A brief history of the times, &c. ...

A Brief HISTORY OF THE TIMES. PART II. (Book 2)

CHAP. I.

Sir William Jones'es State of the Evi∣dence about the Popish Plot, Pre∣sented to His Late Majesty in Councel, Oct. 18. 1678. with Notes upon his Report, and upon his Opinion of the said Plot.

IN the Handling of this Text, there are Two General Points, that I have still laid the Main Stress of all my Discourses, and Thoughts upon: First, That the very Story of the Popish Design upon the Kings Person, Crown and Dignity, was an Imposture in the Original Conception of it.

Secondly, That the very Same Treasonous Design, was Couch'd, and Carry'd-on, by Another Party, in Truth, and in Earnest, Under the Cover of That, in Common ••ame, and Imagination. I have so far Clear'd my way to This Question, that in the First Part of This Brief History, I have Link'd together the Entire Chain of This Project, by such a Connexion of Orderly, and Parliamentary Proceedings, that there's not so much as one Gap in the Series; Not one Knot in the whole Thrid of the History. The Exhibits I make use of, are their Own Papers, and Iournals; The Inferences, as Natural, as it is Possible to Ima∣gine, from a Congruity of Premisses: And the De∣duction of Things, is so Full, so Plain, Faithfull, and Regular, that, for so much as is There Pretended to, the Work is done Once for All; and Vnanswerable for Ever. It sticks only, that I Write under a Prejudice, and make Ill Things Worse then they Are; which forces me to look out a Little for some more Popular Authority then my Own, to Support my self upon.

Upon the Opening of Tong's (commonly called Otes'es) Plot,* 1.1 Sir William Iones, the Kings Attorny General, was order'd by his Majesty in Councill, Octob. 16. 1678. to make a State of the Evidence, against Dr. Fogarty, Iohn Fenwick, Edward ••etre, Iohn Grove, William Ireland, Iohn Smith, Tho. Iennison, Tho. Pickering, and Richard Langhorn, (then Pris'ners in Newgate, for High Trea∣son) in Plotting, and Attempting to Assassinate his Ma∣jesties Royal Person: To which End, Otes'es Narra∣tive, and other Papers of Enformation, were Transmit∣ted by the Clerks of the Councill to the Atturney Ge∣neral, who, upon Perusal of them, Returned his Re∣port under the Title of [A State of the Evidence:

Dated Octob. 18. 1678. and Subscribed [W. IONES] The Report is Long, and the Greatest Part of it Narration only; which is Little or Nothing to our purpose: So that Abstracting the one from the other, I shall only make use of what may serve to the Clearing of the matter in hand.

If (says Mr. Attorny) the Testi∣mony of Titus Otes be to be Credited;* 1.2 and If a Single Witness in this Case of High Treason is Sufficient; without All Question, This Horrible, and Execrable Treason is Fully and most Evidently Prov'd, not only as to the Wic∣ked Design in General; but as to every one of these Particular Persons.] This is no more then to say, That If▪ Otes Bee to be Credited, the Charge is so far Prov'd: If he be Not to be Credited, the En∣formation falls to the Ground.

The Pinch lies here, upon Otes'es Credit, and a Single Testimony; with an [IF] to Both. And a Little Lower, he referrs to his Narrative, and other Examinations, with the same Qualification still, i. e. [IF] what he Swears be [True:] Concluding that the Probability of Particulars doth much depend upon the Truth of the General. This was a Judg∣ment grounded upon Honour and Iustice; And if This Rule had been Observ'd in the Following Tryals; (That is to say, if the Detecting of him to be Corruptly, and Willfully Forsworn in some Cases, should have Blasted his Evidence in All) a great deal of Innocent Bloud might have been sav'd, which, for ought I know, stands at This day upon Ac∣compt for the Nation it self to answer for. The Next Thing Remarkable is his Report upon the Five Windsor Letters, (as they are Call'd.)

* 1.3There are allso Certain Letters; (he says) Five in Number, which are All Directed to Mr. Bedingfield at Windsor; One of them Subscribed Nich. Blundel, and Dated Aug. 29. Superscribed Thus: [For Mr. Bedingfield at his Lodgings in Windsor;] Leave This with the Post-Master at Windsor, to be Delivered to him. The Effect of which Letter, as to the Present Pur∣pose, is, that Blundel was very Carefull of Encouraging W. and P. (by which is conceiv'd to be meant Grove and Pickering; who, as Otes hath before Deposed, had Vndertaken to Assassinate his Majesty) to put on strong Resolutions; And that if the Business hit not at Windsor, to be ready to attend 48. which, as Mr. Otes before Deposeth, signifieth the KING.]

It further saith, that [Ours here are very Devout, that after so long Patience they may Enjoy Catholique Religion in a way more Publique then now they do: Certainly we can never fail, since we have so many Strings to our Bow. 48 is secure, and All our Party very Faithful.]

The Other Four were all enclos'd in One Cover; The First whereof, subscribed John Fenwick, and su∣perscribed For Mr Bedingfield at Windsor. Recom∣mended to the Post-Master there, 'till he should Call for it. This Letter is Dated the 26th of August, without the Year, and so much thereof as concerns the Present Mat∣ter, is, that 48 is prepar'd for, and you are desired to be Kind to the Four Worthy Persons of the Irish Na∣tion, that are Vigilant Good Men, and will do Service for us in These Parts. They are Religious, and though not of the Society, yet Lovers of Us, and are resolved to Ioyn Issue with us in Dispatching Forty-Eight.

A Third Letter, which was Enclos'd in the same Cover, is Subscribed FOGOTY, without Date, or Su∣perscription, or Seal, only it Begins with Good Mr.

Benyfield. That which is therein Contained relating to This Matter, is, that he prays Mr. Benyfield to be Kind to Those Four Countrymen of his, who are Good Men, and would do the Business.

A Fourth (which was also in the same Cover) is subscribed Irland, Directed to Mr. Benyfield, and Dated at Flamstead, August. 1. 1678. It Imports, that there is No Need of Telling him their Good Success, because Intimated already. That they did Ex∣pect Mr. Fenwick Every day to give them Account of the Progress made in the Business of 48. and prays him to be Carefull of it's Dispatch, if Possible.]

The Fifth, and Last Letter bears Date as the Last, and also from Flamstead, subscribed T. White, and is Directed to Mr. Benyfield. So much thereof as Concerns the Matter in hand, is, to beg him to En∣courage Fogoty, and the rest of Ours.

These Letters, if they can be so Prov'd, as to be Believ'd to be the Hands of the several Persons by whom they are said to be Written; do fully make out the Guilt of the Writers, and do much Confirm all the rest that hath been Deposed by Mr. Otes.

Mr. Otes hath Deposed them to be the Hands of the Persons whose Names are subscribed; and being shew'd the Letters, was able, upon the sight of some Few Lines of them, Hiding the Name, to say whose Letter Each was; which, the Name being Discover'd, prov'd to fall out accordingly; and This he did rea∣dily, and without Hesitation. And farther he said, that though the Spelling of Mr. Bedingfields Name, and of the Writers Names, do not agree with the Right Spelling, that it is an Vsual Art of the Jesuits, purposely to Commit such Faults to Disguise themselves if the Letters should be found: And further, that though the Hands Themselves do not agree with what they do at other times write, yet That is purposely done to

Prevent Discovery, and that he is well acquainted with These their assumed Hands; and knows the way of writing, not only of These, but of about Eighty of the said Society.

But Against the Truth of the said Letters,* 1.4 there were many Objecti∣ons; Some by the Prisoners, O∣thers from the L••tters Thems••lves, and the way of their Coming to Light: The Parti∣culars thereof, as they are Many, and some Resulting from the Inspection of the Letters Themselves, so I doubt not but the same are fully remembred by your Majesty.

Toward the Stating of the Case in hand; the Attorny-General, among Other Papers of Enforma∣tion had the Five Iesuits Letters, it seems, to work upon: And all the world knows, that Sr. William Iones was as good at Hitting a Blot in an Evi∣dence, and laying his Finger upon the Pinch of the Question, as any Man Living: So that ha∣ving These Pieces before him, it may reason∣ably be Presum'd▪ that upon Comparing Circumstances, and Weighing one thing with Another, he saw far enough into the Merits of the Cause, and the Mystery of that Intrigue, without any Need of an Observators Spectacles. But however, I shall rather Produce the Letters Themselves here, to tell their own Tale, and leave it Indifferently, to any Sober Person to Consider, what Opinion, so Wise, and so Wary a Man as Sr William Iones could entertain of These Papers.

The Five Windsor Letters, Commonly called the Jesuits Letters.

Mr Bennyfield

(1) Mr White is now about to come for— and I suppose there will bee noe Necessity of telling you of our good Success hitherto because intimated to you already wee Expect Mr FenwickE with us euery day to giue us an account of your progress made in the BVISNES of 48 I pray bee carefull of its dispatch if possible I will say noe more but that I am yours

Flamsted Aug 1st 78

IRLAND

For mr Bennyfield with care,

Sr

(2) I can now give you noe further Intelligence of our affaires but that I heare our affaires in IRLAND stand in a good condition and I am informed our friends are arriued safely to Scotland and have made a good begining there let mee begg of you to incourage FOGOTY and the rest of ours; I praise god Almighty I am still in good heart yet not without some apprehension of crossing the Seas because of my weaknes mr Ashby is ready I heare to Come from the bath I pray make my Lord BRUNEL acquainted (if you think it Convenient) with our designes I will tell you more when I see you I therefore rest

Your Loueing Friend T White.

Flamsted Aug: 1st 78

for mr Bennyfield Windsore.

Mr Bennifield

(3) Yours of the eightht instant arriued safely to our hands and wee are glad of your care and Industry and I am now to giue you to understand that our affairs in the kindgom of IRLAND stand well & his grace of Dub∣lin is not onely kinde to us but also industrious for the promotion of our good designes there and question not but to accomplish them Ormond wold fain bee friends with the Catholique party but wee must neither trust him nor let him— much longer forty eight is prepared for and you are desired to bee kinde to four worthy persons of the Irish nation that are Vigilent good men and will doe ser∣uice for vs in those parts they are religious and though not of our Society yet louers of vs and are resolved to Ioyn Issue with vs in the Concernes of dispatching forty eight I am Iust now for St O with some young Ladds and may Chance returne home with our master you have heard I suppose of the Contents by Mr Stratford I am in hast and therefore Conclude and rest yours to serue you

Lot: Aug: 26

Jno Fenwicke

recommend me to mr Coleman I hope J. K. will bee with you to take a little Fresh air

For mr Bennyfield at Windsore recommended to the Postmaster there til hee shall Call for it Windsore

Good mr Bennifield

(4) I am sorry I haue not had the happynes of one line from you since you left london my good Friend his grace of Dublin is in very good health and did let mee haue the fauour of line or two from him and tells mee that Or∣mond is as much out with the Protestants as euer he was with the Catholiques to gratifie them he hath giuen them commissions but that will not doe the BVISNES now

hee will never gain his credit more with vs I pray bee kinde to those four countrymen of mine who are good men I assure you and will do the BVISNES I am in hast and rest your lo: Friend

FOGOTY

Dear Sr

(5) the present affaire wee haue in hand giues the occa∣sion of a line or two to let you understand that IRLAND is now in an excellent posture & his grace of Dublin is very Industrious in the management of the BVISNES and our master has ordered F to advertise ours of it I haue given HARCOT and Jennison notice of it & so I haue to Keines I am very carefull of encourageing W and P to put on strong resolutions if the BVISNES hit not at Windsor to bee ready to attend forty Eight and if GW doe but Hitt the BVISNES here Scotland will come into us viz the C party and then the work is done ours here are very deuout that after so long patience they may enjoy cath Religion in a way more Publique then now they doe and certeinly wee can never faile since wee have so many strings to our Bow forty Eight is secure and all our party uery faithfull my kinde respects to you and honest Mr Coleman as for Smith hee is dailie in his intelligence and care is taken for sending it to Flamsted I have no more but that I am yours

Aug 29

Nich Blundel

For Mr Bennifield att his lodgings in Windsor leave this with the Post master att Windsor to be deliuered to him Windsor.

These Letters were formerly Pub∣lish'd at Length,* 7.1 with Notes upon them: October, 1684. Observator, 150.151.152.153. Vol. 2. But the Fraud being so Palpable, and the Forgery so Manifest, and This Place so Proper for the Exposing of the Imposture, I shall here go over with them once again.

First, there is not so much as one Stop,* 7.2 Point, or Comma, or any such Note of Distinction, in all the Five Letters; which, from Five Men, (and no more) Men of Business, Learning, and In∣trigue, at the same Time, and in the same Case, was never heard of perhaps in the World before. There is ('tis True) in Whites Letter, after the Word [Ours,] a Mark that has some Resemblance of a Semicolon: But seems to be rather the Dab of a Pen by Chance.

2ly, There are several Gross Miss-Spellings,* 7.3 White Writes Lord [BRV∣NAL,] for Brudenell: Blundel has [HARCOT,] for Harcourt: All Five Write [BENNYFIELD,] for Bedingfield. Ireland writes himself [IRLAND,] Blundell Spells the Kingdom, [IRLAND,] too. Fogarthy Spells his own Name [FOGOTY,] and White Writes it [FOGOTY,] also. Business by Three of the Five, (and as often as the Word Occurrs) is Spelled [BUISNES.] The Words Noe, Doe, Soe, are Spell'd in All Five with an E.

3ly, The Resemblance of the Matter of These Letters is very Extraordinary.

[Our Affairs in [IRLAND] stand in a Good Condition,* 7.4] says White. Our Affairs in the Kingdom of IR∣LAND stand Well, says Fenwick.

IRLAND is now in an Excellent Posture, says Blundels

His Grace of Dublin is not only Kind to us, bu•• Industrious, says Fenwick. His Grace of Dublin it very Industr••ous; says Blundel.

And so Fenwick and Fogarthy agree upon't, that Ormond is quite lost with the Catholiques.

You are Desired to be kind to Four Wor••hy Persons of the Irish Nation that are Vigilant, Good Men, and will do Service for us in Those Parts, says Fenwick. I Pray be kind to those ••our Country-Men of Mine, who are Good Men I assure you and will do the Buisness, says Fogoty.

4ly,* 7.5 There's something Further Remarkable in the Contrivance, and Congruity of these Papers. The St. Omers-Letters have Nothing at all in them but what's Dangerous, and Impertinent. White is for Encouraging Fogoty and the rest. Irland is for Dispatching 48. What Needed This over again, when Otes Swears they were Unde•• Sacraments allready to go on thorough-stitch without any more to do? So that These Letters were only Written to be Intercepted. White gives Bennyfield an Account from St. Omers to Windsor, of Proceedings in Irland and Scotland: Most Ridiculously sure, when the Iesuits in London might have done it better, and much more securely, nearer Hand. And so for News; White writes from St. Omers to Windsor, that Ashby is ready to come from the Bath.

Now to put All together; For Five Men of Letters,* 7.6 to Write with∣out any Point, Comma, or Mark of Distinction; To write their Own, and one Anothers Names, False, the Same Way; To write False English, and the Same False English: To agree in the Same Ayre of Foppery, and Affecta∣tion;

Nay, in the Same Words, Solaecisms, Style, Nonsense; Nothing less then an Inspiration could have wrought the Miracle of This Agreement. Insomuch, that whoever Compares the Confusion of Periods, the Blunders, both of Thought, and of Expression; Nay, the very Strokes of the Pen, with Tong's and Otes's Papers; (for I have the Originals, and abundantly of Both their Hand-writing to Confront them with;) will Inevitably find them to be Counterfeits, only Otes assisted Tonge as an Ammanuensis, in Transcri∣bing some of the Copies. But Otes will needs persuade the King and Councel, that it was the Art of the Iesuits to Mis-spell Harcot, and Bennyfield, for a Dis∣guise, if Letters should be found; and so to write Feign'd Hands, to Prevent Discovery. Were there ever such Buzzards as These men of Art, to make Harcot a Cypher for Harcourt; or Bennyfield for Bedingfield? when the Persons would be as well known by the False spelling, as by the True! How came it They had not a Disguise, for White, Fenwick, and Blundel, as well as for the Other Two? But Those Poor Men were left with their Right Names to take their Fortunes. Brunal for Brudenal was Another piece of Art too; And so was Irland the Place, as well as Irla••d the ••a••her, for fear they should know what Kingdom he meant. They all of them write Business with an I, in the First Syllable: and so they do All their Noe s 〈◊〉〈◊〉's Soe's, with an E at the End; which is still Tong's way of writing. But Otes Deposes, over and above, that he is able to Swear to the Feigned Names, and Hands, not only of These, but of about Eighty more of the Society.

And there are Things very Remarkable also, even about the Paper it self. The Two Flamsteds are of a French Flower-de-luce Mark'd Paper; the very Same Size, and Mark; The Other Three are of a Cut Genoa

Paper; All of the Same Mark; And of the Same Size too, to a Hair. I Observe again; That the Two Flamsteds, (or St Omers-Letters) are Written in a Thick Paper; And the Other Three (Suppos'd from London to Windsor) in a Thin Paper; Contrary to the Vsage of Both Places. These Letters are Two, Whole-Sheets, and the Third, a Half One; All Cut, and Match'd, as if they came out of the Same Quire. If they were All Together when they Wrote, & Used the Same Paper; why the Same thing Over and Over, to the Same Person: When One Letter would have done as Well? If at Several Places; 'tis Odd, they should All chop upon the Same Paper.

Was not This a likely Foolery to Impose upon Sr. William Iones now? It is much indeed, that Otes, should, without any Hesitation, upon the sight of a few Lines without the Name, say, This is such a ones Hand (as is set forth in the Report) But it was a great deal More for him to Swear to the Character, further then Another Man could Discern the Ink: Especially for an Owl-Ey'd Fellow, that could not see Coleman by Candle-Light, when he was just at his Nose End. In a word; Sr. William Iones had the O∣riginals, and the Matter whole before him, and what Thoughts he had of the Truth of Otes'es Deposition, and the Probity of the Witness, cannot but be obvious certainly to any Man of Sense, that does but Consi∣der the Inconsistences of the Story; The Extravagant Improbabilities of the Evidence; The Character of the Deponent, and the Difficulty of Putting a Cheat upon him that was to make the Scrutiny. There is not so much as one of the Instances above-mentioned, that does not Carry Fraud, Folly, and Conspiracy, in the Face on't; and the Imposture lay so Open, that it was a Miracle how Mr. Attorny came to Miss it. He

does, in General Terms, Acknowledge [many Ob∣jections, both from the Prisoners; The Letters them∣selves, and the Way (he says) of their Coming to Light;] but remits the Particulars to his Majesties Iudgment and Memory, without Naming, or so much as Pointing at them. Though he very well knew that the Late King Pronounced them Counterfeits, as soon as he saw them; and that both Tonge and Otes were Concern'd in the Practice.

The Design of This Pacquet was to have it snapt-up at the Letter-Of∣fice,* 7.7 and so made use of in Evidence against Bedingfield, as a Wonderfull Discovery; but Bedingfield, by good hap, taking up his own Letters, That Bout, (which he never did Before) smelt out a Contrivance, Himself, and was the First Man that Complain'd of it. So that He that was Marked out for the Traytor, by That Providence, became the Discoverer.

The short of the Business was This.* 7.8 Father Bedingfield was going to Monsieur De Puy, and seeing the Maile, ask'd if they had any Letters for him. They look'd, and there being a great Pac∣quet they quickly found it and gave it him. Upon Perusal of the Papers, he observed the Subscriptions not to be the Hands of the Pretended Subscribers; suspected some Villany in the Bottom; and so Car∣ry'd the Papers Immediately to His Royal Highness, and Deliver'd his Own Thoughts upon them. The Duke shew'd the Letters to His Late Majesty; and what opinion the King Himself had of This Discove∣ry, we shall see by and by. Monsieur De Puy, in This Interim, went to the Post-Office, and, for a Counte∣nance, asked if they had any Letters for Him? They said, No; and that if there had been any, they should

have been sent him. He Demanded Then, if they had any Letters for one Mr. Bedingfield; They told him what a Mighty Do there had been about that same Mr. Be∣dingfield, and they knew not how many People to ask for Letters for Him.

Before I proceed any further upon This Story, it should be known by the way, that among Other Particulars that were deliver'd in Charge to Sr. Wil∣liam Iones to advise upon, there were Articles a∣gainst Iohn Grove, under the Name of Honest William, and against one Pickering, as two of the Assassins that were in a Conspiracy to Murder the King. I Pitch upon These Two by Name, because I find Their Part, and the Transaction about the Windsor Letters, very Clearly, and Orderly set forth, in a Discourse call'd [An Impartial State of the Case of the Earl of Danby, &c.] It was Printed in 1679. and speaks very Expressly to the Points here in hand. Mr. Christopher Kirkby, and Dr. Tonge Presented his Late Majesty, Aug. 13. 1678. with Forty Three Arti∣cles of Otes'es True Narrative (falsly so called) in the Hand-writing of Tonge; which the King (going to Windsor the Day following) sent to the Earl of Dan∣by; Appointing them to Attend his Lordship the Next Morning. Upon Tong's Application to the Earl of Danby about the Pretended Popish Plot, his Lordship put several Questions to him, and Received his An∣swers, in Manner following.

Quest. Whether the Dr. knew Those Men who were Called Honest William and Pickering,* 7.9 who were Named in Those Papers (the Narrative) as Men Design'd to Assassinate the King.

Answ. That they us'd to walk frequently in St. Iames's-Park, and if any Body were appointed to

keep him (the Dr.) Company, it was Two to One but he should have an opportunity of letting that Person see One or Both of them in a Little Time.

Quest. If he knew where they Liv'd? for that it would be Necessary to Secure Those Men forthwith.

Answ. He knew not at That time, but would Inform himself, and let his Lordship know very Speedily.

Hereupon his Lordship went Immediately to Windsor, and Acquainted the King, That Dr Tong had been with him according to his Majesties Directions; And En∣form'd his Majesty of All that had Pass'd, (shewing allso the Additional Paper to those which had been sent his Lordship by his Majesty) and that he had left a Servant at London, purposely to get a sight of Honest William, and Pickering, in order to the Apprehen∣ding of them if his Majesty thought fit.

* 8.1At This time his Lordship desired the King, That one of the Secreta∣ries might send a Warrant for the Apprehending them; and that, the matter being of such Danger to his Majesties Person, some more of the Council might be acquainted with it: But his Majesty would Neither let the Men be Apprehended, 'till he were more Inform'd of the Design, nor would he suffer the Earl to speak One Word to any Body of it, but on the Contrary Commanded the Earl should not speak of it, so much as to the Duke of York; only said, he would be very Carefull of himself, 'till he heard more.

The Earl went from Windsor to his House at Wim∣bleton, directing, that if the Dr. had any thing more to say unto him of That Matter, he should come to him thither, or send away That Gentleman the Earl had left to stay with him, to see the Men, and Learn their Lodgings; and to be Diligent in bringing any Intelligence which Required Haste.

Accordingly That Gentleman did go from London to Wimbleton every Day, and back to the Doctor at Night; and did sometimes bring Additional Papers to the Former, and brought Enformation of the Dwellings of Honest William, and Pickering, and brought word also from the Doctor, that he should be able to give his Lordship Certain Notice before-hand, when any of them were to go to Windsor: Of All which the Earl never failed to give his Majesty an Account, from time to time.

Among other Enformations, the Dr. went one Night to Wimbleton him∣self,* 8.2 and told his Lordship that some of the Intended Assassinates were to go the next morning to Windsor, but that he could order it so that the Earls Gentleman should go in the same Coach with them, or if the Coach should be Full, he might go on Horse-back in their Company, and watch them so as to give Notice of their Arrival, and take them more Con∣veniently that way, upon the Place, where they would not be able to give any account what they had to do there.

Hereupon the Earl order'd this Gentleman to Observe the Drs. Directions, and went immediately himself to Windsor: where he acquainted his Majesty with All This, and order was taken for seizing These Men at their Arrival at Windsor: But instead of That, the Gentleman brought word from the Dr. that Something had Prevented their going that Day; but that they intended their Iourney the day Following, or within Two Days at farthest, but then also News was brought that they were again Prevented, by one of their Horses being slipt in the Shoulder; or some such Accident.

Whereupon his Majesty (who before would not give Credit to it) did then take it for so Meer a Fiction,* 8.3 that Not∣withstanding all the Earl could say to get the Bus'ness Communicated to Others, besides him∣self,

the King was more Positive not to Permit it, say∣ing, He should Allarm all England, and put thoughts of Killing him, into Peoples Heads, who had no such thoughts before.

The Earl having done All that lay in his Power, and having Business into Oxfordshire, askt leave of his Ma∣jesty to go thither (being but Twenty Two Miles from Windsor, whither he could return in half a day) and left Order at Wimbleton, to have any thing Dispatch'd to him, that should come from Dr. Tonge.

Accordingly, in Three days after, came a Letter from the Doctor to the Earl,* 8.4 giving Notice of a Pacquet of Letters from Jesuits Concern'd in the Plot, which were to go to the Post-House in Wind∣sor. Directed to one Bedingfield a Priest: Whereupon the Earl returned immediately to Windsor, and En∣form'd his Majesty, shewing the Doctors Letter, and his Majesty reply'd, that there was such a Pacquet had been Deliver'd some Few hours before by the said Beding∣field, to the Duke of York; and that Bedingfield had told the Duke, he fear'd some Ill was intended him by the said Pacquet, because the Letters therein seem'd to be of a Dangerous Nature, and that he was sure they were not the Hand-writing of the Persons whose Names were Subscribed to the Letters.

This still begot Less Belief in his Majesty that there was any Real Plot;* 8.5 Insomuch, that I have heard the Earl say, he doubted whether ever he had been permitted to produce These Papers, and Intelligence he had Received from Dr. Tonge, if his Royal High∣ness had not been Earnest to have the Truth of Those Letters Examin'd, which had been brought to him by Mr Bedingfield; by which means he got leave at the same time to produce the said Papers, and Letters to the

Councill, and from Thence, they have all been Trans∣mitted to both Houses of Parliament, in one of which they remain at This Day.

When they were first Produced to the Council,* 8.6 & Dr Tonge brought thither to Attest them, the Dr. then said, He was Sorry they had been Disclos'd so soon, and that it would have been much better, and more would have been Discovered, if the Bus'ness had been kept Conceal'd some time longer. Fol. 14.15.16.

