The works of the Reverend and learned John Lightfoot D. D., late Master of Katherine Hall in Cambridge such as were, and such as never before were printed : in two volumes : with the authors life and large and useful tables to each volume : also three maps : one of the temple drawn by the author himself, the others of Jervsalem and the Holy Land drawn according to the author's chorography, with a description collected out of his writings.

PART II. (Book 2)

The ROMAN Story. (Book 2)

§. 1. The state of the City hitherto.

THE City Rome was built by Romulus in the year of the World 3175. in the fifteenth year of Amaziah King of Judah, and in the first year of Jero∣boam the second, the King of Israel. It had stood from the time of its first foundation, to this year in which it put the Lord of life to death, seven hundred fourscore and five years; And had undergone and passed thorough two different and diverse kinds of government, and was now but lately entred up∣on a third.

The first was under Kings, for 243 years, and the foundation of this government as of the City it self was laid in the blood of Remus, shed by his brother Romulus, who was the founder of the City.

The second was under Consuls, 467 years from the expulsion of Tarquin the last King, to the Consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, which was the year that Augustus began to rule, with Antony and Lepidus. This change of the government, was likewise founded in blood as the former had been, namely of Lucrece, Aruns, and Brutus, and in the extir∣pation of Tarquins house.

A third manner of government, had the City and Empire now begun upon, and had been under it threescore and two years; namely, a monarchy again, but the name only changed from a King to an Emperor. And the foundation of this change was al∣so laid in blood as the other had been, namely in the death of Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra.

The carriage of Tarquin the last of the Kings had brought the City into an opini∣on that Monarchy was an enemy to Liberty: And the growth and flourishing of that State under another manner of government had so confirmed this opinion, that they were sooner put out of their Liberty, than out of belief of that Position. Brutus and Collatinus, who were the expellers of Tarquin and of Monarchy with him, had found out a government likely enough in all humane judgment to heal all these mis∣chiefs and miscarriages, that Monarchical Tyranny did bring upon them, when they appointed two supreme Governors in stead of one, and their Power and Rule to be but annual in stead of, for life. The success was agreeable to the policy, and so hap∣pily and prosperously did the State grow under these rulers, [and some others mixt as occasion urged], that to offer to reduce it to Monarchy again, was infallibly held to be, to reduce it to slavery; and Julius Caesar found how deeply grounded this opi∣nion was in the heart of a Roman, by the loss of his life: they supposing his affecting the Empire single, aimed at the loss of their Liberties.

Augustus his Nephew and adopted son, though he had before his eyes in Julius his death a clear and convincing Lecture, how dangerous and desperate an attempt it was, to affect the monarchy, yet did he dare it; but managing his desires and designs with so much discretion and noislesness, that the government was gotten into his hands alone, and the Empire slipt into a monarchical subjection even before it was aware.

Tacitus hath described this strange transition to this purpose,

After that Brutus and Cassius being slain, there was now no publick hostility; Pom∣pey was crushed at Sicily, and Lepidus being stripped of his power, and Antony slain, there remained now no commander on Julius his party, but only Caesar, he laying down the name of Triumvir, and bearing himself as Consul, and as content with the Tribu∣nate, for the defense of the Commons: when he had won the Souldiers with gifts, the people with provision, and all men with the sweetness of peace, he began to get up by degrees, and to draw to himself the power of the Senate, Magistrates and Law, no man gainsaying him: For the fiercest persons were either dispatcht in the armies or by banishment, the rest of the Nobles, by how much the more they were the readier for vassallage, by so much the more they were preferred with wealth and honours: and be∣ing thus inriched by these innovations, they desired rather the safe and present conditi∣on, than the ancient and dangerous. Nor did the Provinces refuse this state of things, they having the rule of the Senate and people in suspition, because of the quarrellings of the great ones, and the avarice of the Magistrates, the Laws affording no relief, but themselves destroyed, by power, prowling or money.

