The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings.

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Title
The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings.
Author
Lightfoot, John, 1602-1675.
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London :: Printed by W. R. for Robert Scot, Thomas Basset, Richard Chiswell,
1684.
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Subject terms
Lightfoot, John, 1602-1675.
Church of England.
Theology -- Early works to 1800.
Theology -- History -- 17th century.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A48431.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A48431.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 15, 2024.

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THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE Jewish and the Roman,

Of the Year of CHRIST XLIV.

And of the Emperor CLAUDIUS III. Being the Year of the WORLD 3971. And of the City of ROME 796.

Consuls

  • Claudius Caesar III.
  • L. Uitellius.

ACTS. CHAP. XII. Vers. 2.
And he killed Iames.
§. 1. The Martyrdom of James the great.

WE are now come to the time of Great James his death. For Agrippa coming the last year into Judea, as we saw from Josephus, and it not be∣ing probable that he should do this exploit before Easter, as the circum∣stances told us; we may justly take this year for its proper time and place. Now about that time (saith St. Luke) Herod the King (the Syriack addeth who is called Agrippa) stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the Jews; and he killed James the bro∣ther of John with the sword. The first words, About that time, relate to what went before in the preceding Chapter, vers. 28. and meaneth in the days of Claudius Caesar. Now what should be the incentive of the spleen of Agrippa against the Church, is not specified: it may well be supposed it proceeded from that his Ceremoniousness and strict observance of Mosaick Rites, which is mentioned by Josephus: Concerning the Martyrdom of James under this his spleen, we will content our selves with the words of the Text, He killed James the brother of John with the sword; accounting all other additional circumstances which may be found in officious Authors to be nothing else but gilded legends, and fond inventions: As that mentioned by Eusebius out of Cleniens his Hypotyposeon, concer∣ning his accuser, that seeing his constancy to the death, confessed the faith, and was

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martyred with him. That by Epiphanius that he lived and died a Virgin: and that by * 1.1 Surius (who is the bell-weather for old winter tales,) that telleth, That his body after his martyrdom was shipped by Ctesiphon and his fellow-Bishops for Spain; that the Ship in six days was directed thither without Pilot or Compass, but only by the influence of the Corps that it carried. That at the landing the body was taken up into the air, and carried near the place of its burial, twelve miles off. That Ctesiphon and his fellows wer led to it by an Angel: And more such trash, that it is but labour lost, either to read or mention.

§. 2. The Apostles Creed.

The Creed was made upon this occasion (saith a 1.2 Rabanus Ma•…•…s) as our Ancestors have delivered unto us. The Disciples after the Ascension of our Saviour being inflamed with the Holy Ghost, &c. And being charged by the Lord to go to all Nations for the preaching of the Gospel, when they are to part one from another, they first make a common platform among themselves for their future preaching. Lest being severed in place, divers and different things should be preached to those that were invited to the faith of Christ. Being therefore together in one place, and filled with the Holy Ghost, they compose a short platform for their preaching, conferring together what they thought. And this they appoint to be given to them that believe, and to be called Symbolum, &c. Thus he, and very many others with him, conceiving that the Apostles supplied not only the matter of the Doctrine contained in the Creed, but the very form and words also.

For Peter said, say they, I believe in God the Father Almighty.

John, The maker of Heaven and Earth.

James, And I believe in Jesus Christ his only Son our Lord.

Andrew, Which was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary.

Philip, Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead and buried.

Thomas, He descended into Hell: the third day he rose again from the dead.

Bartholomew, He ascended into Heaven: sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Almighty.

Matthew, From thence shall he come to judge both the quick and the dead.

James the son of Alpheus, I believe in the Holy Ghost, the Holy Catholick Church.

Simon Zelotes, The communion of Saints, the forgiveness of sins.

Judas the brother of James, The resurrection of the flesh.

Matthias, The life everlasting. Amen.

Thus the hundred and fifteenth Sermon de Tempore, that goeth under the name of b 1.3 Austen: but apparent that it is not his, by this, that here is reckoned the descent into Hell, which in his book c 1.4 de Fide & Symbolo is quite omitted.

