The historie of the reformation of the Church of Scotland containing five books : together with some treatises conducing to the history.

THE THIRD BOOK OF The Progresse of true Religion WITHIN The Realme of SCOTLAND. (Book 3)

AFter this our dolorous departing from Edinburgh, the fury and rage of the French increased, for then durst nei∣ther man nor woman that professed Christ Jesus within the Town be seen. The houses of the most honest men were given by the Queen to French∣men for a part of their reward.* 1.1 The Earle Bothwell by sound of Trumpet Proclaimed the Earle of Arrane Trai∣tour, with other despightfull words, which all was done for the pleasure, and by the suggestion of the Queene Regent, who then thought the battell was wonne without further re∣sistance. Great practising she made for obtaining of the Castle of Edin∣burgh. The French made their fagots with other preparations to assault the said Castle, either by force or else by Treason: But God wrought so mightily with the Captain, the Lord Erskin, at that time, that neither the Queen by flattery, nor the French by treason prevailed. Advertisement with all diligence past to the Duke of Guise,* 1.2 who then was King of France (as concerning power to command) requiring him to make expedition, if he desired the full conquest of Scotland; Who delayed no time, but with a new Armie sent away his brother Marquis Dalbuif, and in his company Marticks, promising that he himselfe should follow. But the righteous

God, who in mercy looketh upon the affliction of those that unfainedly sob unto him, fought for us by his own out-stretched arm: For upon one night upon the coast of Holland were drowned of them eighteen Ensignes,* 1.3 so that onely rested the Ship, in the which were two principals aforesaid, with their Ladies, who violently driven back to Deepe, were compelled to confesse, That God fought for the defence of Scotland.

From England returned Robert Melvin, who past in company to London with the Secretary, a little before Christmas, and brought unto us certain Articles to be answered, as by the contract that after was made, more plainely shall appeare. Whereupon the Nobility assembled at Sterlin, and returned answer with diligence; Whereof the French adverti∣sed, they marched to Linlithquow, spoiled the Dukes house, and wa∣sted his lands of Kinneill, and after came to Sterlin, where they re∣mained certaine dayes (the Duke, the Earles of Argyle and Glencarn, with their friends passed to Glasgow. The Earle of Arrane and Lord Iames passed to Saint Andrews. For charge was given to the whole No∣bility Protestants, to keepe their owne bodies, till that God should send them further support.) The French tooke purpose first to assault Fyfe, for as it was their great indignation. Their purpose was to have taken and fortified the Towne and Abbey, with the Castle of Saint An∣drews, and so they came to Culrosse, after to Dunfermeling, and then to Brunteiland, where they began to fortifie: but desisted there from, and mar∣ched to Kinghorn, upon the occasion as followeth. When certaine know∣ledge came to the Earl of Arrane and to Lord Iames, That the French were departed from Sterlin, they departed also from S. Andrews, and began to as∣semble their Forces at Cowper, and sent their men of War to Kinghorne, unto whom there resorted divers of the coast side, of minde to resist rather at the beginning, then when they had destroyed a part of their Townes. But the Lords had given an expresse commandment, That they should hazard no∣thing, till that they themselves were present. And for that purpose was sent unto them the Lord Ruthuen, a man of great experience, and in∣feriour to few in stoutnesse: In his company was the Earle of Sudder∣land, sent from the Earle of Huntly, as he alleadged, to comfort the Lord▪ in their affliction. But others whispered, That his principall Commission was unto the Queen Regent.* 1.4 Howsoever it was, he was hurt in the arme by the shot of an Haquebut, for the men of War and the rascall multitude, perceiving certaine Boats of French-men landing, which came from Leith, purposed to stop their landing, and so not considering the enemies that approached from Brunteiland: unadvisedly they rushed downe to the Pretticure (so is that Bay by West Kinghorne called) and at the sea coast be∣gan the skirmishing. But they never took heed to the enemy that approach∣ed by land, till that the horsemen charged them upon the backe, and the whole bands came directly in their faces, and so were they compelled to give back with the losse of six or seven of their men, and with the ta∣king of some, amongst whom were two that professed Christ Jesus, one named Paul Lambert, a Dutch man, and a French boy, fervent in Religion, and clean of life, whom in despight they hanged over the Steeple of King∣horne. Thou shalt revenge, O Lord, in thy appointed time. The cause that

