A caveat to the cavaliers, or, An antidote against mistaken cordials dedicated to the author of A cordial for the cavaliers.

But where's the Cordial all this while? you pretend to comfort people under Corporal necessities, by telling them, they have a Gracious Prince, and a Good Cause; you bid them not Despayr, for it is possible they may receive their Reward—when the Publique shall have nothing else to do with their mony. (that is, at Last.) VVords will not feed the Hungry; nor Speculations clothe the Naked. This is no more than what we might have heard from a Good Old wife in a Chimny-Cor∣ner. Have a good Heart; God's all-sufficient. This may Relieve the Mind, but not the Body.

Your Fourth and Fifth Sections are spent in the De∣fence of what we do not Oppose, and not without Mis∣take,

even in the ground of your Plea. The King may give his Honours and Rewards;-Pardon, or Punish, where, and as he pleases, (that is, he may forgive such faults as God allows him to dispense with.) but still, your Twenty to One, is more oddes than the proportion will bear.

The learned Bishop Sanderson, concerning Oathes, tells us, That an Errour in the substance of the thing, which was the proper cause of the Oath, renders the Promise Inva∣lid, and the Obligation void. (Lect. 4. Sect. 13.) Upon which Equity, it may be a question, whether his Maje∣sty be bound, or not, to make good all those Grants, which by Deceipt, about the substance of the Thing, have been obtained from him; the proper cause whereof was his perswasion of their Loyalty, to whom he pass'd such Grants. Under this Notion have been Dignified some Persons, with whose Character I shall not foul my Pa∣per, further than Thus: Those blessings which his Sacred Majesty meant to shed upon his Friends, fell up∣on his Enemies; The VOYCE was JACOBS, but the HANDS are ESAU'S.

Upon the Main, your Paper bears the Name of a Cordial, without the Effect of it; and such is our Con∣dition, that it is equally dangerous either to fasten upon false Comforts, or neglect True ones. VVhat the King Does, or Is; what Hopes of Profit or Reward; is not one jote material to our businesse. The Rule of Loyaltie is the same, whatever may be the humour of the Prince▪ and he that makes Profit the Reason of his Virtue, will, when that Reason is gone; think it likewise an Excuse of his wickednesse. Our best part is to behave our selves with Clearnesse and Prudence; and honourably to Bear what we cannot honestly avoid: without mincing or pal∣liating

the Worst, or Looking into the Starrs for Better.

We have an Uncertainty of Events, before us; of Decree, above us; of Counsells, and Design, about us; a Light, and Guide within us: and, if there be no new thing under the Sun; the Future is Behind us.

Be it our Care then to discover,—what Dangers threaten us; from whence; which we may struggle with; which not: how, fairly to shunn all; and by the square of Honesty and Reason, mend a bad Game: All which may be effected; by procuring that his Majestie may neither mistake his Friends; nor the People his Majestie: together with a waryness, not to rely upon our Enemies, nor to Divide among our selves.

These Four hints duly observed secure us; (without a Miracle) as on the Contrary, we fall into Disorder and Confusion.

The First, and grand Expedient, is—

I. That his Majesty may rightly understand his People.

A Failing in this point would prove a Mischief with∣out Remedie, or Comfort: one of the saddest Judge∣ments can befall a Prince or Nation. It gives Authori∣ty to a general Ruine: puts Loyaltie out of countenance; and it makes Faith and Honour cheap and ridiculous.

As the Mistake is Mortall, so 'tis not easie to distin∣guish betwixt Truths and Appearances; especially for a Prince so long unwonted, and so much a Stranger to his People. Mens Hearts are not read in their Faces; and we live in an age, where commonly the Blackest Souls wear the cleerest Forheads; and Confidence supplies the place of Merit: Let us not wonder then at benefits

misplaced, but rather labour to prevent, by better In∣formation, so many dangerous, tho' well-meaning dis∣appointments: for his Majestie hath no other means of knowing his People, then either faithfull Notice, or long Observation; and Delay kills us.