Now were this Tradition as true as it is punctual, it would readily plead for its own place in Chronology, namely, about this time at which we now are, before James his death, for he gave in his symbolum (according to this tradition) among the rest. But that this opinion of the Apostles casting in every one his parcel, is of no validity, but a pre∣sumptuous and false surmise, may be evinced by these Arguments.

First, d 1.5 Because the title of The Catholick Church, is neither used in any of the Apo∣stles writings, nor is it likely that it came into use till after the Apostles days, when the Church was dispersed into all parts of the earth.

Secondly, Because the Article He descended into Hell, is not owned or acknowledged at all by the Nicene Creed, nor by any of the ancientest Fathers next the Apostles times, in their reckoning up of the Articles of the Creed, as see instances in abundance in e 1.6 Polanus his Syntagma, lib. 6. cap. 21.

Thirdly, If the matter and words of the Creed had been from the Apostles themselves, why is it not then Canonical Scripture as well as any of the sacred Writ?

Fourthly, In the giving in of their several Symbols or parcels, after the manner opini∣onated before, there is so great disproportion and inequality, some giving so much, and some so little, that it maketh the contribution it self to be very suspitious.

Fifthly, The Summary Collection of the points of Christian Religion taught by the Apostles, and delivered by them to others to teach by, consisteth of two heads, Faith and Love, 2 Tim. 1. 13. But the Creed consisted of faith only. I rather think therefore, saith Mr. Perkins, that it is called the Apostles Creed, because it doth summarily contain the chief and principal Points of Religion, handled and propounded in the Doctrine of the Apostles; and because the points of the Creed are conformable and agreeable to their Doctrine and Writings.

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§. 3. Traditions.

With their framing of the Creed before their parting, hath Baronius joyned also their delivery of Traditions. Sicut symbolo, saith he, ita etiam aliis absque Scriptura traditioni∣bus Ecclesiae imperitis, diviserunt sibi ad quas singuli proficiscerentur orbis terrae provincias. Having thus imparted the Creed, and also traditions without Scripture to the Church, they par∣ted among themselves what Country every one of them should go unto.

These Traditions the a 1.7 Councel of Trent divideth into those which were received by the Apostles from the mouth of Christ; or delivered from hand to hand, from the Apostles to our times; the Holy Ghost dictating them unto them. And these those Fathers hold of equal authority with the Scriptures, and the Councel curseth them that shall willingly and knowingly contemn them. And well do they deserve it, if they did but certainly and assuredly know that they came from such hands. Bellarmine b 1.8 hath stretched the name and piece of Traditions to one tainterhook higher. For Traditions, saith he, are Divine, Apostolical and Ecclesiastical. Divine, are those which were received from Christ him∣self teaching his Apostles, and yet are not to be found in the Scriptures; such are those which concern the matter and form of the Sacraments. Apostolical are those which were instituted by the Apostles, not without the assistance of the Holy Ghost, and yet are not to be found in their Epistles. Ecclesiastical traditions are properly called certain old customs, begun either by Pre∣lates, or by people, which by little and little by the tacit consent of the people obtained the power of a Law. Under these heads, especially under the two first, hath he placed these particulars c 1.9 The perpetual Virginity of Mary, the number of the Canonical books, Bapti∣zing of Infants, blessing the water before, bidding them renounce Satan and his works, sign∣ing them with the sign of the cross, anointing them with oyl, not re-baptizing after Heretiques, Lent, Ember week, inferior Orders in the Church, worshipping of Images, &c. To which d 1.10 others add, The oblation of the Sacrament of the Altar, Invocation of Saints, Prayer for the dead, the Primacy, Confirmation, Orders, Matrimony, Penance, extreme Unction, Merits, necessity of Satisfaction, Auricular Confession, &c. Into which controversie not to enter, concerning the thing it self, which so many grave and learned pens have handled sufficiently, reckoned by Bellarmine, though with small good will, in his entry upon this question; let but reason and indifferency censure, concerning that which is more proper to this discourse, namely, the time of delivering these Traditions, whether this or any other: And here in the first place let the Reader but consider that at this time, there was no more of the New Testament written, than the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, if so be that those also were written at this time. And then let him judge how sensless a thing it is to speak of delivering unwritten Traditions to the Church, when almost all the New Testament was yet to be written. Or take it at the Councel at Jerusalem, which was divers years hence, when all the Apostles were all together, and giving rules to the Church, or take it at Pauls apprehension at Jerusalem, when imagine all the Apostles to be together again, and even at either of those times, will the same absurdity follow still for no more of the New Testament was written, or very little more than now. And then how ridiculous doth it appear, That the Apostles should offer to give rules to the Church by unwritten Tradition, when they had all their Epistles for rules of the Church yet to write: If they would leave the Church to be regulated by unwritten Traditions, why should they write after? And if they would have her regulated by their writings, why should they give her unwritten Traditions before? A quick wit will nimbly answer, that they left her such Traditions as were not to be expressed in their writings, but let an honest conscience and an unprejudicate judgment censure whether this will abide the test, yea or no. For is it within any compass of likelihood that these Apostles did know what things Paul would not write of in his Epistles, that they should deliver such things be∣fore-hand for Tradition, when as yet they hardly knew whether he was to be an Apostle of the Gentiles or no, when they did not know whether he would write any Epistles or no, much less did they know what Epistles he would write? Appello conscientiam, and so much for Traditions.