in so great a danger there was so small a losse, next unto the mercifull providence of God, was the sudden coming of my Lord Ruthuen; for even as our men had given back, he and his Company came to the head of the Bray, and did not onely stay the French-men, but also some of ours brake upon their Horse-men, and so repulsed them, that they did no further hurt to our Foot-men. In that recounter was the Earle of Sudderland foresaid shot in the arme, and was carried back to Cowper. The French-men took Kinghorne, where they lay and wasted the Country about,* 1.5 as well Papists as Protestants; yea, even those that were confede∣rate with them, such as Seafield, Weames, Balmowto, Balwearie, and others, enemies to God, and traytors to their Countrey; of those (we say) they spared not the Sheep, the Oxen, the Kine, and Horses, and some say that their wives and daughters gat favour of the French Souldiers, and so did recompence the Papists in their own bosoms; for besides the defiling of their houses, as said is, two of them received more damage, then did all the Gentlemen that professed the Gospel within Fyfe, the Laird of Grange onely excepted, whose house of the Grange the French-men overthrew with Gun-Powder. The Queen Regent proud of this Victory, burst forth into her blasphemous railing, and said, Where is now John Knox his God? my God is now stronger then his, yea even in Fyfe. She posted to her friends in France newes that thousands of the hereticks were slain, and the rest were fled, and therefore required that some Noble-man of her friends would come and take the glory of that Victory. Upon that infor∣mation was Marticks with two Ships, and some Captains and Horses di∣rected to come into Scotland, but little to their own advantage, as we shall after hear.

The Lords of the Congregation offended at the foolishnesse of the rascall multitude, called to themselves the men of War, and remained certaine dayes at Cowper, unto whom repaired Iohn Knox, and in our greatest desperation Preached unto us a most comfortable Sermon: his Text was,* 1.6 The danger wherein the Disciples of Christ Iesus stood when they were in the midst of the Sea, and Iesus was upon the mountain. His Exhor∣tation was,* 1.7 That we should not faint, but that we should still row against the contrarious blasts, till that Jesus Christ should come; for, said he, I am assuredly perswaded that God will deliver us from this extreme trouble, as that I am assured, That this is the Gospel of Jesus Christ, which I preach unto you this day. The fourth watch is not yet come, abide a little, the Boat shall be saved, and Peter, which hath left the Boat, shal not drown. I am assured, That albeit I cannot assure you by reason of this pre∣sent rage, God grant that ye may acknowledge his hand, after that your eyes have seen his deliverance. In that Sermon he comforted many, & yet he offended the Earl of Arran; for in his discourse upon the manifold as∣saults the Church of God sustained,* 1.8 he brought for example the multitude of strangers that pursued Iehosaphat after he had reformed Religion. He spake of the fear of the people, yea, and of the King himself at the first. But after he affirmed, that Iehosaphat was stout; and to declare his courage in his God, he comforted his people and his Souldiers; he came forth in the midst of them, he spake lovingly unto them. He kept not himselfe