This is not yet to impose upon his Majesties Free grace; or intercept the Course, and Influence of his Royal Goodness, We are, with Reverence, to beleeve that where he knowes the Person he Preferrs, or Saves, he knowes likewise the Reason of his Bounty or Mercy: and we are not to pry into forbidden secrets. But where we find the King a Stranger either to the Action or the Person; we may with fairnesse enough humbly acquaint his Majesty, that such and such Decimatours, or High-Court-of-Iustice-men sit now upon the Bench: what such Ministers were; such and such Officers of the Army: These Privy-Chambermen: Those something else.—In fine, what hinders us to present his Majesty frankly with a view into what peoples hands, Offices of Trust, Credit, and Profit, are generally committed throughout the Nation? when the King shall see, how much beside his Royal expectation things are caryed: a Design set on Foot by the Confederates against his Father; (for these Agreements are not the work of Chance) the Cropp of one Rebellion to become the Seed of another, and his gracious Act of Pardon to his Enemies, render'd (so much as in them lyes) a Con∣demnation of Himself, and Friends: his Princely Wise∣dome will proceed according to the motions of his own good Pleasure, and There we are to acquiesce, without presuming to Advise, or Direct, unlesse our Lord and Master will have it so; for having declared the matter of Fact, the Iudgement and the Processe rests in his Majesty.

By these means may the King assure himself against an open Combination; the danger of having his Person seized by his Authority; which tho' a great, is not the onely hazzard our blessed Soveraign lyes exposed to. (Whom in his boundlesse mercy God deliver from all Conspiracies.)

There are Four sorts of people, which, beyond doubt, his Majesty will have a care of: 1. His uncon∣verted Enemies. 2. His temporizing Friends. 3. A corrupt Clergy. And 4. A riotous Commonalty.

The methode of Sedition, is first to expose a Prince to Contempt; and by Degrees to Hatred; The Former of which proceeds very often from too much Lenity, Humility, or Patience, toward Persons apt to abuse it. The Latter; from the change of antient Lawes, and Cu∣stomes,—Personal Cruelties,—Profusion of the Publique Treasure, and the Raysing of some few Families upon a Gene∣ral Ruine. VVhich Favourites are still the Forwardest in any dangerous Revolt, against their Maker. For whosoever Askes and Getts more than befits a Prince to Give him; as in the Obtaining of it he preferr'd his Own Good to his Masters, so shall he in the Keeping of it; and joyn his Interests with the stronger Party.

Concerning Unconverted Enemies, enough is said al∣ready; and for the other Three sorts of People above-men∣tion'd, the very Naming of them should suffice, but that the Order of this Discourse will have it other∣wise.

A word then touching the King's Temporizing* 1.1 Friends, who tho' lesse Numerous, possesse yet greater Advantages, in regard of Confidence, and Security, than

such whose Actions Common Reason cannot but look upon with an Eye of Jealousie. The Other, design an Open Force upon the Crown; These undermine it; and in their several Stations closely serve the Thriving Inte∣rest. But These, his Majesty may give himself the best accompt of, and doubtlesse does, sees all their doub∣lings; and will, when time serves, make a seasonable use of his Discoveries. His VVisedome knowes how to distingush a Person that sollicites him against his Conscience, Honour, or Reason; from one that Loves him.

He that excites a Prince to transgresse a Publique Law,* 1.2 unless to save the Authority of Law it self, is an Enemy.

He that desires a Prince, by stopping the mouthes of some Few Beggers, to make Many; is an Enemy.

He that perswades a Prince to advance mean persons; is an Enemy.

He that advises a Prince to leave Old Friends for New, to reward Treason, and let Loyaltie go a Begging; is an Enemy.

In Fine: he that presses a Prince to any action of ge∣neral Incovenience, does his endeavour to divide him from the hearts of his people.

Those that would make him Cheap, go other wayes to work: and when a Prince is neither Lov'd, nor Fear'd, hee's in an ill Condition.

He that disputes the Mandates of his Prince: neglects his Proclamations: behaves himself Rudely, or talkes scurrilously in his Presence,—lessens the Reverence of Majesty.

In the Third place, comes a Corrupted Clergy, none* 1.3 of the least Plagues to a Civil Government, where∣ever

the Corruption lyes, whether in Doctrine, or in Manners: The One, casting a Scandal upon Religion it self; the Other, seducing the People from the Right. And this may be observed, the worse▪Cause commonly carryes the best outside; and by excessive shews of Holy∣nesse, takes off the Peoples thoughts from observing the little Truth and substance of it. On the Other side; some Scandals to the Character there are, that are more care∣full how they Teach, than how they Live; as if a little Knowledge, and a Good Cause, would bear out an Enor∣mity of Manners. That side that Drinks lesse, takes it out in Treason: which is, beyond controversie, the ex∣cellency of VVickednesse; for Lucifer himself was but a Traytour.

