The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings.

Sect. An account of the Chronologie.

ALthough the proper reckoning of every year of our Saviour, be from September to September, (for at that time of the year he was born) and so his three and thirtieth year should have been ended by us, within 4 months or little more after the giving of the Holy Ghost, yet because it will not be possible to date the times of things in any of the three stories that we have in hand, from such a beginning, and because both the Roman Historians do reckon the years of their City, as also the Christi∣an Histories, the years of Christ from January to January, I have chosen to follow that computation and manner of accounting, or rather (to speak properly indeed) I have been inforced to follow it, there being not only various and pregnant helps both from Romans and Christians to forward us in that manner of reckoning, but there being also an utter impossibility to reckon or compute from any other beginning or calculation: now as for those stories that we are to follow in the Acts of the Apostles, the holy Ghost hath not been so punctual and exact, to give us the times of the things, as to give us things themselves; The Chronicle chain of the times indeed is drawn up by the Scripture from the Creation, to the death of our Saviour (which was the fulness of time) with all care and accurateness: but from thence forward not so strictly or observantly exhibited and held forth, nor indeed was it requisite that it should so be. To annalize therefore the story of this book of the Acts, as it cannot but prove a matter of great difficulty, so will it prove but a matter of conjecture when we have done what we can, and both these proceed from this ground and reason, because the holy Ghost hath been very sparing, if not utterly silent, in giving account of the times in the new Testament from the death of Christ forward, that great business in his death being accomplished and fufilled, for which alone the succession of times was reckoned and recorded: we shall therefore in the cast∣ing of passages and occurences into several years, as we go along, present them under their proper notion of conjecture, yet shewing some ground work and reason of what we do: and though it may be we may not always hit aright, in fixing every thing to its proper year, yet hope we to find here and there some such main pins as whereon to hang a sum of divers years joyned together, and to settle them fast, although we cannot so perfectly find a general nail whereby to fasten the occurrences of every several year by it self.

We may take an instance in the story at which we now are, the choosing of the seven Deacons: It is not possible, positively to determine at what time this was done, it may be it was before the three and thirtieth year of our Saviour was expired, namely, before September next after his Ascension, it may be again it was not before September, but be∣twixt it and January next following, or it may be it was not before January but after it, in this year that we are entring upon; there is alike uncertainty in all these things, if we should come to try the times of this particular thing by it self, but when we shall come to examine and take up the time of Pauls conversion, then will some steadiness of the time of this appear, and the nail that fastneth that, will so clench up all the stories betwixt that and the descension of the Holy Ghost, or all the stories from the end of the second Chapter to the beginning of the ninth, that they will not hang altogether loose, but have some fixedness to their proper time.

Acts VI. Vers. 1. There was a murmuring of the Grecians.

IN the Greek it is, Of the Helenists: which word is also used, Chap. 9. 29. and 11. 20. and is of no small controversie for the sense, whether it mean Greeks that lived among the Jews, or Jews that lived among the Greeks. Whether Greeks that were converted to the Jewish Religion, or Jews that used the Greek tongue; but the latter seemeth to be the proper meaning of it upon these grounds.

• 1. Because proselyted Greeks (which some think Hellenistae means) are expresly cal∣led 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, John 12. 20. and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Joseph. Ant. lib. 18. cap. 4. And not Hellenistae.
• 2. Because the very form of the word Hellinista doth more properly import a Jew in∣grafted into the Greeks, than a Greek ingrafted into the Jews.
• 3. Because whereas Judaeus and Hellen distinguish the two nations Jew and Greek all along in the Scripture, Hebraeus and Hellenista must needs signifie something else here.
• ...

• 4. Because if by Hellenistae had been meant the converted Greeks, it had been most pro∣per in contradiction to them to have said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 5. Because the story from the beginning of this book hither maketh the Church to consist most especially of Jews, as Chap. 2. 5, 22. and 3. 12. and though it mention pro∣selytes among them, yet seemeth it most improbable that their number shall be so great as to have seven Deacons chosen for them.
• 6. Because Nicolas one of the seven, is expresly called a Proselyte of Antioch, which had been somewhat improper if all the business had only concerned Proselytes.

By these and some other reasons that might be produced, it is most proper to appre∣hend and conceive that these Hellenists were Jews of the Grecian dispersion and planta∣tions, that lived among the Greeks, and used their language: and which may be called the western dispersion, not only in regard of the situation of their dwellings; but chiefly in difference from the Eastern captivities carried away by the Assyrians and Persians: and also because they used Western tongues. And to this sense it soundeth when it is said the Hellenists murmured against the Hebrews: namely that both they that murmured and they that were murmured against were Jews, but the one party called Hebrews and the other Hellenists in reference to their language and residence. The Hebrews in Judea or in the Countries of the Eastern dispersion, and the other in the Countries and Colonies of the Western. And in this sense is that easily understood which is spoken of Paul, Chap. 9. 29. that he spake and questioned with the Hellenists, namely, because he spake their lan∣guage, the Greek tongue, he being born in Tarsus, where they had Greek Schools. And that in Chap. 11. 19, 20. They that were scattered spake the word to none but to the Jews only, and yet some spake to the Hellenists at Antioch, they that spake being themselves Hellenists by birth, or Jews born in Cyprus and Cyrene, in Greek Colonies, and so dealt with them of Antioch that were of the same native reference that they were.

Sect. Were neglected in the dayly ministration.

That is, in the daily distribution of Alms, or the stock of the Church, as the Text and reason it self maketh it plain enough, though some have conceived that it is to be taken passively, as if these widdows had been hindred from ministring to the Apostles as women had ministred to our Saviour.

Vers. 2. Then the twelve called the multitude of the Disciples unto them.

Not the whole multitude of believers, which at this time were grown to very many thousands: but the whole number of the Presbytery or the 108 of whom mention hath been made before. For 1. how needless was it that eight or ten thousand people should meet together about this business to choose six or seven men? And 2. how impossible was it there should be a joynt choice, where the distance and diversities of Countries and Languages had made them so great strangers one to another; and when some discontents had driven them into murmurings already? 3. They that chose the seven are bidden to look out among themselves, men full of the Holy Ghost, which among the num∣ber of common believers was very hard, if at all possible to find: for we cannot ever find, that the Holy Ghost had come down upon any but the 120. And whereas they are required to be of honest report and wisdom, it doth not infer that any of the 108▪ were otherwise, but because there was difference of eminencies and excellencies among them.

Vers. 3. Seven men.

This number may seem to refer to the seven Nations of the Western Jews who had made the complaint, Cappadocians, Ponticks, Asians, Phrygians, Pamphilians, Romans, and Cretans.

Sect. The Office of Deacons.

1. It was not ministerial or for the preaching of the word, but for providing for the poor; for as the occasion of their election was complaint of the poor, so the end of their choice was to provide for their relief. It is true indeed that these seven men, at the least two of them, Stephen and Philip, were Preachers of the word as well as overseers of the poor: but this their ministerial function they had before their Deaconry, not with it. For

it is not only the opinion of Epiphanius, but even sense and reason do give their vote with him, that these men were of the number of the Seventy, or at the least of the 108. that had been Christs constant followers and disciples: and so had received their ministerial function from Christ and not from the Apostles, and it was not an addition to their Dea∣conry, but their Deacon to it: For the Text telleth plainly that they were full of the Ho∣ly Ghost before they received the imposition of hands, and so had in all probability, yea indeed past denial, received the Holy Ghost when the 120. did, they being some of that number.

2. Those tables for which the office of Deaconry was ordained, were not holy Tables but common. For 1. The twelve set an inconsistence between serving these Tables, and preaching the Word, Vers. 2. which they would never have done, if serving of Tables had been the attending upon the Sacrament of the Lords Supper. 2. The serving of Ta∣bles that they mean, they put over from themselves to the Deacons, but none can think that they would ever resign or give over the administring the Sacrament. 3. There were Ministers enough already for the administration and attending upon the Sacrament, and there needed no new ordination or office for it.

3. The office of the Deacons was to take care of the poor according to their seve∣ral wants; to gather and receive collections for them, to distribute to them, to over∣see them, and to minister to them in their necessities, and therefore it is no wonder if the Apostles were so circumspect in their election, and so observant in their or∣dination. For these seven were to take this work of the Apostles out of their hands, and to dispose of the stock the Church, and upon whose care the support of the poor was to depend, and their welfare upon their incorruption, and then it is no marvel if they were chosen men of good report: and they were to converse with variety of languages and nations, and therefore it was needful they should be full of the Holy Ghost, inabling them to converse with them in their divers tongues.

Vers. 5.

Prochorus.

Sect. The book of the life of Iohn the Evangelist under his name forged.

Of Prochorus, Nicanor, Timon and Parmenas there is no mention in Scripture. The book that beareth the name of Prochorus, concerning the life, miracles and assumption of John the Evangelist, doth justly bear this brand in its forehead as it stands in Bilioth. Patr. Tom. 7. Historia haec Apocrypha est, fabulosa, & indigna prosus quae legatur. The Author bewrayeth himself to be a Romanist, by the sign of the cross and the local descent cap. 3. by Linus and Domitian disputing about the coming of Christ, and by John Port-Latin, bap. 10. and by other visible signes, although he had thought he had put on a vizor suffi∣cient to have hidden that, when he bringeth in Peter calling John the prime Apostle, even in the beginning of first Chapter. But that none may lose so much time as to read him over, let him take a patern of the rest of his pedlary ware out of the twentieth Chap∣ter, where he bringeth in John writing a letter to the Devil that possessed a man, and by that letter casting him out.

Sect. Nicolas a Proselite of Antioch.

He is held to have been the author and occasion of the Sect of the Nicolaitans, Rev. 2. 6, 15. Iren. lib. 1. cap. 27. Euseb. hist. lib. 3. cap. 29. A sect that misconstrued the doctrine of Christian communitie and Christian liberty, to all uncleaness and licentious∣ness: but whether it began to be so misconstrued by Nicolas himself, or by some of his followers, as the Sadduces abused a good doctrine of Sadoc to a damnable Heresie, it is difficult to determine, and this is not the proper place to examine it.

Vers. 7: A great company of the Priests were obedient to the Faith.

I cannot but wonder at the boldness of Beza in this place, and indeed in hundreds of other places: for he doth rather suspect the truth and purity of this Text, than believe the story that so many Priests should believe: And yet it seemeth, among all his Greek Copies there was not one that read otherwise. Truly it is a daring that deserves castiga∣tion in him, that when he either understandeth not the perfect meaning of a place, or findeth difficulty in it, or hath fancied a sense contrary to it, that he should throw dirt into the face of the Scripture, and deny the purity of the Greek text, before he will

ungive any thing of his own groundless opinion: Honorable is the memory of that man in the Church of God, and his name as a sweet perfume among us, but I would this his boldness which he took to himself continually, had not given so great occasion to Jews and Papists to bark against the purity of the Text and the truth of the Gospel as it hath done.

