The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings.

THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY, THE Jewish and the Roman.

For the Year of CHRIST XXXVII. And of TIBERIUS XXII.

Being the Year of the WORLD 3964. And of the City of ROME 789.

Consuls

• Q. Platius.
• Sextus Papinius or Papirius.

ACTS IX.

Vers. 23. And after that many days were fulfilled, &c.

§. Account of the Chronology.

THE conversion of Paul we observed ere while, and proved to be in the year next after our Saviours ascension or Anno Christi 34. Now Paul himself testi∣fieth that three years after his conversion he went up to Jerusalem, Gal. 1. 18. That space of time he spent in Damascus, in Arabia and in Damascus again. For so himself testifieth in the verse before. But how long time he took up in these seve∣ral abodes in these places, it is not determinable nor indeed is it material to inquire, since we have the whole time of all his abodes summed up in that account of three years: Now whereas there is no mention in Lukes relation of his journey into Arabia, but he maketh him (as one would think) to come up to Jerusalem, at his first departure from Damas∣cus, we have shewed elsewhere that it is no uncouth thing with this and the other Evan∣gelists, to make such brief transitions, sometimes in stories of a large distance: and Paul himself plainly sheweth us in the place alledged, how to make the brief story of Luke full and compleat, and to speak it out: Namely that Paul upon his coming after his con∣version into Damascus, began there to preach, and increased more and more in strength, and confounded the Jews that dwelt at Damascus, proving that Jesus was the very Christ: And having preached a while in Damascus, he goeth into Arabia, which Country was now under the same Government with Damascus, (namely under King Aretas) and after a while he returned into Damascus again. And then do the Jews there seek to kill him, and they incense the Governour of the City under Aretas against him, so that he setteth a watch to take him, but he escapeth over the wall by night in a Basket, Acts 9. 25. 2 Cor. 11. 33. We shall see by and by, that there were preparations for war this year, betwixt Aretas the King of Arabia, and Herod the Tetrarch, and it is not improbable that the Jews in those times of commotion did accuse Paul to the Governor of Damascus under Aretas for a spie or for a man that was an enemy to the Kings cause, and so they interest the Governor in a quarrel against him: And this very thing being considered may

help somewhat to confirm this for the year of Pauls coming from Damascus for fear of his life to Jerusalem, if his own accounting the years did not make it plain enough.

Vers. 26. And when Saul was come to Ierusalem, &c.

His errand to Jerusalem, as himself testifieth, was to see Peter, Gal. 1. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: not for any homage to his primacy (as is strongly pleaded by the Popish crew) for he maketh no distinction betwixt him and James and John in point of dignity, Gal. 2. 9. nay is so far from homaging him that he rebuketh and reproveth him, Gal. 2. 11. But his journey to Peter at this time was, that he might have acquaintance with him and some knowledge of him, for so the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 more properly signifieth, and that he desired the rather, because then Peter was the minister of the Circumcision, as he him∣self was to be of the uncircumcision, Gal. 2. 8. and because there had been some kind of remarkable parallel betwixt them in their recovery, the one from denying and forswear∣ing Christ himself, and the other from persecuting of Christ in his members.

§. But they were all affraid of him, and believed not that he was a Disciple.

This very thing hath caused some to conceive that Paul had a journey to Jerusalem a lit∣tle after his conversion, and before ever he went into Arabia: because they cannot con∣ceive how it should be possible, that he should have been a convert and a Preacher of the Gospel three years together, and yet his conversion and his present qualities should be unknown to the Church at Jerusalem: and the rather because he himself saith that the wonder of his conversion was not done in a corner, Acts 26. 26.

Answ. But these two or three considerations may help to resolve the scruple. 1. The distance betwixt Damascus and Jerusalem, which was exceeding great. 2. The quarrels betwixt Herod and Aretas, which were a means to hinder intercourse betwixt those two places. 3. The persecution that continued still upon the Church of Judea, which would keep Disciples of Damascus from going thither. And 4. the just fear that might possess the Disciples at Jerusalem, in the very time of persecution: For though it was said before, the Church at Jerusalem and of Judaea injoyed a great deal of rest and tranquility after the conversion of Paul their great persecutor, in comparison of what they had done be∣fore, yet was not the persecution of the Church utterly extinct to the very time of Pauls coming up to Jerusalem, but continued still, and therefore it is the less wonder if the Disciples there, be the more fearful and cautelous.