Thus did the very posture of things as it were conspire with the desires of Augustus, to bring the Roman state into a Monarchy, and himself to be the Monarch; the decrees and determination of Heaven having so ordered, that here should begin a fifth Monarchy af∣ter the destruction of the four, Dan. 2. & 7. which should equal all the four in power, pomp and cruelty, and should be the continual persecutor of the Church of the Christi∣ans, as they had been of the Church of the Jews: And thus doth the Gospel and the State that should persecute it in a manner arise at once, and Christ and Antichrist after a sort are born together.

§. 2. The qualities of Tiberius the present Emperor: his damnable dissimulation.

Augustus as he had got the sole government into his hands, by a great deal of wisdom, and daring, so did he keep it with the same wisdom, and as much moderation: He sat Emperor for the space of four and forty years, honoured and beloved, and died desired and lamented, though he had thus impropriated, as it was conceived, the whole liberty of the Empire into his own hand: Now whether it were the native gentleness and good∣ness of the Emperor, that kept him in such a sweetness and moderation; or whether it were some policy mingled with it, as knowing it not to be safe to be too busie and rigid so near the change, he so demeaned himself for the benefit of the City, and love of the people, that as he was the first of all the Emperors, so in a manner was he the last that shewed such mildness, goodness, and nobleness, either to people or City.

Tyberius succeeded him, his Wives son by nature, and his by adoption; a man as incom∣parably evil, unworthy, and cruel, as Augustus had been glorious, noble, and humane. And if that were true which some supposed and believed, That Augustus had nominated Tiberius for his Successor, that his own worth might be the better set off by the others wickedness; and that he might be the better spoken of, because the other was so odious; this his last action was more to his dishonour than all his former; and howso∣ever Tiberius might do him honour by his miscarriage, yet did he do himself dishonour in Tyberius.

This wretch, whose Story we are now to follow, was, as his own Tutor used to define him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 A lump of clay mingled with blood; and that clay and blood mingled with as much mischievousness, as it was almost possible for humane nature to contain.

A dissembler he was, beyond all parallels and comparisons, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 saith Dion, He had a disposition most single to himself: For he never made shew to what he desired; and he never spake as he thought; what he desired he denied; what he ha∣ted he pretended to: he shewed anger where he loved best; he pretended love where he hated most: he looked sullenly on his friends, chearfully on his enemies: was fair spoken to those he meant to punish, was most severe towards those he thought to par∣don; And it was his Maxim, That a Princes mind must be known to no man; for that by its being known, many evils and inconveniences do follow; but many con∣veniences by its being dissembled: Hence did every man that medled with him, come into danger; and to understand, or not understand his mind, was alike perillous. And

some have been undone for agreeing to his words, because they agreed not to his mind: and some have been undone for agreeing to his mind, because he perceived they had found his mind out. And it was a thing of extreme difficulty, either to consent to his words or to gainsay them: when it was his custom to command one thing and to will another.

This dissimulation he began withal at his very first entrance to the Empire, pretending great unwillingness to take it upon him, and when it was urged on him past denial, then pretending to take two partners with him, as to share in the burden and honour: but when Asinius Gallus took him at his word, and bad him choose his part, he took it so ill, that he dogd him for it to the death. The same dissimulation he took along with him, when he had taken the Empire on him, carrying it with all mildness and moderation, as if he had been a second Augustus, whereas indeed the reason was, because Germanicus was alive, and most dear in the peoples affection, and he feared him lest he should have been preferred before him.

Yet did his best demeanour bewray what he was within, for all his skill in dissembling, and at the very best he gave just suspition that he would prove but evil.