Vers. 9. The Synagouge of the Libertines.

That is, of Jews that were freeborn, (as Paul Act. 22. 28.) viz. the sons of those Jews that had obtained the Roman freedom: He that from a slave or servant obtained manumission and liberty, was called libertus, and his child, born to him in this freedom, was libertinus.

Vers. 15. His face as the face of an Angel.

Stephen is accused by the students of this Libertine Colledge, of blasphemy against Mo∣ses and the Temple, for preaching of the destruction of his ceremonies and of that place, whereas he spake but what Moses and an Angel had foretold before, Deut. 28. and 32. Dan. 9. and accordingly his face hath the splendor of an Angel, and shineth like the face of Moses.

Acts VII. Vers. 2. Men, Brethren.

THAT is, Brethren: for the word men is added only by an Hebrew Elegancy and custom, as Gen. 13. 8. we are Men, Brethren, which our English hath well ren∣dred, we are Brethren, so vers. 26. of this Chapter.

§. When he was in Mesopotamia.

For Chaldea was also reckoned to Mesopotamia: and so Pliny accounteth it, Lib. 6. Nat. Hist. cap. 26. Babylon Chaldaicarum gentium caput diu summam claritatem obtinuit in toto orbe, propter quam reliqua pars Mesopotamiae Assyriaeque Babylonia appellata est. And after∣wards, Sunt etiamnum in Mesopotamia Hipparenum, Chaldaeorum & hoc, sicut Babylon: And presently after, Orchein quoque tertia Chaldaeorum doctrina, in eodem situ locantur.

Vers. 3. And said unto him, Get thee out of thy Country.

Divers expositors have intricated themselves into a perplexitie, they cannot well tell how to get out of, by supposing these words, and the words of Moses, Gen. 12. 1. to be the same, and to speak of the same time and thing: whereas they are visibly and vast∣ly distant and different, and they mean two several calls of God to Abraham, the one in Chaldea, the other in Charran: In Chaldea God appears to him, and bids him Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kindred, but maketh no mention of leaving his fathers house, for that he took along with him, Gen. 11. 31. The Holy Ghost indeed hath ascribed the conduct of this journy to Terah as if he had received the call, and had been the chief mover in the business, but it is only to shew his conversion and forsaking of his native Country and Idolatry, and his readiness to go with Abram when God calleth Abram: but that the call was to Abram, it is not only asserted by Stephen here, and Joshuah Chap, 24. 2. but also confessed by some of the Jews themselves, as Aben Ezra on Gen. 12. 1. The Lord commanded Abram whilst he was yet in Ur of the Chaldees that he should leave his Coun∣try. But when God calls him from Haran or Charran, he then bids him depart from his fathers house as well as he had done from his country and kindred before, for now he left his brother Nahor and all his fathers house behind him. Had this been observed, there could never so many s••ruples have risen about Terahs age at Abrahams birth, nor about Abrahams journey, as there have done; nor would there be such ambiguity about translating the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Gen. 12. 1. as there hath been: The story in Genesis runs current and in a continuation: and may be illustrated in this Paraphrase: God in Ur of the Chaldees ap∣peared to Abraham and said unto him, Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kin∣dred, but take thy fathers house with thee and go to a land which I shall shew thee: And when Abram told Terah of this command, Terah condescended and consented; And

Terah took Abram, and Lot and Sarai, and they (Terah and Abram) went with them from Ur to Haran and dwelt there: And Terah died in Haran; And then God saith to Abram, Get thee out of thy Country and from thy kindred, and from thy fathers house also now, and go into Canaan, &c. And to take away all cavils that might be made against the matter in this respect, in that both Ur and Haran, are called Abrams country and kindred, Stephen hath laid them both in Mesopotamia, as is noted before.

Vers. 5. Not so much as to set his foot on.

As Deut. 2. 5. Abram was forced to buy a place of burial, though all the land was given him by promise.

Vers. 6. And intreat them evil four hundred years.

There is a double sum of years mentioned concerning the seed of Abraham, namely four hundred, and four hundred and thirty, Gen. 15. 13. Exod. 12. 40. The four hundred and thirty was from Abrams receiving of the promise, to the delivery out of Egypt. And the four hundred was from the fifth year of Isaac to that delivery: Then did Ismael mock and then began affliction to Abrahams seed, and from thence they were in affliction and sojourning, in a strange land Canaan and Egypt, four hundred years: See the LXX at Exod. 12. 40.

Vers. 7. And serve me in this place.

This clause is here alledged by Steven as if it had been spoken to Abraham, whereas it was spoken to Moses four hundred years after, but the holy Ghost useth to speak short in known stories, as Matth. 1. 12. 1 Chron. 1. 36. Mark 1. 2, 3. &c.

Vers. 14. Threescore and fifteen souls.

Whereas Moses saith that all the souls of the family of Jacob that went down into Egypt were but threescore and ten, Gen. 46. 27. Exod. 1. 5. Deut. 10. 22. Stephen in∣largeth the number, and saith threescore and fifteen: and herein he followeth the Septu∣••gint who in the two first cited places have that sum: and they make up the account in Gen. 46. by fetching the names of five children of Joseph out of the book of Chronicles, which Moses mentioned not, and which indeed were not born at their going into Egypt but after, and these are Machir, Giliad, Shutelah, Tahen, and Eden: and the reason of this their reckoning I have shewed elswhere, viz. In Harm. of Evang. at Luke 3. 36.

Vers. 16. And were carried over into Sichem, &c.

The shortness of the Language in this verse hath bred some difficulty, and as Stephens speaking more than Moses in the Verse foregoing, was the cause of some obscurity there, so is it a cause of more in this verse, for that he hath not spoken so much. Moses hath told that Jacob was buried in Hebron, Stephen here speaks as if he had been buried in Sichem. Moses maketh Jacob the buyer of the land of Emor the father of Sichem, Steven seemeth to make Abraham the buyer of it: And in conclusion to make Jacob and his twelve sons to lie in one Sepulcher, and Abrahams and Jacobs purchase to be but one and the same. Now Stephen and Moses speak but the same thing, and intend the same mean∣ing, only Stephen useth shortness of speech in relating a story which was so well known that a word was enough for a sentence: and he spake in a language which had its propri∣eties and Idioms, which those that heard him, easily understood.

[And were carried over into Sichem.] The Syriack and Arabick apply this only to Ja∣cob, for they read it in the singular number, He was translated, directly cross and con∣trary to Moses who telleth plainly that Jacobs burial was in Hebron, Gen. 50. 13. And in Hebron Josephus would have all the sons of Jacob buried likewise, Antiq. lib. 2. cap. 4. and by his report they were buried there before Joseph, for that they were brought thither as they died, but Josephs burial was put over, till all the Nation came out of Egypt: Now it is not to be imagined that Stephen, a man so full of the Holy Ghost, would ever have spoken a thing in which every ordinary man, woman or child that heard him, could so easily have confuted him, as they might have done if the twelve Patriarks had been buried in Hebron, much less when he spake to the Councel and to men of learning and

understanding, that would readily have tript him, if he had faltered in so plain and com∣mon a story: therefore it is past all doubting, that Sichem was knownly and generally reputed the place of the Patriarks burial: For as, although there be mention only of Mo∣ses bringing up the bones of Joseph, Exod. 13. 19. yet R. Solomon well observeth that we may learn from that very place that the bones of all the Patriarks were brought up with him: so though there be mention of the burial of Joseph only in Sichem, Josh. 24. 32. and no record of the burial of the rest of the twelve there: yet might it very well be supposed, had not Stephen asserted in that they were also buried there with him. For we may prove the bringing of their bones out of Egypt, yea though Stephen had not told it;

For,

• 1. The same cause that moved Joseph to desire burial in the land of Canaan could not but move the other of the twelve to desire the like: were it in faith in the pro∣mise, or because of the interest in the Land, or in hope of the resurrection, all the rest had the very same principles to move them to it that Joseph had.
• 2. The rest of the Tribes bare the same honour to their Patriarks, that the Tribe of Joseph did to him, and therefore if they, in honour to Joseph would preserve his bones (that at their removal, they might be taken out of Egypt) the children of therest of the Tribes would do so by their Patriarks also.
• 3. To which might be added the kind of necessity which there was that the twelve Fathers of the Church of Israel, and heirs of the Land of Canaan should have their in∣terment in that Land, and not be left in the land of bondage.

So likewise may there be arguments sufficient to prove that they were buried with his bones in Sichem. As 1. There was no reason they should be severed in the burial who had been united in their removal. 2. Josephs bones were most regardable, and the same Sepulcher that served him, would have best befit them. 3. The convocation of all Is∣rael by Joshua was to Sichem, and there, upon their possessing of the land he makes a covenant betwixt them and God, and it is incomparably more probable that they should bury the bones of all the Patriarks there, than in Hebron, where we do not read that Joshua ever came but to destroy the City.

Now the reason why Stephen speaking of the burials of Jacob and his sons which were in distant and different places, doth yet couch their story so close together, as if they were all laid together in the same place, is,

• 1. Because treating of two numbers so unequal, as twelve and one, he first followeth the story of the greater number.
• 2. He useth the singular number for the plural, Sepulcher for Sepulchers, which is a thing so common, as that nothing is more common in the Scripture Language.
• 3. He useth an Ellipsis or cutting off of the conjunction Va•• or And, which also is exceeding common in the same Language, as 1 Sam. 6. 19. Psalm. 133. 3. 2 Kings 23. 8. and divers other places.

So that though he spake so very curt and short as he did, yet to them that were well enough acquainted, both with the story it self, and with such Hebraisms, his shortness would breed no obscurity, but would they readily take him in this sense: And Jacob and our Fathers died, and were removed to Sichem, and were laid in Sepulchers, in that which Abra∣ham bought for mony, and in that that was bought from the sons of Emmor, the Father of Sichem.

Vers. 20. And was exceeding fair.

Gr. [Fair to God] He was a goodly child, supernaturally born, when his mother was past the natural course of childbearing.

Vers. 22. And Moses was learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians.

This Steven speaketh by necessary consequence from his Princely education.

Vers. 23. And when he was full forty years old.

There are that say that Moses was forty years in Pharaohs Palace, forty years in Mi∣dian, and forty years in the wilderness. Tauchuna in Exod. 2.

Vers. 43. Ye took up the Tabernacle of Moloch, &c.