This Narrative-Part of the Story could not be well Omitted. But to return now to my First Matter.

The Attorny-General was Mani∣festly Privy to Every Step of this Pro∣ceeding;* 8.7 and saw the Sham Thorough and Thorough, in the very Act of Disclosing it. But upon the Winding-up of his Report, he comes a Little Homer to the Point.

Some Objections have been made (says he) as to the Credit of Mr. Otes,* 8.8 against Some Particulars of his Testimony, which Relate to the General Design: Wherein he is Suppos'd to be Mistaken. But because those Objections are Many, and Some of them not made by These Prisoners, nor perhaps, Will be; and because I am not Certain what Answer he Can make to them, when they shall be Objected against him; I think it fit not to Mention them in Particular; but shall only Conclude, by making Two Questions, which, I Conceive, do properly belong to This Matter.

1. Whether the Evidence of One Witness be Suffi∣cient, either to Indict, or Convict a Man of High-Treason of This Nature?

2. If it be Not; Whether here be any Evidence against These Particular Persons, besides the Single Testimony of Mr Otes?

18. Oct. 1678.

All which is Humbly Submitted. W. Jones.

With these Words, Sir W. Iones Closes his Report:* 8.9 Where, it is Re∣markable, that he was Conscious of Objections made, both General, and Particular; wherein Otes is, in a Soft way, [Sup∣posed] to be Mistaken. (Only [Supposed] That is, and only [Mistaken.] But in the Next Line, Those some Objections are grown to be Many; Though for the Comfort of the Cause, the Prisoners have not hit upon some of 'em as Yet, and perhaps never Will. And because a body does not know what Otes Can be able to say for himself, if those Objections should come to be laid Home to him; Therefore, 'twere better to say Nothing of 'em, and e'en take the Rogues on the Blind-side, and Hang-'em-up for want of Means to make the Best of their Defence.

Let any Man lay These Matters together now: i. e. The Ridiculous Incongruities of the Enformations, and of These Letters. The Presence of Mind, and the Wonderfull Sagacity of the Attorny General, to Discern, to Sift, and to find-out the Truth, and Bottom of such a Case as This: with the Tendency, and Biass of his Report, and there will need no more to satisfy any Reasonable Man, whether Sr William Iones believed This Narrative-Plot to be a Real Conspiracy, or a Coun∣terfeit. But if it shall appear, that he Suspected it at First, and gave Credit to it Afterwards, it is the only Instance that ever I met withall, of a Case wherein the Reputation of This Plot, Mended upon any Mans Hands. But the Best way of Expounding this Great Man of Law, will be to Compare what he Thought of it at First, with what he Did in it After∣ward. Not but that we have already, in sight, abun∣dantly enough to satisfy any Man with Eyes in his Head, how far Otes was to be Credited upon his Ve∣racity; and what Stress the Attorny General Himself lay'd upon his Evidence, which stood at That Time without a Second to Support it.

CHAP. II.

An Extract of some Passages out of the Manage of Otes'es Evidence, in the Prosecution of it, Compar'd with Sir W. Jones'es Opinion, and Report, as to the Credit of his Testimony at the Time of Stating it.

IF a Man would set himself to make a Reasonable Estimate,* 8.10 in some Modest Degree of Pro∣portion betwixt the Believers, and the Disbelievers of the Pretended Popish Plot; a body, in my Conscience, might Compute upon at least Nine and Thirty, of Forty parts of the Nation, that in some Measure or other gave it Credit, for One that saw the Imposture of it, from the very beginning. That is to say, thorough all the Blinds, Pretexts, and Dis∣guises, that were put upon us, from the Barr, the Pulpit, Caballs, Coffee-Houses, Committees, &c. in fa∣vour of the Design. But the Attorny General was not a Person to be thus Impos'd upon; and to a Man that had Seen, Observ'd, and kept in his Memory, the Practices, and the Methods of the Scottish and English Rebellions, under Charles the First, the Story of Tong, and Otes, was no more then a Tale the Second Time Told, and the Common People, that neither Vnder∣stood the Reason, nor Consider'd the Issue of things,

hung by the Chopps like Griggs upon the Bait of Re∣ligion and Property, though the next remove, was to be Effectually, from the Worm to the Frying-Pan. Briefly, where there was neither Experience, nor Con∣sideration; but Damned Perjuries on the One side, to work upon Good Nature, and Credulity, on the Other; and neither the Faculty of Distinguishing, nor the Means of Disproving; what Remedy but Patience! till the Scales should fall from the Peoples Eyes, and till Time, and Misery, should bring them to their Wits and their Duties again, and so to a Sight of their Sins, by a Sense of their Punishment. The Wisdom of the Multitude does not lye so much in their Heads, as in their Skins, and their Pockets; Their Feeling, is their Vnderstanding; and Evil Consequences, are Lit∣tle more with Them, then that which they commonly call, the Luck on't. I have taken up This Digression, to the End that there may be no Place Left for the Drawing of any Malevolent Inferences from the Head that I am now upon.

There are Three Things here, wherein a Man may be Positive, with Honesty, Discretion, and Good Manners.* 8.11 1. That Otes in his Narrative, and Enformations, was directly Felo de se, as any Man may Unquestionably satisfy himself upon the Reading of 'em. To say nothing of his Rank Absurdities, and Palpable Contradictions, as they are Expos'd from one End to the other of the Second Volume of Observators. 2ly. That Sir W. Iones Himself, upon the Stating of the Evidence does more then Tacitly Presume, and Acknowledge, the Great Vnlikelyhood, at least, if not the Downright Incredibility of his Testimony. 3ly. That it is very Hard to Recon∣cile the Progress of his Prosecution, to the Tenor of his First Report. And this Third, is the Point that I am

in This Place to Pursue, with a Charity for All Er∣rors, and Complyances, upon Misenformation, or Mi∣stake.

It would have been Morally Im∣possible,* 8.12 for the Conspirators of One and Forty, ever to have Gain'd their Point upon Charles the First, without a Protestation, or Covenant, to Vnite them: (as I have Hinted already) And the Doctrine of Co-ordination, to Head them, under the Colour of a Quorum of the Three Estates; They could never have brought their Ends about, I say, without This: Beside, that after These Two Steps Advanced, with Impu∣nity, and Success, the Work was more then Half-done: And over and above the Proportion betwixt the Means, and the End, the very Attempt of These Encrochements upon their Prince, did Manifestly Import a Design of taking the Sovereignty into their own Hands. This They Attempted upon Charles the Second, in the Association, and in the Bill of Ex∣clusion. The Former, was to Vnite, and Strengthen the Confederacy; and the Other was to Invade, and to Vsurp upon the Prerogative Royal: And what had they more to do, after Assuming Absolute Power to Themselves, and Translating the Allegeance of the Peo∣ple, from their King to their Fellow-Subjects, (which was Expressly the Case of their Association, and, in Consequence, That of the Bill of Exclusion too) then to Kill, and take Possession? Or, in a word, what could They Propose Less to Themselves, by setting These Practices afoot, then the Subversion of the State? Only for the better Face of the Business, Religion is made a Cloak to their Ambition, and the Crown to be Secur'd in the Peoples Hands, for fear of Popery. But let it be either the One way or the Other, The Thing was to be

done however, and whether by an Ambitious Zeal, or a Holy Ambition, it Comes all to a Case.

There came out an Octavo in Eighty One, under the Title of [An Exact Collection of the most Conside∣rable Debates in the Honourable House of Commons, at the Parliament held at Westminster the one and Twentieth of October, 1680.] The several Speeches therein, are Introduc'd with the Two First Letters, as the Publisher Intends them, of the Speakers Name. I take the matter as I find it. There are many Lew'd things, 'tis True, reported in the Book, according to the License of the Times they were said to be Spo∣ken in; but I have not, as yet met with any Ex∣ception to it, of Falsity, for the matters therein Deliver'd.

I do not here Propose the Strictnesses of a Me∣thodical Division, in a Case where I have Scarce room barely to Name some Few General Heads, be∣fore I Leave them. Here's a Plot Suppos'd; The Be∣ing of it, Presum'd; and the Danger of it taken for Granted: Together with a Formal Contemplation of the Rise of it, the Operations, and the Remedies. I find Several Passages in this Book, under the Title of [Sir W. I.] Referring to all these Particulars. As for Instance.

UPON a Report maid by Coll. Birch of the In∣formations relating to the Irish Plot, &c. Ian. 6. 1681. Sir W. I. is represented Speaking in These Words.

Mr. Speaker.

Sir,

The Evidence which you have heard at the Bar,* 8.13 and the Report which hath been Read, as to the Popish Plot in Ireland, is not only a Plain Discove∣ry

of the Dangerous, and Deplorable Condition of the Protestants in Ireland, but a Great Confirmation of what Dr. Otes, and the rest of the Witnesses, have said, as to the Plot Here: So that Now [No Man can have any Excuse for not Believing it; but such as are Misled by Others, who Know it too well, because they are In it. I Cannot but observe what a Coherence and Agreement there is, in the Carrying on the Two Plots. Collections. p. 230.]

In Seventy Five, and Seventy Six, all the Clergy in Ireland said,* 8.14 (as Fitzgerard Deposeth) that the Duke of York should be King in 1678. &c. And doth it not appear by the Wit∣nesses here, that they Intended about That Time to Cut∣off the King; Massacre most of the Protestants, and to Conquer Others, &c. And doth not This Agree, not only with Dr Otes'es Discovery, but Prances too? p. 231. And so he goes on, Descanting upon Parallels and Resemblances, 'till at last, finding, that All the Plots Center in the Duke of York; he advises a Declaration to This Purpose.

That the Duke of York's being a Papists,* 8.15 and the Expectation which That Party have of his coming such to the Crown, have given the Greatest En∣couragement to the Popish Plot in Ireland as well as Here. p. 233.

This Resolve leads to a Bill of Exclusion, without any more ado; and Sr W. I. is no less Earnest for an Association-Bill; Provided, he says, it might be made as it should be. p. 183.

For This Bill (says he) must be much stronger then That in Queen Eli∣zabeth's Days;* 8.16 That was for an As∣sociation only, after her Death, but I

cannot tell if such a Bill will Secure us Now; the Cir∣cumstances we are under, being very Different. In Queen Elizabeths days the Privy Councellors were All for the Queens Interest, and Now for the Succes∣sor's; Now, Most of the Privy Councellors are for the Successor, and Few for the King. Then the Mini∣sters Vnanimously agreed to keep-out Popery, now we have too much reason to fear there are many that are for Bringing-it-In. In Those days, they All agreed to keep the Popish Successor in Scotland; Now, the Major part agreed to keep the Successor Here: All which must be consider'd, in drawing up the Bill. p. 184.

He takes a great deal of pains, in Another place, to shew the Danger and Necessity of Things; and it is Observable, in the Heat of his Course; how he does, Effectually, Drop the Bus'ness of the Plot, and Trans∣ferr the Ground of the Exclusion to a Scruple of Religion.

As to the Danger, (Sr W. I. says) It cannot be Imagin'd that the Great Body of Protestants which are in This Nation,* 8.17 will Tamely submit to the Po∣pish Yoak; which they will in Time see, must be the Consequence of Sub∣mitting to a Popish King; without some Struggling, p. 91.] The Safety of the King and Kingdom depend upon it. p. 92. And so again: [By assisting the Po∣pish Faction, his Majesty is reduced to Great Difficul∣ties and Trouble in the Administration of his Regal Au∣thority, and the Credit, Peace, and Tranquility of the Nation, almost Irr••coverably Lost, As to All which, the Art of Man cannot find out any Remedy, as long as there is a Popish Successor, and the Fears of a Popish King; And Therefore I humbly Move you This Bill may Pass. p. 94.] That is to say the Bill of Exclusion.

[Without the Exclusion-Bill, there can be no Expedient. p. 192.* 8.18] All other Acts of Grace will but serve to Fatten us for the Slaughter of our Ene∣mies. p. 193.]

I am against the Vote that was Propos'd, That the Dukes being a Papist hath rendred him Uncapable of the Crown; for that were to take on us a Legislative Power; but let your Question be, That it is the Opi∣nion of This House that the Kings Person, nor Prote∣stant Religion Cannot be Secure without That Bill. p. 248.]

In the First Suggestion, there is not only a Sedition Predicted,* 8.19 but Tacitly Encourag'd, and the Question is no longer a Popish Conspiracy; but a Popish Successor: the Apprehension being now remov'd, from the Plot, to the Religion: So that the Cause was not the Same, in the Political Agitation of it, that it was in Westminster-Hall before a Court of Iustice: For in the One Case, the Duke was to be Disinherited for being the Presumptive Head of the Conspiracy; And in the Other, he was to be Precluded, for be∣ing of the Communion of the Church of Rome. And it is very Notable Likewise, quite thorough, that there was not One Argument against the Successor, that was not Levell'd at the King in Possession too; And the Doctrine of Excluding his Royal Highness, did not only Authorize the Deposing of his Late Majesty, but had, many Years before, Actually Cut-off, the Head of his Blessed Father.

We have had Sir W. Iones's Thoughts already, upon Otes and his Plot, in his State of the Evidence: It comes now to be Enquired into, what Opinion the same Sir William Iones had, of the Credit of the same Otes, and the same Plot, at the King's Bench at Westminister,

upon the Tryals of Green, Berry, and Hill. Feb. 10. 1673/9. And afterward, at the Tryal of William Vis∣count Stafford. &c. upon [an Impeachment of the Com∣mons of England, in November and December 1680.] Upon a matter of Four Months Consideration in the Former Tryal, (Computing from his State of the Evidence Oct. 18. 1678.) And above Two Years time to advise with his Second thoughts afterward; in the Latter; wherein he acted as one of the Com∣mittee appointed to Manage the Evidence.

I was saying somewhat e'en now, that upon the First starting of this Mysterious Sham,* 8.20 the Topique was so Popular, and the People so prepar'd to be Cozen'd, that there was not One Man of Forty, but Believ'd, more or less of that Romance: though from that time to this, the Credit of it (God be Thank∣ed,) has gone on, Lessening and Lessening still, 'till in the Conclusion, there's not One Man of a Thousand, that does not look upon it, in his Conscience, and in his Iudgment, to have been a Bloudy and a Scandalous Cheat; Now if Sir William Iones gave it more Repu∣tation, after Two Years Time for Scrutiny and Recolle∣ction, and where the Lives of so many Men of Honour, Faith, and Integrity to their Prince, were at Stake up∣on the Issue of the Cause, then ever he thought it Worthy of, upon the First Summing-up of the Depositions,* 8.21 he was the On∣ly Man certainly, of the three King∣doms, of whom it may be said, that the Longer he Consider'd of it, the Better he Lik'd it. For it is Naturally, and Reasonably to be Presum'd, that he had all the Enformations, and Suggestions, Pro and Con, under his Eye; and that if there were any Considerable Number of Gross Contradictions, and In∣consistences in the Evidence, he was Undoubtedly so

much Master of his Bus'ness as to Retrieve, and to Dis∣cover the Intrigue. So that taking for Granted, that he wanted neither Means, nor Brains, nor Industry; to Carry him the nearest way to his Iourneys End: it must be Concluded, that he Saw as much of the matter as was to be Seen; and that he knew as much of it as was to be known: But how far he Emprov'd those Advantages to the Delivering of the Innocent, is Submitted to an Impartial Censure, and Consideration, in that which Follows: And First, upon the Tryals about Sir Edmundbury Godfrey.

The Cause of Green, Berry, and Hill, 'tis True,* 8.22 was not so Proper∣ly Otes'es Plot; in Strictness, as a Su∣perstructure Rais'd upon it: Though all the Pretend∣ed Proofs of the General Plot, Involve a Iustification of Otes'es, as the Foundation of the Whole Project: Be∣side that Otes could have done no more; without his Coroborating Fellow-Swearers, then They Could have done without His Scheme of Articles to Swear by. So that though the Story of Godfrey does not Affect Otes (to Borrow his own Word) Yet Bedloe, and Prance do mightily affect him, in Lending him an Affidavit or two, toward the Crutching up of an Impotent Plot, that by this time was Lame of all Four. Nay take the matter Aright, and according to the Iust Reason of the Thing; Green, Berry, and Hill, were not Hang'd so much for Godfrey, as for Otes; for it was for the Plots sake, that the Murder was brought-on; They wanted Seconds to the Conspiracy, and so made use of a fresh Brace of Miscreants, to Kill Two Birds with One Stone. They that would Swear False to a Plot, would Swear false to a Murder; And they that would Swear False to a Murder, would Swear False to a Plot: So that begin where you will, T'other comes-on, in Course, and it breaks no Squares betwixt the Devil,

and the Client, whether he Pawns his Soul for One Perjury, or for Two, or which goes First.

In the Tryals of Green, Berry, and Hill, Mr. At∣torny General has these Words.

My Lord, As Murder is allways a very Great Crime;* 8.23 So the Murder which is now to be Tryed before your Lordship, is, it may be, the Most Hei∣nous and Barbarous that ever was Committed. The Murder was Committed upon a Gentleman and upon a Magistrate; And I wish he had not Therefore been Murder'd, because he was a Protes••ant Magistrate. Greens Tryal. fol. 6.7.

If Sir William Iones had been Minded of Another Murder, wherein both the Gentleman, the Magistrate, and the Protestant, were Maliciously, and Rebelliously brought to the Scaffold, in the Person of a Most Gra∣cious, a Pious, and a Lawfull Prince, he would not, I hope, have accounted the Murder there in Question, to have been the most Heinous and Barbarous, that ever was Committed: Especially Valuing himself, as he does, some Three or Four Lines after, upon the Pains he had taken for the Perfect Vnderstanding of This Affair.

I (says he) that have made a Strict Examination into this Matter, do find that I shall better spend my Time in making Observations, and shewing how the Witnesses do Agree, After the Evidence given, then Before. Ibid.

This Declaration of Mr. Attorny, reaches as well to Otes'es Plot, as to Godfreys Murder; and it is all∣ready Granted, that he was as fully Possess'd of the Whole Extent of the Matter there in Question, as it was Possible for any Man to be, upon▪ Study, Search, and Enformation. As to any thing purely relating to the Matter of Sr Edmund-bury Godfrey, I shall Remit my self upon that Particular, to the Third Part of

This Brief History, which I have Expressly Reserv'd for a Discourse upon That Subject.

In Fol. 7. of Greens Tryal, Mr. Attorny Grafts the Murder of Godfrey upon the Discovery of the Late Horrid Plot; and sets forth how Industrious Sr Ed∣mund was in finding out the Principal Actors in That Plot; and how Mortal an Enemy to Priests and Iesuits; Whereas it is Notoriously known, that he call'd Otes a Rogue, and a Cheat, from the very Beginning; and that he did many Good Offices to Known Priests, when he found them in Distress, to the Extreme hazzard, both of his Person and Estate. Let it Suf∣fice, that I do here Affirm This to be True, and Oblige my seif to Prove it so, upon Authorities Vn∣questionable, hereafter.

It is but matter of Course, for Mules (according to the Adage) to Knab one another;* 8.24 and so there's no Love Lost betwixt Otes, Prance, and Bedloe: The Two Latter put their Shoulders to the helping of Otes'es Plot out at a Dead Lift; And Thankfull Otes does as much toward the Helping out of Bedloe and Prance, in Sr Edmund-bury Godfreys Murder. Godfrey told Otes a Tale, it seems, how the Popish Lords had Threaten'd him, and what a Fright he was in for fear of his Life, from the Popish Party; and how they had been several days Dogging of him. Tryal. Fol. 12. So that Otes'es Testimony some way or other, was the Life of the Cause all this while; and take away That Pillar, the whole Building sinks into Rubbish: But to see now, at the Close of the Tryal, and of the Day, how Mr. Attorny Blesses himself, to find Every thing made out so Clear, even to Ad∣miration.

I intended (says he) when I began to open the Evidence,* 8.25 to have made some Observations after the Evidence Ended; to shew how Each Part of it did Agree, and how the Main was Strengthen'd by Concurring Circum∣stances: But in Truth, the Kings Evidence did fall out much better then I could Expect: And the Defence of the Prisoners much Weaker then I could foresee: So that I think the Proof against the Prisoners is so Strong; and so Little has been Alleged by them in their Defence, that it would be but loss of Time to do what I at first In∣tended. fol. 71.] As to the Strength of the Evidence, and the Weakness of the Defence; the Tryal is Extant, and let the Cause speak for it self. But Thus however, he goes on Haranguing upon the Harmony of the Wit∣nesses, 'till at last he Crowns the Exploit, with an Address to the Iury in These Words.

I shall say no more, but Conclude to the Jury with That Saying that I re∣member in the Book of Judges,* 8.26 (in the Case of a Murder too, though of ano∣ther Nature) Iudges 19.30. The People said there was no such Deed done, nor seen, from the Day that the Children of Israel came out of Egypt.] And I may say there was never such a Barbarous Murther Committed in England, since the People of England were Freed from the Yoke of the Popes Tyranny and as 'tis said There, so say I now; Consider of it, Take ad∣vice, and speak your Minds, fol. 72.

The Barbarous Murder of Charles the First is for∣gotten, here once again: But now we are upon the Subject of Innocent Blood; let any Man set the Bloud that was Drawn upon This Authority, and Encourage∣ment, against That, which was There in Question, and then lay his Hand upon his Heart. To say nothing of the Lives that were Afterwards Sacrificed, under

the Countenance, and in Consequence of That President.* 8.27 It Cannot be too often Repeated, that Mr. Attorny had all the Papers at his Command, that might give him Light to a Distinct and Perfect Vnderstanding of the Main Cause, and Every Part of it: As the Iournals of Both Houses; The Council-Mi∣nutes; and Other Publique, and Attested Enformati∣ons: that he had the Whole Cause before him, as in a Breviat, and the Means, Consequently, of Comparing every Several Witness with Himself, and every Wit∣ness Respectively, One with Another, to see how far their Oaths upon the Lords Iournals agreed with what they Swore in Court; and how far their Depositions before the King and Council, or before so many of his Majesties Iustices of the Peace, Squar'd with Both, or Either of the Other. By Vertue of These Advanta∣ges, Sr. William Iones was upon so great a Certainty of Knowledge in All he Said, or Did, upon this Matter, that it was hardly possible for any Practice of Con∣federacy; any Doubling or Shuffling; any Flaw, Con∣tradiction, or Equivocation in the Evidence to Scape him. Beside that he wanted neither Wisdom, nor In∣dustry to make the best of his Materials. And yet up∣on laying Things together, It is a little hard to Imagine, how this Learned Gentleman should come to Phansy so Admirable a Concurrence of Circum∣stances. The Strength of the Kings Evidences so much beyond Expectation, and the Defence of the Prisoners so short of it; in a Case which to all other Mens Eyes appears a meer Huddle, and Mish-mash, of Vnaccoun∣table Confusions: which I do here Oblige my self to make as Manifest as the Light of the Sun, in the Con∣tinuation of This Story, if I live but a very little while longer, to Finish it. The most Favourable Constru∣ction that can be offer'd in Excuse of the Proceeding,

will be This; that though Mr. Attorny had the Care of the Cause, and the Command of all Papers and Enformations Concerning it, Multiplicity of other Thoughts, and Bus'ness, might yet Divert him per∣haps, from attending All the Critical Minutes of the Case, so Nicely as he Ought to have done.

Sir William Iones proceeded Thus far,* 8.28 in the Quality of Attorny Gene∣ral; We shall see now what Part he sustained in the Tryal of my Lord Stafford; as a Manager of the Evi∣dence, upon an Impeachment in the Names of the Com∣mons of England.

My Lords (says Sr William Iones) I think I may take leave to say, that the Plot in General, hath been now Sufficiently Prov'd. And if we Consider whath has been Prov'd at Former Tryals; (upon which, many of the Offenders, and Traytors have been Executed) what hath been Published in Print, and above All, Colemans Letters, written all with his own Hand, and for That Reason Impossible to be Falsify'd, we may Iustly Conclude, that there is not a Man in England, of Any Under∣standing, but must be fully Convinc'd of the Truth of the Plot in General, &c. p. 169.] So that I think now None Remain,* 8.29 that do Pretend, Not to Believe it, but Two Sorts of Persons; The One, Those that were Con∣spirators In it; and the Other, Those that Wish'd it Had Succeeded, and Desire it May so Still. p. 170.

This was a Shot at Random, I hope, without considering where it would fall:* 8.30 for it makes All Men whatso∣ever, without any Exception of Persons, to be either Fools, or Knaves, that were not of the Managers Pre∣tended

Opinion. I call it [Pretended,] because I look upon it as a Flight of his Rhetorique, rather then a Motion of his Conscience; And that it was Design'd to work upon the Passions of those that heard him, rather then upon their Iudgments. This Liberty does not only give every Honest Thinking Man an Ho∣nourable Right, but puts him upon a Defensive Necessity of Throwing-off that Infamous Character, let it Light where it Will, and of Rangeing the Fools, and the Knaves on the Other side. But This is a Sentence however, with Two Edges: One way he makes People Conspirators,, and Abetters, for not Believing the Plot, at a Uenture, whether the Supposed Fact be True, or False; The Other way, he makes a General Plot on't, by taking All Into't that do not Believe it. But as to the Proof now, of a General Plot, If Otes'es Plot falls, there Remains No General Plot to Prove upon.

Colemans Letters are a Particular Matter, of a Personal Practice,* 8.31 and Vndertaking, And His Crime, at the Vttermost Stretch of it, amounted to no more, then a Forward Intermeddling with State-Matters without a Commission. I could never find out the least Colour in that whole Proceeding, to Imagine any sort of Affinity, that Colemans Letter-Plot had with Sir Will. Iones'es pretended Narrative Plot. He had a Plot un∣doubtedly, upon the Fing'ring of French Mony: But without any Malice, in my Conscience, against Ei∣ther King, or Government.

Sir William Iones draws Inferen∣ces from the Jesuits Several Meet∣ings.* 8.32 Their Raising of Arms, and Gathering of Moneys, toward the Execution of their Design, fol. 169. Certain Imaginary Commissions, to Popish Lords; Seditious Sermons, and Discourses. Ibid. All which is upon

Otes'es Bottom, still: And so my Lord Staffords being at Fenwicks Chamber, and his Bolting-out Treasonous Words in Otes'es Hearing▪ against the King, fol. 170. The Pages 178. & 179▪ are spent in Iustifying Otes; wherein Sir William does not only admit Otes'es Change of Religion, but even blesses Providence for't, in these Words.

