Jonathan for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arvadi the Arvadites, reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Lutasites. Which people, in what part of the World were they? When I search in the Aruch what the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lutas means, he cites these words out of Bereshith Rabba. A certain woman of the family of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tibe∣rinus was married 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to one Lutas: and when accordingly I search Bereschith Rabbah, I find it there written, She was married 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to a certain robber.

  If it were written in Jonathan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I should suspect his eye was bent upon Latavin, a place of Phenicia: concerning which mention is made in the No∣titia Imperii; where the Roman Garrisons under the Duke of Phenice are Otthara, Euhara, Saltacha, Latavis, &c.

• II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zemari, The Zemarites. In the Targumists both that of Jerusalem, and of Jonathan it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chamatsi. So it is in the Arabic, and in the Jerusalem Gemarists c 1.167; and also in Bereshith Rabbah d 1.168; which either supposeth them called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zemarites, or alludes to the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because they wrought in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zemer, woollen manufacture. But Chamats and Apamia are convertible terms in the Jerusalem Talmudists: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Sea of Apamia, say they, is the Sea of Chamats.e 1.169 But now that Apamia, we shew elsewhere, is the same with Sepham; on the utmost coast of the Land of Israel North, and North East.
• III. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arki, The Arkites. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 f 1.170 Arki is Arcas of Libanus. Pliny writes thus, g 1.171 Paneas, in which is Cesarea with the Spring before spoken, Abila, Arca, &c. Borchard thus, In terminos (read Inter) Libani & Antilibani offendimus castrum Arachas, &c. On (or rather between) the borders of Libanus and Antilibanus we found the strong hold Arachas, and built by Aracheus the son of Canaan, when the deluge was over.
• ...

  IV. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hamathi, The Hamathites. In the Jerusalem Targum it is Antioch. And Be∣rechith Rabbah not much from that sense, though in very different words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A Sinite, saith he, and Arethusia: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chamathi is Epiphania. Thus Pliny, The rest of Syria hath these people, except what shall be said with Euphrates, the Aretheusians, the Bereans, and the Epiphanians.

  You see the Antiochian and Syrophenician Syria possessed by the Canaanites, and yet we are not come as far as the Land of Canaan.

  Let us therefore proceed onwards with Canaan, and the rest of his sons. The borders of the Canaanites, saith the Holy Scripture, were from Sidon to Gerar, even unto Gaza, Gen. X. 19. You will say, they were from Antioch, and utmost Phenicia, and a great part of Syria. True indeed, those Countries, as we have seen, were planted by the sons of Canaan, but the Scripture doth not call them Canaanites, but where their Coasts end towards the South, there the Canaanites begin. The Tract therefore, or Region, first pos∣sest by them, is called by a peculiar name Canaan, as distinct from the rest of the Land of Canaan, Judg. IV. 2. Where Jabin the King of Hazor, is called The King of Canaan, that is, of the Northern coast of the Land of Canaan. And among the seven Nations, devoted by God himself to a curse and cutting off, the Canaanites are always numbred, when all indeed were Canaanites; and that, as it seems, upon a double reason: partly, because that Country was distinctly so called, as another Country, and was of a peculiar differ∣ence from those Countries inhabited by the sons of Canaan, of whom we have spoke:

• ...

  partly because Canaan the Father, probably fixed his seat there himself, and thence both that Country was called Canaan, and the whole Land moreover called The Land of Canaan.

SECT. III. The Perizzites, who?

REckon the sons of Canaan in Gen. X. and where do you find the Perizzites? And yet, a matter to be wondered at, they are always numbered in that black Cata∣logue, of the seven Nations to be cut off.

I know, it is supposed by some, that they are called Perizzites, as much as to say Vil∣lagers, because they dwelt in Villages, and small Towns unfortified: which indeed varies not much from the derivation of the word: But certainly it is needless, when all the Ca∣naanitish families are reckoned up, which possessed the whole Land, to add The Villagers over and above, who were sufficiently included in the aforesaid reckoning.