He began his reign with the murder of Agrippa, a man once in as high favour with Au∣gustus as himself. He went on with the murder of a poor man for a piece of wit: For as a corps was carried to its interring, this man came to it and whispered in the dead mans ear: and being asked by the standers by what he meant, he answered, that he de∣sired that dead man when he came into the other world, to tell Augustus that his Lega∣cies to the people were not yet paid. This cost the poor man his life, for Tiberius said he should go on that message himself, and so he slew him, but this got the people their Legacies.

It would be infinite to reckon up the murders, oppressions, and miscreancy committed by him in the first seventeen years of his reign, or before this year that we have in hand: The most remarkable were that he raised Sejanus purposely that he might help to ruine Germanicus and Drusus, though they were his own adopted sons, and when that was done by Sejanus he ruined Sejanus and all his friends with him. We shall have mis∣chief enough from him in those years that we are to follow him in, namely from his eigh∣teenth and forward, and therefore let the story hasten thither.

§. 3. The year of Tiberius his reign at our Saviours death.

This year is determined by common consent of Historians to be his eighteenth: and the matter is past all doubt, if it were as certain that Christ was Baptized in the fifteenth year of Tiberius, as it is certain that John began to baptize. For whereas John began to baptize about the vernal Equinox, and Christ was not baptized till the Autumnal, beginning just then to enter upon his thirtieth year, and whereas Tiberius began to reign about the 18 day of August, as appeareth by the Roman Historians▪ the fifteenth year of Tiberius in exact accounting was expired some weeks before Christ was baptized. And therefore though Luke say that in the fifteenth year of Tiberius John came baptizing, Luke 3. 1. yet was it in the sixteenth year of Tiberius (as it seemeth) before Christ came to his baptism: and so should the death of our Saviour fall into Tiberius his nine∣teenth year. But it is not safe to hang the Chronology of all succeeding times upon so small a pin as this: therefore according to the universal consent and determination of all Christian writers, we will take the eighteenth year of Tiberius to have been the year of Christs death, resurrection, and ascension, and accordingly compute and reckon the times of the succeeding Emperors that we have to go through proportionate or agree∣able to this beginning.

The Roman Consuls for this year that we have in hand were Cn▪ Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus, as is obvious to any eye that counteth, the years and Consuls in the time of Tiberius.

§. 4. His lusts and beastiality.

HE had certain years before this departed out of Rome, resolving never to return to it again, which indeed he never did, though often taking on him to come, and drawing very near unto the City. The pretence of his departure, * 1.1 was the grief that he took on him to take for the death of his two sons, Germanicus a••d Drusus, and the dedication of a Capitol at Capua and a Temple at Nola: but the reasons indeed were, partly in disdain of the authority of his mother Livia, partly to avoid the dangers of the City, * 1.2 partly to outrun the shame of his evil actions, and partly that in the retired∣ness of the Country he might be the more freely wicked as not restrained by the pub∣lick shame. This last he made good by his badness, if such a thing may be said to be made good. For having gotten the liberty of retiredness, saith * 1.3 Suetonius, and being removed from the eyes of the City, he now let go loose all the vices that he had so long dissembled. Uncleanness both with Boys and Girls, ravishing both of wives and maids, new invented arts of lechery, and trades of lust, obscene bathings and filthy feasts, and such horribleness of beastiality that the mention thereof is not fit for a Christi∣ans hearing, nay Rome her self had not heard of none such till this very time.

§. His cruelty, and how forwarded.

Nor, which is wonderful, did he in all this delicacy and effeminateness, remit or un∣give any thing of his bloodiness and cruelty, but as in his person he plaid the Swine in Capreae, so by his letters did he the Lion at Rome. The cowardize, and fawning of the Senate from which he was run, and which he sought to destroy, did forward his inhu∣mane disposition exceeding much: for as this inhumanity provoked him to do what mis∣chief he could, so did their compliance shew him that he might do what his list, when things were come to that pass (saith * 1.4 Dion) that there was no man that could deny, but that he could heartily eat the Emperors flesh, yet when Cn. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus were Consuls (which was the year we have in hand) a thing most ridiculous came to pass. For whereas it had been decreed long before, that the Senate should not swear to the acts of the Emperor on the first day of January, man by man, but that one should take the oath, and the rest should give their consent: this year they did not so, but of their own offer, and no one constraining, they were sworn every man in particular.