I am sure it is happy for us that he Did Change his Religion.* 8.33 Without That, we had not had the First Know∣ledge of the Plot, nor of many Particu∣lars, which he could not come to know, but by Occasion of that Change fol. 179.

This was a Mighty Mistake, for we had the First Knowledge of the Plot, from Tonge: And then for so great a Man, there was as unlucky an Oversight. Sir William Iones, upon the Summing-up of the Evidence, makes Otes to be a Papist; though He Himself Swore he was None, in the Tryall. Nay and he raises Argu∣ments from his Being the Thing, that he Swore he was Not; and Emproves His Forswearing Himself, to the Advantage of his Evidence. [I desire to know (says my Lord Stafford) whether Mr Otes was Really a Pa∣pist, or did but Pretend. [Otes.] I did only Pretend; I was not Rea••••y One, I Declare it. fol. 123.

The Evidence (says Sr W. in ano∣ther Place) is so Strong,* 8.34 that I think it admits of No Doubt; and the Offences prov'd against My Lord, and the Rest of his Part••, are so Foul, that they need no Aggravation. The Offences are against the King, against his Sacred Life, against the Protestant Religion, nay against All Protestants; for it was for the Extirpation of All Protestants out of These Three Nations. I mean not of Every one that is Now so, but of Every one that would have Continu'd so; Every one amongst us

(if These Designs had been Accomplish'd) must either have Turn'd his Religion, or turn'd out of his Coun∣try, or have been Burn'd in it. fol. 186.

Here's a Charge of Treason against every Papist in the Three Kingdoms; to a Single Man; Every Prote∣stant Throat to be Cut, or to fly his Country, or to Turn, or to Burn. Taking away the Kings Life, and the Extirpating of the Protestant Religion by Vio∣lence, were the Points of the Conspiracy: what could be more Incentive toward an Vniversal Tumult? What more Repugnant to Christian Charity, and to Common Sense, then to Build such Conclusions upon the Testi∣mony of Abandon'd Cheats, and the Visionary Extra∣vagances of Dreamers of Dreams; (for such was Tonge, most Superstitiously, according to the Letter) But to carry it further yet: All These Pretences have been Detected for a Forgery, and a Counter-Plot Prov'd on the Other side, to Answer Every Malicious Point of This. What Atonement is the whole World able to make, for the Affronts that have been put upon Gods Providence, Truth, and Iustice; upon the Ho∣nour of the King, the Peace of the Kingdom, and the Reputation of the Oppress'd, and Injur'd Party. But to return to my Point.

It will deserve one word more now, after Otes'es Passing Muster for a Competent, and a Credible Witness, according to Sr William Iones'es Qualifications, and Measures, to take a little notice on the other side; what it is that he makes to be an Incapacity, for a War∣rantable, and a Creditable Discharge of that Duty. 'Tis no great Wonder, where a Profligate Sodomite, and a Common Knight-of-the-Post passes for a Testis Probus: to See a Man of Honour, upon t••e File, for an Infa∣mous Rascal.

Sir William Iones makes his Exceptions to Mr. Lyd∣cot's Evidence, which he gave Concerning My Lord

Castlemain. Lord Staffords Tryal, pag. 115. &c. I re∣fer the Reader to the Tryal it self, and he will find no need of a Gloss upon the Text, to shew him how that Worthy Honest Gentleman was handled in Court by the Manager: But He that would more Particularly Enform himself in the Ground of Sir Williams Exceptions, must look for his Crime, fol. 177. upon Summing-up the Evidence.

A Man, (says Sir W. Iones) that owns himself the Continual Compani∣on and Secretary,* 8.35 of one so Famous in the Popish Party, as my Lord Ca∣stlemaine is: A Man that Pretends he was never out of his Company; And a Man that owns that two Years since he was Taking of Notes at a Trial for This Plot: Not only for his Curiosity, but for his Lord, who was Concern'd in the Accusation. That This Man should be a Fellow of Kings College, seems Strange, and 'till it be better Prov'd will hardly be Believ'd, Nor will he de∣serve any Credit.

From one End to the other of This History of the Pretended Popish Conspiracy,* 8.36 the Weight of the Proof still rests upon Otes'es Probity and Reputation: and the Whole Frame has nothing more to Support it, then Flourish and Noise. The Proof and Character of a Licentious, and Habitual Dissolution of Manners, through the Entire Course of Otes'es Con∣versation, is still Blown-off with one of These Two Banters, Set a Rogue to Catch a Rogue; That is to say, He must be a Party to the Treason, to Qualify him for a Testimony. The other is This: Let him be Detected of a Thousand Falsities, A man is Pop't in the Mouth with this Answer, [Where's your Record?] Why [You might have Indicted him] If you can Pro∣duce

a Record, you say Something.] when yet to my Certain Knowledge, Means have been made by Ap∣plication, and Petition, for Leave to Prosecute him for Perjury, according to the Ordinary Methods of Com∣mon Iustice, and there was no Obtaining of it. This, in one Instance for All, was the Case of Mr Cox a Linnen-Draper in Covent Garden, who Frankly and Honestly made the Attempt, and he was only Brow-Beaten, Repuls d, and Baffled for his Pains. I would fain get over This Topique, but the Nature, the Rea∣son, and the Importance of the Subject in hand forces me to be yet a little more at Large.

It will now come into Course, to see what Quarrel it is that SrWilliam Iones had to the Testimony of Mr. Lydcot. First,* 8.37 as he was Secretary to the Earle of Castlemain, he was True to his Lord. 2ly. In the Honour and Freedom of a Companion to Him, He was Iust to his Noble Friend. 3ly. In taking Notes for my Lords Service, who was himself Concern'd in Otes'es Accusation; He did no more, then what in Generosity, Good Faith, Common Humanity, Tenderness, and Prudence, he was Bound to do: He took Notes, that he might be able upon any occasion in the Fu∣ture to bear Witness to a Truth; which Truth would have been as much Against my Lord, if he were Guilty, as For him, if he were Innocent: and the Ser∣vice he Intended my Lord by These Notes, was only the Attesting of a Truth on his Behalf, in Confidence of his Integrity. The Want of an Evidence in This Case, would have been Just as Mortal as the want of a Record in the Other before Spoken of; and mens Lives were Lost both ways, in This Controversy, for want of a Legal Proof of an Indubitable Truth. So that here's a short Result of the Stress of the Excepti∣on. First, Block-up the way to an Enformation of

Perjury against a Forsworn Varlet, and Then Hang-up an Honest Man, for Want of one. Make it a Misde∣meanor, and a Scandal, High enough to Incapacitate any man for a Witness, that shall Presume to take Notes in a Popish Cause, and then Truss-up the Pretend∣ed Traytor, though never so Innocent, for want of an Evidence to Prove, what was Said or Sworn upon such a Tryall. Why This looks like Lying in Wait for Bloud; when they find they Cannot reach a Man up∣on a Guilt of Fact, to Ty-him-up by Surprize for ei∣ther Ignorance, or Neglect, upon a Formality of Proof.

But in One Syllable now; From a General Con∣templation, or Supposition of the Case, to the Real Con∣dition, and Quality of that Case as it was found afterwards before a Court of Iustice, in Truth, and in Effect.

No man was More Press'd, or Harder put to't,* 8.38 and no man put himself more Franckly upon his Iu∣stification then my Lord Castlemaine: I remember what Pains was taken upon his Lordships Tryal, to make a Witness of Dangerfield; A Wretch of a Character, to bring an Infamy upon a Common Iayl. And I remember an Oath of Otes'es there, in a Flat Contradiction to what he Swore in my Lord Staffords Tryal. [I have a Charge of High Treason (says Otes) against That Man (one Mr. Hutchison, an Evidence a∣gainst him) for Seducing me from my Religion. My Lord, I will Swear he Turn'd me to the Church of Rome; and I desire it may be Recorded. Lord Castlemain's Tryal. fol. 51.] Upon the whole Matter, his Lord∣ship was acquitted with Honour, and to the Confusion of his Enemies; and it is but a Bare Iustice, Ab∣stracted from All other Considerations, to say, that

no Man L••ving, perhaps, has given a more Vncontesta∣ble Proof of his Faith, and Affections to the Crown, then Himself. And as to Mr Lydcot (now Sr Iohn Lydcot, and Worthily advanc'd to a more Honourable Station) It is beyond Question, that he Behav'd himself in This Office, toward both the Government, and my Lord Castlemaine, with a Resolution and Integrity, An∣swerable to the Character of a Man of Honour.

There have been so many Hares Started in my way, and the Change of Subject has Carry'd me in∣to so many Digressions, that I had almost forgot one Passage, which, though formerly Cited, Cannot be well Pass'd over in this Place.

There were Certain Quaeries offer'd to the House of Commons, by the Sheriffs of London and Midl. Dec. 23. 1680. about the Kings Prerogative, in Dispen∣sing with any part of the Sentence upon My Lord Stafford; upon which occasion, Sir W. I. Deliver'd his Opinion, and Advice, in These Words.

[It is probable, that the Royal Power hath always Dispensed with such Sentences formerly; and if so,* 8.39 This House Lyeth not under any Obligati∣on, to offer at any Opposition, nor Concern themselves herein: Especially at This Time, when such a Dispute may End in Preventing the Executi∣on of the said Lord Stafford. And Therefore I humbly Conceive, you may do well to give your Consent, that the said writ be Executed according to its Tenure. Collections. p. 215.]

Here's an Indubitable Prerogative subjected to a Question. The [Resolution] given, is, that [It is Probable &c.] Mr Attorneys Advice is, [Not to Of∣fer at any Unseasonable Opposition] for fear My Lord Stafford's Life might be Sav'd by't. [The••efore] says he, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Give your Consent.

For the Avoiding of Confusion, I have Interjected, (where there was Room Convenient for't,) Some Remarques, and Reflexions, upon the Attorny Generalls State of the Evidence, and upon the Progress of his Animadversions, in the Further Prosecution of that Pretended Popish Cause; as well in the Quality of a Kings Councel, upon the Tryals of Green, Berry, and Hill, as in That afterward of a Principal Manager of the Evidence against my Lord Stafford. This did not yet Hinder the Saving to my self, the Liberty of a Word or Two more upon the Whole Matter, at Last.

There are Three General Points that fall Naturally under Consideration in This Place. First, Did the Kings Witnesses (as the Law Terms them) Agree in their Evidence, or Not? 2ly. If they did Not Agree, Where and How does That appear? Did they Swear One Thing, at One Time, and Another Thing at An∣other? Was not their Evidence in Court, the Same with that before the King and Councel? The Kings Iustices of the Peace; the Two Houses, and the Com∣mittees? 3ly. Was Sir W. I. Sufficiently Arm'd, and Instructed, with All Necessary Powers, and Papers, for the Perfect Vnderstanding of the Matter, both in the Whole, and in Every Part?

To These Three Questions, I re∣turn These Three Answers.* 8.40 First, That there are Disagreements, and Inconsistencies, in the Evidence, both Ioyntly and Seve∣rally, that are Utterly Impossible to be Reconcil'd.

2ly. I appeal for the Proof of This, to the Coun∣cil-Books; The Lords Iournal, and the Printed Tryals; (even under All their Partialities) where their Depo∣sitions, many times, are no more One to Another, then Chalk is to Cheese. But not to Clogg the Bus'∣ness with Unnecessary Recitals, the Second Volume of Observators has Instances in abundance of This Kind:

and particularly, Num. 61.62.72. Upon Otes'es Veracities: and Number. 141.142.186. &c. upon the Harmony betwixt Prance, and Bedloe.

3ly. As it stands Clear, from the Nature of the Case,* 8.41 and accord∣ing to Common Reason, and Vsage, that Sir William Iones must of Ne∣cessity have All Those Enformations ei∣ther Before him, or at Command, out of which he was to Extract a State of the Evidence, and without which, it was not Possible for him to do it: So does he likewise Acknowledge in his Report, the Receit of Those Papers, whereupon he was to Ground his Opinion, and to Deliver his Iudgment.

Now to Stop the Mouths of a Certain Republican Caball, that at That Time made such a Noise about the Providential Discovery of This Plot; and call'd for Humiliation in Sack-Cloth and Ashes, to Appease the Divine Wrath, and, if Possible, to Avert This Mock-Iudgment from us; The Greatest Providence that ever appear'd in favour of This Conspiracy was, That a Person so Quick-Sighted to All Other Pur∣poses, as to find out the Invisible Religion of This Cheat, should Overlook so many Gross Frauds, and No∣torious Contradictions, that lay in so Great Numbers, and in so many Several Shapes, under his Eye, with∣out taking any Notice of them at all. Now in Truth, the [Iudgment] was not the Reality of a Popish Plot, but the Belief of such a Plot where there was None; Assisted with a Blind Infatuation, that Hindred men from seeing a True Conspiracy thorough the Cover of a False one.

But to say no more of the Miracle of These Over∣sights, there is One Slip yet behind, which the Wit of Man shall never be able to Excuse; No, nor so much as to Palliate, with the least Colour of a Defence.

That is to say; the Bus'ness of the Five Windsor-Letters; with which I intend to Close This Chap∣ter.

Before I come to Touch This Matter to the Quick,* 8.42 it is Previously to be Noted, and made Known, that Tong's, or Otes'es Narrative of Arti∣cles, was already as good as Hung upon the Hedge, for want of Collateral Evidence. The Story of Pickering, & Grove, made Little or no Impression upon his Majesty; And then the Disappointment of the Ruffians going to Windsor, made the Story yet More Suspicious; 'till, in the Conclusion, Bedingfields Pacquet of Letters Confirm'd the King,* 8.43 that there was No Plot at all, and that the Whole was a Forgery; ac∣cording to the Account already gi∣ven in [The Impartial State of the Case of the Earl of Danby.] The Gradation of the Proceeding lies Thus. First, The Truth of the Nar∣rative was Suspected. 2ly. The Bus'ness of Grove and Pickering, (that were brought in, to Support One Capital Branch of the Narrative) made it yet More Suspected. 3ly. The Slurr that was put upon the Earl of Danby, in the Sham of the Windsor Ruffians, in pursuance of Groves, and Pickerings Design, render'd Matters still Worse and Worse. And, 4ly. The Inven∣tion of the Iesuits Letters, that were Trump'd-up, in hopes of Gaining Credit, both General, and Particu∣lar, to the Entire Train of the Enformation; put a Final End to the Reputation of All that had been Said, or Done Before.

There is enough said already in it's Proper Place, to the Marks of Practice and Confederacy, In and Up∣on These Letters [The way of their coming to Light] (as Sr William Iones well Observes) is somewhat Ex∣traordinary.

Tong and Otes could not be Believ'd, and so they Remitted themselves to the more Certain, and Infallible Proofs that would Arise, they said, upon the Intercepting of Some Iesuites Letters at the Post-Of∣fice in Windsor, according to their Directions. The Letters, as is formerly said, fell into the Wrong Hand; for though they were Address'd to Bedingfield, it was never Intended that he should have the Opening of them: But as Providence Order'd the Matter, so it Prov'd; and the Pretended Conspirator was, Himself, the Discoverer, Against Himself. This was only In∣troductive, but the Main Stress lies upon the Design, and Subject-Matter of These Letters; whether they were Believ'd, or Not Believ'd. If they were Not Be∣liev'd; why did not the Credit of the Letters, and of the Plot Vanish Together? if they Were Believed, how came it, that thorough the Whole Series of the Prosecu∣tion, they were never made Vse of; No, not so much as Nam'd toward Supporting the Belief of This Con∣spiracy? How came it, I say, that These Letters, that were only Exhibited to keep the Sinking Reputa∣tion of the Narrative, above Water, should fall to the Ground Themselves, and the Narrative yet Stand Firm, without a Foundation? As for Example.

According to the Project of the Plot, and the Pretext of the Narra∣tive,* 8.44 the King was to be Murder'd, FORTY EIGHT was the Cypher for the King: Grove (under the Name of Honest William) and Pickering, were to be Two of the As∣sassins. Four Irish Ruffians, over and above. Catholique Religion to be Settled. Ireland and Scotland Engag'd in the Plot: Bedingfield, Ireland, White, Fenwick, Fogar∣thy, Blundel, were All in the Black List of the Conspi∣rators. It is Worthy of a Consideration now, to see how These Blundering Buzzards, brought their Five

Letters (for Theirs they were) to Square with These Particular Heads, though so Awkardly put together, that the Fool play'd Booty against the Knave, and gave the Sign out of his hand. The Five Pretended Writers, are Five of the Conspirators, and they Direct to Beding∣field, who makes up the Sixth. 'Tis a Wonderfull Thing now, that These Letters were never Charg'd upon Ireland, White, nor Fenwick, at their Tryals: And, in Truth, that the Pris'ners Themselves never Call'd for 'em. Either they were Genuine, and Au∣thentique, and so Believ'd, and Reputed; or they were Not so. If the Former; they were, without All Con∣troversy, the Best Foot the Plot had to Stand upon; but if Spurious, and Counterfeit, and so Deemed, and Taken to be, the Plot and the Letters ought to have run the Same Fate, and no Credit to be given, for the Future, either to the One, or to the Other. For the very Plot it self was Wrapt-up in these Letters, and the Pretence of the Indubi∣table Authority of the Latter, was made use of to Patch-up the Broken Reputation of the Former. Three of them Undertake for the Good Inclinations of Ireland, to the Plot. Two, for Scotland: Four of them are, over and over for Dispatching, anddoing the Bus'ness of 48. Two Recommendations of the Four Irish Ruffians: One for the Encouragement of W. and P. (That is to say, Grove and Pickering) G. W. for Sir George Wakeman, is not forgotten nei∣ther; Nor [the Enjoying of Cath. Religion in a way more Publique then now they do.]

In a Word; The Plot, and the Letters had both the Same Vouchers;* 8.45 and I cannot find an Argument in Nature for the Belief of the One, after the Disbelief of the Other. If the Plot-Masters had not been Con∣scious,

and thoroughly Satisfy'd that the Five Let∣ters were a Downright Cheat, they would Un∣doubtedly have Serv'd them up, in Evidence; but the Forgery was so Gross, that the very Producing of them, would have broke the Neck of the Whole Design; for the Practice lay as Open as the Sun, and out of the Power, Reach, nay and Possibility of any False Oath to Cover it. The Party, I say, would have Insisted upon 'em, if they Durst. So that they Suppress'd them Wilfully, and upon Prepense Purpose, and Deliberation; and whenever any man living shall furnish but the Least Shadow of any other Reason for the Suppressing of them, then an Inhumane Thirst of Bloud; or a Manifest Partiality, to one of the most Impious Practices that ever was under the Cope of Heaven, I will Submit to have [Here lies a fool, and a Knave.] Written upon my Grave-Stone. [These Letters (says Sir William Iones in his Report) if they can be so Prov'd as to be Be∣liev'd to be the Hands of the Several Persons by whom they are said to be Written, do ••ully make out the Guilt of the Writers. Sir W. Iones in his Report upon These Letters, with the Rest of the Evidence does yet Want a Second Testimony to Back Otes'es. If he had given Credit to these Letters, the Proof would have been Full. If he had but Doubted the Forgery, he would have made some Essay upon Proving the Hand: But out of all Dispute it is, that he Des∣ponded of them at First Sight, and so they were let fall, never to Rise again.

In One Syllable more now, to Expound my self upon This Matter, I speak only of those that Officially had the whole Affair under that Care, and Consideration: without Expecting that Other men should Divine upon Things that they were Strangers to, and that lay out of their Province.

Here is as much said as is Needfull, upon the Subject Matter of These Two Chapters. That is to say; concerning Sir William Iones'es Opinion, both of the Plot, and the Plot-makers, from the Stating of the Evidence in October 1678. to the Death of my Lord Stafford in December, 1680. And there is as much done as is Needfull too, Since That Time, to the Proving of the Whole History of That Pre∣tended Popish Conspiracy, that Cost so many Inno∣cent Lives, and wrought so much Mischief, both to King, and People; to have been only a Scandalous Imposture, Bolster'd-up with Perjury, and Suborna∣tion: But How That Sham came to be Started, What it Was, and Who was the Founder of it, is to be the Subject of the Next Chapter.

CHAP. III.

The Pretended Popish Conspiracy, was a New Plot made of an Old One; and Dr. Tong (not Otes) was the Founder and Contriver of it.

IT Fell-out that some short Time after the Broaching of the Pretended Popish Plot,* 8.46 One Boulter, a Bookseller, brought me Tong's Royal Martyr, for a License. I could not Pass it, and the Bookseller went Mumbling away with a kind of Menace betwixt his Teeth, for the Refusal. Upon This, I went and told Tong at Whitehall, that I could not give it an Imprimatur, and so Pointed him out, (over and above Certain Scandalous Re∣flexions, and Historical Mistakes) to some Unlucky Hints in the Preface, that, People, I said, would be apt to take Offence at.

You tell the World, said I, that you have with Great Care Drawn-up the History of the Old Popish Plot,* 8.47 (meaning the Bus'ness of Andreas ab Habernfeld) and that shewing it to Dr. Otes, who very much Approv'd of the Draught, You did as Good as tell him, [Titus, it were worth the while to know if This Plot does not go on still: Wherefore do you go, and put your self among the Jesuites, and see whether it does or No.] You say further, that Dr Otes

Did go among them, pretending to be One of them, and that when he came back, he told you that the Bus'ness went-on, and that it was no New Plot, but the Old One Continued. [Well, (says Dr. Tong) All This is True, and where's the Offence?] So I up and told him, that it might be look'd upon as a Strange Councell, either to Give, or to Take. The Advice Given, said I, is This; [Titus, do you go over, and pretend to be a Papist, Take All their Oaths and Tests, Ioyn with them in an Idolatrous Worship, (for so Tong Reputed it) and Swear your self to the Devil through Thick and Thin, only to see whether it be Cross or Pile. This seems to Me, to be the Advice Given, and the Following of This Ad∣vice upon Fore-thought, and Consideration, may be taken for as Extraordinary a Resolution. The Doctors Answer was to This Purpose: God Allmighty will do his Work by his Own Way, and Method.

This Account was Printed in 1681. in [The Sham∣mer Shamm'd. p. 8.] together with several Letters, and Papers of Young Tong's, Confirming every Particular; and though they were Publish'd in the very Heat of the Republican Conspiracy, and my Name at Length to the Edition, there was not One Syllable Objected to the Truth of it. There was as little said too, in Excep∣tion to an Advertisement of May. 15. 1682. Obs. 138. Vol. 1. Wherein was Notify'd, that Simpson Tong En∣deavour'd to Destroy the Credit of Otes, and of his Evi∣dence; and that if any Man would Prosecute him, I my self would find Materials to Proceed upon.

Th••re are Five or Six Passages in the Matter a∣bove, that upon the Tacking of them together, will Naturally leade us into the Train of the Story that I am now upon.

First, It was an Odd kind of Bus'ness,* 8.48 Tong's Stumbling upon the Old Popish Plot of Habernfeld; which was only the finding out of a Modell to make Another Plot by.

2ly, What did he shew the Draught of it to Otes for, but to set him his Lesson?

3ly, There's Otes'es Approbation of it. As who should say; I'm of your Mind whatever it is.

4ly, Tong's sending Otes away among the Iesuits, to see if the Old Plot (of allmost Forty Year stan∣ding) went on still or Not. Now This was not so much to Tell him what he was to Look for, as what he was to Find.

5ly, Consider Otes'es Adventure upon That Er∣rand. The Blockhead went first for Spain, and after a while came back again, not One jot the Wiser-Tong finding that he was not Thoroughly possest of the Hint, was forc'd to be a little Plainer with him; and not only Advis'd him to go Over-Sea again; but gave him the very Reason, and his Business. i. e. [If he could but get the Names of the Jesuits; Learn their Ways; and make Acquaintance among them, the People might be Easily stirr'd up to Fear Popery, and it would be the Making of him for ever.] Now This Making of him, Tong call'd putting him in a way. This shall be Expounded by and by.

6ly. 'Tis Remarkable how Otes Edify'd upon the Second Handling, by the Discovery he made to Tong at his Next Return. i. e. [That the Present Plot was No New Plot, but the Old One Continu'd.] So that by This Reck'ning, Habernfelds Plot Sunk in 1640. and Came up again, in 1677. and 1678; after it had run under-ground the Better Part of Two Kings Reigns.

These Circumstances are the very Links of the Chain. Tong's Head is set upon a Plot: He pitches upon Habernfeld's for an Example; shews Otes it for a Fac Simile; Otes Cons his Lesson; Runs Over-Sea a∣mong the Iesuites; Finds the Old Plot at Work Still; Brings back Word on't: And Then, Out comes the Counterpart, in a Narrative to make All Good. It is here further to be Noted, that Tong was the Domi∣nus Fac Totum all this while; and Otes but the Tool that he wrought withall. In Plain English, there was an Imposture Projected from the Beginning, and it pass'd through the whole Train, and Conduct of the History, from One End to the Other. Tong Manag'd it; Otes Swore to't; and the Lines of the Design were drawn from Habernfeld's Modell. It rests upon Me now, to Prove what I have said; That is to say, that Tong was all the way a-gog upon a Plot; The Master Operator in the Late Pretended Popish Plot; That Habernfeld's was the Original, from whence he took his Copy; and that Otes'es Office in't, was only That of Lung's in the Alchymist to Blow the Bellows.

I find under Tong's Own Hand, in the Copy of an Enformation Given by Him to the House of Commons, as follows.

I have in my Wandring, fall'n into some Acquaintance with Dr Beal of Yeovel in Somersetshire;* 8.49 a Man known to many of This House. He Strongly Alarm'd me, and from his Experience of the Troubles the Jesuits and Other Papal Emissaries gave the Wise Senators of Venice, whilst he Resided there with Sr H. W. in the Interdict of That State: He Concluded, that though Both Honourable Houses, and his Majesty should Vnanimously Concurr, and put out all your Force,

You cannot prevent their Plot, &c. At my Parting from Him, and by his Advice, (as All a man of my Rank could do) I resolved to Oppose, Yearly and Quarterly, if pos∣sible, some Small Treatises in Print, to Alarum, and A∣waken his Majesty, and These Houses, &c.