In Fine, the Clergy is in his Majesties eye, whose Care, and Prudence will easily discern, and purge (tho never so small) the unhappy mixture.

The Fourth, and last Member of This Division, is a Riotous Commonalty: which with great ease may be obliged, and cannot without great hazzard be negle∣cted.

The King may need in this particular, some more* 1.4 expresse Information, concerning the several Interests of several places; and the Different Humours of the People. But let one General serve for all: the Prince that Pinches their Bellies, loses their Hearts. Sir Francis Bacon▪ in his Essay of Seditions, tells us, That the mul∣tiplying of Nobility, and other degrees of Quality, in an over-degree of proportion to the Common people, doth speedi∣ly bring a state to Necessity: which becomes yet more dangerous, where it happens that the Antient Nobility is shrunk into Nothing, and the New Nobility are to be

raysed out of nothing: For There, beside an universall Hatred toward those that are enriched out of the Com∣mon-stock, there is also a strong and powerfull Pitty to∣ward those that are cast down, who under the Tempta∣tions of Great Indignities, and Fair Occasions, must be exceeding Honest, not to be Troublesome.

To conclude; Those discontents must needs be dreadfull, where Want, Disgrace, Revenge, Number, and Conduct, meet to promote a Common mischief, and only Passive Christianity to keep the Peace.

Although we have been larger then becomes us pos∣sibly, in the Discourse of publique Enemies, and Dan∣gers, it remains yet that we say something concerning his Majesties Friends: That is, Those of his Friends, of whom we have said nothing among his Enemies.

Wee'll take a view, First, of their Bulk: Next, of* 1.5 their Quality: because it is the common business of the Popular Faction, to cry themselves up for the Loyal and Numerous Party: and to disparage those that are so.

The Number of the Non-conformists, is no ill Calcu∣lation of the others strength: for (except Romanists) the King, and the Church have certainly the same Friends, and for the most part, the same Enemies. Up∣on that Reckoning will arise the odds of at least Thirty for One throughout the Nation. Even in Covent Gar∣den, a Parish of the Geneva stamp, the odds was little lesse, betwixt the late Petitioners for the Common Pray∣er, and the Opposers of it. But in the Generall Declara∣tions before the Kings Return, and the Appearance after∣ward to receive him, the Dis-proportion was yet grea∣ter, and more evident.

What was the Reason, that the Godly Legions after

they were baffled by the Independents, would never yet joyn frankly with the Royalists, but upon all occasions left them still in the Lurch? Save only This: They were affraid of being Over number'd, and so enforced to do his Majesties businesse, when they intended but their Own. In brief, they'll make a shift to croud half a Dozen Churches here about the Town, and they shew All.

Come to the test of Loyalty, 'tis more unequall.* 1.6 Their Faith, at best, is but of late date, doubtfull conti∣nuance, and suspected credit: (For, one essential of Re∣pentance, is Restitution) But we live in an age of Mira∣cles. 'Tis a strange thing, that in the same instant, all those that had been Twenty years against the King, should become his Friends, and those that had been as long for him, should become his Enemies.

He that would take a just accompt of the Other side, let him begin with the first War, and see how much Noble, and Loyal Blood was spilt before the devout Traytors reach'd the Kings;—How many Honoura∣ble, and Wealthy Families were brought to Beggery;—How many Poyson'd, and dispatch'd in Gaols, and for no other Crime, but that they lov'd his Majesty.

Look forward now, and see if the Survivours of that execrable Tragedy, prov'd not as faithfull afterwards to the Son, as they had been to the Father. Was ever any Tyranny more severe? any Conquest more Abso∣lute, any Attempt more Difficult? Yet Poor, and Dis∣arm'd as they were;—Death, and almost Impossibili∣ties before them,—no Friends to Second them,—no Re∣ward to Encourage them;—Did they not still pursue the Royal Cause,—This Prince his Right and Title; when

these gay Gentlemen, were quiet Lookers on, that now perswade his Majesty They did the Businesse. Nor was it Rashness, or Despair, that Prick'd them on, but Duty, and Honour; for if they would Then have been Vil∣leins, 'tis possible they might Now have pass'd for Ho∣nest men.