Vers. 27. But Barnabas took him, &c.

How Barnabas came acquainted with the certainty of Pauls conversion, better than the other Disciples, is not easie to resolve: It is like that he being abroad for fear of the persecution, as the other of the Preachers were, (all but the Apostles) went in his travails towards Damascus or Arabia, and so had heard and learned the certainty of the matter: However it is pregnant to our observation, that he that was afterwards to be fellow traveller and labourer with Paul in the Gospel to the Gentiles is now made the in∣strument and means of his first admission to the society of the Apostles. It is possible that there had been some acquaintance betwixt these two men in former times, they being both Grecizing Jews, the one of Cyprus, the other of Cilicia, and both in all probability brought up and educated at Jerusalem; but whether it were so or no the hand of God is to be looked after in this passage, when Pauls future partner in the ministry to the Gentiles, is now his first intertainer into the society of the Church at Jerusalem.

§. And brought him to the Apostles.

That is, to Peter and James the less: for other of the Apostles, he himself relateth that he saw none, Gal. 1. 18. What was become of the rest of the twelve, is not de∣terminable: it is more than probable they were not now at Jerusalem, otherwise it is hard∣ly possible for Paul not to have seen them in fifteen days abode there: It is likely they were preaching and setling Churches up and down the Country, and Peter and James the two most peculiar Ministers of the Circumcision, abode at Jerusalem, to take

care of the Church there: For that these were so, and in what particular, the dispensa∣tion of their Ministry differed, we shall take occasion to shew afterward; only here we cannot omit to take notice of that temper as I may so call it, which the Text holdeth out against the Primacy and Prelacy that is held by some to have been among the Apostles: For whereas some conceive James to have been Bishop of Jerusalem, this Text sets Peter in the same form and equality with him in that place: and whereas it is conceived again, that Peter was Prince of the Apostles, this Text hath equalled James with him.

• 1. And thus that persecution that began about Stephen had lasted till this very same time of Pauls coming to Jerusalem, for so it is apparent, both by the fear and suspitious∣ness of the Disciples at Jerusalem, as also by the very clausure of the Text, Vers. 31. Then had the Churches rest.
• 2. The length of this persecution by computation of the times as they have been cast up before, seemeth to have been about three years and an half, the renowned number, and time so oft mentioned and hinted in Scripture.
• 3. The company of Disciples or believers continued still at Jerusalem, for all the per∣secution, as to the generality of them; as was said before: only the Ministers or Preach∣ers were scattered abroad, all of them except the twelve Apostles.
• 4. Some of those Preachers were by this time returned back again, the heat of the per∣secution abating, as it is apparent▪ by Barnabas now being at Jerusalem: and of some such men, is it properest to understand the word Disciples, Vers. 26. Saul assaied to join himself to the Disciples.
• 5. Therefore the absence of the ten Apostles from Jerusalem was not for fear of the persecution, but for the dispersion of the Gospel and setling of the Churches.

§. And declared unto them how he had seen the Lord in the way.

This is most properly to be understood of Barnabas, that he declared these things to the Apostles, though there be, that think it is meant of Pauls declaring them: and they read it thus, And Barnabas brought him to the Apostles, and he, that is, Paul, declared unto them.

Vers. 28. And he was with them coming in and going out.

That is, conversing with them, as Beza hath well rendred it: A phrase usual among the Hebrews, as 1 Sam. 18. 13. Act. 1. 21. &c. And the time of this his converse, Paul him∣self hath told us to have been fifteen days, Gal. 1. 18. where also he hath interpreted this Phrase of coming in and going out, by the term of abiding with, I abode with him fif∣teen days.

Vers. 29. And he disputed against the Grecians.