I. In Amos the words lie thus, Chap. 5. 26. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which the Rabbins Kimchi and Jarchi construe in the future Tense, and take it for a threatning of their punishment as much as an upbraiding of their sin: as if he should have said unto them, ye would not take up the Commandments of the Lords to bear them, but you shall bear your Idols into captivity with you, and your enemies shall lay them upon your shoulders: And this might have been a very plausible and fair sense, but that Steven hath taught us to construe the Verb in the time past, and not in the time to come, and to read it thus, ye have born or taken up, &c.

II. Now the fixing of this time when Israel took up this Idolatry is somewhat difficult: It is some facilitating of the matter if we can be sure it was not in the forty years in the Wilderness: And that appears to be so, by the very scope of Stevens speech: for 1. he telleth that they made a golden calf in the verse before: and that God for this Idolatry gave them up to worship all the host of heaven: whereupon it is evident, that this Idola∣try with the calf, was neither of these mentioned in this verse, neither with Moloch nor Remphan: but as it were a cause of these, for, for it the Lord gave them up to these. 2. He seemeth to handle this justice of God upon them in giving them up to Idolatry under these two heads: 1. In neglect of Gods own service in the Wilderness, ye offered me no sacrifice for forty years. And 2. in their choosing of Idols to worship afterward. So that the two verses seem to run in this sense, O house of Israel ye were not content to offer me sacrifices for forty years together in the wilderness, but ye were well content to sa∣crifice to Idols and to worship all the host of heaven afterward.

III. The Tabernacle of Moloch: In the Hebrew in Amos it is Siccuth Malkekem: which is rendred by some, Siccuth your King, by others, the Tabernacle of your King: by a third sort, the observance of your King: as if it were derived from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Deut. 27. 9. Vid. Ab. Ezr. in loc. & Kimchi in Michlol; The Seventie in the unprickt Bible read it Succoth a Tabernacle, which Steven followeth, and they both do not cross but illustrate the sense of the Hebrew.

Now Molech or Moloch, was the Idol of the children of Ammon, 1 King. 11. 17. pro∣hibited to Israel in a singular manner, Lev. 18. 21. and 20. 2. yet did they worship him most familiarly, 2 Chron. 28. 3. Jer. 7. 31. And Solomon built an high place for him, on mount Olivet before Jerusalem, 1 King. 11. 7. The Valley between was called Tophe and the Valley of the Sons of Hinnom, 2 King. 23. 10, &c. This Idol and Idolatry is thus described by the Rabbins: Our Rabbins of happy memory say: Although all houses of Idolatry were in Jerusalem, Molech was without Jerusalem, and the Image was made hollow, set within seven Chappels: Now whosoever offered flower, they opened to him the first of them: who so offered Turtles or Pigeons, they opened to him the second: whosoever offered a Lamb, they opened to him the third: whosoever offered a Ram, they opened to him the fourth: who∣soever offered a Calf, they opened to him the fifth: whosoever offered an Ox, they opened to him the sixth: but whosoever offered his Son, they opened to him the seventh. Now his face was like a Calf, and his hands were stretched out, as a mans that reacheth out to receive some∣thing from his neighbour: And they set him over a fire, and the Priests took the child, and put him between the arms of the Idol, and there the child gave up the Ghost, D. Kimch. on 2 King. 23. 10. He was made of brass and was heat with fire under till he was glowing hot, and then the Priests put the child into his arms, and there he was burnt, and the Priests made a noyse in the mean while with Drums, that the Father might not hear the childs cry: And therefore it was called Tophet from Toph, a Drum or Taber, Vid. R. Sol. on Jer. 7. 31.

These seven Chappels (if there be truth in the thing) help us to understand, what is meant by Molechs Tabernacle, and seem to give some reason why in the Prophet he is called Siccuth, or the Covert God, because he was retired within so many Cancelli, (for that word Kimchi useth) before one could come at him. And so the translation of the Seventy, is but a gloss or exposition of that phrase in the Prophet, ye took up Siccuth or the Covert God your King, which they render, according as the Nation readily under∣stood the thing, the Tabernacle of Moloch, that Idol you so highly prize as your chiefest King. Now Molech or Moloch, or Milchom or Malcham (for all these names are but one and the same) was also called Baal in a special and distinctive sense, as is apparent by Jer. 7. 31. and 19. 5. compared together: and this consideration helpeth to under∣stand divers places where the word Baal is singly used, as 1 King. 16. 31, 32. and 18. 19, &c. And according to this sense should I understand the matter of Baal-peor in which

Israel was joyned to him, to have been sacrificing their children to Molech. And answer∣ably should I interpret that speech of the Psalmist, They ate the sacrifices of the dead, Psal. 106. 28. that is, sacrifices offered up when they offered up their children to be burnt: And this was the first time, they committed this horrid Idolatry in the very close of the forty years in the Wilderness, in which forty years they had not cared to offer any sacrifices to God: And this abomination with Molech they committed also presently after they were come into the Land, Psal. 106. 35, 36, 37. Judg. 2. 13.

IV. [And the Star of your God Remphan.] Here is the main difficulty of this Verse, and that not only in regard of the difference of these words of Stephen from those of Amos, but also in regard of the obscurity of the matter it self: Amos readeth thus: Chijun your Images, the Star of your God. Now the question in the first place is, what is meant by Chijun, and it may be scrupled whethere it be the proper name of an Idol, as some think, or a word appellative, to another sense: I should rather take it the latter way [although I know generally it is construed for an Idols name, either for Hercules, who among the Egyptians was called Chon: or for Saturn, who among the Arabians was called Chevan, as see Aben Ezra on Amos, and Beza on this place.]

For there are two things in this passage of Stephen and Amos very considerable toward the understanding of this place.

• 1. That Stephen saith, God gave them up to worship all the host of heaven: now if Chijun betoken but one Idol, or one Planet, this cometh very short of the intent that he aimeth at their worshipping of all.
• 2. That Amos saith Chijun Tsalmekem, the latter word in the plural number, and as it seemeth by the very posture of it, the latter of two Substantives, and not in appositi∣on: For if Chijun were but one Idol, it is somewhat improper to say Chijun your images, as speaking of more.

I should therefore construe Chijun appellatively for the ordering or disposing of their Images, as that it meaneth thus, that they had their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or representations as Stephen calls them, of the whole heaven and host of it in one Series, or in one body (as see Ezek. 8. 10.) beset with variety of Stars and Figures, representing this or that Pla∣net, and this or that constellation: And that Amos meaneth thus, you took up Siccuth your King, and the frame or disposal of your Images in one compact piece, the stars of your Gods which you have made to your selves: shewing that when they would worship all the host of heaven in Images and representations, that they made a fabrick and com∣pacture in one bulk or in one room, representing in several fashions and forms in it, the several planets and constellations of Heaven: and this he calleth Chijun Tsalmekem, the ordering or disposing of your Images. See 2 King. 23. 4, 5.

V. Now for the word Remphan, in which lieth the most obscurity of all, many con∣jectures are given upon it. The Seventie hath rendred Chijun 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: mistaking one piece of a letter, as it is conceived by Buxtorfius, and reading 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Beza conceiveth it was purposely done, for that by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifieth a Giant is to be understood Hercules: and yet he scrupleth whether it should not be rather read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as aiming at the God of the Syrians, 2 King. 5. 18. But not to insist upon producing such variety of conjectures upon this matter, which are to be seen in several authors: it seemeth to me, 1. that Stephen doth something follow the Seventy in this word, as well as he doth in the rest of the Text: and for the new Testa∣ment to follow them, differently from the Hebrew Text is no wonder, and needeth no∣thing to be said upon it. 2. That Stephen doth add a letter to the word, or doth a lit∣tle change it from those very Syllables that the Septuagint use, that he might give the sense of the Prophet the more clearly, and speak out the matter he hath in hand the more plainly. And the word Remphan seemeth to be compounded either of an Hebrew and a Greek word, or of two Hebrew words together, and to mean either the high shiner, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the high representation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and the latter the more probable: For as the Prophet in the word Chijun expressed the Fabrick of the host of heaven, which the Idolatrous people had wrought and represented in one piece, so would Stephen speak to the very same sense, and therefore forsaketh the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which he found in the Septuagint, and taketh up, or formeth it into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which sig∣nifieth the high face or high representation, or that whole piece that represented the whole heaven, which he calleth their God, because in that they adored all the Stars and hosts of Heaven at once, and so, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is but one number put for another, one star for many.

VI. [I will carry you away beyond Babylon] Both in the Hebrew of Amos, and in the Greek of the Septuagint, it is, Beyond Damascus: which Stephen seemeth purposely to have changed into beyond Babylon: because that as he had treated in the beginning of the Chapter of Abrahams coming out of those parts into that land, he would now shew e contra, how they for their Idolatry should be carried out of that land into those parts again.

Acts VIII. Vers. 1.

And there was a great persecution, &c.

§. 1. Persecution.

THE spite and cruelty of the adversary was not quenched by the blood of Stephen, but rather inflamed. Stephens confuting and confounding the great Scholars of the Synagogue of the Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians and Cilicians, had bred in them so hateful a disdain of being put to a nonplus; and his cutting words at his death to all the people, Acts 7. 51, 52, 53. had galled them so sore; And especially his denouncing of ruine to Moses ceremonoies, and to the Temple as they charged him with it, had so exasperated their blind zeal, that it is not sufficient as they think to have Stephen put to death only, but it is not fit that others should live who were of the same heresie and blasphemy with him, for so they construed it: Hence ariseth a bitter persecution to destroy the Church at Jerusalem, because it held an opinion that Jerusalem and the rites there should be destroyed.

In this Tragedy was Saul a chief actor, sparing neither place from search, Sex from apprehension, nor the apprehended from torture or imprisonment. Such a Testimony doth Luke give of him, Acts 8. 3. and such a confession doth he make of himself, Act. 22. 4. and 26. 11. By which the Epistle of Lucianus concerning the finding out of the body of Stephen may again be challenged for forgery, when it maketh Gamaliel a most zealous convert and professor of the Gospel, and that at this time, insomuch that he took care for the burial of Stephen, and received Nicodemus when the Jews had cast him out, which will prove incredible, in regard of his scholar Saul.

For who can believe either that the scholar should be so great a persecutor when the master was so great a professor, or that if it were so, Gamaliel of all other should scape with his life, when his scholar of all other could not but know where to find him out and how to follow him close? or who can imagine that Paul when he was answering for his life for being a Christian, should plead his education under Gamaliel, if he were as no∣torious a Christian as ••e? This had been to bring his master into danger and not himself out, and to mar another mans cause not mending his own.

Vers. 1.

And they were all scattered abroad except the Apostles.