(said he) enclosed in his chamber, but frequented the multitude, and re∣joyced them with his presence, and godly comfort. These and the like sentences took the said Earle to be spoken in reproach of him, because he kept himself more close and solitary then many men would have wished. After these things, determination was taken, That the Earle of Arrane, and Lord Iames, with men of War, and some Companies of Horse-men, should go to Disert, and there lie to wait upon the French, to stop them from destroying the Sea-coast, as they intended utterly to have done. The said Earle, and Lord Iames did as they were appointed, albeit their Com∣pany was very small; and yet they did so valiantly, that it passed almost credit; for twenty and one dayes they lay in their clothes, their Boots came never off: They had skirmishing almost every day, yea, some days from morning to night. The French were four thousand Souldiers, be∣sides their favourers and faction of the Countrey. The Lords were ne∣ver together five hundred Horse-men, with an hundred Souldiers, and yet they held the French so busie, that for every horse was slain to the Congregation, they lost four French Souldiers. William Kirkcaldie of Grainge, the day after that his house was cast down, sent his defiance to Monsieur Dosell, and unto the rest, declaring that to this hour he had used the French favourably, yea he had saved their lives, when that he might have suffered their throats to have been cut; but seeing they had used him with that rigour, let them not look for the like favours in time to come. And unto Monsieur Dosell he said, He knew that he should not get him in skirmishing, because he knew he was a very coward: but it might that he should quite him a common either in Scotland, or else in France. The said William Kirkcaldie, and the Master of Lindsay, escaped many dangers. The Master had his horse slain under him; and William was al∣most betrayed in his house at Halyards. But yet they never ceased, for night and day they waited upon the French: They laid themselves in a secret place with some Gentlemen before the day to wait upon the French, who used commonly to issue in Companies to seel•• their prey: And so came forth one Captain Batu with his hundred, and began to spoyle; whom the Master, after Lord Lindsay, and William suffered, without declaration of themselves, or of their Company, till that they had them more then a mile from Kinghorne, and then began the horse-men to break; which perceived, the French altogether drew to a place called Glames house, and made for debate; some took the house, other defended the Court and Yards: The hazard appeared very unlike∣ly, for our men had nothing but Spears, and were compelled to light up∣on their feet: The other were within ditches, and every man had a Cul∣verin; the shot was fearfull to many, and divers were hurt, amongst whom was Robert Hamilton, and David Kirkcaldie, brother to the said Laird, who both were supposed to have been slain: the said Laird perceiving men to faint, and begin to recule, said, Fie, let us never live after this day, that we shall recule for French scybalds and rascals. And so the Master of Lindsay and he burst in at the gate, and others followed. The Master struck with his Spear at la Bartu, and glasing upon his harnesse, for fear stumbled upon his knees; but recovering suddenly, he fastned his Spear, and bare the

said Captain backward, who because he would not be taken, was slain, and fifty of his Company with him. Those that were in the house, with some others, were saved, and sent to Dundie to be kept. This mischance to the French-men,* 1.9 made them to be more circumspect in straying and wandring abroad into the Countrey, and so the poor people gat some relief. To fur∣nish the French with Victualls, was appointed Capt. Culan, with two ships, who travelled betwixt the South shore and Kinghorne for that purpose: For his wages he spoyled Kinghorne, Kirkcaldie, and so much of Disert as he might. For remedy whereof, were appointed two Ships from Dundie, Andrew Sands, a very stout and fervent man in the Cause of Religion, was the principall. This same time arrived Martickes, who without de∣lay landed himself, the Coffers, and the principall Gentlemen that were with him, at Leith, leaving the rest in the Ships till better opportunity: But the said Andrew and his company striking Sayl,* 1.10 and making as they would cast Ankor hard beside them, boarded them both, and carried them to Dundie: in them were gotten some horses, and much harnesse, with some other trifles, but of money we heard nought. Hereat the French offended, avowed the destruction of Saint Andrews and Dundie, and so upon a Munday in the morning, the thirteenth of Ianuary, they marched from Disert, and passed the water of Levin, ever keeping the Coast, by reason of their Ships and Victualls, as said is: about noon they espied Ships (which were seen that morning by us that were upon the land, but were not known) Monsieur Dosell affirmed them to be French Ships, and so the Souldiers triumphed, shot their Volley for a salve, and marched forward to Kingcraig, fearing no resistance. But shortly after, the English Ships met with Captain Culen, and seized upon him and his Ships, which made them a little to muse. Then suddenly came M. Alex∣ander Woode, who had been upon the Admirall, and assured Monsieur Dosell that they were English men,* 1.11 and that they were the forwarners of a great∣er number that followed, who were sent for support of the Congregation. There might have been seen pulling of beards for anger, and might have been heard such despight as cruell men use to spue forth when God bri∣dleth their fury.* 1.12 Wearinesse and the night constrained them to lodge there: They supped scarcely, because their Ships were taken, in the which were their victualls and Ordnance, which they intended to have placed in Saint Andrews. They themselves durst not stray abroad to seek, and the Laird of Wemes carriages, which likewise was coming with furnishing unto them, were stayed. And therefore betimes in the morn∣ing they retired towards Kinghorne, and made more expedition in one day in returning, then they did in two in marching forward. The storm which had continued neer the space of a moneth, brake in the time of their returning, whereby many thought that they should have been stay∣ed, till that reasonable company might have been assembled to have foughten with them. And for that purpose did William Kirkcaldie cut the Bridge of Tullibody:* 1.13 But the French, expert enough in such feats, took down the Roof of a Parish Church, and made a Bridge over the same water called Donane, and so they escaped, and went to Sterlin, and thereafter to Leith; yet in their returne they lost divers, amongst whom