But that which we know was done by the Israelites, we justly suppose was done by the Canaanites also; namely, that some families of the Canaanite stock, were denomina∣ted not from the very immediate son of Canaan, from whom they derived their original, but from some famous and memorable man of that stock. Nor do we say this upon con∣jecture alone, but by very many examples among the Israelites, and indeed among other Nations, and this in that very Nation, of which we are speaking. In Gen. XXXVI. Zi∣beon was the son of Seir, vers. 20. and the whole Nation and Land was called, The Nati∣on and Land of the sons of Seir. But now that that Seir was of the Canaanite pedegree, appears sufficiently hence, that his son Zibeon was called an Hivite, vers. 2. After the same manner therefore as the Seirites, who were of Canaanite blood, were so named, I make no doubt the Perizzites were named from one Perez, a man of great name in some Ca∣naanite stock.

SECT. IV. The Kenites.

OF the same rank were the Kenites, the Knizzites, Cadmonites: by original indeed Canaanites, but so named from some Cain, and Kenaz, and Cadmon, men of fa∣mous renown in those families. If so be the Cadmonites were not so called from their an∣tiquity, or rather from their habitation Eastward: Which is the derivation of Saracens, from Saracon, the East.

The Masters of the Traditions do not agree among themselves what to resolve concer∣ning these Nations. In the Jerusalem Talmudists you have these passages. h 1.172 Your Fathers possessed seven Nations, but you shall possess the Land of ten Nations. The three last are these, the Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Cadmonites, R. Judah saith, These are the Salmeans, the Sa∣beans, and the Nabatheans. R. Simeon saith, Asia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and Damascus. R. Lazar ben Jacob saith, Asia and Cartagena, and Turky. Rabbi saith, Edom and Moab, and the first fruits of the children of Ammon.

In the Babylonian Talmudists these passages. i 1.173 Samuel saith, All that Land, which God shewed to Moses, is bound to tithes, To exclude what? To exclude the Kenites, the Keniz∣zites, the Cadmonites. A Tradition. R. Meir saith, These are the Naphtuchites, the Arabi∣ans, and the Salmeans, R. Judah saith, Mount Seir, Ammon, and Moab. R. Simeon saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Asia and Spain.

l 1.174 These Nations were not delivered to Israel in this age, but they shall be delivered in the days of the Messias.

In m 1.175 the days of the Messias they shall add three other Cities of refuge. But whence? From the Cities of the Kenites, the Kenizzites, and the Cadmonites. Concerning whom God gave a promise to our father Abraham, but they are not as yet subdued.

We may borrow light concerning these Nations from those words of Moses, Gen. X. 18. Afterwards the families of the Canaanites were dispersed. First, They replenished Phenicia, and the Northern Country of the Land of Canaan; by little and little the whole Land of Canaan within Jordan. Then they spread themselves into the Land which afterwards be∣longed to the Edomites, and there they were called Horites from Mount Hor; and the children of Seir, from Seir the father of those families, he himself being a Canaanite. On the East they spread themselves into those Countries, which afterwards belonged to the Moabites, the Ammonites, the Midianites; and they were called Kenites, Kenizzites, Cad∣monites, from one Cain, one Kenaz, and perhaps one Cadmon, the fathers of those families; if so be the Cadmonites were not so called from the aforesaid causes.

The mention of a certain Cain, calls to my mind the Town or City Cain, which you see in the Maps placed not far from Carmel: in that of Doet, adorned (shall I say?) or disfigured with a Dutch picture of one man shooting another, with this inscription, Cain wert geschoten van Lamech. Cain was shot by Lamech, Gen. IV. A famous monument for∣sooth! That place indeed is obscure, Gen. IV. and made more obscure by the various opinions of Interpreters: and you, Doet, have chosen the worst of all. If the words of Lamech may be cleared from the Text (and if you clear it not from the context, whence will you clear it?) they carry this plain and smooth sense with them. He had brought in Bigamy: that also had laid waste the whole World, Gen. VI. For so wretched a wicked∣ness, and which by his example was the destruction of infinite numbers of men, Divine Justice and Vengeance strikes and wounds him with the horror and sting of conscience, so that groaning and howling before his two bigamous wives, Adah and Zillah, he complains, and confesseth that he is a much more bloody murtherer than Cain. For he had only slain Abel, but he an infinite number of young and old by his wicked example.