He tells afterward, in the Same Paper,* 8.50 of an Enformation he had from De la Marche, a French Mini∣ster; for whom he drew a Petition; and [how upon a Conference with him about what Bloud had discover'd to him, he came to Apprehend the Fire of London to be Papal, French, and Lovestein Plots, United or Con∣founded: In This London-Fire-Plot, (says he) Major General Lambert, (as he hath usually been call'd) was Design'd to Draw Forces together; in appearance Fanatique, but in the Bottom, Papal, to Divert, and Distract us, whilst the French should have Seiz'd, or Destroy'd our Naval, and Other Military Provisions in the Tower, River, and Carcass of the City, when her Citizens are Massacred, and Scar'd into the Country to their Relations. Now the Story of This same De la Marche, and Lambert was altogether News to Oates, and yet Trusty Titus, to Second his Principal; Tells the King in his Epistle to his Narrative, that Lambert was a Papist of above Thirty Years Standing.

He has it in Another of his Papers, that One Ed∣ward Price of Kempton in Herefordshire, a Sadler, had for some Months, or Years, made Holsters and Sad∣dles for the Popish Gentry of those Parts, and for some Persons such a Proportion, as gave him suspicion that they were about to Raise some Troups of Horse, for some Dis∣loyal, and Wicked Design. And so he goes-on Inferring the Likelyhood of a Plot because the Protestant Gentry did not buy Saddles, and Holsters too, as well as the Popish Gentry.

The Paper above bears the Title of [Dr Tong's Short Narrative and Apology for his Book call'd the Mas∣sacre,] which Pamphlet of his, is Dedicated To the Ho∣nourable theCommittee of the House of Commons appointed for the Examination of the Popish Conspiracies. And it is Entitled [Dr. Tong's Relation of the General Massacre Intended and Plotted by the Papists, and brought▪ into Par∣liament by his Direction, and Assistance. fol. 1.] He calls This Paper, in his Epistle, [A Plain Relation of the First Discovery of the Popish-Plotted-Conspiracy for Sub∣verting the Government and Religion, and Massacring the People of England, and Other his Majesties Domi∣nions; and the Assassinating of his Royal Person, &c.] Now the short of the Bus'ness was This. One Mr Boyer of Herefordshire, Arrests Green, a Weaver of the same County, and Green Swears a Plot against him. Tong meets Green, with a Complaint in his Mouth, in the Court of Requests; Advises him to Present it to the Committee for Suppressing of Popery; Takes his Enformation; Draws him up a Petition, with Arti∣cles; and puts it into the Hand of a Zelous Member of the House to Promote it. This was it which Tong calls Laying the Foundation of the Discovery of This Plot, and the bringing of it into Parliament, with One Witness Present to Attest it. fol. 7.

The Enformation was so Trivial, that Green Him∣self Complains, [he was never yet Examin'd upon Oath, though he attended the Secret Committee Several Times. fol. 8.] And so Tong got Green to Swear his Depositions afterward, May. 12. 1679. before a Ma∣ster of Chancery; to remain in Testimony for a Perpetual Memorial. Now This was no other then a Tacit Charge, of either Negligence, or Disaffection upon the Committee: In whose Vindication I shall adventure to say; that if the Weaver had not been

Curs'd in his Mothers Belly, he could never have fail'd, at That Time of the Day, of getting himself Adopted into the Order of the Kings Witnesses, when, perchance, he was the Only Candidate for That Honour, that ever receiv'd a Repulse;] Even Eustace Commins Himself not Excepted.

The Doctor sets forth in Another Paper of his, call'd [Dr Tong's Case and Request] the Same Thing over again, and withall, [that he had been at Extra∣ordinary, and to Him Great Charges, in Searching-out Evidences of This Plot before it's Full Discovery; but more Especially, before Mr Otes'es Discovery, in Attending, Solliciting, Promoting and Expediting it, &c.]

I am gotten here into so Copious, and Tiresome a Subject, that a man must e'en Write in his Sleep to go thorough with it: But there needs no more to lay open the Doctor's Weak side, then to Consider the Fire he took upon This Freak. Who but Hee, to set-up for a Discoverer, both Out of Parliament, and In Parliament? Dr Beale sets Tong a Scribling: Tong puts it about, and sets De la Marche, Green and Others, a Petitioning; and who but He again, in fine, to Pen their Narratives, Enformations, and Articles; and to do the Office of Sollicitor General to the Whole Party! Who, I say, but Dr Tong, still, to make-out the Po∣pish Conspiracy! The Fires of London, Wapping, South∣wark, &c. The Murder of Godfrey, and All sorts of Popish Assassinations, Massacres and Invasions; Past, Present, and to Come! Nothing, in short, came A∣miss to him.

Order'd that Dr. Tong and Mr. Otes be Summon'd to Attend the Bar of This House at Four a Clock in the Afternoon,* 8.51 to give an Account Touching

the Plot; and the Conspiracy, &c. Commons Journal, Oct. 25. 1678.

Order'd that Dr. Tong do Attend again to morrow Morning, to give an Account concerning the Fire of the City of London. Ib.

Here's a Manifestation, sufficient of the Hand, In∣terest, and Design, that Dr Tong had in the Plot: and the Encouragement he met withall, on the One side, was, in All Respects, Answerable to the Zeal he Ex∣press'd for the Promoting of it, on the Other; As will be further seen hereafter.

But yet the Wisdom of the Na∣tion was,* 8.52 Certainly, never more over-shot, then in laying any sort of Stress upon the Credit of His Report. For, over and above the Absurdity of his Reasons, the Impotence of his Pas∣sions, and the Scandal of his Authorities, that lye Open for All the World to Judge of; he Cuts his Own Throat with his Own Hand, in a Petition to That very House of Commons that seem'd to Believe him; by laying Reasons Vnanswerable be∣fore them, why they Ought Not to Believe him, wherein he Declares, and Affirms, [that he had no Knowledge of any Person Charg'd, or Suspected to be in the Confederacy; Hardly of any One Po∣pish Gentleman in England.] So that here's a Popish Plot Undertaken to be Prov'd against so many Persons by Name; And That Proof Accepted for Current; when the very Accuser himself, Con∣fesses, and Declares, that he knows not so much as any One Conspirator. But an Infallible Vote Solves Impossibilities, and Reconciles Contradictions. A Plot is ••esolv'd upon▪ A Plot there Is, and a Plot there Must be, though they fetch it out of the

Grave again, after so many Years Dead and Bury'd.

This is a Story so Silly, Flat, and Nauseous, that I should hold my self Oblig'd to beg a Publique Pardon for Exposing it, if it were not for These Two Vses of Application. First, to shew the Sense∣less Ground, and Foundation of All our Late Trou∣bles, and Distresses: And, Secondly, That there is No Tale, or Fable so Monstrous, or Incredible, that Prejudice, and Credulity shall not make to Pass for Gospel. This Plot, in fine, such as it is, was Tongs Plot; The Project of it, Copy'd-out from That of Habernfeld; and no more upon the Whole, then One Forgery Grafted upon Another. But This will be Best Clear'd, by Confronting the Two Narratives. The Parallel will be somewhat Large; but my hand is now In: 'tis a Matter of Moment that Depends upon't, and so the Case will the Better Bear it.

CHAP. IV.

The Pretended Popish Plot of 1678. was only a Copy drawn from Habern∣felds Original, of 1640.

THe History of Habernfeld's Discovery,* 8.53 was first Pub∣lished in Forty Three, by Prynne in his Romes Master-Piece; having been seiz'd by him, (as he sets it forth in his Preface) in the Arch-Bishops Chamber in the Tower, by Warrant from the Close Committee. May. 31. 1643. His Introduction is a kind of Synopsis of the Whole Rela∣tion; which Prynne Pronounces for so Indubitable a Truth, that [Whoever deems it an Imposture, may well be Reputed an Infidel, (he says) if not a Monster of Incredulity.] To which I may Interpose, that I have known many of Mr Prynne's Infidels, and Monsters, that have been very Good Christians, and very Ho∣nest Men.

Upon the Coming-forth of Otes'es Popish-Plot-Nar∣rative, in 1678. The Old Story of Habernfeld was Re∣printed, under This Title. [The Grand Designs of the Papists in the Reign of our Late Sovereign Charles the 1st; And now Carry'd on against his Present Majesty, his Government, and the Protestant Religion.] The Prefacer seems to be Absolutely of Tong's and Otes'es Opinion, upon the Matter in Question about the Two Plots, only with This Difference, That the One Illu∣strates

the Old Plot by the New one: and the Other Illustrates the New Plot by the Old one: and so there's an Inference, Interchangeably drawn, from the Resem∣blance of the Counterfeit to the Authority of the Story. But over and above These Considerations, it seems to Me not unlikely, that Tonge had some hand in the Publication: For it came out just after my Refusal to License his Royal Martyr, where the Stress was laid upon That Point; And the Conspiracy being, at That Time, Hot from the Forge; Tong could not do better, then by Matching the President, to make One Sham Vouch for Another.

It is not the Design of These Papers (says the Publisher) to give an Ac∣count of the Discovery of the Late Plot,* 8.54 but only to Present the Reader with the Narrative of An∣other against his Majesties Royal Father of Blessed Memory; So Exactly resembling This, which now lies under Examination, that it can hardly be call'd Another; Being nothing else, but the Same thing Acted over again, only with the Necessary Alteration of Circumstances of Time, Places, and Persons. Preface.

After this Preface, follows a Pa∣per, Entitled:* 8.55 [Sir William Boswell's First Letter to the Arch-Bishop concern∣ing the Plot. Dated Hague. Sep. 9. 1640.] which he dispatch'd away to the Arch-Bi∣shop, with one from Habernfeld Enclosed, under the Title of [Andreas ab Habernfeld's Letter to the Arch-Bishop, concerning the Plot Revealed to him.]

This is Accompany'd, with Another Paper, Entit∣led [The General Overture, and Discovery of the Plot.]

And there is likewise a Third Paper of Habern∣felds, which he calls, [The Large, and Particular Dis∣covery of the Plot, and Treason against the King, King∣dom, and Protestant Religion; and to raise the Scottish Wars.]

The Story is Heavy, and there's too Much on't, to be Inserted at Length; but my Bus'ness being only to set forth the Resemblance betwixt the Two Plots, and to run the Parallel; the Heads of the Relation, in Abstract, will abundantly Answer My End: And when I shall have gotten over This part of the Pro∣ceeding, a Man may properly enough En∣quire into the Merits of the Whole Matter, and see what Opinion the King Himself, the Arch-Bishop, and Sr William Boswell, had of This Discovery.

To take the Particulars as they Rise, and to Apply the Parallel to Those Points, in the Same Order as I find them in the Original, I shall begin with the Preface, and run thorough both the Abstract of Ha∣bernfeld, and Tong's Counter-Part, in as Few Words as Possible.

The Parallel of the Two Plots.

The Discoverer (he says) was a Chief Actor in This Plot,* 8.56 sent hither from Rome, by Cardinal Barbarini, to Assist Con the Popes Legat, in the Pursuit of it; and Privy to All the Particulars therein Dis∣covered.] Preface.

And was not Our Prime Disco∣verer,* 8.57 Otes, a Chief Actor too? Sent over from St Omers, to Assist the Plot; and about the Iesuits Affairs? Lord Staffords Tryal. fol. 28. Intrusted with Commissions? Iesuits Try∣al, fol. 13. Tempted to Kill the King? Narrative, Ar. 60. Dispatched with Proposals to the Carmelites about it? fol. 61. Order'd to Manage the Fire at the Hermi∣tage? 71. To carry the White-Horse Consult from Com∣pany to Company? fol. 18. And was not Our Disco∣verer,

Privy to Wakeman's Poyson, Conyers'es Dagger, Pickerings Screw'd-Gun, and the Silver Bullets: The History of the Black-Bills, the Pilgrims, Ruffians, and the Levies of Men and Mony? &c. Was not Otes pri∣vy to a matter of Eighteen Commissions, Military, and Civil: under the Hand of Ioannes Paulus De Oliva, by Vertue of a Brief from the Pope? (as he Swore before the Lord Chief Justice Scroggs) One of them to Iohn Lambert to be Adjutant-General to the Army; and Nine or Ten of them Deliver'd with his Own Hand? Was he not Privy, in fine, to the Price of the Whole Villany, to a Single Six-Pence? So that as to the mat∣ter of Privity; the Privity of Habernfeld, and his Principal, is quite Out-done, by the Privity of Tong, and Otes; who, according to their Narrative, and Pretensions were Vndoubtedly Privy, to Fifty times more then ever any Two men upon the face of the Earth were Privy to, before them.

The Discoverer (says the Preface again) was Troubled in Conscience,* 8.58 and Therefore Disclosed the Conspira∣cy; Renounc'd That Bloudy Church, and Religion; though Promised Greater Advancements for his Diligence in This Design. Ib.

And what was it but Horror of Con∣science too, (if we may believe Oaths,* 8.59 either Iudicial, or Extrajudicial) that made our Con∣verted Discoverers, whether Papists Bred-up, or Proselyted, to Disclose This Popish Treason, and to Renounce That Bloudy Religion, in Defiance of All Offers of Re∣wards, and Advancement? Was not Dugdale to have 500l. Lord Staffords Tryal. p. 43. And to be Sainted? Ib. 44. Was not Bedloe to have 4000l. in the Case of Godfrey? Greens Tryal. p. 30. And might not Otes, and all his Fellows, have come in for Their Snips to, if their Consciences would have Touch'd?

But This Plot was Discover'd under an Oath of Secrecy (says the Pre∣face) and the Discoverer Offer'd his Own Oath too,* 8.60 in Confirmation of the Particulars. Ib.

What was Bedloes Sacrament of the Altar.* 8.61 Twice a Week, to Conceal the Plot; (Greens Tryal. fol. 33.) but an Oath of Secrecy? Dugdale took at least Ten Sacra∣ments of Secrecy. Sr George Wakemans Tryal. p. 10. Otes, an Oath of Secresy, at Weld-House-Chappel. Irelands Tryal. p. 28. And then there was Another Oath of Secrecy taken at Fox-Hall too. And so for the Rest; Our Discoverers did not only Offer, but Deliver their Own Oaths, in Confirmation of Every Article.

Habernfeld Discovers, Persons, Pla∣ces,* 8.62 and Times of Meeting too. Ib.

And does not Otes Discover the Lords in the Tower;* 8.63 and such Others of the Nobility and Gentry, as are in the Conspiracy. See his Narrative from fol. 61. to the End. Their Priests, Iesuits, and Papists, of All Sorts? The Times, and Places of their Meetings, Even to the Year Week, Day, Nay, and sometimes to the very Hour? One while at the Savoy, Another while at the White-Horse, Russel-Street▪ Weld-Street, and the like.

Well! But Habernfeld's Principal Conspirators are [known to be Fit Instruments for such a Design.* 8.64 Ib.]

And are not Otes'es, as Fit Instru∣ments as Habernfelds?* 8.65 The Principals, are, most of them, Men of Quality, Brains, Interest, and Estate: and Consequently, bet∣ter Qualify'd then other People for the Execution of any Mischief they have a Mind to. Beside, that as 'tis

a Popish Plot, they are, not only to be All, Roman Catholiques: but All made Principals too; without lea∣ving so much as One Soul of them to Witness for Another. Now as there's no Means of Clearing them, on the One hand, saving by Palpable Blunders, and Contra∣dictions, on the Part of the Accusers; So if any of 'em will Swear to the Hanging-up of his Fellows, on the Other Hand, he is presently made Sacred, under the Character of a Kings Evidence; and [Touch not his Majesties Witness,] carries more Authority along with it, then [Touch not the Lords Anointed.]

The Preface says further; that [Sir W. Boswell, and the Arch-Bishop,* 8.66 if not the King Himself, were fully Satis∣fy'd, that the Plot was Reall. Ib.]

Men may be Satisfy'd in the Reality of a Thing,* 8.67 and yet Mistaken about it; As we have found many Men in Both Plots that have Seem'd to be Satisfy'd, and yet afterward abundantly Convinced that they were A∣bus'd. So that the Belief of a Thing does not Neces∣sarily Inferr the Truth of it; but it must be the Work of Time, and Scrutiny, to Perfect the Discovery. Neither do I find, Effectually, that there was so much Credit given to Habernfelds Plot, as is here Suggested. A [Nemine Contradicente,] is No Article of my Faith; Though it says, that [There Is, and Hath been, a Damnable and Hellish Plot, Contriv'd, and Carry'd on, by Popish Recusants, for Assassinating, and Mur∣dering the King; for Subverting the Government, and Rooting-out, and Destroying the Protestant Reli∣gion. Commons Iournal. Oct. 31. 1678.] Though I must Confess they had One Powerfull way of Convincing Men, by the Argument of Swearing them out of their Reputations, Lives, Liberties, and Fortunes, if they would Not Believe it.

The Parallel holds thus far Exactly, and we'le see now, how it Suites with the Minutes of Habernfelds Letter to the Arch-Bishop, which I have made as short as I can, for the Readers Ease, and for my Own.

The Minutes of Habernfelds Letter.

Beside Expectation, This Good Man (says Habernfeld (speaking of the First Discoverer) became Known unto me.* 8.68 p. 1.

By the same Providence it was, that Otes,* 8.69 Bedloe, Prance, and Twenty more of our Plot-Merchant-Adventurers came Acquainted. Bedloe Swore to the Lords that [he did not know Otes,] 'till it came out, by Providence, that [he knew him as Ambrose, but not as Otes?] And so, Otes, to requite his Kindness, [knew Williams, though he did not know Bedloe.] 'Twas such another Won∣derfull Providence, Bedloes knowing Prance over a Pot of Ale, at Heaven, after he had Enquired, and been Told, which was Prance, in the Commons-Lobby. [Damme (says Bedloe) That's one of the Rogues that Murder'd Sr Edmundbury Godfrey.]

* 8.70As to the [Scottish Stirs,] he speaks of. p. 1.

* 8.71Otes'es Missionaries Answer Habern∣felds Scotch Lords; of whom hereafter.

[The Factions of the Iesuits thorough England and Scotland, p. 2.] and the Discoverers Descant; we have in Dr. Beale's Readings to Tong upon them.

* 8.72Otes'es Narrative ••its the [Adja∣cent Writing there spoken of. Ib.]

* 8.73[Habernfeld got Free Liberty to Treat. Ib.] And so did Tong.

There must be [No Delay,* 8.74] says Habernfeld. Ib.

Make Otes'es Enformation a Record,* 8.75 Immediately, says Tong; And so away goes the One, to Sr William Boswell, Ib. & the Other to Sr Edmund-bury Godfrey.

And now forward. As Some Princi∣pal Heads (in Habernfeld's Relation) were purposely Pretermitted.* 8.76 p. 3.

So Bedloe shorten'd his Evidence a∣gainst Whitebread, and Fenwick,* 8.77 in the Iesuits Tryal, and Swore Further▪ after he had Sworn All, Before: And so did Otes and the rest, [Purposely Pretermit] many things, and keep themselves upon the Reserve.

Habernfeld Propounds the Intercepting of a Pacquet at Bruxelles.* 8.78

Our Iesuits Five Letters to be Inter∣cepted at the Post-House at Windsor.* 8.79 p. 3. are the very same Project.

Habernfeld's Letters are [Characteri∣stically Written.* 8.80 Ib.]

And so are the Letters in Tong's Plot-Hand.* 8.81

Reade is to Vncypher them. p. 4.* 8.82

As Otes Vncyphers Forty Eight, Sixty Six, Ciocolatti, Mum,* 8.83 and Mustard-Balls; as Reade is to do the Same Office for Habern∣feld, (P. 4.) Or if it falls out, that Reade, upon the Question, will rather Hang then Discover more then he Knows; 'tis but Allowing him Thirty Thou∣sand Masses for the Health of his Soul, and All's well again.

The Searching of Reades House for a Congregation, Ibid, was so much Out-done by Our Discoverers, that for Habernfelds One Reade, and One Congregation, they have shew'd us Forty.

Habernfeld takes Great Care, for fear of trusting Popish Pursuivants.* 8.84 Ib.

* 8.85For which Reason, the Searching of our Houses, for Priests, and Popish Trin∣kets, was Committed to Otes, Bedloe, Dangerfield, &c. instead of Constables and Ordinary Messengers.

Habernfield Advises the Abolishing of All Bitterness of mind,* 8.86 that the Intestine Enemy may be Invaded on Both Parts. p. 4.

* 8.87Which Tongs Friends in the Westmin∣ster Parliament, Translated into the Vni∣ting of Protestants against the Common Enemy.

We shall come now to [the General Overture and Discovery of the Plot:] Bearing date, Hague, Sept. 6. 1640. sent with Sir W. Boswells First Letter. p. 6. and see how the Counterpart Answers it, Head by Head, as it lies.

The General Overture, and Discovery of the Plot, &c.

* 8.881. That the Kings Majesty, and the Lord Arch-Bishop are Both of them in Great Danger of their Lives, p. 6.

* 8.89So says, Otes'es Consult.

* 8.902ly, That the Whole Common-Wealth is by This Means Endanger'd, unless the Mischief by Speedily Prevented. Ibid.

* 8.91A most Natural Consequence: and so says the Consult, too.

* 8.923ly, That These Scottish Troubles are Raised to the End, that under This Pre∣text, the King and Arch-Bishop might be Destroyed. Ibid.

Father Moor,* 8.93 and Father Saunders sent into Scotland to This very End. Otes'es Narrative. Ar. 43.

4ly,* 8.94 That there is a Means to be Pre∣scrib'd, whereby Both of them in This Case, may be Preserved, and This Tumult Spee∣dily Compos'd. Ibid.

This was the very Proposal on the Other side too;* 8.95 and the Means found out to Save All, were Swearing, Iayling, Drawing, Hanging, and Quartering.

5ly,* 8.96 That although these Scottish Tu∣mults be Speedily Compos'd, Yet that the King is Endangered, & that there are many ways, by which Destruction is Plotted to the King, and Lord Arch-Bishop. Ibid.

And All is not Safe neither,* 8.97 though Scotland were Quieted; for there are many other ways Plotted to Destroy the King: As Pickerings Gun, Conyers'es Dagger, Wakemans Poyson, Invasions, Insurrections, Assassinations, &c.

6ly,* 8.98 That a Certain Society hath Con∣spired, which Attempts the Death of the King, and Lord Arch-Bishop, and Convulsion of the Whole Realm. Ibid.

This same Certain Society may be heard of at St Omers, Weld-House,* 8.99 The White-Horse-Tavern, and the like.

7ly,* 8.100 That the same Society Every Week Deposites with the President of the Socie∣ty, what Intelligence Every of them hath purchased in Eight Days search; and then Confer all into One Pac∣quet, which is Weekly sent to the Director of the Bus'∣ness. p. 7.

Pacquets for the Provincial,* 8.101 and Let∣ters of Intelligence are a Great Part of the Narrative Intrigue.

8ly, That All the Confederates in the said Conspiracy,* 8.102 may verily be Named by the Poll: But because they may be made known by Other Means, it is thought Meet to Deferr it till hereafter. Ib.

Otes could have Poll'd All the Con∣spirators,* 8.103 Man by Man, if he had thought fit; but some New Men and Things must be left for Bedloe, to Discover, some for Prance, some for Dugdale; with an Allowance to Otes, for a Roll of Conspirators, [Whose Names do Not Occur at Present,] as well as for those whose Names Do Occurr at Pre∣sent. Narrative fol. 61.

9ly, That there is a Ready Means where∣by the Villany may be Discover'd,* 8.104 in One Moment; The Chief Conspirators Cir∣cumvented, and the Primary Members of the Conjurati∣on, apprehended in the very Act. Ibid.

Otes has his Ready Means too for the Ordering of the whole Work in an In∣stant;* 8.105 Grove and Pickering, we know, were to be Taken in St. Iames'es-Park; and the Ruffians had been Dogg'd to Windsor (as Tong Assur'd the Earl of Danby) if One of the Horses had not got a Slip in the Shoulder. Or at worst; 'twas but Picking-up Priests, Papists, and All Suspected Persons; Plun∣dering their Baggs, and their Houses; Rifling their Papers; Cooping-up the Popish Lords in the Tower; and then Swearing them All into the Treason.

10ly, [That very many about the King, who are Accounted most Faithfull,* 8.106 and Inti∣mate, to whom likewise the most Secret Things are Entrusted, Are Traytors to the King, Corrupted with a Forreign Pension, who Communicate All Secrets of Greater or Lesser Moment, to a Forreign Power.] Ibid.

This was Otes'es Method too;* 8.107 to make Traytors of Those that the King Accounted his Best Friends; and Consequently, to make Loyal Subjects of Traytors: And then the Old Westminster Parliament Supply'd the Pensioners.

11ly, These, and other most Secret Things,* 8.108 which shall be Necessary to be Known, for the Security of the King, may be Revealed, if These Things shall be Ac∣ceptable to the Lord Arch-Bishop. p. 7.

This Article is an Expletive;* 8.109 and Signifies just nothing; for how many of these Secrets did the Kings Witnesses Promise to Reveal, that never came to Light: and, in Truth, never had any Beeing in the Nature of Things! But the very Noise, and Amusement was enough to do the Work.

12ly. In the Mean Time;* 8.110 if his Royal Majesty and the Lord Arch-Bishop, desire to Consult well to Themselves, they shall Keep These Things only Superficially Communicated unto them, most Secret∣ly under Deep Silence, Not Communicating them so much as to those whom they Iudge most Faithfull to them, before they shall receive by Name, in whom they may Confide; for else they are safe on No side. p. 8.

Just at This rate were the Superficial Communications,* 8.111 and the Injunctions of Silence, in the Case of Tong, and Otes; and what was the Condition at last too, but that the King should Trust No Other, then such as the Discoverers or (which is all one) the Conspirators should Name: As Otes Ex∣cepted to such and such Persons by Name, out of the Committee that was to Examine him.

13ly. Likewise they may be Assured,* 8.112 that whatsoever Things are here Propo∣sed, are No Figments, nor Fables, nor Vain Dreams;

but such Real Verities, which may be Demonstrated in every small Tittle: For Those who Thrust themselves into This Bus'ness, are such men, who mind no [Gain;] but the very Zeal of Christian Charity suffers them not to Conceal These Things: Yet, both from his Majesty, and the Lord Arch-Bishop, some Small Exemplar of Gratitude will be Expected. p. 8.

These are the very Reasonings, and Pretences of Ezrel Tong,* 8.113 put into the Mouth of Titus Otes: No Figments, So help me God; No Thought of Gain; but Pure Zeal, and Christian Charity, to work upon the Discoverers. But yet some Small Exemplar of Gratitude will be Expected; as a matter of Ten, or Twelve Pound a Week-Pension for Otes; and the Value, perhaps, of Four or Five times as much more, in Presents, and Veils: A Deanery, or some such Trifle, for Tong. What is All This, but a Flat Contradiction, thrown in the very Face of the Pretext?