Gr. Against the Hellenists: which very place helpeth again to confirm the interpreta∣tion and gloss we set upon this word before, namely, that it meaneth not, Greeks con∣verted to the Jews Religion, but Jews conversing and cohabiting among the Greek Na∣tion. For, 1. There can be none or small reason given, why converted Greeks should be so furiously Jewish as to go about to kill Paul for preaching against Judaism, and we hear not the Jews stirring against him for it. 2. What reason can be given why Paul should bend his disputations against converted Greeks more than against Jews? Certain∣ly the Jews had more need of confutation in their Judaism than the other had. And 3. It is very questionable, how converted Greeks, which were strangers and sojourners at Jerusalem and among the Jews, durst go about to kill a Jew in the midst of the Jews, and there being not a Jew that had any thing to say against him. It is therefore more than probable, that these Hellenists were Jews that had lived among the Greeks, or of the Grecian dispersion, and that they used the Greek Tongue: and that Paul chose to dis∣pute with them, partly for that they living among the Gentiles, were by a kind of an Antiperistasis more zealously Jewish, and partly, because of their language, the Greek Tongue, which was the very language Paul had learned from a child.

The times of the stories next succeeding when the Text hath done with the story of Paul, are somewhat unfixed, and uncertain, in what year they came to pass: namely of Peters raising of Aeneas from sickness, Dorcas from death, and bringing in Cornelius to the Gospel: But the best conjecture that can be given of the times of these stories, is by easting and computing the history backward: And so we find, 1. That the famine pro∣phecied

of by Agabus, was in the second of Claudius, as was shewed before. 2. We may then conceive that this prophecy of Agabus was in Claudius his first, and that was the year or some part of the year that Paul and Barnabas spent at Antioch, Act. 11. 26. 3. The last year of Caius we may hold to be the year of Antiochs first receiving the Gospel, of Barnabas his coming thither, and of his journey to Tarsus to seek Saul, Act. 11. 20, 21, 22, 23 24, 25. And 4. the third year of Caius which was his last year but one, we may sup∣pose accordingly to have been the year of Peters actions with Aeneas, Dorcas and Cor∣nelius, and to that year shall we refer the handling of the Texts that concern those acti∣ons, and we will carry on the Roman and Jewish Story, as they fall in time, till we come thither.

PART II. The ROMAN Story.

§. 1. The Parthian war not yet composed.

TIridates seated in his Throne, as was related before, but as it proved, neither sure in it, nor in the hearts of all his people, (the first of these being caused by the latter) he taketh in, certain Parthian Towns, and that by the Parthi∣ans own consent and aid. For his Roman education compared with the Scythi∣an carriage of Artabanus made the people to hope accordingly of his demeanour, and to entertain him with present applause and future expectation. The day of his Coronation being appointed, letters from Phraates and Hiero, two of the chiefest commanders in the State, desire that it might be deferred for a certain space, which accordingly was done in regard of the greatness of the men. The King in the mean time goeth up to Ctesiphon the Imperial City, attending the coming of these two Nobles, who when they put it off from day to day, Surena, in the presence and by the approval of very many, Crown∣eth him on their Country manner. These two Nobles and many others that were absent from this solemnity, some for fear of the Kings displeasure, some for hatred of Abdageses, his favorite, and some no doubt upon a plot premeditated, betake themselves to Artaba∣nus their old King again. Him they find in Hyrcania hunting in the woods with his bow for his food, rusty and dirty in habit and attire, and overgrown with filth and neglect of himself. At his first sight of them it is no wonder if he were stricken with amazement, but their errand being related, it converted that passion into equal joy. For they com∣plain of Tridates his youth, and effeminacy, of the Diadems translation out of the blood, of the potency of Abdageses, and the loss of their old King, whom they now are come to desire again. Artabanus believeth them and consenteth, and raising speedily what Scy∣thians he could, marcheth away towards his Kingdom again. But his Royal apparel he wore not with him, but the poor and rugged garb of his misery and exile, thereby to move the more to pity: and used all his wits and policy to make himself a party strong on his side all the way as he went. But he needed not all this cautelousness and prepa∣ration, for Tiridates but hearing of his approaching towards Seleucia, under colour of going to raise up forces, departed into Syria, and parted with his new Kingdom with as much facility as he had obtained it.

§. 2. Artabanus giveth hostages to Rome.

When the power and policy of Tiberius, and his agent Vitellius that had served to get Artabanus out of his Kingdom, would not serve the turn to keep him thence; they send to treat of friendship with him, suspecting what trouble such a spirit might procure, should it bend it self against the Roman Empire. The King wearied with the ••oils of War, and knowing without a prompter, what it was to defie the Romans, condescendeth readily to the motion, and Vitellius and he meeting upon a bridge made over Euphrates for that purpose, each, with a guard about him; conclude upon Articles of agreement, and Herod the Tetrarch entertaineth them both, in a pavillion curiously seated in the midst of the stream. Not long after this Artabanus sendeth Darius his son for an hostage

to Tiberius; and withal he sendeth Eleazar a Jew, of seven cubits high, for a present; and many other gifts.