§ 2. Dispersion upon the persecution.

Out of the darkness of persecution, the Lord bringeth forth the light and the pro∣pagation of the Gospel: Providing at once for the safety of some by their flight, and for the calling home of many more by their dispersion. At that time, saith Luke, there was a great persecution against the Church that was at Jerusalem, and they were all scattered abroad throughout the Regions of Judea and Samaria except the Apostles. Where, as the preserva∣tion of the Apostles in the very centre of the Tyrant is admirable, so the scattering of the other into their several places is considerable. For that they travailed into Judea and Samaria, Damascus, Phoenicia, Cyprus and Syria, the Text is plain in this and in other places, but since it mentioneth none of their journeys any further, what is said of them more, is but groundless conjectures, or rather ridiculous Fables. For though it were granted that they scattered through other Countries of the Heathen, yet to bring them as far as France and England as some do, is almost as far from reason as these places are distant from Jerusalem, unless some other cause can be alledged of this their flight than to avoid the danger. Yes, it may be said they took so long a journey to preach the Gospel; but 1. the Text saith that the dispersed preached to the Jews only, of which I believe these Countries afforded a very small number. And 2. the legend saith, that Mary Magdalen, Martha and Joseph of Arimathea and others were the travailers, who where they had a calling to the ministery is yet to seek.

These persons and others with them are driven by the blast of a common report, to Marseils in France, Aix in Provence, Glasenbury in England, and I know not whither. It would be sufficient to give the reader but some particulars of the Legend, and then would he easily judge of the whole, but it is not worth the labour. It is more perti∣nent to consider who they are that the Evangelist meaneth, and whose story he followeth, when he saith here they were all scattered, and in Chap. 11. 19. that they travailed as far as Phenice, &c. Certainly it cannot be meant of the whole Church of Jerusalem, or of all the members of it, which were now many thousands, but of the 108. that were of the Presbtery or society with the Apostles.

For

• 1. The Evangelist setteth himself to follow the story of the hundred and twenty from the very beginning of the book, and he keeps to it still.
• 2. By instancing so suddenly in Philip he sheweth what kind of men he meaneth when he saith they were all scattered.
• 3. He saith they went every where preaching, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which word is never used but of Preachers by function.
• 4. Persecution would far sooner look after the Preachers than the common members.
• 5. There were common members at Jerusalem, while Paul stayed there, vers. 3. and yet the all that the Evangelist meaneth were scattered before.

Vers. 5. To the City of Samaria.

Samaria here and in otherplaces in the new Testament, is not the name of a City but of the Country. And so is Luke to be understood here, Philip came down to the City of Samaria: that is, to the Metropolis of that Country, which indeed was Sychem: and so saith Josephus, Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Sama∣ritans had then Sichem for their Metropolis. And in the same Chapter he saith again 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which his Latine interpreter hath ren∣dred thus, Illis [Samaritis] dicentibus Hebraeos quidem se esse: sed Sichimitas vocari a Sidoniis; which translation how true it is, and whether Josephus mean not, that the Sa∣maritans said that they were indeed Hebrews, but were called Sidonians that dwelt at Sichem, and whether in that story they call not themselves so for advantage, let the learned cen∣sure: This City John the Evangelist calleth Sychar instead of Sychem, Joh. 4. 5. not that the text is there corrupted as some have held, but that the Jews seem to have pronounced the word so corruptly in derision of the Samaritans to whom they were bitter enemies. For by this name they reviled them for drunkards, for so the word signifieth, and this taunt seemeth to have been taken up from Esay 28. 1. woe to the drunkards of Ephraim, of which Sichem was the chief City.

Vers. 6.

And the people gave heed &c.

§. 3. Samaria converted.

Our Saviour gave it in lesson to his disciples both by precept and his own example, that they should preach, first in Jerusalem, then in Judaea, and then in Samaria: For so did he himself, Joh. 1. and 2. and 4. So commanded he them to do Acts 1. 8. and so do they now: Act. 8. Philip one of the seven, travailing in the common affliction, and in preaching the Gospel as the rest of the 108. did, being backed with this warrant of his master, goeth down to Samaria and preacheth there though they were enemies to the Jews. It was but three years or little more, since Christ had been there among them himself, Joh. 4. and whether it were the good remembrance of what he had taught them then, or the extraordinary hand of God with what was delivered now, or both together, such effect have Philips doctrine and miracles that the City for the general doth believe and in baptized.

Vers. 13.

Simon himself believed.

§. 4. Simon Magus.

He who had long caused the people to wonder at his miraculous delusion is now him∣self amazed at Philips real miracles. But conceiving that he had wrought them by a Ma∣gical faculty above his own, and desiring to fish and get the trick out of him, he insi∣nuateth himself the more nearly into his company by taking on him to believe, so that he is baptized: for any other belief of Simon Magus is not imaginable.

For when he saw that Peter and John exceeded Philip, as he thought Philip did ex∣ceed himself, (for to Apostles only belonged to bestow the Holy Ghost) the whole ve∣nome and mischief of his heart brake forth at once; first, by offering mony for the same Apostolical power, and then in a scornful intreaty of the Apostles to pray for him, when they advised him to repent and pray, for so should I understand his words, Vers. 24. Pray ye to the Lord for me, for an Ironical taunt, and finally by open Heresie and opposal of the Gospel.

He had a whore which he led about with him, was called Helena, or as some will have it, Selene, of Tyrus: Of whom if we understand, Rev. 2. 20. which speaketh of Jezabel, that called her self a Prophetess, it would not be unconsonant, for as Simon like Ahab was of Samaria, so Helena like Jezable was of Tyre: Nor were there doctrines much different, for the one seduced men to commit fornication, and to eat things sacrificed to Idols, and the other taught them to do what they would, and not to fear the threats of the Law, for that they should be saved by the grace of Simon: Many such monsters of Doctrine and Hydra's of opinion, did this Lerna of Heresie breed, and this firstborn of Satan vomit forth. As these, that in Judea, he was the Son of God, in Samaria, the Father, and in other Nations, the Holy Ghost. That Helena bred Angels, and Angels made the world: That he himself came down from Heaven for his Helena, and that she was the lost sheep mentioned in the Gospel, and that she was that Helena that occasioned the destruction of Troy: And a great deal more of such hideous and blasphemous matter, recorded by Irenius, Epiphanius, Augustine, Philastrius and others.

Histories have traced this Magical wretch, from Samaria to Rome, and there have brought Simon Peter and him contending before Nero in working of miracles, and Peter bringing him to harm and shame, which shall be tried in its proper place.

§ 5. The Holy Ghost given, vers. 17.

The Apostles at Jerusalem hearing the glad tydings of the conversion of Samaria, send down unto them Peter and John. And why these two rather than any other of the twelve, is not so easie to resolve, as it is ready to observe that if in this imployment there was any sign of Primacy, John was sharer of it as well as Peter. Being come, they pray, and lay their hands upon them, and they receive the Holy Ghost. Here Episcopacy thinketh it hath an undeniable Argument for proof of its Hierarchy, and of the strange rite of confirmation. For thus pleadeth Baronius for the former. From hence, saith he, it may be seen that the Hierarchical order was instituted in the Church of God even in this time; for Philip doth so baptize those that believe, that yet he usurpeth not the Apostolical priviledge, namely the imposition of hands granted to the Apostles. And thus the Rhemists both for it and for the latter in their notes on Act. 8. 17. If this Philip had been an A∣postle, saith S. Bede, he might have imposed his hands that they might have received the Holy Ghost, but this none can do saving Bishops. For though Priests may baptize and anoint the baptized also with Chrisme consecrated by a Bishop, yet can he not sign his forehead with the same holy oyl, because that belongeth only to Bishops, when they give the Holy Ghost to be baptized. And after this testimony of Bede they subjoyn their inference. This im∣position therefore of hands, together with the prayers here specified (which no doubt was the very same that the Church useth to that purpose) was the ministration of the Sacrament of Con∣firmation.

Now let the Reader with indifferency and seriousness but ruminate upon these two Queries, and then judge of those two inferences;

First, whether Apostleship were not an Order for ever, unimitable in the Church: for besides the Reason given to prove that it was, upon the choosing of Matthias, others may be added to make it the more clear: As 1. the end of their Election was peculiar, the like to which was not to be in the Church again; for they were chosen to be with Christ, Mark. 3. 14. to be eye-witnesses of his resurrection, Acts 1. 22. & 2. 32. & 10. 41. as they had been of his actions and passion, Luke 1. 2. And therefore Paul pleading for his Apostleship, That he had seen the Lord, 1 Cor. 9. 1. and in the relation or story of his calling, this particular is singulary added, That he saw that just one, and heard the voice of his mouth, Acts 22. 14.

Secondly, the name of Apostles keepeth it self unmixed or confounded, with any other Order. It is true indeed that the significancy of the word would agree to other Ministers that are to preach, but there is a peculiar propriety in the sense that hath con∣fined the title to the twelve and Paul, as any indifferent eye will judge and censure upon the weighing of it in the New Testament.

Thirdly, when Paul reckoneth the several kinds of Ministry that Christ Jesus left in the Church at his ascension, Ephes. 4. 11. and 1 Cor. 12. 28. there is none that can think them all to be perpetuated, or that they should continue successively in the like order from time to time: For within an hundred years after our Saviours birth, where were either Prophets or Evangelists, miracles or healings? And if these extraordinary kinds of Mi∣nistration were ordained but for a time and for special occasion, and were not to be imitated in the Church unto succeeding times; much more, or at the least as much were the Apostles, and Order much more, at least, as much extraordinary as they.

Fourthly, the constant and undeniable Parallel which is made betwixt the twelve Pa∣triarchs the Fathers of the twelve Tribes, and the twelve Apostles, not only by the num∣ber it self, but also by the New Testament in the four and twenty Elders, Rev. 4. 4. and in the gates and foundations of the new Jerusalem, Rev. 21. 12, 14. doth argue and prove the latter order, as unimitable as the first. These things well considered, if there were no more, it will shew how improbable and unconsonant the first inference is, that is alledged, that because there was a subordination betwixt the Apostles and Philip; that therefore the like is to be reputed betwixt Bishops and other Ministers, and that Bishops in the Church, are in the place of the Apostles.