Vers. 3. He proceeded to take Peter also, &c.
§. Peters imprisonment and delivery.

James his death was seconded by Peters imprisonment, but his time for martyrdom was not yet come as was the others. Agrippa having laid hold upon him, deferred his

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execution till after the Passover, e 1.11 either because he would not defile that holy feast with effusion of humane blood, or because he would afflict Peter the more, and give the Jews the greater content by his long restraint and strait imprisonment, or rather because he feared a tumult if he should have slain him in that concourse of people as was there at Passover time. Thus lay he guarded, with four quaternions, or (as the Syriack hath it▪) with sixteen Souldiers, which as it seemeth watched him by course, for the four watches of the night, two close by him and two at the gate. Besides these two and two successive jaylors, he was bound with two chains, and if f 1.12 some say true, his two keepers were tied for the more sureness in the same chains with him. Happy men were they sure, that had so great interest in these happy chains, which if you dare believe g 1.13 Surius, had the virtue to work Miracles, to diffuse Grace, to procure Holiness, to heal Diseases, to affright the Devil and to defend Christians. They were preserved, saith he, by some of Herods servants that believed, and in process of time laid up for a sacred relique at Constantinople, and there either he or they lie.

That very night that preceded Peters intended execution, he being fast asleep between his keepers, is waked, loosed and delivered by an Angel. h 1.14 Baronius maketh a great matter of it that the whole Church▪ prayed for Peter whilst he was in prison, and since the like is not related to have been done by them for any other, he will needs from hence infer his primacy, the whole flock praying for her universal Pastor, whereas the reasons of this expression are apparent to be only these two. First, To shew that the Church was praying for him whilst he was sleeping, for after he had taken a part of his first sleep, this night he cometh to the house of John Mark, and they are there still out of their beds and at prayer. Secondly, Because the fruit of their prayers were shewed in his delivery. There is no doubt but constant prayers were made for James by the whole Church whilst he was in prison as well as for Peter, but so much is not expressed, because the story could not answer that relation with relation of his delivery: And Atheism and profaneness would have been ready to have scoffed, that the whole Church should have prayed in vain.

The Angel, and Peter (thus loosed) pass two watches, and then come to the iron gate; there are some that hold these watches to be two prisons, and the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be taken as it were passively for places where men are kept, and that Peter was in a Gaol within these two, as in the worst, basest and surest place, and that all were closed with a gate of Iron. But i 1.15 others hold these watches to be guards of men, and that the pri∣son was without the City, between or within the two outmost walls, but in these things it is not material to insist for determination. The latter is far the more probable, both in regard of the signification of the Greek word, and that Josephus mentioneth three walls about Jerusalem, and divers towers in every wall, as also in regard of the greater height∣ning of the miracle, in that Peter escapeth, not only his own sixteen mens watch, at the prison door, but also two watches more at the two walls gates, and the second which was the Iron gate gave them free passage of its own accord.