VVhen they could Act no longer, they served the King by Suffering, and their Blouds fill'd up the measure of their Enemies wickednesse, by Dying, Ripening that Vengeance, which Living they could not execute. These are Truths, and the whole Nation can beare witnesse of them.

VVhat can those People mean then, but Mischief to the King, whose businesse 'tis further to ruine those, that are already undone for Serving him? God grant his Majesty may not mistake his Friends. However,

II. God forbid that we should mistake his Majesty.

IN this particular, our Duty is short, and Open. VVere all the Ills we suffer, (joyned with as many more as we have hitherto endured) imposed upon us by the direct Will, and Order of the King.—If he should say, Hang half my Friends for their Fidelity, and Sterve the rest for Gaping when they are Hungry:—We ought to take all This, but as a sad Occasion of greater Honour; a sharper Tryal of our Faith: or at the worst, as an unkind requital of our Love, but no discharge of Duty.

The Authority of Princes is Divine; and their Com∣mission makes their Persons sacred. If They transgresse, 'tis against God, (whose Officers and Deputies they

are) not against Us. If We transgresse, 'tis both a∣gainst God, and Them;—a double Disobedience.

This is not yet to say, that we are bound to thrust our Necks into the Nooze, and offer up our selves as willing Sacrifices, to appease the Spirit of Rage and Cruelty. No, we may fairly shun the Mischief, (unlesse a greater come in Competition) but not oppose the Power. That Subject is guilty of his Masters Bloud, that sees the Person of his Prince in danger, and does not inter∣pose to save him; though he be sure to Dye, himself, even by the hand of him whom he Preserves.

Nor is it enough for Subjects, to keep a Guard upon their Actions, unlesse they set a VVatch likewise before the Doors of their Lipps; their Tongues, must be Tyed, as well as their Hands; Nay, and the very Boylings of their Thoughts must be suppressed.

VVe that are thus instructed in the Grounds, and Termes of Duty, even toward the worst of Kings, can∣not mistake our selves sure toward the Contrary; and be∣come doubly Guilty; First, by imputing our Misfor∣tunes to a wrong Cause; and then, by an undutifull and simple menage of them.

There is a Gulfe betwixt his Majesty and Us: and, as yet, Darkness is upon the face of the Deep; One does not clearly understand the Other.

His Majesty is told indeed of a Loose, Beggerly, Pro∣phane,* 1.7 Tippling sort of People, that call themselves Ca∣valiers: against whom, under that appearance, came forth his Majesties Proclamation; by Some, intended as a Stabb and Scandal to the Royal Party, but in the King himself, an Act of Piety, and Prudence. Some that in probability occasioned That, should have done well to have got one Clause inserted, against Those that deny

the Kings Authoritie to be above that of the Two Houses.

On the Other side; We are not lesse perplexed a∣about our Soveraign; all Meanes are used to Create, Quicken, and Foment Mis-understandings.

The Last was Our King, the Godly Party tells us, but This is Theirs; and the Presbyterian must be now the White Boy, which looks as if 'twere so indeed, if we compare Conditions, and search no further then the Outside of the Differenee. He that sees Cromwells, Brad▪ shaws, St. Iohns his Creatures, nay and the meanest of them, laden with Offices, and Honours, may give him∣self a second Thought to understand the meaning of it: especially considering how many thousands of Loyal Subjects are ready to Perish, for want of that, which in great superfluity is scattered among scarce so many sin∣gle persons of the other side.

These Incongruities may trouble us, but to impute them to the King, were to commit a sin against Duty and Reason. So far is his Majesty from Allowing or Di∣recting them, they are kept as much as possibly, from his bare Knowledge: The Plot is laid against Him, and as they did before, they do but now remove his Friends, to make way to his Person. The Reason why we are not Relieved, is This, we put our Businesse into wrong hands, and apply to the Causes of our mischief for the Remedy of it.

If we look close to the matter, we shall perceive that many of the Kings Favours were Extorted; Some Surreptitiously obteyned; Others, Abus'd and Misapply∣ed by second hands, that were entrusted to dispose of them better. But Finally, Those which the King him∣self bestowed, were given by the unquestionable Pre∣rogative of his own Freedom, the Grounds whereof, in

Part we know, and in the Whole we Reverence.