§. 3. A Commotion in Cappadocia.

Whilst matters went thus unquietly in Parthia, the Calitae a Nation of Cappadocia, grew discontented about paying tribute to the Romans, and so departed into the mountain Taurus, and there fortifie, resolving as they never had used to pay such taxations, so ne∣ver to learn, nor to use to do so. Archelaus was now King, but not now King of them; for the strength of the mountains, and the desperateness of their resolution, do animate them to withstand him and to rebel against the Romans. When tydings of this was brought to Vitellius into Syria, he dispatcheth away M. Trebellius with four thousand le∣gionary Souldiers, and some other Forces raised otherways, to bring the Rebels to obe∣dience or to ruine. Trebellius invironeth with Works and Men, two hills, Cadra and Davara, where they were the most strongly trenched, and those that were so hardy as to come forth, he subdueth with the sword, and the rest with famishing.

§. 4. Bloodshed at Rome.

These diseases of the Roman body were far from the heart, and yet was the heart, the City it self but little the better; for though some veins were opened in these wars which one would have thought should have turned the blood another way, yet did the City through the cruelty of the Emperor bleed inwardly still. For L. Aurelius and some others died by the hand of the Executioner, and C. Galba, two of the Blesii, and the Lady Aemylia Lepida by their own hands. But the example of the greatest terror was Vibule∣nus Agrippa a Knight, who being at the bar, when he had heard what his accusers could say against him, and despairing to escape, he took poyson out of his bosom in the face of the Court (Dion saith he sucked it out of his Ring) and swallowed it and sank down and was ready to die, yet was he haled away to prison and there strangled.

§. 5. Mishaps.

Besides this deluge of blood, which overflowed the City continually, there was also this year a deluge of water. For Tiber rose so high and violently into the Town, that many Streets became navigable, and where men had walked lately on their feet, they might have passed now up and down in ships. And a greater misfortune happened this year likewise by the contrary element: for a terrible fire consumed the buildings of the mount▪ Aventine and that part of the Circus that lay betwixt that and the Palace; For the repair of all which again, Tiberius out of his own Treasure gave a great sum of money: Tacitus saith Millies Sestertium, which according to the value and reckoning of our English coin amounted to eight hundred thousand pounds, within nineteen thousand. A sum not strange in an Emperors coffer at Rome, where the vastness of the Empire brought in vast revenues, but somewhat strange out of the purse of Tiberius for so good a purpose, whose covetousness was larger than those whole revenues. And therefore as I cannot but observe the difference of Dion about this liberality of the Emperor from Tacitus, and the difference of his translator from his Text; so can I not but conceive his computation and account to be the more probable in regard of the niggardise of the Emperor. For whereas the sum of Tacitus is eight hundred thousand within nineteen, he hath so far come short of such a reckoning, that he maketh nineteen thousand pounds to be the whole ac∣count. For Tiberius, saith he, gave 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, two thousand and five hun∣dred thousand, meaning 2500 sestertia, and each sestertium containing a thousand Sestertios, this accreweth to about the sum last named, of 19000 l. and yet hath his translator forsaken his Greek, and followed Tacitus Latine, to so vast a difference.

PART III. The JEWISH Story.

§. 1. A commotion in Samaria. Pilate out of office.