A second Quaere, and very material to the matter in agitation is, whether imposition of hands were ever used by the Apostles, but for ordination to some Office in the Church: For whereas their giving of the Holy Ghost to Samaritans in this story, and to others elsewhere, is adduced as an example and argument for that which is now called confir∣mation, and which hath been indifferently given to all (for it is good cheap) that this act of the Apostles aimed not, nor intended to any such thing, may be reasonably con∣jectured and guessed at by these considerations:

First, that the Holy Ghost thus given, meaneth not his ordinary work of Sanctifica∣tion and confirming in Grace, but his extraordinary gifts, of Tongues, Prophecying, and the like. And this is evident by the meaning of that Phrase the Holy Ghost in the Scriptures, (when it denoteth not exactly the Person of the Holy Ghost, or the third person in the Trinity) For as it is a Rabbinick expression, very common in the writings of the Jews, and in the use of the Nation; and evermore in their use and sense meaneth only the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit mentioned: so doth it constantly signifie in the Scripture; and it is very hard, if not utterly impossible to find it signifying any other sense.

Secondly, it is yet more evident by the very historical relation of Luke concerning the matter in hand; for in Acts 19. 6. telling how Paul laid his hands upon certain men at Ephesus, and they received the Holy Ghost, he instantly explaineth what were the gifts of the Holy Ghost that they received, for they spake with tongues, saith he, and prophe∣cyed. And it is not possible to think but that Simon Magus (when he offered money for this fruit of the imposition of his hands; that he might give the Holy Ghost) saw some visible apparent sign of the gift by the hands of the Apostles, which if it were only sanctifying or confirming grace, how could he have seen it? So did they of the Cir∣cumcision perceive when the gifts of Holy Ghost fell upon the Gentiles, Acts 10. 45. For they saw it by their speaking with tongues, and magnifying God, vers. 46.

Fourthly, it being then thus undeniable that the gifts conferred by the imposition of hands, were the extraordinary ones of the Holy Ghost; it can as little also be denyed that they were imparted only to some singular and particular persons, and not to all what∣soever without distinction. For otherwise, 1. It must be granted that Simon Magus received them as well as others, which I know not who will grant; for by his familiarity with Philip and the Apostles (he having also been baptized with the rest, and his wicked∣ness and his villany not yet broken forth) he might have gotten a precedency in this gift before others, if it had been general.

2. It would bring women under imposition of hands, which can hardly be dreamed of, or ever was any one. It is true indeed that women might, and did receive some of these extraordinary gifts, but it was by immediate influence from Heaven and not by any imposition of hands.

So that now if we look upon this Story, and upon others of the like nature, through these spectacles, it will appear that this Imposition of the Apostles hands was not upon all the Samaritans, but upon some selected number, nor upon those selected ones for their confirmation in grace, but for their ordination to the Ministery, and with the im∣position of hands they received the Holy Ghost to inable them for that work.

Vers. 26. Which is desart.

This is to be applyed to the way to Gaza, and not to Gaza it self, and so the Sy∣riack and Arabick apply it expresly and warrantably, seeing the way was through the wilderness of Judah, and there was but one Gaza.

Vers. 27. A man of Aethiopia.

There is mention of a double Cush or Aethiopia in Scripture, for so is it rendred, the one in Arabia, and the other in Africk; and Homer even in his time speaketh of a twofold Aethiopia, Odys. 1. but it is questionable whether he mean the same with the Scripture, or no, since he calleth them Eastern and Western; whereas these were East and South. Now this man is held, and that upon good ground, to be of Aethiopia in Africk, where the name of Candace is renowned even in Heathen Authors.

Vers. 33. Who shall declare his generation.

This Prophecy of Esay which the Eunuch was reading, is exceedingly much mista∣ken by the Jews, and this clause of the Prophecy is exceedingly controverted among Christians. The Jews understand it, some of them concerning Josiah, others concern∣ing the whole people of Israel, but the Holy Ghost hath in this place put us out of all doubt of whom it speaketh. But as for the sense of this clause, some Christians understand it concerning the ineffablity of Christs Eternal generation: others con∣cerning the ineffability of his incarnation, or the generation of his humane Na∣ture united to the Godhead: others concerning the wondrous generation of the Church and faithful; for it followeth, For he was cut off from the Land of the Li∣ving, and yet the generation of his faithful ones increased. But it seemeth to me that the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is to be understood of the age and generation in which Christ lived, rather than of his own generation or descent: and so is it used by the Holy Ghost in other places, as Gen. 6. 9. Acts 13. 36. &c. and so is it intepreted here by the Chal∣dee and other Jewish glossaries: Now the meaning of the verse and of this clause is to this purpose, He was taken away and hurryed from Prison, and from Judgment to Exe∣cution, and as the LXX hath enlarged the sense by change of Phrase, In his poor and dejected estate, his Judgment was utterly taken away, and no right done him; and who can sufficiently speak of the looseness and wickedness of that generation, (called in the Gospel the viperous, adulterous, wicked, untoward generation) which dealt so unjustly and wretchedly with him, as to take and cut him off from the Land of the Living?

Vers. 39. And the Eunuch went on his way rejoycing.

Dorotheus in Synopsi, if he might be believed, will tell you what became of this Eunuch afterward; as that he preached the Gospel in Arabia, in the Isle of Taprobane, and all about the red Sea; and that he is reported to have suffered matyrdom gloriously, and to have been buried there, Biblioth. patr. tom. 7. But believe it that list; for this I observe to be the constant and common officiousness of Superstition, to make any man that is mentioned in the New Testament with a good report, to become a Preacher, and commonly a Bishop, and constantly a Matyr.

Acts IX.

§ 1. Paul converted.

IN this year must be placed the conversion of Paul, and the reasons to prove time, shall be given anon. A man, a wonder (for so will * 1.1 some have his name to sig∣nifie) in whom was shewed as much as can be seen in man, both for want of grace, and for abundance. Inferior to none in wickedness, but only in this, that it was not final; and inferiour to none in holiness, no not to the greatest Apostles. A scene on which at one time corrupt Nature shewed her cursed vigor; and at another time sancti∣fying Grace her sacred power; and both to such an extent, as not many parallels. He was born in Tarsus of Cilicia a free City of the Romans, and himself a Freeman of that

City. His Parents were both Jews; and therefore he calleth himself an Hebrew of* 1.2 the Hebrews, or an Hebrew both by Father and Mother. His discent was of Benja∣min, which from the general division under Jeroboam the first, had adhered constant to the Tribe of Juda, and so kept Registers of their Genealogies, as that Tribe did. Ac∣cording to his double Nation, he also bare a double name, Saul, as he was an Hebrew by birth, and Paul as he was a Roman by freedom: His education was in the Schools of Tarsus, where as Strabo recordeth were Scholars no whit inferiour to the Students in Athens. Here he attained the Greek Language and Learning, and grew expert in* 1.3 their Philosophy and Poems, his skill wherein he sheweth, in alledging Epimenides, Ara∣tus, and Menander. From thence he was sent to the University at Jerusalem, for the study of Divinity and of the Jewish Law. His Tutor was Gamaliel a Pharisee, a man of spe∣cial note and reverence among the people. His proficiency was above many of his equals of his own Nation, he being more exceedingly zealous of the traditions of the Fathers. From his youth he also learned a handy trade of making Tents, and joyned the working in that by some vicissitudes with his studies: which thing was common with the Scholars of the Jews, partly for the earning of their maintenance, and partly for the avoiding of idleness and sin. So Rabbi Juda the great Cabalist, bare the name and trade of Hhajat a Shoomaker or Taylor.

Yet was the learning of this great Scholar but gorgeous ignorance, and his forward zeal, but the more excellent impiety. When he thought he followed holiness, he per∣secuted it, and when his studies should have overtaken the truth, then had he lost both them and it and himself and all.

As for Saul, saith Luke, he made havock of the Church, entring into every house, and* 1.4 haling men and women committed them to prison. He began now to write his positions in blood, and it must be no less than death or abjuration not to be of his opinion. Neither was this his fury confined within the walls of Jerusalem, or the compass of Judea, but overflowed also unto forreign Cities: where the Jewish Synagogues acknow∣ledging subjection to the metropolitan See, submit to her letters, and are too ready to perform her will. Among the rest he obtaineth commission for Damascus, whither a poor Church having but lately overrun persecution, is ready now to be overrun by it again: But by the way, he is met with by Christ, and from a Lion made a Lamb, and he that went to lead captivity is himself captived.

In the story of this great wonder, the Text and the matter it self calleth upon us to consider these things.

• 1. That the most notorious persecutor that the Gospel had yet found, is chosen of all others to be the Doctor of the Gentiles: that even his own example, or rather the glo∣rious example of Gods mercy in his conversion, might be a comfortable Doctrine to those notorious sinners of the Gentiles as well as his preaching.
• 2. That the like divine violence was never used for the converting of a sinner either before or since: but 1. it was necessary that he should see Christ, as Vers. 17. because it was a necessary ingredient toward the making of an Apostle, to have seen the Lord, 1 Cor. 9. 1. And 2. it was needful, that the Lord should appear to him in such daunting power, not only for his own quelling, but also for the terrour of all persecutors for the time to come.
• 3. This appearance of the Lord unto him, was not so much in his person as in his glory, nor what he saw of him, besides the light that stroke him blind, was with the eyes of his body but of his spirit.
• 4. The place was near Damascus from whence had sprung one of the sharpest per∣secutors that Israel had groaned under, 2 Kings 11. 32. Amos 13. compare Gen. 14. 15.
• 5. The manner is so plainly set down in the Text, that it is needless to insist upon it: only these two or three things may not unfitly be touched upon and taken to thought. 1. That more was spoken from heaven, than Luke hath here related, as ap∣pears by Pauls own relation of it, Acts 26. 16, 17, 18. but the Holy Ghost frequently useth to speak out stories to the full, some parts in one place, some in another, chal∣lenging the readers pains and study, to pick them up. 2. That whereas in Chap. 6. 7. it is said that those that travailed with Paul heard the voice, but in Chap. 22. 9. that they heard not the voice, it is to be understood, that they heard the voyce of Paul speaking to Christ, but not Christs voice to him: or if they heard the voice from heaven, yet they understood not what it said. 3. Whereas in Chap. 9. 7. it is said these men stood speechless, but in Chap. 26. 14. that they fell all to the ground: the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Chap. 9. 7. standeth in opposition to their going forward and not to their falling to the earth, and meaneth, that their amazedness fixed them that they could not flee nor stir.

§ 2. The year of his conversion.

Some have conceived that he was rapt into the third heaven, and learned the Gospel by revelation, as 2 Cor. 12. in those three days that he was blind after the sight of this glorious light, and whilst he fasted and prayed, Act. 9. 9. And from this conceit hath another grown, as a supporter of that that bred it, namely that he was not converted till seven years after our Saviours Ascension. This latter opinion was first invented, that his writing of the second Epistle to the Corinthians might be brought within the compass of about fourteen years after his conversion; for so long a time and no more he setteth betwixt his rapture and that Epistle, 2 Cor. 12. 2. and it was also originially grounded upon this supposition, that his rapture was in the time of that his blindness. Two surmises probable and plausible enough to behold at distance, but approaching nearer to them they will lose of their beauty, and upon serious weighing they will prove but a shadow. The question how he came to the knowledge of the Gospel so soon, in so much that he so soon preached it, very likely gave the first occasion of the first opinion, namely of his rapture in his three days blindness.