There are another sort also of cold Comforters, that tell us, 'tis not Time yet. This, to a company of wretch∣es that can stay no longer then they can Fast, yields lit∣tle satisfaction.

Are we such Owles, as not to see the Sun at Noon? 'Tis time Enough for some that tell us these fine things, (even before the Kings Revenue is setled) to beg their Fourty, Fifty, nay their Hundred Thousand Pound a man, and when the Nation shall be drawn so low, that every Tax runs Blood; 'tis then Prognosticated, that something shall be done for us: That is, the Honour shall be ours, to finish the undoing of the Nation, and furnish Ar∣gument for another War.

This consequence looks not much wide, but to pre∣vent the worst, rather let us Resolve to suffer any thing for his Majesty, then cause him to suffer in the Least for us.

Having hitherto discours'd the high Necessity of a right understanding betwixt King and People: Our next concern is,

III. Not to mistake our Enemies.

To prevent mistakes; by Our Enemies, we intend only the Kings.

IT was a Jolly saying betwixt Jest and Earnest, of a Presbyterian to a Cavalier, You told us Wee were Re∣bells once, but wee'll make You so now, before we have done with you, and That's one part of their Design. If they can neither Sink, nor Scatter us, then to Transport us in∣to undutifull distempers, by (that which makes the Wise man, Mad) Oppression. Rather then faile, they

shall Vote Loyalty, Rebellion, and charge the Author of this plain▪ and honest Pamphlet, with Treason. But other Treason then Adherence to the King, the Law, Consci∣ence, Honour, and Reason, they shall never bring us to. They do wisely therefore to give the main Attaque, where we are Weakest, and to attempt first upon our Necessities, for they know our Honesty will hold out lon∣ger then our Fortunes.

By this Course, they purpose to lessen both our Cre∣dit, and Number, for Poverty is a fair step toward Contempt, and they think want will drive men any whi∣ther to seek their Bread. They are not Ignorant of the Likelihood of (what they more then Covet) a Forrein War, from whence (how fatall soever it prove to the Publique) they may pretend to reap these two Advan∣tages. First, they may pack their Gang with more Se∣curity at home, when the Peoples eyes are all abroad: Secondly, they fore-cast to have the Quarrel fought by the Hands of Cavaliers, which is no other then to commit that Businesse to be dispatch'd by Foreigners, which they cannot so conveniently do themselves. That it will come to this, may rationally appear from the Constitution of those Missions allready designed.

When by the Fate of War, or that of Extreme Need, some are Destroy'd, the Rest Dispersed of the Kings Party, and the designing Faction yet entire: who is not Pro∣phet enough to fore-see the event?

This, This is the Reward, his Majesties new Friends have prepared for his old Ones. But Fore-warn'd, Fore∣arm'd.

Let not a drowsie, mopish Charity betray us into another Opinion: Are They Converted? where's the Peccavi, and the Thirty Pieces of Silver: the Confession,

and the Restitution? where's the Inseparable Compa∣nion of Repentance, a Godly Sorrow; a Detestation, not onely of the Sin it self, but even of all their Compli∣cates, in so egregious a VVickednesse? Their Knottes and their Dependencies are still the same they were. They are too Iovial to be Penitent. In snmm; if they are Peni∣tent, where are the Signes, or Fruits of their Conversion? If not, they are Dangerous. What doe we see more now than we did in 1641? Or in effect was not the Gospell-Prologue to the Death of the Late King, the very Ayre of what we hear at present?

But that we may not be thought to babble, let the whole Puritan Conclave lay their Heads together, and bring their Party off; or if they do not, let them acknowledge that for once a Cavalier was in the right on't.

If the People of whom we treat, be not Penitent, the King cannot be safe in their hands: If they be Pe∣nitent, then are we to seek for a Religion: If they were never in the wrong, then they'll use this King as they did his Father.

TO passe over those properties of Repentance, whereof God, and their own Souls are the onely Judges, namely, Contrition and Conversion to God. Wee'll look a little what the Church sayes concerning the Other two, to wit, Confession and Satisfaction.

Amesius sayes, that a Publique Confession of Publique* 1.8 Sinnes is necessary, to avoyd the Contagion of a Scan∣dalous example.