A Great space of time is past since we heard any news of Pontius Pilate, and news it is indeed that his malicious and stirring spirit hath not entertained us with some bloody Tragedy or other, of all this while. His Government draw∣eth now near its expiration, for he is going upon the tenth year of it, and it is a kind of miracle if so mischievous an agent, should part without acting some mischief be∣fore his exit, and this at last he did which put him out of office. There was a certain Im∣postor* 1.1 among the Samaritans (Simon Magus as like as any) that would perswade the people, that in mount Gerizim he could shew them, holy vessels which Moses had hid and laid up there with his own hand. The credulous vulgar meet by multitudes at a certain Village called Tirathaba intending when their company was full, to go see these sacred reliques. But Pilate before-hand takes the passages with his Horse and Foot, and falling upon those that were thus assembled, some he slew, others he took captive and the rest fled. Of those that he captived, he caused the noblest and most principal to be put to death. For this fact the chief men of Samaria, accuse him to Vitellius, who com∣mands him to Rome, there to answer before the Emperor what should be objected against him; and in his stead he made Marcellus a friend of his own, the Governor of Judea: but before Pilate came to Rome, Tiberius was dead. Yet hath Eusebius put off the testimo∣ny that Pilate is said to have given to Tiberius concerning the death and resurrection of Christ, and concerning the wonders wrought by him, till the next year following. A relation doubtful in it self, but more than doubtful in the issue. For first, though it be granted that Pilate bare witness to the works and wonders done by Christ, and gave testi∣mony to his Resurrection, which yet to believe requireth a better evidence than I can find any: Yet secondly, the Epistle that is pretended for this his certificate by * 1.2 Hegesip∣pus, cannot be that original one that Tertullian, and out of him Eusebius do mention, be∣cause it is indorsed to Claudius, and not to Tiberius. Thirdly, though both these were confessed and agreed unto, that Pilate wrote a Letter to Tiberius to such a purpose, and that this was the Letter, or some other that Tertullian had seen; yet can I never find the Emperor of so good a nature, and respective a disposition, as to give the desert of good∣ness its due, be it never so eminent and conspicuous, or be it in what kind soever. Fourth∣ly, and lastly, that which maketh all the rest of the story to be doubted of, and which may justly hinder the entertainment of it, is, what is added in the common relation of the story. That Tiberius referring this matter to the Senate, with his vote, that Christ should be numbred among the Gods, and Christianity among their holy things; the Senate cros∣sed him in it with flat contrariety, because Pilate had written of it to him, and not to them. Now in the Stories that have been related before concerning the state and affairs of Rome, and by other stories that might be produced in other years, it is but too miserably evident, that the Senate was in too great a fear and slavery to the Tyrant, than to dare to affront him so palpably and plainly. Pilate after this, as * 1.3 Eusebius alledgeth out of the Roman Historians, falling into many miseries, ended himself with his own hand, the common and desperate Roman remedy against distress. * 1.4 Cassiodorus hath placed his death under the Consulship of Publicola and Nerva: And the common report hath given it in, that the place was Vienna.

§. 2. Agrippa his journey to Rome.

This Agrippa was the son of Aristobulus (who died by the cruelty of his father Herod) and he was a man that had sufficiently tried the vicissitudes of fortune heretofore, but ne∣ver so much as he is about to do now. A good while ago he had lived in Rome, and in the familiarity of Drusus the son of Tiberius: That great acquaintance caused great ex∣pences; partly in his own port and pomp, and partly in gifts and benificence bestowed

upon others. When Drusus died, then Agrippa's estate is not only dead, but his hopes also: so that he is forced to flee from Rome into Judea for debt and poverty; and thence into a certain Tower in Idumea for shame and discontent. His wife Cyprus by sollicitation and suing to Herodias, obtaineth Herods favour so far, that he was removed to Tiberius, made a chief Governor or Officer of the City, and allowance given him for his Diet. But this lasted not long ere Herod and he fell out; whereupon he removed away, and betook himself to Flaccus the then Governor of Syria, who had been his old acquaintance at Rome: Long he had not continu'd there neither, but Aristobulus his brother wrought him out of his favour and abode there. From thence he went to Ptolomais, intending to have set from thence for Italy, but was forced to stay till he had borrowed some monies before: Being now furnished and shipped, he was again stopped by Herennius Capito, the Governor of Jamnia, for some money that he ought to the Treasury of Tiberius. And what must he do now? He must not go till he have paid the sum, and when he hath paid it, then he cannot go for want of more. He taketh on him to obey the arrest while it was day, but at might he cut cables, and set away for Alexandria: There he reneweth his borrowing again of Alexander Alabarcha and obtaineth of him five talents for his vi∣aticum: and now this year (namely as Josephus noteth it, the year before Tiberius his death) he setteth away for Italy again. This Alabarcha is not the proper Name of any man, but the title of men that bare Rule over the Jews in Alexandria. For I observe that as Josephus in one place, calleth it Alabarcha, and Alabarchus, so in another he calleth it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fixing it thereby▪ as a title rather to any man that bare such an Of∣fice, than as a proper name to any man at all. And if conjecture may read its denotation and Etymology, it seemeth to be compounded of the Arabick Article Al, which they fix before all their Nouns, and the Egyptian word Abrech which in that language impor∣teth dignity and honour (as we have observed elsewhere) as may be collected from the proclamation before Joseph, Gen. 41. 43.