A question to which an answer may be easily given, and yet no such consequence con∣cluded upon it. 1. It is true indeed, that he received not the knowledge of the Gospel of man, nor was he taught it but by the revelation of Jesus Christ, as himself saith, Gal. 1. 12. yet might he have such a revelation, without any such rapture: For there were three other special ways whereby God used to reveal himself and his will to his Pro∣phets and Servants, and those were by dreams, by visions and by a suddain and immedi∣ate suggestion or revelation, which is called telling in the ear, as 1 Sam. 9. 15, 17. 2 King. 20. 4. And as for raptures they were the most extraordinary and the least familiar of all other: And how easily might Paul be taught the mistery of the Gospel by some of the other means, especially since the Text hath expresly told that he had his visions? Acts 9. 12. 2. Paul himself telleth of an extasie or rapture that he was in, as he was praying in the Temple at Jerusalem, Acts 22. 17. Now that that was in the second year of Claudius (as shall be shewed by and by) when he went to carry the almes of the Disciples to Jerusalem, Acts 11. 30. it may be confidently concluded upon, because that God in that his rapture telleth him that he must thence forward go far away to preach unto the Gentiles, Acts 22. 21. and when he returneth from Jerusalem to Antioch, he is sent by the Church upon that imployment, by a special charge of the Holy Ghost, Acts 13. 2. And that from that time to the time of his writing the second Epistle to the Corinthians, were about fourteen years as himself summeth it, we shall evidence by some particulars, before we part from this Subject. Thus then in the first place we see that neither his rapture was at the time of his conversion, nor that his conversion is to be cast six or seven years forward that it may be within fourteen of that Epistle in regard of his rapture. But not to intricate our selves any more in the variety of opinions, that have fixed some one time, some another to the conversion of this Apostle, the next, readiest and surest way that I have found to resolve upon this doubtful question and to determine this scruple, is to go by these collections and degrees.

I. That the famine prophecied of by Agabus, and which is said to have fallen out in the time of Claudius the Emperour, Acts 11. 28. fell out and came to pass in his second year: And for this we have the testimony of a Roman Historian, even Dion Cassius who under the Consulship of Claudius II. and Caius Largus which was in the second year of Claudius his reign speaketh of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which his translater hath rendred fames in∣gens, Dion. lib. 60. Now although it might seem that that famine only referred to the City of Rome, and was caused there through the unnavigableness of the River Tiber, which should have brought in Provisions; because he saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. that Claudius provided not only for the present famine, but also for future times, by mending the Haven and clearing the River: yet Suetonius writing the very same story, ascribeth the cause of the famine, not to the fault of the River or Haven, but to a constant steri∣lity or barrenness, and so inlargeth the extent of it further than Rome: Arctiore autem annona ob assiduas sterilitates, &c. In Claud. cap. 18. Josephus, Antiq. lib. 20. ca. 2. speak∣eth of this great famine in Judea, and relateth how Helena the Queen dowager of the Adiabeni, and Izates her son then reigning, she being at Jerusalem in her own person and he in his own kingdom, did bring in provisions in an exceeding plenty to the Jews at Jerusalem for their sustenance in the famine, for they were both converted to the Jews Religion and Izates circumcised. Eusebius hereupon hath set this famine in

Claudius his fourth year, and after the death of Herod Agrippa, because that he found that Josephus had placed it after Agrippa's death, which was in Claudius his third. But we find not in Josephus any thing that may fix it to that year, more than the subse∣quence of one story to another, which is an argument of no validity: only this he re∣lateth as concerning the time of Izates, that when he first came to the Crown, and found his elder Brethren imprisoned that he might come to the Throne the more quietly, he was griev∣ed at the matter, and on the one hand accounting it impiety to kill them or to keep them pri∣soners, and on the other hand knowing it unsafe to keep them with him and not imprisoned, he chose a mean between both, and sent them for hostages to Rome to Claudius Caesar: And after this he relateth, how he hasted upon his coming to the Crown to be circumcised; and after his Circumcision, how his Mother Helena went to Jerusalem and relieved it, being much affamished. Now in what year of Claudius any of these things were done, he hath not mentioned, but hath left it at large; and therefore we may as well suppose, that Izates was made King in the first year of Claudius, and Helena his Mother went to Je∣rusalem in his second, as Eusebius may, that she went thither in his fourth.

II. That Paul going at that time of the famine to Jerusalem, to bring the almes and collection to the poor Brethren of Judea, had his trance in the Temple, Acts 22. 17. and in that trance he was rapt into the third Heaven, 2 Cor. 12. 2. It may be thought indeed by the juncture of Story that Luke hath made, that this his trance, was at his first journey which he took to Jerusalem after his conversion, which journey is men∣tioned, Acts. 9. 28. and Gal. 1. 18. for having from the sixth verse of Acts 22. and forward, related the Story of his conversion, and of Ananias coming to him and bap∣tizing him, he presently subjoyneth this, when I was come again to Jerusalem, and was praying in the Temple, I was in a trance; as if that had been the very first time, that ever he came there after he was converted. But besides, that it is very com∣mon with Scripture to make such juncture for times and Stories, as if they were close together, when often times there is very much space of time betwixt them, as Mat. 19. 1. Luke 4. 13, 14. Acts 9. 20, 21, 26, 27. the proper intent of the Apostle in that Ora∣tion of his, Acts 22. is to vindicate himself from the accusation laid against him for polluting the Temple; and chiefly to plead his authority and commission, and why he had to deal among the Gentiles, and therefore he insists upon two particular Com∣missions, one to preach, and the other to preach to the Gentiles; and this is the reason why he joyns his conversion, and his rapture in the Temple so close together, and not because they were so in time. Now this scruple being thus removed, and that consi∣dered which was said before, that in this trance in the Temple, God said he was to send him to the Gentiles; and that accordingly he was dispatched to that work as soon as he came to Antioch; it cannot but be concluded that his trance in the Temple was in the second of Claudius, and that this was his rapture into the third Heaven, since we read not of any rapture or trance that he had, but this.

III. That this trance or rapture was somewhat above fourteen years before he wrote his second Epistle to Corinth, 2 Cor. 12. 2. Now in that he saith it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 before, or above fourteen years ago, he speaketh not of an indefinite time, for then for ought any reason can be given to the contrary, he might as well have let the mention of the time alone, but that it was but a little above that space, though it were somewhat above exact fourteen years.

IV. When he wrote that second Epistle to Corinth he was in Macedonia, as is appa∣rent by very many passages in that Epistle, chap. 1. 14. and 2. 13. & 7. 5. & 9. 2, 4. And thither he went upon the hubbub at Ephesus raised against him, Acts 20. 1. where he had even the sentence of death in himself, 2 Cor. 1. 9.

V. Now to count fourteen years compleat from the second of Claudius, in which was Pauls rapture, it will bring us to the second year of Nero. And let us but cast and compute those shreds of time that we can find hinted in the Acts of the Apostles, and we shall find them agreeing with this account, and giving some light unto it. As first, it is said by Paul, that after he had been at Jerusalem, he must also see Rom, Acts 19. 21. Now this doth argue the death of Claudius: for if he had expelled all the Jews out of Rome, as it is averred both by the Scripture, Acts 18. 2. and by Suetonius in Claud. chap. 25. and never revoked his Edict for ought we can read in any Story; it is very unlikely, and unreasonable to think, that Paul should think of going thither if Claudius were alive: for thither could he neither go without evident and inevitable danger of his own life, nor could he find so much as one person, of his own Nation in the City when he came there. By this therefore may be concluded that Claudius was now dead, and Nero was going on his first year, when Paul publisheth his resolution to go for Rome.

And the times from hence to his apprehension at Jerusalem may be cast by these Counters. After this his declaring his intention for Rome, he stayeth in Asia for a season, Acts 19. 22. Now that this season was not long, both the preceding and following Verses do help to confirm; for in the Verse before Paul is in a manner upon his motion toward Macedo∣nia, and so to Jerusalem already. And it is very likely that the feast of Tabernacles which was in September induced him thither; but the danger that he was in at Ephesus be∣fore his parting, Acts 19. 23, 24. &c. disappointed him of his journey thither, he being now put off from providing accommendation for his voyage, and put to shift for life and liberty. About the middle of October, Nero's first year was out: and Paul by that time it is like is got to Macedonia, and while he continues there he writes this Epistle; as the subscription of it in the Greek, Syriack, Arabick, and divers other Translations do reasonably well aim it here; howsoever they do it in other places: Or if we should yeild to Baronius, that it was written from Nicopolis, Tit. 2. 12. it maketh no difference, as to the thing in hand, or at least very little, since we are upon the time, and not upon the place; and the time of difference will not be above a month or two. Paul wintering so little at Nicopolis, as that he was in motion again about the beginning of January, if not before, for his three months travail of Greece, brings it up to the Passover time, or near upon, Acts 20. 3. 6. And after the Passover week Paul sets for Jerusalem, as the Story plainly leads him thither; and thence is he shipt for Rome, toward the latter end of our September, or about the Fast and solemn day of humiliation, Acts 27. 9. And this was in the second year of Nero, now almost expiring, or very near unto its end: And to this sense seemeth that account in Acts 24. 27. to be understood, After two years Portius Festus came into Felix room. Not after two years of Pauls imprison∣ment, for that is utterly without any ground or warrant in the world, nor after two years of Felix Government, for he had been Governour in Judea many years, Acts 24. 10. but after two years of Nero's Empire, or when he had now sitten Emperour about two years; for that the Scripture sometime reckoneth from such unnamed dates, might be shewed, from Ezek. 1. 1. 2 Sam. 15. 7. 2 Chron. 22. 2. And that it is so to be understood, may be confirmed out of Josephus Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 7. &c.

So that this time being fixed of Pauls apprehension at Jerusalem, to be in Nero's se∣cond; as Eusebius and others have well held, and his writing the second Epistle to Co∣rinth proving to be about the beginning of that year; and so the fourteen years men∣tioned 2 Cor. 12. 2. measured out.

VI. We must now count backward from this time to the Councel at Jerusalem, and as near as we can, cast up what time might be taken up, betwixt those two periods, in the motions and stations of the Apostle, that the Text hath expressed betwixt the fifteenth Chapter of the Acts and the twentieth: Or rather let us count forward for the more facil and methodical proceeding, and take up what may be guessed to be every years work and passage as it cometh to hand.