Preston in his Sermon upon Iudas Repentance reckons

Confession a part of Repentance; and so does Calvin in his Harmony upon the Evangelists. But Musculus upon Matt. 27. 3. most expresly. Ad veram Resipiscentiam pertinet peccati Confessio; non ea tantum quae deo fit, sed & quae hominibus, quorum id interest, &c.—

Confession, (sayes he) is requisite to true Repentance, not onely That to God, but to Men also; (such as are con∣cerned in it) that is, to Those against whom the offence was committed, and to such as to whom occasion was thereby given of offending. Judas his sinne was against Christ; but in Betraying the Innocent Bloud, he ministred occasion to the Priests and Elders of Sinning, by giving them the means of Taking and Condemning him, for a summe of mony:— so he confessed as well before the Priests and Elders, as to God.

I have sinned (sayth Iudas) in Betraying Innocent bloud. He does not say, (Peccastis) YE have sinned in CONDEMNING Innocent bloud, but he com∣plains that HE HIMSELF had sinned in DELIVE∣RING it up.

Now concerning Satisfaction.

Non Remittetur Peccatum nisi Restituatur ablatum: saies St. Augustine. No Restitution, no Remission.

Non-Restitution is Damnation; and Restitution is the way to Salvation, (saies Stock of Repentance, p. 102.) and again: If it be a sin to Take, it is a sin to Keep. (Ibid. p. 92.)

Non est vera Poenitentia, ubi non Redditur quod malè fu∣erat ablatum, (saies Marlorat upon Matth.)

Perkins, Dike, Calvin, all the world agree upon the Necessity of Restitution. In fine, Non-Restitution is Theft.

If it be objected; well, but such and such are Poorer

then they were, others have gotten Nothing, and the rest are Pardoned.

The Casuists tell us, that whosoever Commands, Di∣rects, Favours, or Abets any unjust Action, the consequence whereof is Damage to another:—That Person is bound to Restitution. But we might answer, that much was spent of what they took from the Cavaliers, to bear up against the Independents.

As to the Act of Indempnity: That saves them from the Law, but in Foro Conscientiae 'tis no acquittal: It discharges the Penalty, but not the Crime, only an ef∣fectual Repentance can do that, which cannot be admit∣ted without Restitution. 'Tis not an Act of State, that can dissolve a Ty of Conscience: that were to argue, as if a Parliament could forgive Sins.

At the last day, when Inquisition shall be made for Bloud, Theft, Oppression, &c.—We dare appeal to the Sworn Patrons of the Cause, Smectymnuus them∣selves: what will an Act of Indempnity avail, in Plea before the Great Tribunal?

So many Parents made Childlesse by Thy Sword; so many Children Fatherlesse; the Bloud of so many thousand Loyal Subjects spilt like water, Common, and Noble, and at last the KINGS: and all this in a Cause where every Thought, Word, Action of Agreement was a Murther. Why shouldest not thou be Damn'd?

Lord (saies he) MURTHERS are Pardoned by the Act of INDEMPNITY.

So many Plunders, Robberies, Sequestrations, Decima∣tions, Confiscations:—to the undoing of many thou∣sand rich Families, and twenty times as many of the

poorer sort, that depended upon them:—What Sor∣row, Acknowledgement, Reparation, for all these Injuries? what token of Repentance? why therefore should'st not thou be Damn'd?

Hee pleads the Indempnity too.

So many Grave Divines poyson'd in Winchester house: so many honest men of all sorts and qualities, destroy'd by all varieties of misery: Smother'd, Famish'd, sold for Slaves because they would not fight against their Prince, nor swear against their Consciences. Why should not ye that did all this, be Damn'd?

The Act of Indempnity still.

Go to your Rabbi Busy's now, your three-pil'd goodly Levites, that when ye did all This, call'd you a Holy Covenanting People: bid them look over their whole stock of Shifts and Popular Distinctions, and shew ye the least shadow of a Comfort. Which if they do, they must overthrow this Assertion.

Without REPENTANCE, there can be no SALVATION; and without RESTITUTI∣ON, no REPENTANCE.

If it be so, this were a Theme much fitter for a Pul∣pit-Zeal, then Lawn Sleeves, or the Crosse in Baptism: but in this point our Gospel Ministers are as mute as Fishes, which manifestly shews the Core of the Faction. How can these people sleep with all this weight upon their Consciences, unlesse by virtue of One of these Two Causes? The Former, a Reprobated, and unfeeling

hardnesse: the Other, a good opinion of their first Engage∣ment. he One way, they are our Enemies upon a Prin∣ciple of Iudgement: and the other way, upon a score of boundlesse, faithlesse wickednesse.