Agrippa being arrived at Puteoli, sendeth to the Emperor to Capreae to certifie him of his coming, and of his desire to wait upon him there. Tiberius giveth him admission and entertainment according to his mind: till Letters from Herennius Capito spoiled that chear: For the Emperor understanding by them how he had slipped the collar at Jamnia, from his Officer, and from his own debt, he doth flatly forbid him any more access un∣to him till the money be paid. Now is Agrippa in a worse case than ever: for there is no paltering with Tiberius, though there were with Capito; and no shifting from Capreae, though he had found such an opportunity at Jamnia. Nor is there any such thought to be entertained. For now his life and fortunes, and all lay in the hand of Tiberius; and when he findeth him inclinable to use him kindly, there is no losing that favour, for want of paying such a sum: Of Antonia the mother of Germanieus, and the old friend and favourer of Bernice the mother of Agrippa, he borroweth the money, and getting out of the Emperors debt, he getteth into his favour again. Insomuch that he com∣mendeth him to the converse, acquaintance, and attendance of Caius his Grandchild that was to succeed him.

§. 3. His Imprisonment.

Happy might now Agrippa think himself, if he can but hold so: For he hath obtained the inward friendship of Caius, and with it retained the outward favour of Tiberius. Antonia and Claudius a future Emperor and all favour him, but he becomes an enemy to himself. Whether it were in love or flattery to Caius, or to himself and his own hopes, he casteth himself into a present danger upon a future expectation. For Caius and he being very intimate and private together, whether more affectionately, or undiscreetly, he himself best felt; he brake out into this dangerous wish, That Tiberius might soon die, and Gaius as soon come to rule in his stead. These words were heard by Eutychus his ser∣vant, and a while concealed; but when Agrippa prosecuted him for stealing some of his cloaths, which he had stoln indeed, he then brake forth and revealed all: for fleeing for his theft, and caught and brought before Piso the Sheriff of the City, and demanded the reason of his flight, he answered that he had a great secret to impart to Caesar, which concerned his life. Piso therefore sent him bound to Tiberius, who also kept him bound and unexamined a certain season: Now began Agrippa to hasten and spur on his own misery and vexation: Whether having forgotten the words that he had spoken, or not remembring the presence of his servant, at the speech; or not suspecting that his tale to Caesar would be against himself; or which was likeliest, thinking to make his cause the better by his confidence, he solliciteth his old friend Antonia, to urge the Em∣peror

for a tryal of his servant. Tiberius declineth it, though he suspected the matter; not so much belike for Agrippa's sake, as for Caius sake, whom the familiarity that was betwixt them made him suspect to be accessary, if any thing should prove otherwise than well. But being still importuned by Antonia, at last when he had uttered these words, Let the gods witness O Antonia, that what I shall do, I do not of my own mind, but by thy solicitation: He commanded Eutychus to be brought forth, who being examined, confessed readily that such words were spoken by Agrippa to Caius, himself being pre∣sent, adding others no less dangerous, that were spoken about young Tiberius. The Emperor as readily believed the matter; and presently called out to Macro to bind him. Macro not understanding that he meant Agrippa, prepared to bind Eutychus more strictly for examination: but Tiberius having walked about the place, and coming to Agrippa, it is this man saith he, that I commanded to be bound. And when Macro asked him again who? Why, saith he, Agrippa. Then did Agrippa begin to find how he had for∣warded his own mishap, but it was too late. And then did he begin to pray him now, whom he lately prayed against, but that was too late also. For Tiberius was not half so averse to have tried his servant, as he is now to forgive the Master: and he cannot be much blamed, for he had wished his mischief, and procured his own. Well, Agrippa is tied in bands, and led away to prison as he was, in his purple robes, a garment very in∣compatible with chains, unless of Gold. Being exceeding thirsty with heat and sor∣row, as he went towards the prison, he spied one Thaumastus a servant of Caius, carry∣ing a Tankard of water, and he desired some to drink; which when the servant freely and readily gave him, If ever, saith he, I escape and get out of these bonds, I will not fail to obtain thy freedom, who hast not refused to minister to me in my misery and chains, as well as thou didst in my prosperity and pomp. And this his promise he afterward performed.