Paul cometh from Jerusalem to Antioch with Judas, Silas and Barnabas, Acts 15. 20.

Judas and Silas stay there a space, vers. 33.

Judas stayeth after they be gone away, vers. 35.

Some days after he departeth, vers. 36, 40.

He goeth through Syria and Cilicia confirming the Churches, vers. 41.

To Derbe and Listra, chap. 16. 1.

Through the Cities, and delivereth the Apostles decrees, vers. 4.

Throughout Phrygia, vers. 6.

Throughout the Region of Galatia, vers. 16. To all these journeys we may allow one year; and certainly if the movings and stayings of the Apostle, and the distance of the places, and the work he did be considered, there can no less than a whole year be allowed for all this progress.

After his passage through Galatia, Paul goeth to Mysia, Acts 16. 7. To Troas, vers. 6.

To Samothrace, Neapolis and Philippi, vers. 11, 12.

At Philippi he continueth many days, vers. 13, 16, 18.

Thence he passeth through Amphipolis and Appollonia, chap. 17. 1.

Cometh to Thessalonia, and is there three Sabbath days in quiet, vers. 2.

Afterward is persecuted, vers. 5.

Goeth to Beraea and converteth very many, vers. 10. 12.

Goeth from thence to Athens, vers. 15.

There waiteth for Silas and Timothy, vers. 16.

From thence goeth to Corinth, Acts. 18. 1. For all these journeys and actions we will allow him half an year, and I cannot see how they could take so little.

At Corinth he continueth a year and an half, Acts 18. vers. 11. And this makes up three years since the Councel at Jerusalem.

After this long stay at Corinth he is persecuted, yet tarryeth a good while after, Acts 18. 18.

From thence he saileth to Ephesus, but stayeth little, vers. 19.

Goeth thence to Caesarea.

To Jerusalem.

To Antioch, and spendeth some time there, Acts 18. 22, 23.

Goeth over all the Country of Gallatia,

And Phrygia in order, Acts 18. 23. To these passages I suppose there is hardly any that can allow him less than a whole year; that shall but seriously confider of the things that are mentioned, and the length of the journeys.

After his passing through Phrygia he cometh to Ephesus, Acts 19. 1.

And there continueth three years, Acts 19. 8, 10, 21, 22, & 20. 31.

After this he goeth into Macedonia, Acts 20. 1. from whence he writeth that second Epistle to Corinth in the beginning of the second year of Nero. So that yeelding these seven years for the travails of this Apostle, betwixt that time and the Counsel of Je∣rusalem, Acts 15. (and less than seven, it is not possible to allow, seeing that four years and an half of that space was taken up in the two Cities of Corinth and Ephesus) and it will result that the Councel at Jerusalem was in the ninth year of Claudius: Now Paul himself reckoneth seventeen years from his conversion to this Councel, Gal. 1. 18. & 2. 1. which seventeen counted backward from the ninth of Claudius it falleth out al∣most past all controversie that Pauls conversion was in the next year after our Saviours ascension; as may be seen by this ensuing Table.

Christ	Tiberius.
33	18	Christ ascendeth.
34	19	Paul converted.
35	20	Goeth into Arabia.
36	21	Cometh up to Jerusalem.
37	22
38	1	Caius.
39	2
40	3
41	4
42	1	Claudius.
43	2	The famine, Act. 11. 28. Paul rapt into the third Heaven.
44	3
45	4
46	5
47	6
48	7
49	8
50	9	The Councel at Jerusalem. Paul goeth to Antioch, Syria, Cilicia, &c.
51	10	Paul the latter half this year at Corinth, the former half in Athens, Beraea, Thessalonia, &c.
52	11	Paul all this year at Corinth.
53	12	Paul in Phrygia, Galatia, Antioch, Jerusalem, Caesarea, Ephesus, Corinth.
54	13	Paul at Ephesus.
55	14	Paul at Ephesus.
56	1	Nero. Paul at Ephesus.
57	2	Paul writeth the second Epistle to Corinth.

And now may we in some scantling fix those Stories to their times which hung loosely before, namely, the choosing of the Deacons, the death of Stephen, conversion of Sa∣maria, and the Eunuch, and conclude that they were about the beginning of the next year after Christs ascension.

PART II. The Roman Story.

§ 1. Velleius Paterculus.

TIBERIUS keepeth himself still in the Countrey, but not stil at Capreae: * 1.5 for this year he draweth near unto Rome, and haunteth in some places about four miles off, but cometh not at all unto the City. This seemeth to be his first journey towards it, that Suetonius speaketh of * 1.6 when he came by water to the Gardens beside the Nanmachy, or the Pool in Tiber where they used their sport∣ting sea-fights, and returned again, but the cause not known. The first thing menti∣oned of him under these Consuls, both by Tacitus and Dion, is his marrying forth the Daughter of Drusus, which they name not; and Julia and Drusilla the Daughters of Germanicus; Drusilla to L. Cassius, Julia, to M. Vinicius. This was a Son of that M. Vinicius to whom Paterculus dedicated his short and sweet Roman History. And the nearness of the time would very nearly perswade that this was that very Vinicius himself, but that Paterculus sheweth that his Vinicius was Consul when he wrote his book to him; and that (as himself, and Dion agreeing with him sheweth) An. V. C. 783. or the next year after our Saviours Baptism; but this Vinicius, Tiberius his Son▪ in Law, (as Tacitus intimateth) was only a Knight, but a Consuls Son. Howsoever, in these times shone forth and flourished the excellent wit, and matchless pen of that Historian, an Author known to all learned men, and admired by all that know him: His Original was from the Campanians, as himself witnesseth not very far from the beginning of his second book, when he cometh to speak of the Italian war in the time of Sylla and Marius. No pen is so fit to draw his pedegree and Character as his own, and therefore take only his own words; Neque ego verecundia, domestici sanguinis gloriae dum verum refero sub∣traham, &c. Nor will I for modesty derogate any thing from the honour of mine own blood, so that I speak no more than truth; for much is to be attributed to the memory of Minatius Magius my great-Grandfathers Father, a man of Asculum; who being * 1.7 Ne∣phew to Decius Magius, a renowned Prince of the Campanians, and a most faithfull man, was so trusty to the Romans in this war, that with a Legion which he had banded, Pompey took Herculaneum, together with T. Didius; when L. Sulla besieged, and took in Consa. Of whose vertues both others, but especially and most plainly Q. Hortensius hath made relation in his Annals. Whose Loyalty the people of Rome did fully requite, by enfranchising both him and his, and making two of his Sons Pretors. His Grandfather was C. Velleius, Master of the Engeneers to Cn. Pompey, M. Brutus and Tyro; a man, saith he, second to none in Can••pany, whom I will not defraud of that Testimony which I would give to a stranger: He at the departure of Nero (Tiberius his Father) out of Naples, whose part he had taken for his singular friendship with him, being now unweldy with age and bulk of body, when he could not accompany him any longer, he slew himself. Of his Fathers, and of his own rank and profession, thus speaketh he joyntly: At this time (namely, about the time that Augustus adopted Tiberius) after I had been Field-Marshal, I became a Souldier of Tiberius, and being sent with him General of the Horse into Germany, which Office my Father had born before; for nine whole years together, I was either a spectator, or to my poor ability a forwarder of his most celestial designs; being either a Commander, or an Ambassadour. And a little after: In this war, (against the Hungarians and Dalmatians, and other Nations revolted) my meaness had the place of an eminent Officer. For having ended my service with the Horse, I was made Questor; and being not yet a Senator, I was equalled with the Senators. And the Tribunes of the people being now designed, I led a part of the. Army delivered to me by Augustus, from the City to his Son. And in my Questorship, the lot of my Province being remitted, I was sent Ambassadour from him to him again. Partner in the like employments and honours, he had a brother named Magius Celer Velleianus, that likewise attended Tiberius in the Dal∣matian war, and was honoured by him in his Triumph, and afterward were his Bro∣ther and he made Pretors. When he wrote that abridgement of the Roman History

which we now have extant, he had a larger work of the same subject in hand, of which he maketh mention in divers places; which he calleth justum opus, and justa volumina, but so far hath time and fortune denyed us so promising and so promised a piece; that this his abstract is come short home and miserably curtailed to our hands. So do Epitomes too commonly devour the Original, and pretending to ease the toil of reading larger Volumes, they bring them into neglect and loss. In the unhappiness of the loss of the other, it was somewhat happy that so much of this is preserved as is; a fragment of as excellent compacture, as any is in the Roman tongue; wherein sweetness and gravity, eloquence and truth, shortness and variety, are so compacted and compounded together, that it findeth few parallels either Roman or other.

§ 2. Troubles in Rome about Usury.

This year there was a great disturbance in the City about Usury, the too common, and the too necessary evil of a Common-wealth. This breed-bate had several times heretofore disturbed that State, though strict and rigorous courses still were taken about it. At the first, the interest of mony lent, was proportioned and limited only at the dispsal of the lender, a measure always inconstant, and often unconscionable. Whereupon it was fixed at the last by the twelve Tables to an ounce in the pound, which is pro∣portionable in our English coin, to a penny in the shilling. Afterward by a Tribune Statute it was reduced to half an ounce, and at last the trade was quite forbidden. But such weeds are ever growing again, though weeded out as clean as possible; and so did this: Partly, through the covetousnes of the rich, making way for their own pofit; and partly through the necessities of the poor, giving way to it for their own supply.

Gracchus now Pretor, and he to whom the complaint was made at this time, be∣ing much perplexed with the matter, referreth it to the Senate as perplexed as him∣self. He perplexed because of the multitude that were in danger, by breach of the Law; and they, because they were in danger themselves. Here was a prize for the greedy appetite of Tiberius, when so many of the best rank and purses, were fallen into his lurch, and their moneys lent fallen into forfeiture, because of their unlaw∣full lending. The guilty Senate obtain the Emperours pardon, and eighteen moneths are allowed for bringing in of all mens accompts: In which time the scarcity of mony did pinch the more, when every ones debts did come to rifling: and in the nick of that there followed a great disturbance about buying Lands, which before was invented for a remedy against the former complaints. But the Emperour was glad to salve up the matter by lending great sums of mony to the people gratis for three years.

§ 3. Tiberius still cruel.