The use we are to make of All, is onely to look to our selves, and to commit nothing to Hazzard, that may be secured by Prudence. Which cautionary Pru∣dence, must not yet carry us beyond the line of Duty: For tho' as Christians, they are not absolved by the Act of Indempnity; yet as Subjects, Wee are Obliged by it, nor shall we start an Inch from the Literal strictnesse of it.

It is an Act of Free, and General Pardon, Indempnity, and Oblivion, granted upon such Reasons, and Conditi∣ons, with such Provisoes and Limitations as are therein expressed; extending from Ianuary 1. 1637. to Iune 24. 1660.

As it is a Pardon, we complain not; Nor doe we pretend any Legal Right to what we have Lost, in que∣stioning their Consciencious Right to what they have Taken. If They will do what they ought not to doe;—Keep it;—We shall however doe what we ought to do;—Sit down with Submission and Patience, so that the In∣demnity is safe too.

Nor do we at all entrench upon it as an Act of Obli∣vion: which forbids the MALICIOUS Revival of past differences; and directs to the burying of all Seeds of Future Discords, and Remembrance of the Former, &c.—

If the same things are now done over again by the same Party, where lyes the MALICE of saying, Have a care of the same hand again? This is a hint of Cau∣tion,

not of Animosity: a means to Prevent Mischief, not to Cause it.

Nor do Wee charge Particulars: for beyond doubt, there are True Converts; & divers, that even in the Coun∣sells of the Kings Enemies, did his Majesty service. We professe further, that we have no Unkindnesse for such as have not shewd themselves against us, since they re∣ceived their Pardon: but touching the Rest, we are at Liberty to speak our Thoughts.

Let us not be too Credulous then, and gape after empty Hopes that will deceive us. VVe never Lost any thing by suspecting them; we never gayned by Trusting them. In short, Hee that will doe his Prince and Coun∣try a good Office, let him but get a List of the Instru∣ments, and Officers they have put upon us, (whereof the King knows nothing) and present it—to his Majesty. There will need no other proof of their Combination.

Onely one word now,

IIII. That we divide not among our selves.

UNder this notion, (OUR SELVES) we under∣stand, all persons that are well-affected to the esta∣blished Government: which must expect to be dealt with by the Factious Rest, variously, according to the Reason of the Design, and the Humour of the Party to be wrought upon. It will require not only Constancie, but Skill, so to demean our selves, as to scape Over∣sights, and yet not dash upon Distemper: for we are to encounter, both artificial Flatteries, and sharp Provoca∣tions; and so in danger to miscarry, either upon Facili∣ty or Passion.

Some are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sighted; and Those they startle into Fears and Iealousies; concerning Religion, Privileges, the Fundamental Lawes, &c. Matters which being little understood, and much esteemed, are of great ef∣fect with the Common people. Not to be over-strict; Some they Seduce, Others they Corrupt; and betwixt such as want either Braynes, or Honesty, they make up their Party.

Machiavell, and Experience are two great Masters; and they have learn'd from Both, that to Destroy a Prince, the surest way is to begin with the generality of the People, whom if they can but once possess with an Opinion, that the King designes upon the Freedome of their E∣states, and Consciences, the work's half done. To which end, they themselves contrive, necessitate, nay and Im∣pose, (tho' privily) those very Grievances, whereof they likewise prove the first Complainers: charging upon his Majesty, what was done onely by their own Procurement, and for Their Benefit. They handle the Rabble as they do Elephants, they digg the Pit Them∣selves, and when they have entrapped them, Another must be employed to strike, and to enrage the Beast; They forsooth out of Zeale, and Pity to the poor Creature, Interpose; take the Elephants part, and by appearing to remove the Injuryes they Caused, Winn, and Reclayme the Beast. But in the end, the Elephant serves Them, not They the Elephant.

Let us a little observe, how they have already strew'd the way to their Design.

With Reverence to the Authority of the Act of In∣demnity, and with submission to the Force, and Reason of it: wee'l begin There; and understand it as a mixture of Mercy, and Expedience, granted on their behalfe

whose Lives, and Fortunes were forfeited to the Law.