It is as Clear as Day, that Tong and Habernfeld, in All Things Material, Walk Hand in Hand tho∣rough the Whole Story: But to avoid Idle Repeti∣tions as much as may be, I shall in the Next Place make a Short Abstract of Habernfeld's Last, and Long Paper of Intelligence; and so Finish my Parallel. It bears This Following Title; And from thence I shall Proceed to the Heads of it.

[The Large, and Particular Discovery of the Plot against the King, Kingdom, and Protestant Re∣ligion, and to raise the Scottish Wars. p. 13.]

* 8.114The [A] King is in Danger of his Life and Crown, [B] England and Scot∣land to be Subverted. The Discoverer of This was Born and Bred in the [C] Popish Religion▪ being

[D] Fit for the Design. p. 13. He was [E] sent over by Cardinal Barbarini [F] Troubled in Con∣science, and [G] came over to the Orthodox Religion. [H] Reveal'd the Treason to a Friend, [I] Put the Particulars in Writing, out of which were drawn [K.] Articles. p. 14. He falls upon the [L] Iesuiti∣cal Off-spring of Cham. p. 15. The [M] Society are the Conspirators. The [N] Popes Legat is their Chief Patron. They hold their [O] Weekly Intelligences. p. 16. Cuneus, the Instrument of the [P] Conjur'd So∣ciety. He Presents the King with Roman Curiosities: Promises, but Means it not, to Espouse the Cause of the Palatinate. p. 17. Offers the Bishop a Cardinals Cap; makes use of Court-Instruments and Mediations. p. 18. But finding All in Vain; [Q] Ambushes were to be Prepar'd, wherewith the Lord Arch-Bishop, to∣gether with the King, should be Taken. p. 19. They pass [R] Sentence against the King, and lay hold of the Indignities put upon Prynne, Burton, and Bastwick; and the Scotch Service-Book; to stir up the Puritans to a Revenge. Some Scottish Popish Lords, are sent to Enflame [S] Scotland; by which, the [T] Hurt∣full Disturber of the Scottish Liberty might be Slain. [V] An Indian Nut provided by the Society, and shew'd to the Discoverer, in a [W] Boasting Man∣ner; To Poyson the [X] King, after the Example of his Father. p. 21. Hamilton's Chaplain Private with Cuneus: A Chaplain of Richelieu's sent over to Assist the Conspiracy: A Character given of Sr Toby Ma∣thews. p. 22. And an Account of his Intelligences, Haunts, and Meetings. p. 23. The Story of Reade o∣ver again. p. 24. Iesuits Letters, and Meetings, And [Y] All the Papists of England Contributing to the De∣sign. p. 25. One Widow Gave Forty Thousand Pound English, toward it, And Others, beyond their Abi∣lity in Proportion. He follows This, with a Ramble

upon Several Persons by Name, that were dipt in the Conspiracy; And further with This Remarkable Discovery.

The President of the aforesaid Society, was my Lord Gage, a Jesuit Priest, Dead above Three Years since. He had a Palace Adorn'd with Lascivious Pictures, which Counterfeited Prophaneness in the House; but with them was Palliated a Monastery, wherein Forty Nuns were Maintained, hid in so Great a Palace. It is Scituated in Queen Street, which the Statue of a Golden Queen Adorns. The Secular Jesuits have bought All This Street, and have Reduced it into a Quadrangle, where a Jesu∣itical College is Tacitly built, with the Hope that it might be Openly finish'd as soon as the Universal Refor∣mation was begun. p. 29.]

To pass a Short Note now upon the Whole;* 8.115 The Design upon the [A] King, and [B] England and Scotland, is the General Scope of Otes'es Plot.. He pre∣tends to come over from [C] the Popish Religion. No man Fitter for the [D] Design: [E] sent o∣ver, [F] Troubled in Conscience, and [G] Con∣verted. The General of the Iesuits at Rome, and the Provincial Here, did the Parts of Cardinal Barbarini, and the Popes Legat. Otes [H] Revealed the Treason to Tong, and [I] put the Particulars in Writing; out of which, Tong Extracted [K] Articles. Otes makes [M] the Society the Conspirators. The Provincial serves for [N] The Popes Legat. The [O] Weekly Intelligences Grove took an Account of; and for In∣struments of the [P] Conjur'd Society. Otes'es Narra∣tive has them in abundance. The [Q] Ambushes were laid in St. Iames'es, and at Windsor. The [R] Sentence pass'd at several Consults. The Rebellion in [S] Scotland, by Irritating the Puritans was Manag'd by Otes'es Missionaries; and the King to be Murder'd,

as the [T] Hurtfull Disturber of their Liberties. Wake∣mans Poyson was [V] the Indian Nut; and Cuneus's Boasting of it, Answers Conyers'es shewing Otes the Dagger, in Grays-Inn-Walks. Habernfelds Talk of Poy∣soning the [X] King, after the Example of his Fa∣ther, was Match'd, both in the Narrative of Otes'es Plot, and Expressly in his Epistle before that Narra∣tive: to the Eternal Infamy of the Reporters of it: And as Habernfeld [Y] makes All the Papists of Eng∣land to be Concern'd in This Conspiracy, so Otes in his Epistle, and Narrative, has made an Vniversal Plot on't: Only we want a Forty-Thousand-Pound Widow to Perfect the Parallel: But That Defect is Amply Supply'd in Irish Contributions, and Other Secret Services.

As to the Foolery of the Last Paragraph, the Man must be a Great Stranger to London, as well as to Common Sense, that can look upon it as any other then a most Extravagant Foppery; and without any Colour, or Coherence.

After This Large Discovery, as the Enformer Pre∣tends, comes a Summary, in Eleven Heads, of the Whole Matter, which is only the same over again; and is Answer'd over again by the same Parallel: Only the 10th Clause has an Expression in it Wor∣thy of Remarque.

Some (says he) of the Principal, Vnfaithful ones of the Kings Party, are Notify'd by Name. Many of whose Names [Occur] Not yet their Habitations are Known. p. 31.

Now in Otes'es Muster of the Conspirators, it runs [Whose Names [Occurr] at Present. Nar. fol. 61.] One would have thought they might have Vary'd the Phrase a little: But our Modern Discoverers have been much better at Copying then at Inventing; Wit∣ness This Whole Parallel; and the Five Iesuits Letters.

It must not be Omitted neither, that [the Order of Politicians] which Habernfeld speaks of, p. 15. is Learnedly Turn'd, forsooth, into the Order of [PO∣LITITIANI,] by Otes, in his Narrative. Art. 53.

In Conclusion, here's a Plot Copy'd-out to the Life, and the Transcript, a most Scandalous, and Im∣pious Cheat, beyond all Controversy, whatever the Original was. But in regard the Publisher Affirms, that the Kings Minister, and the Arch-Bishop, if not the King Himself, were fully Satisfy'd in the Reality of it; we shall first Examine upon what Grounds the Publisher speaks; And after That, come to a Fair Reasoning upon the Main Matter in Issue; which cannot be so well done, as by Delivering the Seve∣ral Letters at Large, and then making a Judgment upon the Whole Proceeding. We are got thus far On∣ward of our way now thorough the Parallel; And the Next Question will be This.

CHAP. V.

Was Habernfelds Modell it self, an Historical Truth, or a Fiction?

WHoever looks Narrowly into Habernfelds Plot, and the several Parts of it, will find it to be rather a Lesson, or a Project, then the Iust Account of an Historical Truth. The Bus'ness of Con∣science, Oaths of Secresy, Enformation, and the Circum∣stances of Who, What, Where, When, How, &c. are only matters of Course; for there must be Persons, Things, Places, Time, and Manner Assign'd, even to the most Extravagant Fiction that ever was in Na∣ture. This was the Composition, First, of Habernfelds Discovery, and afterwards of Tong's Counter-part of it: He furnishes Otes with Lights, and Instructi∣ons; Gives the Contrivance the Name of a Conspiracy; Titus Plucks up a Good Heart, and Swears to't, and so there's a New Plot made of an Old one.

It must be Observ'd that This Intelligence of Habernfeld was set afoot, when Charles the First,* 8.116 was at York, in September, 1640. to Advise with his Great Councill of Peers a∣bout the Scottish Rebellion. The Kings Affairs were upon a Pinch, and there never was more need of a Forgery to Cast the Scottish Insurrection upon the Pa∣pists, and to turn the Peoples Hearts, From, and Against his Majesty, then upon that Juncture: Espe∣cially, for a Preparatory to the Work of the Next

Parliament, that was to Meet Novem. 3. following. Upon this Occasion, Sir W. Boswell, (the Kings Mi∣nister at the Hague) wrote to the Arch-Bishop about This Plot. The Letter is Long, and so are the Other Papers upon This Subject: but to satisfy the Readers Curiosity they may be seen at Large in the Pamphlet heretofore mention'd, or in the First Volume of Dr. Nalsons Collections. fol. 467. So that a short Abstract will be enough for my Bus'ness: And I shall begin with Sir W. Boswells First Letter. He sends Enclos'd in this Letter, a Copy of Habernfeld's Enformation concerning the Plot, wherein the Points that I shall Remarque upon, are Principally These.

* 8.117The Discovery was First, made to him at [Second-Hand,] and [in Speech.]

The Matter was soon after put into [Order,] Avow'd by the [Principal Party;] and Deliver'd him in Writing by [Both Together;] Vpon Promise and Oath, to Reveal it only to his Grace, and by him to his Majesty.

Habernfeld remits himself to the Arch-Bishop, with a most Earnest Charge of Silence, and that No Person be By, or within Hearing, at the Communicating of it to his Majesty; and No Mortal else to know of it.

There must be no Asking of Names, nor of Fur∣ther Discoveries, nor Advertisements; nor the Disco∣verer, upon any Terms, to be so much as Pointed-at, for fear of spoiling the Whole Bus'ness: For the [King, Government, and Religion,] are All at Stake, and the Enformer will run Extreme Hazzard of his Person, and Life. No; it must not be so much as Enquir'd How, or by What Means the Discoverer came to Know All This.

As to Sr William Boswells Opinion of the Matter; he

••as these words, [As I May believe These Overtures are Verifyable in the Way they will be laid; and that the Parties will not shrink, &c.] And again [If These Overtures happily sort with his Majesties, and your Graces Mind, &c.]

The Rest is only Praying of Instructions; Propo∣sing a Cypher; and so with a suitable Decency of Respect, in such a Case, he Concludes his Letter. Hague. September. 9. 1640. Sti. Loci.

There was never less perhaps of Surprize, or A∣stonishment (the weight of the matter Consider'd) then was Express'd upon This Occasion: which shews Sufficiently What Opinion the Kings Minister Enter∣tain'd of the Truth of the Story. He was Sworn to Secrecy, Himself; and he Presses it to the Archbishop under the Conscience of That Obligation. The Caution is Habernfelds; Sr William Boswells Confidence goes no farther then I [MAY] Believe. And then [IF] These Overtures happily sort with his Majesties, and your Graces Mind, and shall accordingly prove Effectual in their Operation] &c. Here's [No Contracting of Bow∣els; No Loins trembling with Horror, in the Stile of Habernfeld. p. 4. and yet I persuade my self, that the Kings Resident had as much Tenderness for the Kings Life, as Andreas ab Habernfeld.

But here's the Train of my Pa∣rallel still,* 8.118 even through This Let∣ter it felf. Otes'es pretended Disco∣very was [by a Second ••and] by Tong; And at First, in [Spe••ch] too; which was the Case of Tong again to Mr Kirkby. It was likewise [Order'd] by Tong, and [soon after A∣vow'd by the Principal,] (which was Otes) and [De∣liver'd in Writing, also, by Both Together.] And so was Otes'es True Narrative]. [Vpon Promise and Oath of Secrecy:] which Agrees with Young Tong's Paper

of Ian. 5. 1681. [When my Father and Otes came to Fox-Hall (says he) Mr Kirkby was taken in as an As∣sistant, after he had been Sworn to Secrecy:] And This is Effectually, Confirm'd again by Mr Kirkby's Own Narrative, which says that Tong Earnestly re∣quested him not to Acquaint any Other Person with it then the King.] Nay Habernfeld takes upon him, in some sort, to Tutor his Majesty, by Prescribing to him the very Measures of Faith, Iustice, and Prudence, that he was to Walk by. He must not Shew, nor Trust, nor be Over-heard, nor Ask Questions; but lay it home to the King, as he will Answer it to God in a Case of Conscience, &c. So that not only Tongs Model, but Otes'es Sawcyness was Copy'd, after the President of Habernfeld. Upon the Whole Matter, here are so many Amusements, Generalities, and Re∣strictions, and the Danger Spun out so far at length, that Charles the First might have been Murder'd Fifty times over, in the very Time of Habernfeld's telling his Tale; And Charles the Second, in the Parallel, ran the very same Risque in the Discovery of Otes.

Upon the Receit of Habernfelds from Sr William Boswell,* 8.119 his Grace of Canterbury Dispatch'd an Express away immediately to the King, and received his own Letter again with his Majesties Directions in the Margent. The Marginals are only Assurance of Secrecy; Notes of Respect; and Directi∣ons What to do, without laying any Stress upon the Danger of the Conspiracy. The Only Passages in the Archbishops Letter, for my present purpose, are These Following.

[The Danger it seems is Imminent, and laid by God knows whom,* 8.120 but to be Executed by them that are near a∣bout you.

Now may it please your Majesty, This Enformation is either True, or there is some Mistake in it. If it be True, the Persons that make the Discovery will deserve Thanks, and Reward. If there should be Any Mistake in it, your Majesty can lose nothing but a little Silence.

The Bus'ness (If it be) is Extreme Foul; The Disco∣very thus by God's Providence offer'd, seems Fair. I do hereby humbly beg it upon my Knees of your Majesty, that you would Conceal This Bus'ness from Every Creature, and His Name that Sends This to me.

Sr, For Gods sake, and your Own Safety, Secrecy in This Bus'ness: And I beseech you send me back This Let∣ter, and All that comes with it, speedily, and Secretly, and trust not your Own Pockets with them. I shall not Eat, nor Sleep in Quiet, 'till I receive them.

Once again, Secrec••, for Gods sake and your Own.

So far am I now from▪ finding the King, and the Archbishop so [Fully Satisfy'd] of the Reality of this Plot, (as Mr. Prynne affirms they were) that the Matter seems to Me to be left rather in Ballance, with an [If it be True;] And [the Bus'ness, If it be, is Extreme Foul:] Beside that the Expression of [By no body knows whom,] seems to Intimate from That Generality, that the Enformation is either Fruitless, or False: For it Insinuates a Treachery in some about the King; It Labours to make his Majesty Ielous of his Servants, without giving him any Means to A∣void the Danger. The Main Stress of the Letter lies upon the Point of [Secrecy,] wherein the Arch∣bishop did but Comply with the Injunctions that were laid upon him; nor is there any thing more sayd in This Case upon the Hazzard of the Kings Person, then by that Dutyfull, Wise, Zelous, and Faithfull Prelate, would have been said, upon the Odds of Ten Thousand Worlds to a Nut-shell, against the Truth of the Enformation▪ And Those Words

[Sr, For Gods sake, and your Own Safety, [Secrecy] in This Bus'ness,] Amount to no more then such a Caution as would have been given against the most Vnlikely of Possibilities.

There are Two Letters more of Sr William Boswells to the Arch-Bishop, of Later Date, which have little more in them then Secrecy, and Circumspection, o∣ver and over again; and the Discoverers Oath Offer'd [to what he hath already Declar'd, or shall hereafter De∣clare in the Bus'ness.] [His Name must be still Conceal'd, though he thinks his Majesty, by the Character he gives of Himself, will easily Imagine who he is, having been known so Generally through Court, and City for Three or Four Year in the Quality, and Employment he Acknow∣ledgeth by his Declaration Himself to have held.

As to Habernfelds Readyness to Swear;* 8.121 That has been Otes'es Part too; and for his [Secrecy, and Cir∣cumspection,] Tong and Otes have kept themselves upon the Same Guard. Habernfeld was afraid of be∣ing Discover'd; while Tong and Otes Refine upon his Fears▪ and Demonstrate the Ill Consequences of Blab∣bing; As in the Case of his being Can'd, and Buffeted by Whitebread, and almost Murder'd in Cock-Pit-Al∣ley by a Drunken Fellow that took him for a Bawd; which Affront, Otes Files to the Popish Account; for Stratford, he says, (the Drunken Fellows Name) was Employ'd by the Jesuits to do him a Mischief. Narrative Article 80.] I am to Mark once again, that after All Habernfelds Importunities to be kept Private, he Dis∣covers Himself: which is but Tong and Otes, all a∣long still.

Upon Dr. Tongs First Appearance before the King and Council,* 8.122 Sept. 28. 1678. he was desired (as I have

the Story under his own Hand) to give some Character of Mr Otes's Person: [In that, he referr'd himself to his Majesty, & the Bord, to whom Mr Otes was Well known, he said, by Several Affairs, which he had Manag'd before them with Uarious Success, as he had heard; and particularly in an Affair of the Navy, wherein he was Employ'd under Sir Richard Ruth's Command.] His Majesty thereupon (says Dr. Tong's Paper) call'd him to Mind, and said he knew him.] Here's the Paral∣lel of Otes'es Incognito too: And what was Otes'es Bus'ness before the King and Councel at last, but briefly This.

One Parker of Hastings in 1675.* 8.123 upon very Good Reasons, kept Otes out of the Pulpit; Otes, in Requital, Swore Sodomy upon him: Parker thereupon was Clapt-up, Indicted, Try'd, and Acquitted, upon Manifest Proof of the Impossiblity of Otes'es Accusation to be True: for, by Good Luck, Parker Prov'd himself to have been at a Publique Meeting, at the time laid in the Indictment. While Parker was in Prison, Otes Accus'd This Parkers Father, for very Scandalous Words against some of the Lords of the Councel; The Matter was brought to a Hearing; Parker Discharg'd, and the Whole Bus'ness found to be a False and Ma∣licious Prosecution. This was the Affair that made Otes Known to the King, and Councell: And then for his Employment under Sr. Richard Ruth; If his Coat had not Pleaded for his Neck, he might have Stretch'd, for Buggery, while he was under his Command; And never any Creature certainly was Valu'd upon his being known to a Privy Councel, by Lewder Tokens. But now to the Story of Habernfeld again.

The Intelligence began Sep. 6. 1640. and from thence,* 8.124 to the following October. 15. it was Every day less Heeded then Other: Insomuch, that Sr. William Boswells Two Last Letters, had little more in them then a Ministerial Respect to his Majesties Order and Command; and There it was, (for ought I could ever hear to the Contrary) that the Discovery Sunk too, without any further Tydings of the Sentence, or of the Ambushes in Habernfelds De∣claration. Neither do I find, after all his Instances for Concealment, and his Promises of Discovery, so much as One Proveable Point in the Whole Relation; but it runs alltogether upon Generalities, and Political Re∣flexions, and from thence it was, that Tong drew the Lines of Otes'es Narrative. Any man that has Eyes in his Head may see, that the Plot of 1678. was taken out of That of 1640. And truly I look upon Ha∣bernfelds Plot to have been as much a Sham in the Ori∣ginal, as Tong's was in the Copy. It was Started in 1640. when the Scotts were up to the Ears in the Rebellion. The Peoples Heads were set upon Plots at That Time, and the Faction had need of them; for they had no better way in the World to Palliate the Treason, then to make the Papists the Authors of it; and by a kind of Revulsion, to draw the Ill Humour from the Puritans to the Roman Catholiques: Beside, the Dilemma they put upon the King, either to be Ruin'd, by the Envy of Ioyning Interests with the Pa∣pists, or by the want of Those Hands which might have Contributed to his Preservation. The Discoverer pretends himself a Convert too, in Abhorrence of the Malicious Practices of the Bloudy Romanists. So that he Dates his Conversion from before the Scottish Tumults, which began in 1637. and brings in his Discovery, betwixt Two and Three Year after. So that either the

Story was a Cheat, or the Penitent was a Cheat; and it is just as Broad as 'tis Long, as to the Kings Inte∣rest, whether of the Two.

And it is not All neither, that the Manage of it was Cold, and Dilatory; The Progress Slow, and the Enformation Extremely Short, and Trivial; but the Narrative it self is Inconsistent, One Part of it with Another, and as Coursly Contriv'd, as it is Incongru∣ously put together.

Cardinal Richelieu, he says, was the First Mover of the Scottish Troubles, and yet Lowden was Commit∣ted to the Tower for Signing an Address for Relief, and Protection, to That very Cardinal. So that the Scots rather dealt with the French, then the French with Them; And how Great-Good-Will soever the Cardinal might have for our Divisio••s, we do not reade of any Visible Succours yet they received from That Quarter.

If the Five Members were Papists, Well and Good; for [their Treating with Forreign Power to Assist them, was One Article of their Charge. Exact Coll. p. 544.] And then the Great Act of Indemnity, upon the Late Kings Restauration, is a Thousand Proofs against them; for they had the Wit to carry the Retrospect of That Pardon up to 1637. That is to say, to the Opening of the Scotch Tumults; which was a matter of Three Year beyond the Date of the English Rebellion: and shews what sort of Papists they were, that Mov'd the Scottish Broils. There never was perhaps such a Jumble of Nonsence put upon a Nation, for Politiques, as in These Two Pretended Plots, the King was at the same time to be Murder'd by the Protestants, as a Papist, and by the Papists, as a Puritan; and his Ro∣man Catholique Subjects in Flesh and Bloud, to have their Brains beat out in his Defence, by Another Army of Papists in the Air, that sought his Confusion.

The Papists, it seems, Dis-affected the People; In∣structed the Faction, Manag'd the Rebellion; Laid Am∣bushes (says Habernfeld, and Otes after him) for the King: Pass'd Sentence upon him, and in the End, were Sequester'd, Plunder'd, Iayl'd, Hang'd-up, or Cut to pieces, by the Puritans for their Pains.

But to draw to an End, Dr Heylin in his Cyprianus Anglicus, and the Author of the Popes Nuncio, are both Agreed upon't, that the Commission of Cuneus respected only to the Queen, and her De∣votion. It appears likewise, that there were some Overtures toward a Better Vnderstanding betwixt the Members of the Two Churches, by Certain Abatements and Approches, on the One side, and on the Other; but not One Syllable of a Plot upon his Majesties Person, 'till This Bohemians Revelation. The Publisher of Whitlocks Memorials, makes no more of Habern∣felds Long Letter, then [a Fancy which Prynne hath Published in Print, upon Trust, (as he useth to do) as well as Others. fol. 31.]

It is further to be Consider'd, that for This Plot, (such as it was) the King knew of it, and never Minded it further; Though Prynne makes it the Root of all our Following Calamities; and Tong brings it down to Otes'es Discovery, and the Lord knows how long after: So that Charles the First, Fought, and Acted against himself, all the while, and came to be Murder'd in the Conclusion, by the One side because he Would Not be a Papist, and by the Other, because he Was One. Just as Tong brought the Late King into Otes'es Plot, against his Own Life, Crown, and Dignity.

CHAP. VI.

If Tong's, or Otes'es Plot, was an Im∣posture, whether or no was it so De∣sign'd from the Beginning; or were the Impostors Themselves, Impos'd upon.

THat This Plot was a Cheat, is no longer a Doubt, nor, at Present, the Question; but whe∣ther it was Originally Meant for One, or Af∣terward Emprov'd into One, will be the Point in This Place. Now I am persuaded, that it was Both; for it is no less Clear, that Tong Vnkennel'd the Fox, then it is that Shaftsbury, the Master of the Bloud-Hounds, Govern'd the Chace. I shall be very carefull of Delivering any thing upon This Subject but on as Good Authorities as the Testimony of Authentique Papers, Reasonable Inferences, and Notoriety of Fact can furnish me withall: And I doubt not of making Good the Truth of my Evidences, or the Force, and Equity of my Conclusions, upon as Pregnant Proofs, and Presumptions, as the Law it self requires for the Fair Gaining of a Cause in Westminster-Hall.

In One of Dr. Tong's Papers, I find These Words [To Discover the Plot against the King and his Family,* 8.125 I wrote the Royal Martyr in the Year

1672.] Or, as he has it in several Other Places [About the Year Seventy One and Two.] So that here is a Plot Presum'd, and a Book Written, purposely to Discover it; but No Plot as yet in Sight, more then the Design of Setting up One Plot under the Apprehen∣sion of Another. 'Tis but first putting it in the Peo∣ples heads, that there Is a Popish Conspiracy. 2ly, Asking them what they would do, if the Papists should Rise? 3ly, Beginning a Fire, a Massacre, or an Insur∣rection, Themselves, and calling it a Popish one, and here's the Work Carry'd-on in a Direct Line from Tong's Royal Martyr to the Battle at Sedgmore.

According to Tong's Computation we are to believe Habernfeld's Plot,* 8.126 and Otes'es to be One and the same; though well nigh Forty Years betwixt 'em: An Eight Years Rebellion; A Twelve Years Inter∣regnum; (as to the Kings Exercise of his Power.) Another Dozen of Years from the Restoring of the Late King, Intervening; The Managers of the Old Plot, in their Graves; Not so much as One of Ha∣bernfeld's Patrons, or Instruments, in Being, to Pro∣mote it: And yet after so many Turns, Changes, and Wonderfull Revolutions of State, (never Stranger perhaps) in Two Kings Reigns, we are set upon the Hunt, in Seventy Eight, for a Plot Antecedent to the Scottish Tumults in Thirty Seven; and to take Tong's, and Otes'es Word for't, that Their Narra∣tive is, in Effect, but the True History of Habern∣feld's, and the Old Plot Continu'd. If it s••ould be s••id that it is only the Same Influence Continu'd, they will be put to Prove the Descending of it, in a Re∣gular, and an Vninterrupted Process, and Operation, which is a thing as ••mpossible to be made-out, as it is Ridiculous to Imagine: Beside, that All the Old Actors are either out of the World, out of the Case, or out

of Play; and an Inference would hold as well from the History of Noahs Floud to the Last Sea-breach, as from One Conspiracy to the Other: Over and above that, This Fancy puts All Otes'es Intelligences, Dispatches, Commissions, and Consults, quite out of Doors. To talk of a Plot of Reformation going on, signifies Nothing, where the King-Killing Plot is the Question. The Plot of Persuading Other People to be of Our Religion, ever Did, and Does, and Will go-on, no doubt on't, 'till People are all of a Mind; and it is but a Charitable Duty, for a Man that thinks Himself in a Safe way to Heaven, to wish that his Brother would go along with him for Company. Be∣side, that This is a Design to Date from Edward the Sixth, or Henry the Eighth, rather then from Cuneus, or Habernfeld. But Tong talks of Habernfelds Plot, as if it were to serve to the end of the World, like a Perpetual Almanack▪ [The Son (says Tong after Cu∣neus) was to follow the Fate of his Father.] Why did they not Dispatch him then in his Exile; when they had him in their Power? Why did they put it off so long after his Return? How came This Malicious Determination to Sleep all this while? Or where did it Rest? The Most, in fine, that can be made on't, is, that Tong might perchance Imagine a Plot, and That Plot to be Everlasting too, where in Truth there was None at all; and a man may lye under a Mistake, without Incurring the Scandal of an Impostor: To which, This is my Answer: that I lay no Stress upon bare Likelihoods, Possibilitie••, or Peradventures: But I shall Prove from his own Pen, and Practice, that he Meditated an Imposture from the Beginning, and Assisted it with all his Might.