Peter being cleared of the danger, and left of the Angel, betaketh himself to the house of Mary the mother of John Mark, where when Rhoda upon his knocking and speech averred constantly it was Peter, the whole company there assembled conclude that it was his Angel. Here is some ambiguity about their thus concluding. k 1.16 Some understand it of his tutelar Angel, and from hence would strongly plead the opinion that every man hath his proper and allotted Angel to attend him.

But first, we sometimes read of one Angel attending many men.

Secondly, Sometimes of many Angels attending one man.

But thirdly, If the matter may be agitated by reason, if a singular Angel be destined to the attendance of every singular man, what doth that Angel do till his man be born, especially what did all the Angels but Adams and Eves and a few more for many hun∣dreds of years, till the world was full? l 1.17 Others therefore understand it of a messenger, which the Disciples supposed Peter had sent to them upon some errand. But this opinion is easily confuted by Rhoda's owning of Peters voice. m 1.18 There is yet a third opinion as much unwarrantable as either of these; That the Disciples concluded that an Angel by this knocking and voice came to give them notice of Peters death to be near at hand, and that therefore they call him his Angel, and that it was sometimes so used that one Saint should know of anothers death by such revelations. The Jews indeed in their writings make frequent mention of Samael the Angel of death, but they call him so for inflicting it, and not for foretelling it: And we have some examples indeed in the Ecclesi∣astical history of one man knowing of anothers death by such revelations and appariti∣ons as these: but because those stories are very dubitable in themselves, and that the

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Scripture is utterly without any such precedent, this interpretation is but utterly ground∣less and unwarrantable. The most proper and most easie meaning therefore of those words of the Disciples, It is his Angel, seemeth to be, that they took it for some Angel that had assumed Peters shape or stood at the gate in his resemblance.

Vers. 17. He departed and went to another place.

The place whither he went is not to be known, because not revealed by Scripture. As for his going to Rome, which is the gloss that Papists set upon this place, it is a thing sense∣less and ridiculous, as was touched before, and might be shewed at large were it worth the labour. I should as soon nominate Antioch for the place whither he went at this time, as any other place at a far distance: For I cannot imagine any time when he and Paul should meet at Antioch, and Paul reprove him, Gal. 2. 11. so likely as this time: for it is most probable that Peter being put to flee for his life, would get out of the territories of Herod for his safety: now there was no place more likely for his safety than in Antioch, where not only the distance of place might preserve him, but the new born Church would seek to secure him.

Vers. 21. And upon a day Herod arraied in Royal apparel.

Th•…•…s of this Herod Agrippa after his coming from Rome to Jerusalem and the man∣•…•…s death are largely described by Josephus, and therefore we will trace them in 〈…〉〈…〉 in our Jewish Story.

PART II. The ROMAN Story.

§. 1. Some Acts of Claudius this year.

THE Roman year was now taken almost wholly up with sacrifices and holy days, even as it is at this day, to the great hinderance of the people in their imploy∣ments and occasions, therefore Claudius being now Consul abrogated abundance of these days and solemnities, and contracted those that he let remain into as narrow com∣pass as was possible: Many things that Caius had foolishly given away, he remanded, and many again that he had wickedly wronged he repaired: He brought Lycia under servi∣tude, because in a tumult they had slain some Romans, and he joyned it to Pamphylia: and disfranchised a Lycian Ambassador that came to treat about the business, because he could not speak Latin, saying, That it was not fit that he should be a Roman that understood not the Roman tongue: and many others he disfranchased for other causes, yet on the con∣trary was he most lavish, he, Messalina and his and her favorites in conferring the Roman freedom and other offices for money, insomuch that he was glad to give an account of it in an oration in Campus Martius. He exhibited some sword plays this year in the Camp.