there was one whose miserable end we may rehearse. As the French spoyled the Countrey in their returning, one Captaine or Souldier, we cannot tell, but he had a red Cloke, and a gilt Murriow, entred upon a poor woman that dwelt in the white side, and began to spoyle. The poore woman offered unto him such bread as she had ready prepared, But he in no wise therewith content, would have the Meale, and a lit∣tle salt Beef which the poore woman had to sustain her owne life, and the lives of her poor children; neither could tears, nor pitifull words, mitigate the mercilesse man, but he would have whatsoever he might carry.* 1.14 The poore woman perceiving him so bent, and that he stoop∣ed downe in her Tub, for the taking forth of such stuffe as was with∣in it, first coped and turned up his heels, so that his head went downe. And thereafter, whether by her self, or if any other company come to help her, but there he ended his unhappy life, God so punishing his cruell heart, who could not spare a miserable woman in that extremity. Let all such Souldiers receive such reward, O Lord, seeing that thou onely art the revenger of the oppressed.

And now, because that from this time forward frequent mention will be made of the comfortable support that we in our greatest extremity received by Gods providence from our neighbours of England, we thinke it expedient simply to declare by what instruments that mat∣ter was first moved,* 1.15 and by what means it came to passe that the Queen and Councel of England, shewed themselves so favourable unto us.

As Iohn Knox had fore-warned us by his Letters from Geneva, of all dangers that he foresaw to ensue our enterprise; so when he came to Deipe, mindefull of the same; and resolving with himself, what re∣medy God would please to offer, he took boldnesse to write to Sir Wil∣liam Cecil, Secretary of State in England, with whom the said Iohn had been before familiarly acquainted, intending thereby to renew acquaint∣ance, and so to open further of his minde. The tenor of his first Letter follows:

The spirit of Iudgement, Wisedome, and Sanctification, I wish unto you, by Iesus Christ.

* 2.1AS I have no pleasure with long writing to trouble you (Right Hono∣rable) whose minde I know to be taken up with most grave matters, so I minde not greatly to labor by long Preface, to conciliate your favors, which I suppose I have already (howsoever rumors brute the contrary) as the favour it becometh one member of Christs Body to have of another: The contents therfore of my present Letter shall be absolved in 2 points: In the former, I purpose to discharge in few words my conscience to∣wards you: And in the other, sum what must I speak, for my own defence, and in defence of that poor Flock of late assembled in the most godly re∣formed Church and City of the world, Geneva: To you, Sir, I say, that as from God you have received, life, wisdom, honours, and the present estate in the which you now stand, so ought you wholly to apply the same to the advancement of his glory, who onely is the author of life, the fountain of wisdom, and who most assuredly doth and wil honor & glorifie them that