And there befel also a thing yet more ridiculous than this. For they decreed that Tiberius should choose out of their order as many as he would: and twenty of those chosen by lot and weaponed he should have for his guard whensoever he should come into the Senate. Now seeing that without the Senate house all was well guarded with a band of Souldiers, and that no private man came within, for whom else would they or could they have this guard added but for themselves? Tiberius commended their forwardness and gave them thanks for their good will, but the thing it self he declined as a thing unusual: for he was not so simple, as to put swords into their hands whom he so much hated, and of whom he was hated so much.

Thus Dion: and thus the Senate, taken in their own net which they had laid too plain; arming Tiberius with suspition, hatred, and power, while they thought to have weaponed themselves. A far milder nature than his, would hardly have missed to have made a domineering use of such an opportunity, when their visible hatred had shewed him his own danger, and their cowardly flattery had shewed him his power, and how he made advantage of these his notions, did appear by the sequel.

§. 5. Divers cruelties.

Sejanus his high exalted favorite, had been found, or at least suspected by him to go about to undermine him as he had done Drusus by his setting on, and he had the last year been put to death upon that certainty, or suspition; and now must all his friends, creatures, kindred and adherents, which had been exceeding many to so great a favorite, come to the same reckoning and ruine with him. And this advantage had the old Poli∣tician by his kennelling in the solitariness of the Country, that both he might be as im∣pudent as he would in putting forward his designs, for his letters could not blush, and resolute enough in following them to their accomplishing, for he was far enough from the danger of the discontented City.

He began with the confiscation of Sejanus his goods, and went on with the banishment* 1.5 of Junius Gallio one of his friends. This Gallio or Gallenus (as Dion calleth him) in a base flattery to Tiberius made the motion that the Souldiers of his guard should at the shews sit in the Knights form: A proposal more full of simplicity and fawning than of any danger or suspition: and yet is he sharply taken up for it by the Emperors letters, as for an overture of sedition made by a friend of Sejanus as thinking to corrupt the minds of the Souldiers by hope of honours: And for no other fault but this is Gallio banished to Lesbos, but recalled again ere long, because it was thought by the Emperor that he took delight in the pleasentnes•• of the Island, and then he was committed to custody in the Magistrates houses. The same letters thunderbolt Sestius Paconius, and either they or the next, do as much for Latiaris the betrayer of Sabinus, and shortly are the like come for Caecilianus a Senator, Quintus Servaeus once Pretor, and Minutius Thermus a Knight: and if they came not into the same black bill, yet did Julius Africanus and Seius Quadra∣tus come into the same danger.

§. 6. Strange accusing.

Thus came his packets very frequent to the Senate, and seldom or never but written in some mans blood or other: he being cankered and crafty enough to accuse and pre∣tend, and the Senate so officious and serviceable to him, as to condemn and execute. And happy had the condition of the City been, had he rested there, to have been accu∣ser only himself, but his subtle policy had found out a way, and practised it, and he thought himself happy in it, to set such division and sow such seeds of accusations among the people, that now they do nothing, nor affect nothing more, than to accuse, impeach and charge one another, and to contrive and compass each others death. Cruel and in∣humane that he was thus to divide and imbroile his own people and Subjects to destroy each other, that the clearer way might be made to his tyranny through their destruction; and that he cannot think himself an absolute Prince, nor truly happy, unless his people die at his pleasure or live in misery. Yet can I not but think of an invisible hand of justice in this deplorate condition of the City and State wrought and brought upon her by her own Prince, that she now perisheth daily and sadly by her false accusing, and con∣demning, and destroying one another; for at this very time, by false accusation and un∣just condemning, she had destroyed and murdered the Lord of life.