§. 2. The abominable whoredoms and actions of Messalina the Empress.

She lived in continual lust and uncleanness: and was not content to do so her self, but she forced divers other women to the same course: Nay she caused some women to com∣mit adultery even in the very sight of their own husbands: And those that consented to her villany she honoured and rewarded, and those that did not, she hated and sought to de∣stroy: These her detestable carriages she kept long unknown from Claudius, providing him lasses for his bed, while she took whom she thought good to hers: and killing and taking out of the way, whomsoever she suspected likely to tell Claudius. So slew she Ca∣tonius Justus, to prevent his telling of tales: and the two Julia's upon other occasions.

A Roman Knight was also this year executed as for some conspiracy against the Em∣perour.

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§. 3. An expedition into England.

This year did Aulus Plautius with much ado lead an Army into Britain: For one Beri∣cus, who had been expelled thence for sedition, had perswaded Claudius to send an Army over: But hardly would the Souldiers be gotten out of Gaul over thither, they being in∣censed and taking it ill that they should go fight even out of the world: Narcissus being sent by Claudius to the Army, made a speech to them which exasperated them the more, in so much that they made the outery of Jo Saturnialia: or All Masters, and were ready to make head, but at last they willingly followed Plautius: He parted his army into three parts, because that if they were repelled and opposed in one place, they might land in another: They had some trouble in their passage, through cross winds, but they took heart and bare it out, and the rather because a bright light or flame ran from the East to∣ward the West even that way that they were to go: they entred the Island without oppo∣sition: for the Britains suspected not their coming: but when they were now entred and they not ready to withstand them, they ran into the woods and bogs, hoping to weary out the Romans with following and seeking them, and so to cause them to return with∣out doing any more.

It cost Plautius a great deal of toil accordingly to find them out, which at last he did, and overcame first Cataratacus and then Togodumnus the two sons of Cynobellinus, who himself was but lately dead.

These fleeing, he took into homage part of the * 1.19 Boduni, who were subject to the * 1.20 Catuellani, for the Britains were now subject to divers Kings. He leaving a Garrison there, marched on till he came to a river, which the Britains thought he could not have passed without a bridge, and therefore they incamped carelesly on the other side: But Plautius sent over some * 1.21 Germane Souldiers, who were accustomed to swim over Rivers, and they suddenly assault the enemy, but wounded not the men, but only their horses that should have drawn their Chariots, and so spoiled and undid the Riders. Then sent he over Flavius Vespasian, who was afterwards Emperor, and Sabinus his brother, who passing the River slew many of the enemies on a suddain: yet did not the rest flee but gave battel the next day, and the fortune of the fight was doubtful till C. Sidius Geta, be∣ing in danger to be taken, did so stoutly behave himself, that he got the victory, and triumphal honours, though he were not Consul.

Then did the Britains betake themselves to the Thames towards the place where it falls into the Sea and flows high, and they easily get over, knowing the convenientest places: but the Romans following them were in danger: when the Germans had again swum the River, and others had passed at a bridge above, they fell upon the Britains on all parts, and made a great slaughter: but in pursuit of them they fell into some marishes, and so lost many of their men.

Upon this mishap, and because the Britains were exceedingly exasperated for the death of Togodumnus, and made still greater preparations for war, Plautius proceeded no fur∣ther, but garrisoning those places that he had gotten, he sends for Claudius: for so he had been commanded to do if he came to a pinch.

Claudius receiving the tidings, prepares for the expedition, and among many other things brings divers Elephants along with him, and coming to his army at the Thames, and passing the River he fights a pitcht battle and obtains the victory, and takes in * 1.22 Camalo∣dunum the ‖ 1.23 chief City of Cynobellinus; disarms the Britains, leaves them that were conque∣red to be governed, and the rest to be conquered by Plautius, and so goes for Rome, where the Senate gives him the title of Britannius, appoints triumphs and Statues for him, and honors for Messalina.

§. 3. A Whorish trick of Messalina.