§. 4. The death of Thrasyllus the Mathematician.

This man Thrasyllus had indeared himself to Tiberius, by his skill in Astrology long ago, even while he lived in Rhodes, before the death of Augustus, but with the immi∣nent hazard and peril of his own life. For Tiberius being very much given to those Chal∣dean and curious arts, and having got leasure and retiredness in Rhodes for the learning and practise of them, he partly called, and partly had offered to him, those that pro∣fessed to be skilful in that trade and mystery. His way to try their skill was desperate and terrible, but such an one as best befitted such as would take upon them to foresee things to come, and it was this: when he consulted of any business, saith Tacitus, he used the top of his house, and the privacy of one only servant, a man utterly unlearned, and of a strong bulk of body: when he had a mind to try any mans skill, this Lubber was to go before him over craggy, steep and dangerous Rocks that hung over the Sea, and over which his house stood: and as they returned again, if there were any suspition that the Prognosticator had given an answer fraudulent or lying, he flung him into the Sea, lest he should reveal the secret that he had been questioned upon. Thraysillus at his first coming, being brought to this dangerous trial, and having presaged Tiberius should be Emperor, and having foretold other things to come, he was asked by him whether he could calculate his own nativity; which when he went about to do, and had set a figure, upon the sight and study upon it, he was first in a muse and then in a fear, and the more he viewed it, the more he feared: and at last cryed out that some strange and suddain danger was near and ready to seize upon him. Then Tiberius imbracing him commended his skill, secured him against the danger, and retained him ever after for his intimate fa∣miliar. This year (as Dion doth place it) befel this great Wizzards death, and as it proved, a forerunner of the Emperors: With whom he did more good with one lie, near his latter end, than he had done with all his Astrological truths (if he ever told any) all his life long. For assuring him by his skill, that he should yet live ten years longer, though in his heart he thought no such thing, he caused him to be slack and remiss in putting divers men to death, whose end he had hastned, had he known the haste of his own, and so they escaped.

§. 5. War betwixt Aretas and Herod.

There had been a long grudge betwixt Aretas the King of Arabia Petraea, and Herod the Tetrarch, and a field had been fought between them before this. For Herod having put away his wife which was Aretas daughter, and having taken Herodias (the wife of his own brother Philip and he yet living) in her stead, it is no wonder if Aretas dogged him for revenge for this indignity to his Daughter and himself. Wherefore he begin∣neth to quarrel with him and to seek occasion of war, by challenge of a territory con∣trovertible, and they come to a pitched battel, in which Herods Army is utterly over∣thrown, by means of some treachery wrought by some fugitives from his brother Philips Tetrarchy which had taken up Arms to fight under his colours: And here, as Josephus hath observed, It was the observation of divers that this his Army utterly perished through Gods just punishment upon him for the murder of John the Baptist. And it is worth the marking, that this overthrow took beginning from men of that Country whence Hero∣dias the causer of that murder, and of the present disquietness had come. Herod upon this defeat, doubtful of better success at another time, for it may be his conscience told him this was but deserved, betaketh himself by letters to Tiberius, certifying him of the accident, and it is likely, not without much aggravation. The Emperor either displea∣sed at the fortune of Aretas in his victory, or at his audaciousness in stirring so within the Empire, or at both together, sendeth angry letters to Vitellius the Governor of Syria, charging him to undertake the war, and either to bring the rebellious King prisoner alive, or to send his head to Rome. But before the design came to maturity, Tiberius that had thus threatned another mans life had lost his own, as will appear hereafter: when this first battel was that was so fatal to Herod, it shall not be insisted on to question, but that this brewing towards a new war, befel in this year, is apparent sufficiently by the sequel.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Joseph. Ant. l. 18 c. 5. See how Egesippus rela∣teth this story, De excid. Hie∣ros. l. 1. c. 5.
• * 1.2

  In Anacephal. in Biblioth. Patr. Tom. 7.
• * 1.3

  Chron. ad an∣num. Chr. 41.
• * 1.4

  In Chron.