SECT. V. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rephaim.

THE Samaritan Interpreter always renders these, Aseans, in Gen. XV. 20. written with Cheth. But in Deut. II. 20. with Aleph. If they were called Aseans, as they were by him, so by all other speaking Syriac and Chaldee; I know not whence the word Asia may more fitly be derived, than from the memory of this Gygantic race living almost in the middle of Asia, and monstrous and astonishing above all other Asiatics. The LXX call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Titans, 2 Sam. V. 18. 22. The word used by the Samaritan denotes Physi∣cians, and so it is rendred by me in the Polyglot Bible, lately published at London, Deut. II. partly that it might be rendred word for word, but especially, that it might be ob∣served by what sound, and in what kind of pronunciation he read the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Re∣phaim. So the LXX render it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Physicians, Esa. XXVI. 14. &c.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Nat. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 12.
• b 1.2

  Strab. Geog. lib. 16.
• c 1.3

  Jos. de Bell. lib. 4. cap. 30.
• d 1.4

  Chetub. sol. 110. 2. & 12••. 2.
• e 1.5

  Bab. Bathr. 58. 2.
• f 1.6

  Of Chab••ias See D••od. Sic. pag. mihi 347.
• g 1.7

  Strab. ubi ante. Tabbi Asia c. 5.
• h 1.8

  Dion. ••as. lib. 42.
• a 1.9

  Hieros. San∣hedr. fol. 18. 4. Berish. Rabba, § 52.
• b 1.10

  Hieros. De∣mai, fol. 24. 4.
• c 1.11

  In. Notit. Im∣per. Orient.
• d 1.12

  Cod. lib. 1. tit. de Jud. & caelic. §. 17.
• e 1.13

  Novel. 103.
• f 1.14

  De Bell sacr. lib. 13. cap. 2.
• g 1.15

  In Sect. 42.
• h 1.16

  Lib. 5. C. 21.
• a 1.17

  Schab. fol. 45. 2. & Be∣zah, fol. 40. 1.
• b 1.18

  Bava Kama, fol. 79. 2.
• c 1.19

  De Bell. lib. 7. cap. 13.
• d 1.20

  Sect. 37.
• e 1.21

  Megill. fol. 71. 2.
• f 1.22

  Nat. Hist. lib. 5. cap. 16.
• g 1.23

  De Bell. lib 4. cap. 27.
• h 1.24

  Bereshith Rabba, Sect. 26.
• i 1.25

  Solin. cap. 38.
• l 1.26

  Plin. lib. 5. cap. 17.
• m 1.27

  De Bell. lib. 4. cap. 24.
• n 1.28

  Solin. in the place above.
• o 1.29

  Geograph. lib. 8.
• p 1.30

  Antiq. lib. 6. cap. 14.
• q 1.31

  Antiq. lib. 12. cap. 14.
• r 1.32

  1 Mac. VI. 33.
• s 1.33

  De bello, lib 4 cap. 27.
• t 1.34

  To••. IX. cap. 5.
• u 1.35

  Hieros. She∣viith, fol. 38. 4.
• x 1.36

  Hieros. Bic∣curim, fol. 64. ••
• y 1.37

  Biccurim, cap. 1. hal. 15.
• z 1.38

  Chetub. fol. 111. 2.
• a 1.39

  Diod. Sic. lib. 19.
• b 1.40

  Borch. cap. 7. 26.
• c 1.41

  Jos. de bell. lib. 4. cap. 27.
• d 1.42

  Hieros. Bava Kama, fol. 5. 3.
• e 1.43

  Ba••. Jevamoth, fol. 116. 2.
• f 1.44

  Becoroth, fol. 55. 1.
• g 1.45

  Salign. Tom. IX. cap. 6.
• a 1.46

  Shevuoth, cap. 1. hal. 1.
• b 1.47

  Zevachin, fol. 54. 2.
• c 1.48

  Shekalim, cap. 5. hal. 6.
• d 1.49

  In Shekalim, cap. 4.
• e 1.50

  Shekalim, cap. 6. hal. 5. Joma, fol. 55. 2
• f 1.51

  In the place above, cap. 2.
• g 1.52

  Joma, f. 64. 1.
• h 1.53

  Shekalim, c. 3
• i 1.54

  Ibid.
• l 1.55

  Chetubh. fol. 105. 1.
• i 1.56

  De Bell. lib. 5. cap. 14.
• m 1.57

  Middoth. cap. 7. hal. 5. Joma. fol. 16. 1.
• n 1.58

  Middoth. in the place a∣bove, Hal. 6.
• o 1.59

  Middoth, c. 1. hal. 6.
• p 1.60

  Ibid. hal. 8.
• q 1.61

  Herodot. in Thalia, cap. 5.
• r 1.62

  Id. In Euterpe, cap. 159.
• s 1.63

  Hieros. De∣mai, fol. 22. 4.
• t 1.64

  Pesachin, fol. 7. 1. & Mezia, fol. 26. 1.
• u 1.65

  Pesach. fol. 26. 1.
• a 1.66

  Maimon. in S••bab. cap. 28.
• b 1.67

  Biza, f. 36. 2.
• c 1.68

  Hieros. Berac. fol. 16. 1.
• d 1.69

  Bab. Mezia▪ fol. 88. 1.
• e 1.70

  Hieros. T••••. fol. 69. 2.
• f 1.71

  Bab. Cholin▪ fol. 53. 1.
• g 1.72

  Hieros. Kidd. fol. 63. 1.
• h 1.73

  Bab. Kidd. fol. 55. 1.
• i 1.74

  Bava Mezia, fol. 26. 1.
• l 1.75

  Biccurim, c. 3.
• a 1.76

  Megill. fol. 6. 1 Hieros. Erub. fol. 23. 4. Id. Kiddush. fol. 64. 3. Id. Shtviith, fol. 36. 3.
• b 1.77