With this one dram of humanity, he mingled many ounces of cruelty and blood-shed. For Considius Proculus as he was celebrating his birth day without fear and with Festivi∣ty, is haled out of his own house, brought to the bar and condemned: and his Sister Sancia interdicted fire and water. Pompeia Ma••rina banished; and her Father and Bro∣ther condemned and slew themselves. But this year there is no reckoning of the slaugh∣tered by name, for now their number grew numberless. All that were imprisoned and accused for conspiracy with Sejanus, he causeth to be slain every mothers son. Now, saith mine Author, there lay an infinite massacre of all sexes, ages, conditions, noble and ignoble, either dispersed, or together on heaps. Nor was it permitted to friends or kindred to comfort, bewail, or behold them any more: but a Guard fet, which for the greater grief abused the putrified bodies till they were haled into Tiber, and there left to sink or swim, for none was suffered to touch or bury them. So far was common humanity banished, and pity denyed even after death, revenge being unsatisfied when it had revenged, and cru∣elty extended beyond it self. Nor did the accusers speed better than the accused, for he also caused them to be put to death as well as the other, under that colour of justice and retaliation, satisfying his cruelty both ways to the greater extent. It were to be admired, and with admiration never to be satisfied (were it not that the avenging hand of God upon the bloody City is to be acknowledged in it) that ever a people should

be so universally bent one against another, seeking the ruine and destruction one of ano∣ther, and furthering their own misery, when they were most miserable already, in him that sought the ruin of them all. A fitter instrument could not the Tyrant have desired for such a purpose than themselves; nor when he had them so pliable to their own mischief, did he neglect the opportunity, or let them be idle: For as he saw accusati∣ons encrease, so did he encrease his Laws to breed more: insomuch that at the last it grew to be capital, for a servant to have fallen before, or near the image of Augustus, or for any man to carry either coin or ring into the Stews, or house of Office, if it bare upon it the image of Tiberius.

§. 3. A wicked accusation.

Who can resolve whether it were more vexation to suffer upon such foolish accusations, or upon others more solid; but as false as these were foolish? That was the fortune of Sextus Marius an intimate friend of the Emperours; but as it proved, not the Emperour so of his: This was a man of great riches and honour, and in this one action of a strange vain-glory and revenge. Having taken a displeasure at one of his Neighbours, he invi∣teth him to his house, and there detained him feasting two days together. And on the first day he pulleth his house down to the ground, and on the next he buildeth it up far fairer and larger than before. The honest man when he returned home found what was done, admired at the speed of the work, rejoyced at the change of his house, but could not learn who had done the deed. At the last Marius confessed that he was the agent, and that he had done it with this intent, to shew him that he had power to do him a displeasure, or a pleasure, as he should deserve it. Ah blinded Marius, and too indulgent to thine own humours! seest thou not the same power of Tiberius over thee, and thy fortunes pinned upon his pleasure, as thy neighbours upon thine? And so it came to pass that fortune read him the same lecture, that his fancy had done another. For having a young beautiful Daughter, and such a one, as on whom the Emperour had cast an eye, and so plainly, that the Father spyed it, he removed her to another place, and kept her there close and at distance, lest she should have been violated by him, who must have no denyal. Tiberius imagined as the thing was indeed, and when he seeth that he cannot enjoy his love, and satisfie his lust, he turneth it to hate and revenge. And causeth Marius to be accused of incest with his daughter whom he kept so close, and both Father and Daughter are condemned, and suffer for it both together.

§ 5. A miserable life and death.

In these so feareful and horrid times, when nothing was safe, nothing secure, when silence and innocency were no protection, nor to accuse, no more safeguard than to be accused, but when all things went at the Emperours will, and that will always cruel, what course could any man take not to be intangled, and what way being intangled to extricate himself? The Emperours frowns were death, and his favours little better; to be accused was condemnation, and to accuse was often as much; that now very many found no way to escape death but by dying, nor to avoid the cruelty of others, but by being cruel to themselves. For though self-murder was always held for a Roman valour, yet now was it become a meer necessity; men choosing that miserable exigent to avoid a worse, as they supposed, and a present end, to escape future evils. So did Asinius Gallus at this time for the one, and Nerva the other. This Gallus about three years ago, coming to Tiberius upon an Ambassy, was fairly entertained and royally feasted by him, but in the very interim he writeth letters to the Senate in his accusation. Such was the Tyrants friendship; and so sour sawce had poor Asinius to his dainty fare. A thing both inhumane and unusual, that a man the same day should eat, drink and be merry with the Emperour, and the same day be condemned in the Senate upon the Emperours accusation. An Offi∣cer is sent to fetch him away a Prisoner; from whence he had but lately gone Ambassa∣dour. The poor man being thus betrayed, thought it vain to beg for life; for that he was sure would be denyed him, but he begged that he might presently be put to death, and that was denyed also. For the bloody Emperour delighted not in blood and death on∣ly, but in any thing that would cause other mens misery, though it were their life. So having once committed one of his friends to a most miserable and intolerable imprison∣ment; and being solicited and earnestly sued unto, that he might be speedily executed and put out of his misery, he flatly denyed it, saying, That he was not grown friends with him yet. Such was the penance that he put poor Gallus to: a life far worse than a present death;

for he ought him more spite and torture than a suddain execution. The miserable man being imprisoned and straitly looked to, not so much for fear of his escape by flight, as of his escape by death, was denyed the sight and conference of any one whosoever, but him only that brought him his pitiful dyet, which served only to prolong his wretched life, and not to comfort it; and he was forced to take it, for he must by no means be suffered to dy. Thus lived (if it may be called a life) a man that had been of the ho∣nourablest rank and office in the City; lingring and wishing for death, or rather dying for three years together; and now at last he findeth the means to famish himself, and to finish his miserable bondage with as miserable an end; to the sore displeasure of the Em∣perour, for that he had escaped him, and not come to publick execution.

Such an end also chose Nerva one of his near friends and familiars, but not like the other, because of miseries past or present; but because of fear and foresight of such to come. His way that he took to dispatch himself of his life, was by total abstinence and refusal of food; which when Tiberius perceived was his intent, he sits down by him, desires to know his reason, and begs with all earnestness of him, that he would desist from such a design: For what scandal, saith he, will it be to me, to have one of my nearest friends to end his own life, and no cause given why he should so die? But Ner∣va satisfied him not either in answer or in act, but persisted in his pining of himself, and so dyed.

§ 6. The miserable ends of Agrippina and Drusus.

To such like ends came also Agrippina and Drusus, the Wife and Son of Germanicus, and Mother and Brother of Caius, the next Emperour that should succeed. These two, the Daughter in law, and Grandchild of Tiberius himself, had about four years ago been brought into question by his unkind and inhuman accusation, and into hold and custody, until this time. It was the common opinion that the cursed instigation of Sejanus, whom the Emperour had raised purposely for the ruine of Germanicus his house had set such an accusation on foot; and made the man to be so cruel towards his own family; but when the two accursed ones had miserably survived the wicked Sejanus, and yet nothing was remitted of their prosecution, then opinion learned to lay the fault where it deserved, even on the cruelty and spite of Tiberius himself. Drusus is adjudged by him to die by famine, and miserable and woeful wretch that he was, he sustaineth his life for nine days together, by eating the flocks out of his bed, being brought to that lamentable and unheard of dyet, through extremity of hunger. Here at last was an end of Drusus his misery, but so was there not of Tiberius his cruelty towards him; for he denyed the dead body burial in a fitting place; he reviled and disgraced the memory of him with hideous and feigned scandals and criminations, and shamed not to pub∣lish in the open Senate, what words had passed from the pining man against Tiberius himself; when in agony through hunger he craved meat, and was denyed it. Oh what a sight and hearing was this to the eyes and ears of the Roman people, to behold him that was a child of their darling and delight Germanicus, to be thus barbarously and in∣humanely brought to his end, and to hear his own Grandfather confess the action and and not dissemble it!

Agrippina the woeful Mother, might dolefully conjecture what would become of her self, by this fatal and terrible end of the poor Prince her Son. And it was not long, but she tasted of the very same cup, both of the same kind of death, and of the same kind of disgracing after. For being pined after the same manner, that it might be co∣loured that she did it of her self (a death very unfitting the greatest Princess then alive,) she was afterward slandered by Tiberius for adultery with Gallus that died so lately, and that she caused her own death for grief of his. She and her Son were deny∣ed burial befitting their degree, but hid in some obscure place where no one knew, which was no little distast and discontentment to the people. The Tyrant thought it a special cause of boasting and extolling his own goodness, that she had not been strangled, nor dyed the death of common base offenders: And since it was her fortune to die on the very same day that Sejanus had done two years before, viz. Octob. 17. it must be recor∣ded as of special observation, and great thanks given for the matter, and an annual sa∣crifice instituted to Jupiter on that day.

Caius her Son, and Brother to poor Drusus took all this very well, or at least seemed so to do, partly glad to be shut of any one that was likely to have any colour or likelyhood of corrivality with him in his future reign; and partly being brought up in such a School of dissimulation, and grown so perfect a Scholar there, that he wanted

little of Tiberius. This year he married Claudia the daughter of M. Silanus, a man that would have advised him to good, if he would have hearkned; but afterward he matched with a mate and stock, more fitting his evil nature, Ennia the Wife of Macro, but for advantage resigned by her Husband Macro, to the adulterating of Caius, and then to his marriage.

§ 7. Other Massacres.

The death of Agrippina drew on Plancina's, a Woman that never accorded with her in any thing, but in Tiberius his displeasure, and in a fatal and miserable end. This Plancina, in the universal mourning of the state for the loss of Germanicus, rejoyced at it, and made that her sport, which was the common sorrow of all the State: How poor Agrippina relished this, being deprived of so rare a Husband, can hardly be thought of without joyning with her in her just and mournfull indignation. Tiberius having a spleen at the woman for some other respect, had now a fair colour to hide his revenge under, to call her to account, and that with some applause. But here his revenge is got into a strait: for if he should put her to death, it may be it would be some con∣tent to Agrippina: and therefore not to pleasure her so much, he will not pleasure the other so much neither as with present death, but keepeth her in lingring custody till Agrippina be gone, and then must she follow; but her resoluteness preventeth the Execu∣tioner, and to escape anothers, she dieth by her own hand.

Let us make up the heap of the slaughtered this year, in the words of Dion, Such a number of Senators, to omit others, perished under Tiberius, that the Governours of Pro∣vinces were chosen by lot, and ruled, some three years, some six, because there were not enough to come in their room.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Hi••••on.
• * 1.2

  2 Cor. 11. 21. Phil. 3. 5. Rom. 11. 1.
• * 1.3

  Tit. 1. 12. Acts 17. 28. 1 Cor. 1••. 33. Act. 22. 3. Gal. 1. 14. Acts 18. 3.
• * 1.4

  Acts 8. 3. and 22. 4. Acts 26. 11.
• * 1.5

  Dion sub his coss.
• * 1.6

  In Liber cap. 17.
• * 1.7

  Or grandchild