But why the History of Habernfelds Plot of Forty, in the Year Seaventy Two? Saving only to Frame a New Plot by it that should Answer the Features of the Old One? At this rate, he Made the Plot that he Pretended only to Divine, or Foresee: And instead of Tracing Habernfelds Plot down to Otes'es, he Carry'd-up Otes'es Narrative to sit for the Picture of Habernfelds. He did, in short, like your Prophetical Incendiaries; That First Foretell Fires, and then Kindle them.

* 8.127It is well known among the Pa∣rishoners of St. Mary Staynings Lon∣don, that for some Years before the Alarum of the Pretended Popish Plot, Tong was perpetually Calcula∣ting, what Wonderfull Things they should soon See & Hear from the Papists: Insomuch, that an Enforma∣tion of August 1681. was Deliver'd upon That Sub∣ject, to Sr Leoline Ienkins, in these Following Words.

These are to Certify whom it may Concern,* 9.1 That the Parties Subscribed, do Acknowledge and Declare, that Dr Otes and Dr Tong were very well acquainted toge∣ther in our Parish of St. Mary-Staynings, London, before Dr Otes went to St. Omers, and afterward. And further we do declare, that we have heard Dr Tong say at a Publique Table to several of our Neighbours, that if any Person or Persons would turn to the Roman Religion, the said Dr Tonge would have them to a Place, where the Persons so Turn'd should receive Fourteen shillings a Week, or Words to the same Purpose; which, he said, would be Paid, with∣out Loss of Time, or Hindrance of Bus'ness.

A••g. 26. 1••8••.

• Christopher Kemble,
• Iames Morton.

It was well enough Judg'd of Tong, that the Dread of Popery in Vision, was the ready way to Introduce the Belief of a Popish Plot in Fact; and that the Presage would Naturally Usher-in the Im∣posture. He took his Text still out of Habernfeld; made a New Narrative of an Old One; Cut it out into Articles; Got them Home Sworn; (which he calls making a Record of them) and so brought his Own Predictions to Pass. That this was his Aim, Pro∣spect, and Intent, no Mortal will be able to Doubt, that takes ••long with him the Circumstances, and the Manage of That Affair. He had Otes all this while in his Eye, and at his Elbow, and Command: So that he was his Tool, his Witness, and his Pensioner, All in One; A Fellow that had neither Brains, Mony, Friends, Credit, nor Conscience; but a Shameless Hard∣ness of Heart, and Forehead, to Qualify him for a Confident to This Execrable, and Diabolical Secret. Tong's Offer of Fourteen Shillings a Week to any man that should turn Papist, was only a more Artificial way of Fishing for Witnesses: For He that would go over, or Pretend to go over, for Fourteen Shillings, would pro∣bably come back again for Four and Twenty. This was the Course he took afterward with Otes; And so the Project Advanc'd from Step to Step, as Natu∣rally as One Point of a Line runs into Another. 'Tis True, that he Cross'd Shins a little with him∣self, in First Frighting People with the Fear of Popery, and Then, playing the Part of a Popish Agent for the Promoting of it; but he wanted Mer••enaries to Assi•••• him in his Design, and This was his way of Angling, to Hook them In. Briefly, Tong's Heart was set upon a Plot, and for want of Invention to Make a New one, he Contents himself with the Counterfeit of an Old one. He sets it afoot; Otes Kisses the Book upon't; Collateral Evidences are Ferreted out; and so soon as

ever the Brat was in Condition to endure the Air, who but Tong to lay it at the Door of St Stephens Chappel, where he knew it would never want Fa∣thers to Own it; And from That time it was Adopted, in Common Fame, the Parliaments Plot; and, to fol∣low the Allegory, it was put out to the Kingdom to see it Nurs'd, and Brought-up at the Charge of the Publique.

So soon as ever Dr. Tong found that his Neighbours were not to be Caught with That Bait, he bethought himself of a Surer Chard, yet nearer hand to Trust to; Meaning Titus Otes. But before I proceed to the Merits of the Cause, and to Consider how far Ioyntly and Severally they were Both Concern'd in the Manage of That Intrigue, it will do well to enquire, First, where Otes Was at That time? And, 2ly, How Tong and He came to be Acquainted?

The Dr. in One of his Papers has These Words [Mr Otes (says he) had Hired a Lodging in the Barbican near Sr Richard Barker's House, the more conveniently to Discourse with the Dr about their [Common Purpos••:] Which [Common Purpose] was no Other then an Agreement of Confederacy in the Common Cheat.

The Occasion of their First Ac∣quaintance was This.* 9.2 [Sr Richard Barker Presented Otes'es Father to a Church in Hastings. This brought Ti∣tus Otes to Sr Richards, and There it was that Tong came first acquainted with him; and shew'd him several Treatises that he had fitted for the Press.] This I have under Tong's Own Hand in a Paper Entitled [a Nar∣rative Preface.]

The same Paper says likewise, that in 1675. Sr R. B. took the Dr into his House, where he Con∣tinu'd ['till Mr Otes Returned from St. Omers, in July. 1678.]

And now we have Brought them together, it will do well to see a little what they Did together, and how they Concerted their Matters from One Impo∣sture, to Another.

The Preface above-mentioned says;* 9.3 that [the Dr shewed to Mr Otes (then dessrous of Employment) several Treatises in pursuance of the Advice he had taken with the Reverend Dr Beale, &c.] And he says in Another Paper, That [his Royal Martyr, was, if not the Only, nor Chief, yet not the Least Incentive to Otes'es Adventure among the Jesuits.

He says again, [that the Jesuits had kept Otes so Close during his Abode in London,* 9.4 in Attendance on Their Consultations in the Months of April, and May, that he by Providence only found Testimony of his being here; and did Watch, and Keep him so Strictly at the College in St Omers 'till June, 1678. Old Style, that they thereon most Confidently Built their Lately Dis∣proved Assertion, That he never stirr'd thence.

Upon the Clause above, lies the Main Stress of the Cheat; and it needs to be very parti∣cularly Expounded. Otes was hard put to't to Prove himself in London, at the Consult in April, and May, 1678. His Pretext for want of Witnesses, was; that [he was Charg'd to lye Close, and keep Private,] but he made a shift however to bring Four Persons at his Tryal to speak to That Point. Two of them Contradicted a Third, and a 4th Swore to the Wrong

Year. See Otes'es Tryal, fol. 91. A Perjury, in fine, was Prov'd against him upon the Oaths of Two and Twenty Witnesses. fol. 87. And what does Tong now, but Knowingly, and Wickedly, upon this Pinch, Cover, and Support a Perjury? He Imputes his want of Evidence, to his Lying so Close: (Inferring, that if He could see No body, No body could see Him) And Sug∣gests, that he was Here, in April, or May, 1678. Went over to St Omers soon after; and then came back again, in Iune or Iuly, as was set forth in his Defence. Thus far, Tong on Otes'es Behalf, though his Soul, and Conscience Knew to the Contrary.

The Pinch of the Question is Briefly This. Was Otes in England, April. 24. as he Swears he Was? and did Tong know Certainly, whether he Was Here or No? 'Tis a strange Thing, that Otes should go to Sir Richard Barkers, where Tong Lodg'd; Be seen there by some of his Servants, and Moreover Ask of them for Tong, (as they Swear all This at the Tryal) and Tong not so much as Hear any thing all this while of Otes'es being in England. Nay, Tong is Positive on the Other hand,* 9.5 that he did Not Return, till Iune or Iuly; according to the Computation of the Style. [Till Mr Otes Return'd from St Omers in IVLY. 1678.] says the Narrative Preface above-mentioned.

And so in Another Paper, Entitled, [Tongs Case and Request.] [The Dr. (says he) did Actually Produce to Light a Narrative Testimony of the Hellish Plot of the General Massacre, in JUNE, 1678. [Before Mr Otes Returned from St Omers.]

And he sets forth likewise in a Petition to the House of Commons, that [he Presented them with a Discovery of the Popish Massacre, in JUNE 1678: [Before Mr

Otes, or Any other Discoverer appeared.] And he has the same thing over and over in Divers Papers, with an Emphatical Note still, that it was [Before Otes came over, in IVNE, or IVLY. 1678.]

Simpson Tong says, in Effect, the same Thing in his Petition to his Majesty. i. e. [Your Petitioner doth Protest in the Presence of Allmighty God, That it is very True,* 9.6 that the Plot was Contrived by my Father and Titus Otes, when he Returned the Second Time from beyond the Seas, &c.] And so in a Letter to Me of Ian. 5. 1681. [The Contrivance was Thus, That under the Pretence of a Popish Plot (which my Father First Imagin'd was afoot, and afterwards Otes, at his Second Return from beyond the Seas Swore to be True, &c.] And so in Another Letter also, [That Otes went Over Sea a Second Time▪ and Returned about Iune, 1678.]

From hence it is Manifest that the Plot was a Contrivance; A Popish Plot the Pretext; Otes Swore to't at his Second Return, which was IVNE 1678. It had been his THIRD Return if he had come over in April; for he gave no Evidence upon Oath, 'till September Following.

These are Proofs not to be Con∣tested:* 9.7 But now to Reason a little upon the Matter. Otes went abroad upon Tongs Errand, and had Tong still for his Confi∣dent, his Councellor, and his Friend. Can it be Thought now, that if Otes had come back in April; Flush'd with Intel••igence; Big with a Discovery; and full Freighted with the Commodity he went over for; That Tong, I say, should hear no News of him 'till the Latter End of Iune, or Iuly; and the world hear no News of the Plot neither, 'till the Latter End of August? Why Tong was the very Soul of Otes'es-Clay;

The Other only His Instrument, His Factor; but it was Tong that set him at Work, and Tong that paid him his Wages. Tong sends him abroad to Dis∣cover a Plot; Nay and he tells him what kind of Plot he Is to Discover too. Otes makes a Step over the Water; lays his Nose to the Train; Follows the Scent, and comes back again with a Duck in his Mouth; but without his Masters Blessing, and Assi∣stance, the Silly Curr knows not what in the world to do with it. In This Posture, we must Imagine Otes to stand for a matter of Two Months, Wagging his Tail, and Waiting with a Conspiracy betwixt his Teeth, 'till at length the Doctor comes, and takes it of him, and so Dresses it up into a Narrative▪ Otes Furnishes Names, Dates, Places; Tong finds Matter to them; Ranges so many Particulars into so many Treasons, Dissects the Whole into so many Ar∣ticles; Otes Kisses the Four Evangelists upon 'em; And This is the very History of the Pretended Plot. Now These Trusts, and Privacies duly Consider'd, a man can very hardly believe that Otes should Go and Come; and be Himself Present here at a Treasonous Consult in April; and Tong know nothing of it.

It far'd, in fine, with These Two Sparks in the Bus'ness of the Plot, as it falls out many times in a Freakish Amour. There may Pass Hard Words, perchance; Ielousies, Disputes, Humours of going off and on betwixt the Two Lovers, as the Maggot bites, and yet Both Parties at last, as true as Steel to the Common Cause. This was the Very Very Case of Our Two Worthies. The Plot had never been Thought-of, Found-out, Digested, Lick'd into Shape, Recommended, and brought upon the Stage, if it had not been for Tong. But though Tong, all this while, under Ha∣bernf••ld, was the First Founder of it, and the Main

Agitator that gave it Life and Motion: Otes had the Good Fortune yet, to run away with the Title of the Saviour of the Nation, and with the Profit as well as the Reputation of the Discovery. In Little, From the First Blowing of That Bubble in the Barbican, to the Enthroning of Otes in Whitehall, Hand and Glove were never Better together, then These Two Brethren; and Otes Quietly Enjoy'd all the Trophies of his Atchievements; the Blessings of the Commit∣tees, and the Hosannahs of the Mobile, without either Envy, or Opposition. Thus far in short, it was Hony-Moon betwixt them. Nothing too Great for Otes, in Tongs Opinion; Nor any thing too Much for Tong, in Otes'es. But it was with Otes as with Many Men of Dignity that I have known in the World, that when they are once Mounted Themselves, Forget Those that Heav'd them into the Saddle.

To Pursue my Digression yet a little fur∣ther; What with the Dread of Otes'es Commission to Murder Tong; And the Frightfull Assault and Battery of Old Bully Whitebread, upon the Body of Titus Otes, for Betraying the Plot to the King; [According to the Honourable and Reverend Advice] (as Tong has it) they took Sanctuary at the House of One Lambert a Bell-Founder over the Water, where they staid not long, before they had Quarters Allotted 'em at Whitehall; that they might with more Safety, and Convenience, lay their Heads together, and Con∣ferr Notes. Ezrel and Titus were thus far Simeon and Levi, 'till there came a Bone of Dissention, upon a Puntillo of Honour, to be Unluckily cast in be∣twixt them. The Dr, it seems, had let fall some Words,* 9.8 as if He Him∣self had been the First Discoverer of the Plot; And was within a Trifle of Printing a Book too, with That very Claim in the

Title-Page; but upon the Refusal of an Imprimatur, it Stopt there, and went no further. The Case came to a Squabble, and was very fairly decided in the Councell-Lobby by Half a dozen of the Kings Witnesses, where, upon a Full Hearing of Both Parties, it went for the Defendent. This bred Ill Bloud, and the Next News I heard, was, that Otes had shut Tong out of his Lodgings at Whitehall; and, as 'tis in the Proverb, When Thieves fall out, Honest men come by their Goods. Tong, upon This, sets up for the First Discoverer, and most Unhappily Shoots a Bolt, that, instead of Proving him to be the First Discoverer, Prov'd him to be ••o Discoverer; and by leaving No Plot at all, left No Ground for any Discovery at all: Insomuch, that Tong's Single Testimony did the Plot more Mischief, then the whole Band of St Omers Witnesses: For to make himself a Prior Evidence, he Overthrows Otes'es Pretence of being here at the Consult in April: For [This was (says he) in Iune, or Iuly. 1678. Before Otes, or any Other Discoverer appear'd.] Now if Otes was not here before Iune, the Narrative, and All that's Built upon't falls into a Thousand Pieces; For the Doctor has broken the Neck of Otes'es Evidence, and Tript up the Heels of his Own Plot, both at once; and the Babel of That Sham is laid in the Dust by the very Hand that Rais'd it.

A Short Word or Two now to Tong's Excuse on Otes'es Behalf for want of Witnesses.* 9.9 [My Lord (says Otes) when I came to London, I was Order'd to keep very Close. Irelands Tryal. fol. 36.] But then in the Iesuits Tryal he tells quite Another Story. [When I came away from St Omers (says he) I was to Attend the Motions of the Fathers at your Cham∣ber (speaking to Whitebread) where the Fathers were Respectively Met. fol. 19.] In pursuance of this Or∣der,

he went from Place to Place, from Lodging to Lodging, to get it Sign'd. He was at the White-Horse-Tavern, and Particular Chambers, I know not how Many, and how Often. He saw Pickering and Grove, several times Walking together in the Park▪ with their Screw'd-Pistols: And he saw their Silver-Bullets in the Month of May. Irelands Tryal. p. 23.24. He was up and down in Arundel-Buildings, and se∣veral other Parts of the Town. He Swore he Din'd at Islington, &c. So that he was Oblig'd, by the Fa∣thers, it seems, to be both Publique, and Private. His very Part in this Tragedy of a Farce, was only That of a Common Messenger, and a Thames-street Porter might have made the same Pretence of lying Close, that Otes did, (first for Himself, and Tong afterwards for him) with as good a Grace. But the Dr does him the Good Office to throw a Cloak over the Subornation, and call'd it [A Testimony found by Providence,] and so to Cover the Perjury, though with a Falsity as Transparent as Chrystal. Now there never was any thing Plainer, then that Tong was all this while, as well a Party, and a Confederate to the Cheat in the Execution of it, as he was the Principal▪ in the Design. He was Privy to't; and Approver of it; and an Advocate for it; and not only in This Particular; but he went Snips with Otes, in the Guilt of Every Walk, and Turn of the Imposture; and, for my Own Part, (without the Grace of a Distinguishing Repentance) I had e'en as live stand in Otes'es ••oat, at the Day of Judgment, as in Tongs.

The Dr follows his Point, in his Narrative Preface before-mention'd;* 9.10 with this Addition to his Excuse for Otes. [They Watch'd him so Strictly at St. Omers, he says, that he had no other hopes left him of Escaping their Hands, then by Deceiving their Malice,

and Vndertaking to Poyson, or otherwise destroy the Author of those Books; (The Jesuits Morals, &c.) nor did their Im∣portant Malice suffer him to Return to his Native Country on Th••t Errand, 'till they had Loaden his Soul, & Consci∣••••ce with an Oath to Poyson, or Otherwise Destroy him, Sealed with their Abominable Sacrament of the Mass.

This Foppery would not be Worth one Stroke of a Pen upon't, if i•• were not that it has had the Honour to Fool, and almost to Ruine Three Kingdoms. The Dr, methinks, when his Zeal was In, upon Otes's [Abominable Sacrament] (as he calls it) might have found Hell and Damnation on the Taking side, as well as on the Giving: And it would have been ne∣ver theWorse, neither, if he had mingled a little Re∣morse of Conscience, with the Colour of the Murder, to∣ward the bringing of him Back: But it is no Wonder for the First Contriver, & Designer of the Abuse, to go on to Countenance, and Support it; and briefly, to do the Best Service he could toward the Reputation, and Success, of his Own Project. This was the Doctors Case thorough All the Mazes, and Windings of the In∣trigue; And I do not know any One Instance, ei∣ther so Wicked, so Gross, or so Notoriously False, that he does not set-up to Vndertake for, and to Defend.

The Matter Briefly stands Thus: The Plot was a Sham: Tong the Founder, and Promoter of it. It was Meant for a Cheat; It was Carry'd-on by Confederacy, Forgery, and Subornation; and Tong still a Voucher for every Considerable Article of the Villany. There's enough said already in the Third Chapter, how Tong's Heart was set upon a Popish Plot; How Zelous he was to Propagate the Fear, and the Belief of it, and how Industrious, if he could not Find a Plot, to Make One. He could have no Thought of Gaining his Point, without Matter to Work Vpon; Instruments to Work With, and some Proper Means of bringing

Those Instruments over to serve his Purpose. The Matter, was the Traduction of Habernfelds Relation: His Instrument was Otes, and the Supplying of Otes'es Barking Necessities was a sure way for the Engaging of so Profligate a Wretch. It was not for Nothing, that he shew'd Otes, his Royal Martyr, with the Draught of Habernfelds Story in't: Or that he gave him his Lesson, and sent him Beyond Sea upon't.

[Mr Otes went from Barbican, (says Dr Tong in a Paper of Feb. 2. 1676/7) in Pursuit of his Design to Discover the Jesuits Plot, as Discoursed in Tong's Royal Martyr, &c.] This Agrees, as to Time, & Place, with his Own Evidence in the Lord Staffords Tryal. fol. 25.26.

Dr Tong says in Another Paper; that [Otes Pro∣tested unto him, that he went among the Iesuits to find whether the Plot Dr Tong Charged upon them in his Royal Martyr, were True, and went-on or Not.] And then says Young Tong further, in a Letter under his Hand.

[My Father persuaded Otes to get Acquainted among the Papists, and told him there had been many Plots in England, to bring in Popery, and if he would go over among the Jesuites, and Observe their Ways, it was Pos∣sible it might be one now.] Nay, it is Remarkable thorough the Tract of the whole Story, that Tong Values himself at Every Turn upon his Good Offices toward the Discovery and the Credit of the Plot. He has it in his Papers at least Thirteen times over, how it was His Royal Martyr, that set the Wheel a going; And His Recommendation of Habernfelds Modell in't, that sent Otes abroad among the Iesuits, to see if he could Match it: And, Effectually, his Project was not the Tra••ing of One Plot, but the Bolting, and Swearing of Another; which is a Case so Clear, and so Indu∣••itable, that it were but holding a Candle to the Sun, th••ough so M••nifest a Course and Practice, of Deli∣••••r••••••, and Palp••••le Frauds, and Subornations, to spend

Time, and Paper upon the Proving of it. For, most Certain it is, that Otes never spake a Killing Word in the Quality of a Kings Evidence, (that is to say, 'till he came at last to set-up for Himself) but he had Tongs Benediction along with it.

His First Adventure was to Spain; but the Society and Otes could not Cotten; and so he came back again to the Tutouring, just as Wise as he went over.

[My Father, (says Young Tong again) furnish'd Otes with some Mony, who then Pretended himself a Papist and often frequented a Popish Club, and was very great with one Berry, a Secular Briest, and by his Assistance got over-Sea to the Jesuits; and staid there a while, and then returned, but my Father found he knew Nothing of them, and persuaded him to go again. He did so, and [returned about IVNE 78.] Conti∣nued among the Papists here a little while, to Try what he could Get or Learn amongst them.]

The short Sum of the bus'ness is This; Otes had Habernfelds Matter to Work upon; a Commission, and Instructions by a Side-Wind, how to make the Best on't. His Manage of it was according to the Hints and Dicta••••s he receiv'd from Tong; and they Both, Acted with the same Common End, and Design. Tong had a Plot in Vision, long before Otes Swore it in his Narrative; and he saw All the Motions, and Effects of it, in the very Belly of the First Causes. What was the Tampering of his Parishioners for; His Paraphrasing upon the Old Project of Habern∣feld? What was the Meaning of All his Searches, Sollicitations, Attendances, Narratives, Cases, and Pe∣titions, by way of Anticipation; but to serve as a Preparatory, toward the Fitting of a Plot to Otes'es Mouth? and the Adjusting of a Present Invention to so many Imaginary Articles of a Discovery that was yet to Come? Na••, the very Subornation, and Perjury,

that follow'd upon't, was little better then a Bar∣gain struck-up betwixt them. The Dr. tells us in his Narrative-Preface, that Otes was [••••sir••u•• ••f Em∣ployment.] And in another Paper, of his Hiring a Lodging in the Barbican near Sir Richard Barkers House, the more Conveniently to Converse with the Dr. in their Common Purpose; which ••ommon Pur∣pose, is as Legible a ••ypher for a Conspiracy, as the Dis••atching of ••orty E••ght, in the Windsor Letters: But in the Barbican they were it seems, and where∣ever they were the Cheat went forward.

[When I came from the Vniversity (says Young Tong) in the Year 1677.* 9.11 I found Otes with my Father, in a very Poor Condition, who Complain'd, he knew not what to do to get Br••ed, who went under the Name of Ambrose. My Father took him Home, and gave him Cloaths, Lodging, and Dy••t, saying that he w••uld put him in a Way.]

Now the Design of the One, and the Condition and Character of the Other, reasonably Consider'd: Never was there a Fitter Master for such a Man, nor ever a Fitter Man for such a Master. A Fellow under Starving Necessities, and past the Sense, of either Shame, or Conscience: So that if the Dr. had Rak'd Hell for a Factor, the Devil Himself could not have Furnish'd him with an Instrument that was more Made for his Purpose. There was Swearing to be had for Bread, on the One side, and Bread for Swearing, on the Other: And a Crust, for a False Oath was as Arrant a Subornation, as a False Oath for That Crust was a Perjury; though to the Best of Tongs Ability, and Interest, Money or Moneys Worth was not Wanting neither; as is made Appear already. The One did as good as Ask [what Course he should take to get Bread,] the Other [takes him to him, and

Promises to put him in a Way;] and what the Dr Meant,* 9.12 by putting him in a Way, will be seen by the Way he put him in. He Advis'd him to go among the Jesuits, and Observe if there were not a Plot among them to bring in Popery; Adding, in the Words of his Son.

[That if he could make it out, it would be his Preferment for ever.* 9.13 But however; if he could get their Names, and a little Acquaintance from the Papists, it would be an Easy matter to Stirr-up the People to Fear Popery.] Now says Young Tong, in Another Letter. [Their Main, and Principal Design was, un∣der the Pretence of a Popish Plot, to Disinherit his Royal Highness, and when they had brought an Odium upon the Duke, Then. Proposalls were made by Otes and my Father, &c. Their next Bus'ness must be to Ingratiate Themselves with several— (Eminent Men) which was Effected, &c.]

So that here was Present Supply, and the Hopes of Preferment, on the One side▪ upon Condition of either Finding, or Forging a Popish Plot, on the Other. Otes took his Tutors Councill; Gets over among the Iesuits, and after a while comes back again, as Arrant a Noddy as he went. He made a little stay here, for the better Conning of his Instructions, and was then persuaded to go over again, by the Same Hand, and upon the Same Commission. His Second Ramble was to St Omers, where they grew quickly as Sick of him, as he had made them before at Vallado∣lid. He went thither about Christmas, 1677. And Re∣turn'd, toward the Latter End of Iune following. 1678. Old Style. According to the Concurring Testimony of the Two Tong's, (Father and Son) over and above

Two and Twenty Witnesses more that gave Evidence at h is Tryal.

The Doctor and his Pupil were, by This Time,* 9.14 past all the Ceremo∣nies of Caution, Form, and Scruple; and the Perfect Knowledge they had of one anothers Minds, had Created so Entire, and Mu∣tual a Confidence, that from hence-forward their Hearts were as Open to one another, as their Faces; and the Confederate Guilt of Perjury, and Murther, with the Varnish of Religion put upon it, was no longer a Secret betwixt them.