  Megill. in the place above.
• c 1.78

  Joseph. in his own life.
• d 1.79

  Hieros. in ••••ubh. in the place above.
• e 1.80

  Joseph. in his own life.
• f 1.81

  Bereshi••h rab. Sect. 31.
• g 1.82

  Ibid. Sect. 32.
• h 1.83

  Joseph. in the place above.
• i 1.84

  Id. de bell. lib. 2. cap. 13.
• l 1.85

  Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 3.
• m 1.86

  Id. in the place above.
• n 1.87

  In his own life, p. 631.
• o 1.88

  Ibid. p. 653.
• p 1.89

  Bava bathra, fol. 98. 2.
• q 1.90

  ••vamoth, fol. 122. 1.
• r 1.91

  Kilaim, cap. 4 hal. 9. Bava Bathra, fol. 82. 2.
• s 1.92

  Bereshith rabb. § 34.
• t 1.93

  Ibid. §. 31.
• u 1.94

  Hieros. Horai∣oth, fol. 48. 1.
• a 1.95

  Hieros. Schab. fol. 7.
• b 1.96

  Bab. Schab••. fol. 54. 1.
• c 1.97

  Jos. Antiq. lib. 8. cap. 2. ••
• d 1.98

  Hieros. Megill. sol. 70. 1.
• * 1.99

  Hieros. Demai, sol. 22. 4.
• e 1.100

  Tabb. Asiae, p. 139.
• f 1.101

  Hieros. She∣viith, sol. 36. 3.
• g 1.102

  Nat. Hist. lib. 31. cap. 2.
• h 1.103

  Jos. de hell. lib. 7. cap. 13.
• i 1.104

  Fol. 56. 2.
• a 1.105

  Borchard. cap. 6. §. 6. Saligniac. Tom. 9. cap. 1.
• b 1.106

  Ad annum Christi 31.
• c 1.107

  Joseph. in his own life, pag. mlhi 650.
• d 1.108

  Ib. pag. 618.
• e 1.109

  Hieros. De∣mai, sol. 22. 3.
• f 1.110

  R. Sol. in De∣mai, c. 1. hal. 3.
• g 1.111

  Cholin, f. 6. 2.
• h 1.112

  Herodot. in Clio, cap. 105, 106.
• i 1.113

  Hieros. She∣viith, f. 36. 1.
• l 1.114

  Id. Rosh. ha∣shana, fol. 54. 4.
• m 1.115

  Epiphan. de mensur. & pon∣der. cap. 15.
• n 1.116

  Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 23.
• o 1.117

  Ibid. lib. 14. cap. 8.
• p 1.118

  Id. de bello, lib. 3. cap. 4.
• q 1.119

  Antiq. lib. 14.
• * 1.120

  Ievamoth, fol. 16. 1.
• s 1.121

  Hieros. Megil. fol. 71. 2.
• t 1.122

  Id. Demai, fol. 22. 3.
• u 1.123

  Bab. Cherub. fol. 110. 2.
• x 1.124

  Ibid. f. 111. 1.
• y 1.125

  Gloss in Bab. San••dr. f. 5. 1.