Now, saith Tacitus, did Tiberius, inciting the chiefest men to mischief, admonish C. Caestius* 1.6 the father, to tell the Senate what he had written to him: and Caestius took upon him to ac∣cuse: A bane which those times brought forth, when the chief men of the Senate would practise most base accusations, some openly, many secretly; nor could you then discern strangers from kinsmen, friends from men unknown, nor what was new, nor what was obscure with age: So surely were men accused of whatsoever they had spoken in the open streets or at feasts, as others could make hast to prevent, and accuse them for guilty: some for their own refuge, more as in∣fected with contagion and a sickness. So Tacitus.

Seneca also utters his complaint of these doleful times, and alledgeth one example of* 1.7 these accusations, which at once sheweth the baseness of them and the frequency.

In the times of Tiberius Caesar, saith he, there was a frequent and almost common madness of accusing, which more tormented the gowned City, than all their civil wars had done before. Now the words of drunkards were catched at, and the harmlesness of jesters. Nothing was safe, every occasion of being cruel gave content: Nor was there any expecting of what would be the event of those that were accused, for they had all one and the same. Paulus the Praetorian was at a certain supper or feast, having the picture of Tiberius graven in the stone of his Ring, which something stood forth; I should do but very foolishly, if I should pump for words to tell, that he took the Chamberpot, which thing Maro one of the spies of those times took speedy notice of. But a servant of his for whom the trap was prepared took off his Ring when he was drunk. And when Maro took witness of the guests that Caesars Image was laid to a filthy base thing, and was ready to subscribe the charge, the servant shewed the Ring upon his own finger.

Exceeding many do the Roman Histories mention and nominate, that came to fatal ends, or heavy dooms under the bloodiness of this inquisition, but many and many omit∣ted, saith Tacitus, and not named by the Roman writers, either because they were cloyed with multitude of examples, or lest, as what they suffered was much and grievous to themselves, so likewise might it be unto the Reader.

§. 7. Desperate boldness, and discreet.

In these so dangerous times of the City, and raging humors of the Emperor, it cannot be omitted for the strangeness of it, how two men came off, Marcus Terentius by a reso∣lute bravery before the Senate, and Lucius Sejanus by a desperate scoff and mocking of the Emperor.

In the sports and feasts of Flora, this Sejanus being Pretor, had caused all things to be* 1.8 performed by baldheaded men, and by no other, and this he did because Tiberius was baldheaded himself. And to make up the scorn to the full, at night, when the company was to depart, he caused five thousand boys with their heads shaven bare, to carry Links* 1.9 and Torches to light them away. And yet Tiberius would take no notice of all this though he knew it well enough, either because he would not second his own derision, by taking it to heart, or because he intended to revenge this scorn at some other time, un∣der some other title, or because by this toleration he would animate more to be saucy with him to their own confusion.

But far more brave, because far more necessary and discreet, was the courage of Te∣rentius, who had the sober and well guided valour, not to thrust himself into danger, but to bring him out. He was accused of dependence upon Sejanus, and of complying with him, and he denied not the accusation, but strengthned it, and came off better by extre∣mity of confession than others could do with the utmost of excusing. I loved, said he, and honoured Sejanus, because Tiberius loved him and did him honour: So that if he did well I did not amiss, and if the Emperor that knoweth all things exactly, were deceived, it is no wonder if I were deceived with him. It is not for us to regard or search, for what cause the Emperor promoteth such a man: to him belongeth the property of that judgment, to us the glory of obsequiousness. His treasons against the Commonwealth, and plots against the Empe∣rors life, let them bear the punishment they have deserved, but as for friendship and observance, the same end will acquit Tiberius and us, &c.

And in this strain and boldness proceeded he on, still driving on his affections to Seja∣nus thorow Sejanus to the Emperor, that he led the accusation the same way to light upon him also, insomuch that in an instant his accusers had changed place with him, for they were accused and he discharged.