This Act makes them Masters, in effect, of the Boo∣ty of Three Nations: (bating Crown, and Church-Lands) and all they have gotten by a Griping Rebellion, and Usurpation of allmost twenty years Continuance, they may now call their Owne; those People that Contested to preserve the Law, being, by these Peni∣tents, abandoned to the Comfort of an irreparable, but an Honourable ruine.

To what they had gotten before, let us adde the Debt they left in Arriere both at Sea, and Land; together with what they have begg'd since, in Mony, Land, and Office. Truly all this put together, one would think might satisfie a Reasonable sort of People.

Now to look a little the other way. The King can∣not but have contracted great Debts, his Active Friends are Begger'd: and Those whose Inclinations were but suspected Loyal, have smarted sufficiently for it. Come to the Generality; ye shall not find quick Mony enough to keep Commerce alive, all wanting, and complaining. Now let us Rationally consider,

Whither does this Condition of the Publique tend; and whence does it proceed?

The Kings Debts must be Payd, his Revenue setled, his Guards maintained; and beyond all This, (in com∣mon view, a Forein war inevitable. (The Relief of his Majesties Friends, is a thing but by the By; that goes for nothing.) All this is necessary to be done; but Where, How, Whence, (without a Mine) who can ima∣gine? A General Imposition will hardly furnish it, the Treasure of the Nation being drawn into so few hands, and They too have the wit to keep it close, for

divers reasons; as well to conceal their prodigious, and most unconscionable Gettings, as to secure their After∣game; which they are provident enough to expect.

To rayse these Necessary and Large Summes, if com∣mon, and formal wayes will not suffice, Others lesse ac∣ceptable must be thought upon. So that upon the whole, either his Majesty cannot be supplyed, even in those Exigencies which most concern the Honour, and the Safety of the Nation: or else the Generality must suf∣fer exceedingly by the Pressure; to which some further trouble may possibly arise even from the manner of Imposing it.

When Discontents come to this Ripenesse, then is the time for the Old Patriots to put in again, and mourn over the Oppressed. They shall shew the People what is against Magna Charta, and the Petition of Right, the Law of the Land, and the Liberty of the Subject. Then shall they with all Dutyfull Reverence humbly declare to his Sacred Majesty that it is their Antient and Undoubted RIGHT, &c.

In short, Great Payments will certainly cause Great Disquiets; and there are those will take advantage of them.

This is the Clear and natural tendencie of Affairs; and it behoves us to provide and Arm our selves against the Malice of it: which may be done, by a sober En∣quirie into the Grounds, and Causes;—by whose Contrivance and Design, the Publique lyes reduced to this Extreme Necessity.

The War occasioned our Destruction: but who occa∣sioned the War? wee'll only answer for our selves: that the Cavaliers Cause was as good as the Kings Title to the Crown. Briefly, Those that have robb'd the Pub∣lique

to Enrich themselves, are the Cause why the Pub∣lique is not able to Support it self: Forfeited Estates would have set All clear, without taking in either the Army Officers, or the Converted Cavaliers into the Rec∣koning. Nay more, they might have been left yet bet∣ter then they began, for they have been no ill Husbands of their Pillage. But so was the State of the Nation represented to his Majestie, and such was his Royal Goodnesse, that he thought fit to remit all; and 'tis our Duty not to murmur at it: only let us not for∣get, when it comes to the Question, by what hand we perish.

To conclude, their Designs are frivolous, if we our selves do not assist them, either by Crediting against our Reason, or by Ioyning with them against our Duty.

These are our Open and Known Adversaries, (if we can see or know any thing) but there's another sort, which only time must unmasque, and against whom, this Caution (for the present) shall suffice.

Vaenalis hominum vita est; & licitatores capitum nostro∣rum publicè regnant.

(Euphormio.)

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Temporizing Friends.
• * 1.2

  Evill Coun∣sellours.
• * 1.3

  A Corrupted Clergy.
• * 1.4

  The Commo∣nalty to be obliged.
• * 1.5

  The Kings Old Friends more nume∣rous than his New.
• * 1.6

  More Loyal.
• * 1.7

  Misunderstan∣dings foment∣ed betwixt the King and his Party.
• * 1.8

  Lib. 4 de Consc. cap. 15.