After Otes's Return, in Iune, or Iuly from St Omers,* 9.15 he lay Lurching up and down the Town: One while in Drury-Lane; Another while with Tong at the Flying-Horse in Kings-Street Westminster; Kick'd-off by the Iesuits, and at his Wits End what to do with himself, 'till, in the Conclusion, he betook himself to his Old Councellor again in the Barbican; and there they fell to the Hammering of their First Pro∣ject over again. The Doctor in one of his Diary-Pa∣pers gives this Short Account of the Matter.

[About the First of August, 1678. Mr Otes brought and read unto Dr Tong at his Chamber in the Barbi∣can, his Discovery of the Plot,* 9.16 Writ∣ten in a Hand wherewith the Doctor was not then Ac∣quainted, but refused to leave it, or to give a Copy of it to the Doctor.] Now says Young Tong, [My Father Advis'd Otes to write the Plot in Greek Letters, because that None but Themselves might be Privy to what was done: The Copy which was in Greek Letters was burnt by Otes. When they came to Fox-Hall, Mr Kirkby was taken in for an Assistant, after he had been Sworn to Secrecy.] The Dr says likewise to This Matter in

a Paper Dated, Aug. 11. [That Mr Otes put the Dis∣covery of the Plot, which he had written in 43 Articles, under the Wainscoat, at the further end of Sr Richard Barkers Gallery, in his House in the Barbican, near Dr Tongs Chamber-Door, according to the Drs Di∣rections, where the Dr took them up; and chusing for Privacy to Correspond rather by Papers with an Vnknown Person, then Personally with Any man in the Plot, gave Mr Otes Direction to Write, or Cause his Enformati∣ons to be Written in the Greek Cha∣racter,* 9.17 rather then in his Own hand, which he could not Vary, nor Hide from being Known; and gave him Other Directions, both to Abscond his Person and Hand; which notwithstanding he Observed not: That Dr· Tong Copy'd the said Articles forthwith, and sought to Com∣municate them to his Maj••sty.

Compare This again with a Pas∣sage in.* 9.18 [The Impartial State of the Case of the Earl of Danby, &c.] concerning Otes'es Narrative, which Tong had Presented to his Majesty, and the King had put afterward into the Hands of his Lordship. It gives an Account of my Lords Discourse with the Dr upon This Subject, in Que∣stion and Answer.

The Earl shew'd the Papers to the Dr, and Asked if Those were They? which he said they Were.

Qu. Whether they were Originals?

Ans. No. They were Copies of His, the Drs Writing.

Qu. Who was the Author, and where the Ori∣ginal?

Ans. He did not know the Author, for that the Originals (which he said were in his Custody) had

been Thrust under the Door of his Chamber, but he did not know by Whom, only he did fancy it must be One that had some time before held Discourse with him tending to such Matters.

Qu. If he knew where to find That Man?

Ans. No. But he had seen him lately Two or Three times in the Streets, and it was likely not to be Long before he should Meet him again.

What is All This now, but Sham upon Sham?* 9.19 The Articles were not yet brought to bear, and there∣fore, the Plot did Better in Greek then in English, 'till, upon Further Thoughts, it might be Lickt o∣ver, Corrected, and Amended: This Conjecture is very Expressly seconded with a Passage of Young Tongs in Another Letter, where he says that [there were several Copies Written of Otes'es Narrative ve••y Different the One from the Other.] It is again to be Noted, how Slyly Tong tells the Earl of Danby that [they were Thrust under the Door; but by Whom he did not know, nor where to find the Man:] When yet the Thing was Done by His Advice; The Doer of it in Tong's Company all this while; and the Man as well known to Tong as ever One Man was to Another.

[They went (afterward) to Fox-Hall (says Young Tong) by my Fa∣thers Advice,* 9.20 to the end they might be more Private, where Those Papers that they Wrote at Sr Richard Barkers, were put into Form, and deliver'd-in to the Councel.

[After, They All Remov'd from Fox-Hall, and Nail'd up the Chamber-Door, having left Several Pa∣pers behind; And my Father Vnderstanding by Mr Lam∣bert, that the Door was broken up by the Landlord, and

the Papers like to be Seiz'd on, was much Troubled at it, and sent away the Rent that was Due, by his Man Ri∣chard — [This House where my Father and Otes Lodg'd, was called by ••he Neighbours, the Plot-House; and there Otes'es Narrative was Written, whereof se∣veral Copies were Written Different the One from the Other, and the Four Jesuits Letters, wherein Otes pre∣tended was the Whole Discovery, were Counterfeits.] The Four Letters here Mentioned, were the Four Letters that the At∣torny-General says in his State of the Evidence were All Enclosed in One Cover.* 9.21 But there was likewise a Fifth, Subscribed Nich. Blundel, &c. which Young Tong, it seems, had no Knowledge of.

There are, in fine, so many Circumstances of Proveable, and Open Fact in This Cause, that there's no room Imaginable for so much as the Pretence of a Contradiction: But still the Point at last of the Windsor Letters Clears the Proof of a Conspiracy, if it were possible, even above All the rest. I have the Originals at This Present in my Hand, and there is the Paw of Tong and Otes so manifestly in the very Writing of them; as if they had not thought it worth the while to Disguise the Cheat. It was an Imposture, that their very Souls, Heads, Hearts, and Hands were All at Work upon; And the Forgery Vndeniable; only Tong Himself was the Master-Hocus. It makes me think of a Story betwixt a C••uncellor and his Clyent, about an Answer to a Bill in Chancery. You must needs come, and draw up your Answer, says the Lawyer, we shall be under a Contempt else. Why draw it up then, quoth the Clyent. Well! says the Other; but what do I know what you can Swear to? Never Trouble your Head for That (says the Clyent again in a Banter) Look You to the Law∣yers Part, and draw me up a Sufficient Answer, and

leave it to Me to do the Part of a Gentleman, and Swear to't when you have done. This Dialogue in Iest▪ was the very Case of Tong and Otes in Earnest; and what the One Dictated, the Other Swore to.

CHAP. VII.

By what means This Imposture came to be Promoted, and the Manner of doing it.

WE have now brought down This Phantome of a Plot,* 9.22 from Forty to Seventy Two; From Seventy Two, to Seventy Eight; From Habernfeld to Sr William Boswell, and so to Arch-Bishop Laud, to King Charles the First; To Prynnes Romes Master∣piece; To Tongs True Narrative; From Valladolid, St Omers, the White Horse in the Strand; The Con∣sult at the Savoy, 'till we have at last Lodg'd it at Fox-Hall, where it lies ready for Projection. Tong says that He and his Pupil went thither for Priva∣cy. Otes Swears that it was for Sanctuary; and that they went Both, in fear of their Lives from the Pro∣vincial, and the Iesuits. They had been Tossing, Turning, and Contriving, a Long time before they could bring their Matters together; And now it begins to Work for Good and All.

Dr Tong's Diary of Sep. 2. 1678. says that [Mr Jones,* 9.23 and Mr Otes came to Dr Tonge to St Mary Ove∣ries after Sermon time, and so All Three went by Water to Fox-Hall; but Otes in a Boat by Himself, and following at a Distance for fear of dis∣covery, which was the first time that Otes was made known to Mr Kirkby. Vpon This Occasion, Otes was furnish'd with Mony, a Suit and a Gown, with Other Necessaries.] Tong having made the Way smooth be∣fore-hand. The Council-Minutes agree likewise, that Munday the Second of September, was the First Day that ever Mr Kirkby saw Otes.

There is likewise in the Hand-Writing of Dr Tonge, a Paper Entitled [Mr Christopher Kirkbys En∣formation;] which is very nigh word for word the same with a Printed Paper of 1679. Entitled, [A Compleat, and True Narrative of the Manner of the Discovery of the Popish Plot to his Majesty, by Mr Christoper Kirkby. The Abstract of it is This.

That August 12. 1678. About Noon,* 9.24 Tong shew'd Mr. Kirkby a Narrative of the Popish Confederacy in Forty Three Articles. Tong En∣joyn'd Mr Kirkby Privacy; and to tell no body of it but the King, which he Promis'd to do. He could not speak with his Majesty That Day, but the Day following, he put a Paper into the Kings Hand in the Outward Gal∣lery going into the Park. His Majesty Ask'd him some Questions, and so Appointed him to Attend 'till he came back; when Kirkby told the King, that Pickering and Grove were to shoot him, and Sir George Wakeman to Poyson him; and that he had a friend at hand with Papers to make out the Particulars. Kirkby was then Commanded to bring his Friend in the Evening, to At∣tend his Majesty; And in the Red Room a Copy of the

Narrative was Deliver'd to his Majesty in the Doctors Hand, but with All Caution of Privacy Imaginable. His Majesty told them that he would put the ••apers into a sure Hand, and Order'd them to Attend the Earl of Danby, which they did the Next Day; finding his Lordship with the Papers in his Hand, who desired Mr Kirkby to Withdraw while he spake to the Dr. Some Two or Three Days after, the Dr brought More Enformations, which Mr Kirkby seal'd up, and Convey'd to the said Earl. About the 20th of August the Dr Propos'd the seizing of Pickering, and Grove; and on the 23th, Pickering and Keines were to be shew'd, that they might know them again; and Grove should have gone to Windsor, but he fell Sick. On the 26th The Dr. Propos'd the Inter∣cepting of Letters: and on the 31th. Enquiry was made in the Post-Office about such Letters.

Sep. 2. Otes came first to Fox-Hall, and Presently there came out Further Discoveries. Sep. 4. Otes told Kirkby that the Provincial had Beaten him for Telling Tales; Whereupon, Tong got Otes to Swear his Narrative before Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, Sep. 6. Tong Deposing upon Oath, that it had been made known to the King. Sep. 5. Mr Kirkby went to Windsor, but the King took no Notice of him. On the 7th and 8th, he could not speak with the Earl of Danby Neither. Sep. 9. The King took no Notice of Kirkby again; All of them thinking it hard, that the Discovery was so much Neglected. Sep. 27. Tong was Order'd to Attend the Councill; but coming Late was Order'd to Attend the Next Morning. In the Mean time they Resolv'd to get Copies Sworn; and on the 28th early they got Two Copies of the First Depositions also Sworn; that they might Each of them have an Authentique Copy. Mr Kirkby and Tong went after This, to Whitehall, while Otes went to Fox-Hall. The Coun••ell, in fine, Order'd Tong to bring Otes

thither, whereupon they Attended, and had Both their Lodgings Immediately Assign'd them in Whitehall. Thus far Mr Kirkbys Narrative; To which I shall only add a Word or Two out of a Paper of Dr Tongs.

Friday, Sep. 27. The Councel met about the Plot, and sent for Dr Tong; but rose before he Spake with them. Sir Robert Southwell Order'd Dr Tong to appear before his Majesty and the Councel Next Mor∣ning. Mr Otes Swore Two Copies before Sir E. B. Godfrey.

Saturday 28. Dr Tong appear'd, and referred himself to the Papers he had Given,* 9.25 or Transmitted to his Ma∣jesty. Being desired to give the like Brief Account to them, as he had done to his Majesty, he referred himself also therein to a Paper-Account, which he had formerly Transmitted to his Majesty, which was Read. The Dr was also afterwards desired to put the Papers before the Bord into Method; To which he Answered, that they were a Journal, and Or∣dered, as he Received them, not only by Dates, but by Marginal Numbers.]

After Tong and Otes's taking Sanctuary in Whitehall, these Sparks could not fail of being Wellcom'd into the Next House of Commons; for the very Countenance of giving them Credit thus far, was as Good as a Testimonial for a Countenance of Re∣putation in Another Place; And after the Authority of believing it so far in Iest, it is not to be Won∣der'd that it should Gain much a Greater Reputa∣tion among the Common People in Earnest. There was a Nest-Egg of Old Standing, and that Every body gave over almost for Ad••le, 'till in the End it came to Disclose, and by Degrees, to Feather, and Take Wing. There's One Note in This Place not to be Omitted, which is; that in several

Raggs of Scribled Papers of Dr Tongs that pre∣tend to Matter of Fact; there are Divers Passages Manifestly Defac'd, and Alter'd; So that of One Thing they are made quite Another, which could never be by Applying the Truth to the Fac••, but by Accommodating the Story to the Imposture.

CHAP. VIII.

By what Means the Author of This Little History came by the Papers herein mentioned.

I Was Charg'd in October, 1680.* 9.26 for Tampering with Tong to Invalidate Otes'es Evidence, and up∣on Two Full Hearings before his Majesty and Coun∣cell, I was twice Acquitted by the Unanimous Judg∣ment of the Whole Bord. In December▪ 1681. there came a Person to me from Young Tong, who was at That Time a Pris'ner in the Kings-Bench, with an Assurance that he was very much Troubled in Con∣science for a False Oath about the Bus'ness of his Fa∣ther, and of my self; Shewing me likewise a Paper to That purpose under his Hand, and desiring me Forgiveness for the Injury he had done me: Where∣upon I wrote to him as follows.

Sir,

You will wonder at This Letter per∣haps,* 10.1 from a Person that has neither Directly nor Indirectly had any thing

to do with you, either by Word, Writing, or Message, since October Last was Twelvemonth; when, upon your Enformation I was Question'd, and Wrongfully Ac∣cus'd, in many Particulars before the King and Councell.

I look upon it as my Duty to Forgive you; and at This Good Time to tell you so, and I have the Charity to believe, if it had come into your Thoughts, you would have found it your Part to have Desired it, &c.

December. 27. 1681.

In Return to This of mine, I receiv'd an An∣swer with the Copy of a Petition to his Majesty, Enclosed in manner as follows.

Ever Honoured Sir,

I humbly thank you for your Chari∣ty,* 11.1 in forgiving the Wrong I did you in October was Twelvemonth; And I Assure you it hath been a Great Trouble to me; and if I could have hoped for Pardon, I should have begg'd it of you long since, but I am Confident if you had known, how I was Vs'd, by my Unkle First, and afterward by College, and Otes, to Force me to Accuse you Falsly, you would sooner have Pity'd my Weakness, and Forgiven me, what I have done against you: But This Generous Charity which you have now shewed in giving me the Pardon which I durst not Ask for, hath Encouraged me to Intreat you to Intercede with his Majesty to Grant me his Gracious Par∣don for the Great Offences which I have Committed a∣gainst him; and that he would be pleased to let me be brought to my Tryal, and have the Perusal of my Fathers Papers, to help to make my Defence; And I hope to make out the Truth, to ihe Satisfaction of All Honest Men, and Discharge the Conscience of,

Honoured Sir,

Your veryest Commandable Servant▪ Simpson Tonge.

To his Most Excellent Majesty. The Humble Petition of Simpson Tonge, Prisoner in the Kings-Bench.

Sheweth,

THat after your Petitioner had Declared the Truth to your Majesty concerning the Contrivance of his Father and Mr Titus Otes, your Petitioner being in great want of Necessaries, his Vncle, Captain Tonge, having sent for him was compelled to go to him for Relief; and Captain Tong made your Petitioner Drunk, and then Threaten'd and Forced him to deny the Truth, and to Sign a Paper, which the said Captain Tonge had Written, your Petitioner not knowing what he did, and afterwards when your Petitioner was Committed to Newgate, Colledge came to him, and by Threats and Promises forced your Petitioner to deny the Truth, for the which your Petitioner hath been ever since under great Trouble of Mind for his great Wicked∣ness and Cowardize to deny the Truth: but your Peti∣tioner doth protest in the presence of Almighty God, that it is very true that the Plot was Contrived by my Fa∣ther and Titus Otes, when he re••urned the Second time beyond the Seas, my Father and he writ much of it out of Houselife, Queen Elizabeth, and out of the Book writ by Hooper or Hocker that came from Rome, and swore against Campian and the oth••r Jesuits; as will appear both by the said Books, and by my Fathers Papers, if your Majesty please to cause them to be Searched into: They first Writ at Sir Richard Barkers, where the Plot was Written by Otes in Greek Letters, and afterwards went to Fox-Hall, and one of the Iesuits Letters is in my Fathers Hand.

Wherefore your Petitioner doth most Humbly Pray, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Beseech your Sacred Majesty, to pity the sad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of your Petitioner, and to pardon his great Crime 〈◊〉〈◊〉 going from the Truth; and to let him be brought 〈…〉〈…〉 Tryal, and to have his Fathers Papers deliver'd 〈…〉〈…〉 make his Defence; and your Petitioner hopes 〈…〉〈…〉 what ••e hath Written so clear, that your 〈…〉〈…〉 think him more fit for your Pitty then your 〈…〉〈…〉, and forgive the great Wickedness of your 〈◊〉〈◊〉, for the which he is truly Penitent, and will 〈◊〉〈◊〉 per••sh here in Prison, then ever be Guilty of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉; as he hath shewed to those that have been with ••im, since ••is great Poverty, to pervert him further ••rom the Truth; but your Petitioner would not. There∣fore your Petitioner doth most Humbly beseech your Majesty to pitty the Sad and Miserable Condition of your Petitioner, and not to let him lie here and star ve for want of Cloth and Bread.

And your Petitioner [as in Duty bound] shall ever pray, &c. Simpson Tonge.

Tong refers himself in the Foregoing Letter and Petition, to Certain Papers that he would make use of for his Defence: Upon which Point he Expounds himself in a Letter of Ian. 2. in these Words.

[Some of the Papers (says he) which my Father left,* 13.1 were taken at Colleges House, and my Vncle sent one Mr Hill to me in the Kings-Bench, and brought one who was a Stranger to me with a Paper to Admi∣nister on my Behalf, and I Sign'd it, and under Pre∣tence

of Administring for me, hath seized on the rest of my Fathers Papers.]

This same Hill was a French Man, and his Name De Mont, and a Pestilent Enemy to the Late King, and his Government.

Tongs Fumbling in his Petition, at the Names of Books he has forgot, is a little better Expounded in a Letter to me of Ian. 5. 1681/2. [My Father (says he) us'd to take Notes out of a Great Book, a Supplement after Hollingshead left off, and writ, as I have heard him say, by one How, or Howes; and Other little Books written by Hocker, or Hopper, that was the Witness, and Prosecuted the Jesuits, &c.

Now to the Credit of these Papers, My Cor∣respondence with Young Tong began December 27. 1681. and Brake off upon the 11th of Ianuary following. I Publish'd his Letters in Print, soon af∣ter the Receiving of them, and with a Provocation to any man that would take up Otes'es Quarrel, and call Simpson Tong to an Account for making the Plot to be only a Cheat: and Dr. Tong, and Titus Otes, a Brace of Cony-Catching Impostors. This Villany was Expos'd Barefac'd, over and over; People Invited, nay Press'd, and Challeng'd, to undertake the Vindication of them; even at a time when the Authority of the Plot was yet Rampant; and when it was made Less Criminal, and Dangerous to Con∣spire against the King, then to Disbelieve Otes. This was Certainly the most Desperate Evidence that ever was set afoot against the Sham of That Pre∣tended Conspiracy, 'till the Final Decision of the Main Cause that follow'd some years after, at the Kings-Bench-Bar, Westminster, on the 8th and 9th Days of May, 1685. The Faction was at That

Time Flesh'd in Bloud, Bold, Violent, and Successfull; and yet not so much as One Mouth to Open in favour of the Forgery; or to call Tonge to an Ac∣count for Ridiculing the Veracity of the Kings Wit∣nesses, or Affronting the Reputative Honour and Wis∣dom of the Nation. I should have Scrupled the Use of Young Tongs Testimony, after the Scandal of his Saying and Vnsaying; and his going Off and On at the Rate that he did; if it were not that I find his Enformations strengthen'd, and Supported by other Concurring Evidences; and by the very Tenour of the History of That Season: and if it were not likewise, that Notwithstanding the Blasted Infamy of his Chara••ter, and that his Credit was then at Lowest, they were Glad yet to make Fair Weather with him, without putting him to the Stress of Proving his Enformations; which at That time pro∣bably might have been made out by Other Hands.

It may be made a Question per∣chance,* 13.2 in the Next place, What Warrant I have for the Vouching of These Papers of Old Tong's to be Authentique; either as Originals, or as True Copies? To which I can only say, that there was a Trunk of Dr Tongs Papers Seiz'd at Colleges, which was brought to Me, a Long Time after the Taking of them, to be Open'd, and Examin'd, and so they were, and Att••sted in the Presence of several Justi∣ces of the Peace, and Other Gentlemen. These were the Papers that Simson Tonge says were Taken at Colleges (where the Dr Dy'd:) And it appears from the very Quality of These Papers that there were others of Greater Consequence Convey'd away; which Confirms what Simpson Tong says further, a∣bout the Administration, and the Conveying away of

the Other Writing. The much Greater Part of the Pa∣pers in the Trunk, were Whimsyes of Project, Calcu∣lations about Anti-Christ, and the Number of the Beast; Snaps of Chimistry, Political Speculations, Rough Draughts of Cases, Petitions, and Addresses, Se∣veral Copies of a Sort: But among Others, there were Abundance of Dirty Fragments of Paper, with a Confusion of Minutes, and Memorials upon them of Times, Dates, Places, and Persons, and Particularly, several Passages according to those Circumstances, that I find in the Narrative, which Manifestly shews that they were rat••er Matters Concerted to∣ward the Making of a Narrative, and the Adjusting of Articles that might Hang together, then any Re∣port of Otes'es upon the Point of Narration, and Fact. In One Word; These Broken Snaps of Writing were undoubtedly Forgotten, or Not Heeded rather, then laid up in this Trunk; and a man might easi∣ly gather from what was Left, that there had been a Cull made out of them Before: For there was e∣nough remaining (as I have said already) to give Light to the Subject, and Design of Those that were either Remov'd, or Destroy'd: But the Doctors Hand is as Distinguishable from any Other Character, that I ever saw, as ever One mans Face was from Ano∣thers. One of the Iesuits Letters (says Tonge in his Pe∣tition) is in my Fathers Hand; And any man that has a mind to Compare That Iesuits Letter with the Other Papers of the Doctor's, that I have Cited in These Remarques, will no longer be able to Doubt that they were Both Written by the Same Hand. And This I suppose, may pass for a very Reasonable Account, both of my having These Papers in my Possession, and of the Credit of them.

CHAP. IX.

The Design of Tong's Plot was upon the Duke of York.

[THe Main, and Principal Design, (says Young Tong in one of his Letters) was to Disinherit His Royal Highness.] Popery was the Colour; The Duke of York was brought in Consequently as the Head of the Roman Catholiques; The Queen not Spar'd; and the Late King Himself more then Innuen∣do'd into the Conspiracy. Plain-Dealing Otes gives his Late Majesty a Touch on't in the Preface to his Nar∣rative: And if it be True (as it comes from a very Good Hand, and I believe it) when Bedloe was Press'd to say Whom he saw about the Murder'd Body of Sr Edmundbury Godfrey, he did Heroically Declare, that he would not Name the Man; Nay, and though he was Adjur'd to do it by an Eminent Pa∣tron of the Cause that is now in the Grave, His An∣swer was Short, and Resolute, that there was He, and He, and a Tall ••l••ck Man, but he would go no Fur∣ther. So that the King, and the whole Royal Family were brought into the Toyle, as well as His Royal Highness: For Excluding for Popery, Involves Deposing; and Monarchy it self was to Fall too, with his Maje∣sty: Witness the Association; that was render'd In∣separable from the Exclusion, and Carry'd in the Pro∣ject of it, the very Lines, and Method of a Common-Wealth. Simpson Tong follows the Blow at His Royal Highness, (with some Particular Names, which, out

of Decency, and Respect, I shall forbear) making Men∣tion of the Lord Shaftsbury, &c. by whom the Mat∣ter was Publiquely, and in Truth, Carry'd-on: But it was no Great Wonder, when a Company of Fools had put so many Shams together, and given them the Countenance of a Discovery, or a Narrative, for a Pack of Crafty Blades to Vernish it over afterwards and to put Popular Glosses upon it.

As to Tongs Aversion to the Duke of York,* 13.3 with a Regard both to his Title, and Religion; the Vein of it runs quite thorough All his Papers where-ever he can but bring in That Subject, thoug•• by Head and Shoulders; particularly in the Bus'∣ness of Mr Coleman, and in the Cheat of the Five Windsor Letters, where he lays the Blasting of That Discovery at the Door of his Then Royal Highness, by Possessing his Majesty against the Belief of Be∣dingfields Letters, and over-ruling the Credit of them, whereas it is made Sufficiently Notorious already, that when the Faction afterward were Audaci∣ous, and Powerfull enough to ••ress, and to Procure his Banishment; to Attempt his Exclusion, Impeach∣ment; nay the making a Traytor of him; they had not yet either the Face, or the Heart to venture so much as One Syllable, of All These Letters into E∣vidence. But One Instance shall serve for All.

In Tong's Iesuits Assassins, (being the Enformation of One Green a Weaver, drawn up, and made Parli∣ament-Proof, by Dr Tong) he brings in a Discourse betwixt One Mr ••oyer, and Green a Weaver, con∣cerning the Titles of the Duke of York, and Duke of Monmouth.

If there be a Difference (says Green) between the Duke of York,* 13.4 and the Duke of Monmouth, and the Parliament do not Settle it; I believe that All the Protestants in England will venture thei•• Bloud, before the Duke of Monmouth shall lose his Birthright, and We lose the Liberty of Our Reli∣gion too.

B••y••r. And We will Venture All our Lives and Fortunes on the Behalf of the Duke of York, and for the Interest of Our Religion.

Green. What can You do? for You be Nothing to Vs.

Boyer. Do not you Think so; for although we are but Thin here, yet there be Many in Other Pla∣ces, and Powerfull Persons too. I will raise a Com∣pany, &c. I am now gotten into the Acquaintance of them, by whose Assistance I can get a Commissi∣on from the Duke of York as well as Another. fol. 2.] And now comes Tong with a Politique Nota Be∣ne upon't.

N. B. This agrees well with Mr Jenisons Relation of a Commission promised Him, &c. And here it may be Noted by what False, Sly, and Pernicious Suggestions, and Insinuations, the Jesuits Sow the Seeds of Sedition, and Rebellion in the Minds of Simple, and Well Meaning Persons of All Degrees, as here in the Present Case; pre∣tending and Raising False Titles to the Crown, and thereby Dividing the Loyal Subjects thereof, into Bloudy Feuds, and Resolutions.] This Pretended Discourse pass'd in 1675. So that Tongs Plot was much before his Discovery.

CHAP. X.

Tong Manag'd the whole Affair of the Plot, from One End to the Other.