§. 8. Other Occurrences of this year.

But Tiberius his humour was too strong to be stopped with such Rhetorick, in behalf of any more, though this prevailed for Terentius himself. For presently come accusatory letters against Sex. Vestilius, as a libeller against C. Caesar, who to avoid death, by the hand of some other man, would prevent it with his own, and so cut his veins: but tying them up again and repenting his fact he sent a supplicatory petition to the Emperor that he might live: of which receiving but a comfortless answer, he let them open to bleed again. Afterward followed the accusation of Annius Pollio, Apius Silanus, Scaurus Ma∣mercus, Sabinus Calvisius: Vitia the mother of Fusius Geminius late Consul, put to death for nothing but for bewailing the death of her own son; Vescularius and Marinus execu∣ted in Capreae. And Geminius and Celsus came to such fatal ends towards the end of the year. In this year there was a book of the Sibyls offered to the Senate, but he that offered it was sharply checked by the Emperor for his pains. Some scarsity of provision oppressed the City, and plenty of mocks upon the stage jerked the Emperor, but course was taken ere long for the remedy of both, and for the latter sooner than the former. Scribonia∣nus his place of Consulship was often changed according to Tiberius his wavering plea∣sure, the politician craftily shaking and unsetling that ancient government, that his new one of Monarchy might sit the faster. Flaccus Avilius was made Governor of Egypt, an Iberian by birth as may be collected from Dion, and a future scourge of the Jews, as will appear hereafter. Rubrius Fabatus when he saw the City in so desperate an estate, betook himself to fall to the Parthians, but was apprehended by the way, and yet escaped punish∣ment, being forgotten rather than forgiven.

§. 9. Tiberius perplexed.

Among all the troubles of that City (that hath been ever the troubler of the world) that befel her this year, when she slew the Prince of quietness and peace, it may not be amiss to look a little upon the disquietness of him himself within himself that caused this disquiet to her, and imbrewed her so oft in her own blood: And this we may do by the Anatomy that Tacitus hath read upon his intrals, spying the thoughts of his heart, through the words of a letter, that he wrote in behalf of Cotta Messalinus an old favorite of his, the letter bearing the date of this year, as appeareth by the same Tacitus, and the words this tenour, as is attested both by him and Suetonius. Quid scribam vobis P. C. aut* 1.10 quomodo scribam, aut quid omnino non scribam hoc tempore, Dii me, Deaeque pejus perdant, quem perire quotidie sentio, si scio. What I shall write to you O fathers conscript, or how I shall write, or what I shall not write at all at this time, the gods and goddesses confound me worse than I feel my self to perish daily, if I can tell. Whereupon Suetonius saith, that being wea∣ry of himself, he almost confesseth the sum of his miseries: But my other author thus largely. Thus did even his villanies and flagitiousness turn to punishment to himself. Nor was it in vain that the wisest of men was wont to affirm, that if the minds of Tyrants were but opened, tor∣tures and stripes might be spied there: seeing that the mind is butchered with cruelty, lust and evil projects, as the body is with blows. For, not solitariness, not fortune, could protect Ti∣berius, but that he confesseth the torments of his breast, and his own punishment.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Sutton in Ti∣ber. cap. 39. 40.
• * 1.2

  Tacit. Annal. lib. 6.
• * 1.3

  Cap. 42, 43, 44
• * 1.4

  Lib. 58.
• * 1.5

  Tacit. lib. 6. Annal. Dion ubi s••pra.
• * 1.6

  Tiberius inci∣ting the chie∣sest men to mischief.
• * 1.7

  De benef. lib. 3•• cap. 26.
• * 1.8

  Dion lib. 58.
• * 1.9

  A venerable antiquity for shaven crowns.
• * 1.10

  Sueton in Tib•••• c. 67.