Little did she either deserve either honour or respect, but fear and flattery regard not desert. Among her various and continual adulteries, she cast her eyes of lust upon one Mnester, an Actor or Player, a man that had been very intimate with Caius, and never the better to be thought of for that. This man she sollicites to her bed, with words promises and gifts, but prevails not with him, not for any honesty that was in the man, but for fear of the displeasure of Claudius: When the shameless strumpet could not pre∣vail with all her sollicitations, she goeth to Claudius, and desires him to command Mne∣ster to do what she would have him: which Claudius did, not knowing what he com∣manded.

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And then did Mnester adulterate the Empress so freely from fear of Claudius, that he thought it had been the Emperors express mind he should so do. And by divers other men did Messalina practise the very same project. And to that impudency did she grow in her whoredom with this Mnester, that when the Senate had commanded that all the brass coin that bare Caius his Image should be melted, and this in detestation of Caius, she caused pictures of Mnester to be made of it.

PART III. The JEWISH Story.

§. 1. Agrippa his actions at Jerusalem after his return from Rome.

AGRIPPA returned the last year to Jerusalem, where as we observed and saw before, he performed much ceremoniousness, and changed the Highpriest, slew James and imprisoned Peter. Besides these things he remitted a tribute to the men of Jerusalem, for their kindness in entertaining of him: he obtained the letters of Petro∣nius to the men of Dor for the removal of Caesars statue, which some seditious men had set up in their Synagogue: He removed Cantharas from the Highpriest again, and placed Matthias in his stead. He imprisoned Silas the Master of his Horse for his free discourse concerning his service done to him in the time of his calamity and poverty, but on his birth day festival he inlarged him again, where he continuing still in the same freedom of speech, he imprisoned him again. He began to fortifie Jerusalem, and to make it excee∣ding strong, but Marsus (the present Governour of Syria in steed of Petronius) got let∣ters from Claudius to stop his work, as suspitious towards innovation. He was exceeding∣ty observant of his Countries Laws, and much care and cost he bestowed on sacrifices, yet was he challenged by one * 1.24 Simon that took on him to be a teacher, for an unholy man and one unfit to come into the Temple: which Simon he sent for to Caesarea, where he questioned with him about the words, and disswaded him without punishment but with a reward.

He built sumptuous things in Berytus, as a Theater, Amphitheater, Baths, Porches, and such like magnificences, and set 700 and 700 condemned men to fight together for pastime, and so destroyed them. From thence he went to Tiberias of Galilee whither divers Kings came to him to visit: And so did Marsus also the Governor of Syria; but he seeing so many Kings together with him (for they were five) he suspected the matter as tending to innovation, and therefore he commanded them home. Herod after this went down to Cae∣sarea, and there he made sports and shows in honour of Caesar; and on the second day be∣ing most gorgeously apparelled, and the Sun shining very bright upon his bright cloathing, his flatterers saluted him for a god, and cried out to him; Be merciful unto us, hitherto have we feared thee as a man, but henceforward we will acknowledge thee to be of a nature more excellent than mortal frailty can attain unto. The wretched King reproved not this abomina∣ble flattery, but did digest it: And not long after he espied his Owl which the German had foretold to be the Omen of his death. And suddainly he was seized with miserable gripings in his belly, which came upon him with vehement extremity, whereupon turn∣ing himself towards his friends, Lo, saith he, he whom ye esteem for a God is doomed to die; and destiny shall evidently confute you in those flattering and false speeches which you late∣ly used concerning me. For I who have been adored by you as one immortal, am now under the hands of death: And so his griefs and torments increasing, his death drew on a pace, whereupon he was removed into the Palace, and all the people put on sackcloth and lay on the ground praying for him, which he beholding could not refrain from tears: And so after five days he gave up the Ghost being now 54 years old, and having raigned seven years, four years in the time of Caius and three under Claudius: He left a son behind him of seventeen years old named also Agrippa, and three daughters, Bernice, Mariamme and Drusilla. Before his death was published, his brother Herod the Prince of Chalcis, and Chelchias the Kings Lieutenant, caused Silas to be put to death.

FINIS.

Notes

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