WE are now come to the Last Chapter of This Little Piece of History. We have seen the State of the Original Cause; and That State, Reported: We have taken a Specimen of some Proceedings upon it: Enquir'd into the Rise, and Creation of it; and find it at Length to be only One Counterfeit Drawn from Another; and Design'd for a Cheat, from the Beginning. We have shew'd likewise how it came to be Entertain'd, and to Thrive in the World. We have given an Ho∣nest Account of the several Evidences and the Papers also, that are here made use of toward the Proof of This Matter. It appears further, that Tong's Pretended Plot struck at the very Root of This Im∣perial Monarchy. Thus far we have gone Already; and it remains now, only in One Section more, to set forth, that the Founder of This Imposture was the Chief Manager too; and that all this Hurly-Burly has been, in a Great Measure, the Work of One Weak Man; A Simple, Visionary Bigot, and a very Dreamer of Dreams, according to the Letter. But when People are so Blinded with Passion on the One side, as not to Discern the most Palpable Folly, and Wickedness, on the Other, what will not an Obstinate Enthusiasm be able to bring about, when 'tis not only Supported by a Prevalent Faction,

in favour of it, but Prejudice, and Ignorance, to Work upon, over and above?

It is a Long Time now, that Titus Otes has Had,* 13.5 Held, and En∣joy'd, All the Advantages of an Vndisputed Title to the ••irst Disco∣very of the Plot. He has Eat, Drunk, Slept, Sworn, Blasphem'd, Ranted, and (with Pardon of the Mo∣dest Reader) Bugger'd upon the Credit of it; and in Despite of Hell, and Infamy, All this Notwith∣standing, he has still Upheld the Dignity of his Claim, and the Knee has been Bow'd to him, from Aldgate to Westminster, as to [the Saviour of the Nation:] Nay, he Continues Blessing God, to this very Day, and Hour, under the Discipline of the Common Hang-Man; and all his Annual Pro∣cessions, Toties Quoties, from the Iayle to the Gal∣lows, are but Reckon'd upon as the Bearing of his Testimony for Righteousness sake. But now to Saddle the Right Horse, and to give the Devil Himself his Due; as to all these Titles, Triumphs, Pomps, Plea∣sures and Solemnities, I look upon Dr. Tong, that has pass'd for no more then a Property all this while, to have had Incomparably the Fairer Equity of the Two: For it was Tong made the Musique all this while, and Otes only Drew the Bellows: But we are not here to Dispute the He∣raldry of That Affair. I am only for doing Iu∣stice to the Memory of Men Famous in their Gene∣nerations, and of Men that Contended too for a Pre∣ference in This Matter; for there is an Ambition even among the Damned Themselves, who shall be the First Devil in Hell. The [FIRST DISCO∣VERER] Sounds as Big in their Iuggling, Wit∣nessing Way, as [the First Man that Enters a Brea••h] does, in a Military way of Honour: and

the One takes it as Ill, not to stand Foremost in the Scandal, as the Other to find himself Post-Pon'd in the Record and Glory of the Action. So that, without Derogating from the One, or Ascri∣bing more to the Other, then in Strictness of Truth, and Iustice belongs to him; My Bus'ness is only to Rectify the Memorials of This History, and to set Tong Right, with the Next Age, upon the Subject Matter of This Competition, which is a Good Office that no body ever yet Ventur'd upon but my self; And if a man might Apply the Case of Sa••l and Da∣vid, to That of Our Two Worthies, it should be that [OTES has Slain his Thousands, and TONG, his Ten Thousands:] And so I'le on to my Matter as fast as ever I can.

To see what Part Dr Tong had in the Government of This Sham;* 13.6 or rather, that he was (like the Soul) in the Whole, and in Every Part of it; we must be∣gin as far Upward of Seventy Two, as He look'd be∣yond it, to the Story of Habernfeld: At which time he was Calculating, how he might make the Narra∣tive of 1640. do the same Trick over again, in Time to Come. [It will be an Easy Matter (says he) to stir up the People to Fear Popery:] and therefore, upon the Advice of his Reverend Friend Dr Beale, he put himself upon the Writing of Pamphlets [Yearly, and Quarterly, if Possible,] (as he says) to Alarum the People;] as the Iesuits Morals, the Royal-Martyr, &c. To the Latter of which, he Ascribes the Providence, in a manner, of the Whole Discovery. He fell in League afterward, with De la Marche, a French Mi∣nister; Edward Price, a Sadler; Green, a Weaver, &c. and wrote Petitions, Cases, Addresses, Enformations, and Narratives, for them. Otes, all this while, was

Familiar, and sent abroad (according to the Plea∣sant Character of Sr Harry Wottons Publique Mini∣ster, to Lye (with Reverence be it spoken) for the Service of his Master.) And in the mean time, who but the Dr to Furnish him with Meat, Mony, and Cloaths, for the Discharge of his Commission! If there was Any thing upon the Common Subject of the Plot, to be Presented to the Publique; who but Tong to Settle the Standard of it; and to see that All Articles, and Accusations, should be Statutable Weight and Measure: Nay he was so well known in his way, that Folks came as Naturally to Him for Colla∣teral Evidences to help out a Blundering Witness at a Dead Lift, as a Cook-Wench Carries her Broken Brass to the man that Cries, Have ye any Work for a Tinker to Mend?

But to Come to my Text now, & to Stick to't; and to save as much Time, Trouble, & Paper as is Possible within the Compass of my Bus'ness. The Point to be Clear'd in This Chapter, is, (according to the Argument in the Head on't) that [Tong Manag'd the Whole Affair of the Plot from One End to the Other] This is the very Truth of the Thing, and that it was His Engine, Labour, Zeal, Industry, and Prowess, that has given Life, Countenance, and Mo∣tion, to This Illustrious Adventure; though by the Iniquity of the Age, and by the Assistance (as the Dr has it) of Noble, and Reverend Friends, Otes has made a shift to run away with the Reputation of the Vndertaking. There will need Little more to make This Evident beyond All Doubt, or Contradicti∣on, then to Gather into One short Summary, the Scatter'd Minutes of what we have already Touch••d upon in These Papers; and so to Carry the Train from First to Last thorough the Whole Cause, and in Order.

He Began with Habernfelds Plot; he fancy'd Another of the Same under the Colour of That Plot's go∣ing on Still.* 13.7 He took a Copy of it in his Royal Martyr, for a President: He shew'd it to Otes to Consider of. In One Word, He Wish'd for a Plot; He did all he could to make People Believe there was a Plot; He Design'd a Plot; He Fram'd and put to∣gether the Heads of a Plot; And in fine, He Contribu∣ted with Purse, and Councel, Heart, Hand, and Good Will, toward the Execution of it. It was by His means that Otes was Maintain'd; By his Advice, that Otes was sent over; By his Direction, that Otes got Iesuits Names, and Acquaintances, to Build so much as a Pretence upon. He did not only Pass-over Otes'es Execrable Hypocrysies, Blaspemous Perjuries, and Mock Sacraments; but he was Privy to, Advis'd, Approv'd, and Encourag'd them; He bids Otes go o∣ver, and gives him His Directions, not so much what to Look for, as what to Find; Upon Otes'es Return, he sends him back again upon the Same Commission. Otes wanted Bread; Tong stops his Mouth, and takes upon him to put him in a way: Do but Discover a Plot, says Tong, and Y'are a Made Man for ever. Make the People Ielous of Popery, and your Work is done. Otes Undertakes the Task, and with∣out any more Words, a Bargain's a Bargain.

During This Manage of Otes, Tong was not Idle Otherwise neither: Witness his [Searching out E∣vidence, Solliciting, Promoting, and Expediting,] to his very Great Expence, as he sets forth in his [Case and Request.] The Paying of above Forty Clarks to Write for him; His Undertakings, and Disburse∣ments to divers of the Irish, as well as the English Witnesses, as apears upon several Bills, and Dis∣charges under his Own hand; His Restless

Scribbling, to Provoke Fears and Ielousies; The In∣defatigable Pains he took to Assist False Witnesses, and to help forward Scandalous Enformations; To say nothing of the Crotchet of Fourteen Shillings a Week to any of his Parishioners that would Turn Papists.

Now upon the whole Matter, Otes neither Saw with his Own Eyes;* 13.8 nor Heard with his Own Ears; He stirr'd neither Hand nor Foot, and his Tongue hardly Wagg'd in his Mouth but by Tong's Direction. His Way was still Chalk'd out before him; and All that he had to do, was to Swear to Tongs Words and Matter. Where Otes made a Stumble, as about his lying so Close in Town at the Time of the Consult, that he could get No Witnesses; Who but Tong to Cover the Perjury; and, upon All other Occasions, to Palliate his Fooleries. Who was it but Tong that Made the Plot? That Wrote the Story of it? That Hunted out Knights of the Post to Second it? That Espous'd all sorts of Impostures for the Colouring of That Cheat; and it Cost him more Trouble at Last, to Defend, and to Excuse the False Oaths, then to Procure them. Who was it but Tong, that took Otes to him in the Barbican for their Common Purpose? as he calls it; That bad him Write the Plot in Greek, and lay it behind the Wainscot. It was Tongs Invention too, the Promising of Otes Fifty Pound to Murder him for his Iesuits Moralls; and the Sowcing of him in a Damned Oath for the Performance of Covenants. The Battery that was made upon Otes'es Person, by the Provincial on Sept. 6. 1678. And Another by Stratford in Cock-Pit-Alley, that was set on by the Iesuits the Day following; This was All the Mo∣ther-Wit of the Dr still; and so was the Advice of their Snugging together, at Fox-Hall upon't, for

their Common Security, and to keep themselves in a whole Skin. What were the First Three and Forty Articles, but the Work yet of the Same Head, and Hand? Who but Tong to tell Mr Kirkby of it; and by his Means to get Access to the King? who but Tong again, to Deliver Those Articles to the King; and afterward, by his Majesties Order, to Attend the Earl of Danby about That most Impor∣tant Affair? Who was it that told his Lordship the Story over and over again of Grove, Pickering, and Wakeman; the Windsor-Ruffians; and how they might be Catch'd in their Rogueries, upon the very Spot, with their Guns and their Daggers? Who was it that Excus'd the Ruffians afterward, for not going to Windsor, because One of 'em was Indispos'd, and Another's Horse had Slipt his Shoulder? Who was it that shew'd Pickering at the Altar at Somerset-House for fear of Mistaking the Man? Who was it that brought still more and more En∣formations, One upon the Neck of Another; That made so many Jaunts, Out of Town, and Back a∣gain, with News, and for Orders, only to Fetch and Carry? Who was it again that put Otes upon Swearing his Enformations before Sir Edmund-Bury Godfrey? Who was it that Carry'd him thither, and Supported him there, with an Oath, that the Contents of Those Papers bad been shew'd to the King allready? Who was it that Counsell'd Otes to have several Copies of them Transcrib'd, and that Help'd both in the Writing, and in the Recommending of them Himself? Who but Dr Tong, that Guided, and Influenc'd This whole Affair? And Otes all this while, not so much as Seen or Heard of, 'till the Second of September at Fox-Hall: Only the Pleni∣potentiary Dr, with Full Powers, and Authorities, was his own Principal, and Commissioner, Both under

One. Nay, and he was his Own, as well as Otes'es Confessor too; for he Absolv'd himself of the Sin of False Speaking, as he had done Otes before, upon the Account of False Swearing, as in his Shuffling with the Earl of Danby, is made appear already.

It must be further said now, for the Drs. Credit;* 13.9 that he shew'd as much Steadyness, in his Perseverance, as Boldness, and Resolution, thus far in the Attempt: For he Gain'd his Point at Last, in Despite of All the Bug-Bears of Honour, and Con∣science, and in Defiance of All the Oppositions of Law, Reason, and Common Sense. His First Narra∣tive Shrunk in the Wetting, and was found, One ••art of it to Clash with Another, and not to Agree with It self: Insomuch, that Tong Press'd many times upon the Earl of Danby; and Mr Kirkby more then Once, Presented Himself in the Kings Eye, without any Notice taken of them, or Gaining any Hopes of a Further Access: So that they gave it off for That Time, and Remitted the Matter to some More Fa∣vourable Season. When Tong saw that the Narrative did not Take; he Re-enforces his Attempt with Fresh Articles: He follows them with News of the Ruffi∣ans going to Windsor, and with the Proposal, that One of the Earls Domestiques should go along with them. The Disappointment above-mention'd made the Bus'ness look Worse; and his Majesty threw off the Thought on't, as a most Palpable Ficti∣on: So that the Dr was now put, for Another In∣vention, to the Vttermost Stretch of his Witts, and Courage: And then comes-in the Sham of the Five Windsor Letters: But That which Tong Propounded for an Evidence so Demonstrative of the Truth of All he had Deliver'd, that it would put a Final End to Any Question upon That Point, serv'd only to Con∣clude

the Whole to be a Forgery; These Letters now were Manifestly of Tong's Contriving, One of them of his Own Hand-Writing; Nay the Authority, and the Truth of them, in respect both of the Authors and the Matters, were, to the Uttermost of Tong's Poor Might and Skill, in such a Manner Excus'd, and Defended; that they were Argu'd to be Such and Such Peoples Hands, because they were Not Like their Hands, and without pretending to shew any Other of their Counterfeit Letters to Compare them by. And Tong has not quite done yet neither.

Tong gets himself sent for to the Council; He Delivers his Papers in; Fetches Otes; He Sollicits King, Lords, Commons, and Committees; There was not One Step in the whole Frame of the Conspiracy, which he does not Write Notes, Narratives, or Rela∣tions upon. He's In at All, thorough the Three King∣doms. Who but Tong to furnish the History of all our ••ires; Treasons; Popish Commissi••n••, Allyances; ••aggots, Pe••s••cut••ons? Who but He, to undertake for the Lists of the Plotters, the Particularities of their Crimes, and to set-up, in short, for Historiographer to the Conspiracy, and the Common Solicitor to the whole Faction? Though he Declares, (as is said already) in a Petition to the House of Commons, that [he had No Knowledge of any Person, Charged or Susp••cted to be in the Conf••deracy; and hardly of any One Po∣pish Gent••eman in England.]

I have yet One Paper more of His, bearing Date April. 29. 1679. Tuesday.

He takes upon him,* 13.10 with his usual Confidence, to Advise his Majesty to Deliver up all Priests and Iesuits to the severity of the Laws in that Case Provided: For (says he) [They are not to be Consider'd as Meer Priests; but as Pro∣fessed

and Known Enemies to our King and Kingdom, Spyes, Assassins, and Incendiaries.]

To This Discourse, the King shew'd Great Dislike, and Changed his Countenance with Displeasure, and said, that Bloud Became not the Dr, nor his Coat; Said, he must Preach Other Doctrine to Him, and That, on the Account of Conscience; and Appealed to the Drs Own Conscience, whether He would be Contented to be so Persecuted (Terming them Poor Peo∣ple;) and said, Other as Effectual Means might be Used.

The Dr Answer'd, that he spoke This only for his Ma∣jesties Enformation, and that he might know that he was not Obliged, neither in Honour, Promise, nor Con∣science to Interpose for them as Priests; if his Af∣fairs Press'd him, and Required him to do Other∣wise.

If I had thought of it sooner, This Treatise would as well have born the Title of a Brief History of Tong, as of a Brief History of the Times; Or it would have done as well perhaps, as either of them, to have Call'd it A Vindication of Titus Otes: For His Murders were a kind of Chance-Medley, Com∣par'd with the Others. He, Poor Devil, Swore to A∣ny thing that came Next, without either Feeling, or Fore-seeing the Conscience, or the Consequences of Things. A False Oath in His Mouth was no more then an Invenom'd Tooth in the Mouth of a Mad Dog. He S••apt at Every thing that was in his Way; and No Remedy for the Wound, like a Piece of his Own Liver. The very Bleeding of him at a Carts-Arse has Purg'd away the Malignity of the Poyson. Otes'es Part was Divided, betwixt a Malicious Hu∣mour that he brought into the World with him, and an Habitual Course of Wickedness, that made his Sins as Familiar to him as his Daily Bread: but the

Invention, the Contrivance, and the Conduct, was Alltogether Tong's; Who, Certainly, had the Fore∣thought, the Deliberation, and the Study of Wicked∣ness to Answer for Over and Above. And Otes made no more of a False Oath, then of Writing just so many Words out of a Copy-Book: And I have yet One Word more to say Comparatively, even on Tong's Behalf; which is, That he himself had his Directors also, that were the More Criminal of the Two: For Even in the Confusion of Hell it self, there is a Subordination, as well as in Heaven; and there are Degrees of Anguish, and Desparation in the One, as there are of Glories in the Other; Nay, Lucifer, (if I may say so) Values Himself upon the Dignity of being Vppermost; and the Deeper the Horror, the Greater is His Glory.

The End.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Sir W. Jones Order'd to make a State of the Evidence.
• * 1.2

  The Stress of All lies upon Otes'es Credit.
• * 1.3

  The Contents of the Five Windsor Letters.
• * 1.4

  Objections a∣gainst the Five Letters.
• * 7.1

  The Windsor-Letters a Plain Forgery.
• * 7.2

  Not one Comma, or Point in them All.
• * 7.3

  They are All Spell'd False the same way.
• * 7.4

  All of a Cast for Style & Matter.
• * 7.5

  Plain Treason to no manner of Purpose.
• * 7.6

  All the Marks of Fraud upon them
• * 7.7

  The Design of the Windsor Pac∣quet spoil'd.
• * 7.8

  The Manner of the Disappoint∣ment.
• * 7.9

  Tonge Examin'd by the E. of Dan∣by about Grove, and Pickering.
• * 8.1

  The E. of D's Proceeding upon the Matter.
• * 8.2

  Tongs Sham of the Ruffians go∣ing to Windsor.
• * 8.3

  The King be∣liev'd Nothing a•• all of the Story.
• * 8.4

  The Sham of Bedingfields Pacquet.
• * 8.5

  The Pacquet Confirm'd to be a Cheat.
• * 8.6

  The Letters Pro∣duc'd to the Councill.
• * 8.7

  Sr W. Jones Privy to All.
• * 8.8

  And Convinc'd that Otes was an Impostor.
• * 8.9

  Notes upon Sir W. Jones'es Final Report.
• * 8.10

  Ignorance and Credulity gave the Plot Credit.
• * 8.11

  Otes'es Narra∣tive was a Palpa∣ble Practice, and Sir W. J. knew as much.
• * 8.12

  The Methods of a Faction.
• * 8.13

  The Irish groun∣ded upon Otes'es English Plot.
• * 8.14

  The Duke of York made the Head of Both Plots.
• * 8.15

  Sr W. J. propo∣ses a Declaration to That Effect.
• * 8.16

  And a strong Bill of Asso∣ciation.
• * 8.17

  The Danger Transferr'd from the Popish Plot to the Reli∣gion.
• * 8.18

  No Safety with∣out a Bill of Ex∣clusion.
• * 8.19

  Notes upon the Westminster De∣bates.
• * 8.20

  The Credit of the Plot lessen'd dayly.
• * 8.21

  Only it Mended upon Sir William Jones'es Hand.
• * 8.22

  Of Green, Berry, and Hill.
• * 8.23

  Sir W. J. upon Godfreys Mur∣der.
• * 8.24

  Otes, Bedloe, and Prance Help out one another.
• * 8.25

  A Gross ••artia∣lity.
• * 8.26

  Sr W. J's Enfla∣ming Speech to the Jury.
• * 8.27

  The Whole In∣trigue was known to SrW.J.
• * 8.28

  Sr W. J. a Ma∣nager against the Lord Stafford.
• * 8.29

  He makes all Dis∣believers of the Plo•• to be either Fools or Co••spi∣rators.
• * 8.30

  The Disbelievers Vindicated.
• * 8.31

  Mr. Coleman's Case.
• * 8.32

  Sir W. J. Founds the whole Plot upon Otes'es Bottom.
• * 8.33

  He blesses God forOtes'es being a Papist, when he himself swears he was none.
• * 8.34

  He makes All Papist•• to be Traytors.
• * 8.35

  Scandalous Excep∣tions to Mr Lyd∣cots Evidence for Common Justice done to the E. of Castlemain.
• * 8.36

  The whole Stress lies upon Otes'es Probity.
• * 8.37

  Notes upon the Exceptions to M. Lydcot.
• * 8.38

  The Injustice of the Exceptions laid open in the Honourable De∣fence, and Acquit∣tal of the E. of Castlemain.
• * 8.39

  Sir W. J's care to Secure the Execu∣tion of my Lord Stafford.
• * 8.40

  The Witnesses Clash.
• * 8.41

  Sir W. J. had all their Contradi∣ctions before him.
• * 8.42

  Tong and Otes's Narrative look'd upon as a Cheat.
• * 8.43

  The Five Letters that should have given them Cre∣dit Confirm'd the Forgery.
• * 8.44

  They were the very Contents of the Plot.
• * 8.45

  They were so Rank a Cheat, they durst never bring them in Evidence.
• * 8.46

  How the Preten∣ded Popish Plot, came to be Started.
• * 8.47

  Tong was the ••roj••ctor of it, and put Otes upon it.
• * 8.48

  The Rise and Manner of Promoting it.
• * 8.49

  How the Maggot of it came into Tong's Head.
• * 8.50

  His Stickling to Advance it.
• * 8.51

  Tong's Credit with the House of Commons.
• * 8.52

  His Confession that he knew no∣thing of the Mat∣ter.
• * 8.53

  Habernfelds dis∣covery Published by Prynne. 1643.
• * 8.54

  Resemblance of the Two Plots.
• * 8.55

  Papers and Let∣ters about Ha∣bernfelds Plot.
• * 8.56

  Plot.
• * 8.57

  Parallel.
• * 8.58

  Plot.
• * 8.59

  Parallel.
• * 8.60

  Plot
• * 8.61

  Parallel.
• * 8.62

  Plot.
• * 8.63

  Parallel.
• * 8.64

  Plot.
• * 8.65

  Parallel.
• * 8.66

  Plot.
• * 8.67

  Parallel.
• * 8.68

  Plot.
• * 8.69

  Parallel.
• * 8.70

  Plot.
• * 8.71

  Parallel.
• * 8.72

  Plot and Parallel.
• * 8.73

  Plot and Parallel.
• * 8.74

  Plot.
• * 8.75

  Parallel.
• * 8.76

  Plot.
• * 8.77

  Parallel.
• * 8.78

  Plot.
• * 8.79

  Parallel.
• * 8.80

  Plot.
• * 8.81

  Parallel.
• * 8.82

  Plot.
• * 8.83

  Parallel.
• * 8.84

  Plot.
• * 8.85

  Parallel.
• * 8.86

  Plot.
• * 8.87

  Parallel.
• * 8.88

  Plot.
• * 8.89

  Parallel.
• * 8.90

  Plot.
• * 8.91

  Parallel.
• * 8.92

  Plot.
• * 8.93

  Parallel.
• * 8.94

  Plot.
• * 8.95

  Parallel.
• * 8.96

  Plot.
• * 8.97

  Parallel.
• * 8.98

  Plot.
• * 8.99

  Parallel.
• * 8.100

  Plot.
• * 8.101

  Parallel.
• * 8.102

  Plot.
• * 8.103

  Parallel.
• * 8.104

  Plot.
• * 8.105

  Parallel.
• * 8.106

  Plot.
• * 8.107

  Parallel.
• * 8.108

  Plot.
• * 8.109

  Parallel.
• * 8.110

  Plot.
• * 8.111

  Parallel.
• * 8.112

  Plot.
• * 8.113

  Parallel.
• * 8.114

  Plot.
• * 8.115

  Parallel to the Large Discovery.
• * 8.116

  The First Open∣ing of Habern∣felds Plot.
• * 8.117

  An Abstract of Sir W. Boswells First Letter.
• * 8.118

  The Parallel of Tongs Plot, and Habernfelds goes on still.
• * 8.119

  The Arch-Bishop writes Immedi∣ately to the King.
• * 8.120

  An Abstract of his Graces Letter.
• * 8.121

  The ••arallel goes on.
• * 8.122

  Otes known to his Majesty by a Certain Token.
• * 8.123

  The Token i•• self.
• * 8.124

  Habernfelds Plot had Less Credit every day then Other.
• * 8.125

  Tongs Plot.
• * 8.126

  Habernfeld's and Tongs Plot, much the same.
• * 8.127

  Tong an Agent for Popery.
• * 9.1

  A Remarkable Practice.
• * 9.2

  How Tong and Otes came Ac∣quainted.
• * 9.3

  Their Practices together.
• * 9.4

  Tongs Plea for Otes'es Perjury.
• * 9.5

  He Contradicts Otes upon the Main Point.
• * 9.6

  The Plot was a Shamm.
• * 9.7

  Otes only Tongs Property.
• * 9.8

  Tong sets-up for the ••irst Disco∣verer.
• * 9.9

  Otes'es Contra∣dictions.
• * 9.10

  Tong a Confe∣derate quite thorough.
• * 9.11

  Otes'es Starving condition in 1677
• * 9.12

  He Swears for Bread.
• * 9.13

  Tong gives him his Lesson and sends him a∣broad.
• * 9.14

  All Ceremony apart.
• * 9.15

  Otes returns from St Omers.
• * 9.16

  Tongs Account of the Plot▪
• * 9.17

  In the Greek Character.
• * 9.18

  Tong referr'd by his Majesty to the Earl of Danby.
• * 9.19

  The Whole Sto∣ry a Sham.
• * 9.20

  They go to Fox-Hall▪
• * 9.21

  The Windsor Letters.
• * 9.22

  The Deduction of the Plot.
• * 9.23

  Tong's Diary of their going to Whitehall.
• * 9.24

  An Abstract of Mr Kirkbys Nar∣rative.
• * 9.25

  Tong with his Narrative before the Councell.
• * 9.26

  L'Estrange falsly Accus'd by Young Tong, and Otes.
• * 10.1

  L'Estranges First Letter to Young Tong.
• * 11.1

  Tongs Answer.
• * 13.1

  A Second Le••ter of Tong's.
• * 13.2

  How the Author came by Tong's Papers.
• * 13.3

  Tong's 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Duke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 York.
• * 13.4

  Tongs Malice to the Duke of York.
• * 13.5

  Otes was only Tong's Tool.
• * 13.6

  The whole Ma∣nage of it was Tong's.
• * 13.7

  A Brief Deducti∣on of Tong's Plot.
• * 13.8

  Otes only Swore to Tongs words.
• * 13.9

  Tong's Method of Pursuing the Plot.
• * 13.10

  Tong's Sawcy Expostulations with the Late King.