• x 1.126

  Berish. rabba. §. 33.
• z 1.127

  Antiq. lib. 8. cap. 7.
• a 1.128

  Gloss in Ba∣va Mezia, fol. 28. 1.
• b 1.129

  Megil. f. 3. 1.
• c 1.130

  Bava Kama, fol. 82. 2.
• d 1.131

  Gloss in Pe∣sach, fol. 93. 2.
• e 1.132

  Bava Mezia, fol. 33. 1.
• f 1.133

  Pesachin, fol. 93. 2.
• g 1.134

  Midr. Till. fol. 7. 4. Gloss in Sanhedr. fol. 44. 1.
• h 1.135

  Pesach. in the place above.
• i 1.136

  Bava Mezia, fol. 28. 1.
• l 1.137

  Maasar Shen•• cap. 5. hal.
• m 1.138

  Berah, f. 5. 1. Rosh Hashanah, fol. 31. 2.
• n 1.139

  De loc. Hebr.
• o 1.140

  Gittin, cap. 1. hal. 1.
• p 1.141

  Tabb. Asiae, cap. 6.
• q 1.142

  Nat. Hist. lib. 6. cap. 28.
• r 1.143

  See Heidmax. Palast. c. 7. §. 6.
• s 1.144

  De B••ll. ll••. 3. c. 2.
• t 1.145

  Bav. Bathrae, fol. 100.
• u 1.146

  Beracoth, fol. 16. 2.
• x 1.147

  Gloss. in Che∣tub••. fol. 8. 2.
• z 1.148

  Gloss. in Kid∣dush. fol. 80 2.
• a 1.149

  Bava Bathra, fol. 69. 2.
• b 1.150

  Succah. cap. 3. hal. 1.
• c 1.151

  Gittin, cap. 1. hal. 1.
• d 1.152

  Ievam. fol. 16. 1.
• e 1.153

  Pag. 48, 49, &c.
• f 1.154

  Iuchas. fol. 39. 2.
• g 1.155

  Bab. Chetub. fol. 3. 2.
• h 1.156

  Cholin, f. 56. 2. Hieros. Megill. fol. 70. 5.
• i 1.157

  Iuchas. In the place above.
• l 1.158

  1'Macc. XII. 30.
• m 1.159

  Ios. Antiq. lib. 13. cap. 13.
• n 1.160

  1 Macc. XIII. 13.
• o 1.161

  In Taanith.
• p 1.162

  Taanith, fol. 18. 2.
• q 1.163

  Cap. 26. hal.
• r 1.164

  Taanith, fol. 21. 2.
• * 1.165

  Shem tobh. in Psal. XLVIII.
• b 1.166

  Beresh. rabb. §. 39.
• c 1.167

  Hieros. Megill. fol. 71. 2.
• d 1.168

  Beresh. rabb. §. 37.
• e 1.169

  Hieros. Che∣tubh, fol. 35. 2.
• f 1.170

  Beresh. Rab. in the place before.
• g 1.171

  Nat. Hist. lib. 5. 19.
• h 1.172

  Hieros. Kid∣dush. fol. 61. 4.
• i 1.173

  Bab. Bathra, fol. 56. 1.
• l 1.174

  Berish. rab. fol. 28. 2.
• m 1.175

  Maimon. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cap. 8.