with simple hearts do glorifie him; which alas in times past you have not done, but being overcome with common iniquity, you have followed the world, in the way of perdition: for to the suppressing of Christs true Evangel, to the erecting of Idolatry, and to the shedding of the blood of Gods most deare Children; Have you by silence consented and subscri∣bed this your most horrible defection from the knowne Trueth, and once professed, hath God to this day mercifully spared? Yea, to mans judge∣ment he hath utterly forgotten, and pardoned the same: He hath not dealt with you as he hath done with others (of like knowledge) whom in his anger (but yet most justly according to their deserts) he did shortly strike after their desertion: But you, guilty in the same offences, hath he fostered and preserved, as it were in his owne bosome, during the time of that most miserable thraldome, of that professed enemy of God, mis∣chievous Mary: And now hath set you at such liberty, as the fury of Gods enemies cannot hurt you, except that willingly against his honour, you take pleasure to conspire with them. As this benefit which you have received is great, so must Gods Justice require of you a thankfull heart; For seeing that his Mercie hath spared you, being Traitour to his Maje∣stie; Seeing further, That amongst your enemies he hath preserved you; And last, seeing, although worthy of hell, he hath promoted you to ho∣nour and dignity; of you must he require (because he is just) earnest re∣pentance for your former defection; and heart mindfull of his mercifull providence, and a will so ready to advance his glory, That evidently it may appeare,* 2.2 that in vaine you have not received these graces of God; to performance whereof, of necessity it is, That carnall wisdome and world∣ly policie (to the which both, you are bruted too much inclined) give place to Gods simple and naked Trueth: very love compells me to say, That except the Spirit of God purge your heart from that venome, which your eyes have seen to have been destruction to others, that you shall not long escape the reward of dissemblers. Call to minde what your eares heard Proclaimed, in the Chappell of S. Iames, when this Verse of the first Psalme was handled, Not so, O wicked, not so, but as the dust which the winde tosseth, &c. And consider, that now you travell in the same way which then they did occupie, to speak plainely, now you are in that estate and credit, in the which you shall either comfort the sorrowfull and affli∣cted, for righteousnesse sake, or else you shall molest or oppugne the Spi∣rit of God speaking in his Messengers; the Comforters of the afflicted for godlinesse, hath promise of comfort, in their greatest necessities: but the troubles of Gods servants (how contemned that ever they appeare before the world) are threatned to have their Names in execration to the posterities following. The examples of the one and of the other, are not onely evident in Scriptures, but also have been lately manifested in England. And this is the conclusion of that, which to your self, I say, except that in the cause of Christs Evangell, you be found simple, sincere, fervent, and unfained, you shall taste of the same cup, which politick heads have drank in before you.

The other Point concerning my self, and that poore flock now disper∣sed, and as I heare say, rudely used, is this; By divers Messengers I

have requested such Priviledges as Turkes commonly do grant to men of every Nation; to wit, That liberty should be granted to me freely to passe through England, to the end that with greater expedition I might repaire towards my owne Countrey, which now beginneth to thirst for Christs Trueth. This request I thought so reasonable, that almost I had entered the Realme, without license demanded; and yet I understand that it hath been so rejected, that the soliciters thereof, did hardly escape im∣prisonment; and some of that poore flocke I heare to be so extreamely handled, That those who most rudely have shed the blood of Gods most deare Children findes this day amongst you greater favours,* 2.3 then they do; Alas, this appeareth much to repugne to Christian Charity: for whatso∣ever hath been mine offence, this I fear not to affirme in their cause; That if any that hath suffered exile in those most dolorous dayes of persecu∣tion, deserve praise and commendation, for Peace, Concord, sober and quiet living, it is they. And as for me, how criminall that ever I be in Gods presence, for the multitude of my sins; yet before his Justice-seat I have a testimonie of a cleare Conscience, That since my first acquaint∣ance with England, willingly I never offended person within it, except in open Chaire, to reprove that which God condemneth, can be judged of∣fence: but I have (say you) written a Treasonable Book against the re∣giment and Empire of women; If that be my offence, the poore flock is innocent (except such as this day do fastest cry Treason) For Sir (in Gods presence I do write) with none in that company did I consult be∣fore the finishing of the same. Therefore in Christs Name I require, That the blame may be upon me alone. The writing of that Book I will not deny, but to prove it Treasonable, I think it shall be hard; for Sir, No more do I doubt of the Trueth of my Proposition, then that I doubt that this was the voice of God, which first did pronounce this penaltie against women; In dolour shalt thou beare thy children. It is bruited, That my book is, or shall be written against, or answered: If so be Sir, I greatly feare, That flatterers shall more hurt then helpe the matter which they would seem to maintaine; for except my errour be plainly shewne and confuted, by better authority then by such Lawes as from yeere to yeere may and do change, I dare not promise silence in so weighty a businesse; lest that in so doing, I shall appeare to betray the Verity which is not subject to the mutabilitie of time. And if any thinke me either enemy to the per∣son, or yet to the Regiment of her, whom God hath now promoted, they are utterly deceived in me, for the miraculous Work of God, comforting his afflicted by an infirme vessell, I do acknowledge, and I will obey the power of his most potent hand (raising up whom best pleaseth his Mer∣cy, to suppresse such as fight against his glory) albeit that both nature, and Gods most perfect Ordinance repugne to such Regiment. More plainly to speak, If Queen Elizabeth shall confesse, That the extraordi∣nary dispensation of Gods great mercy, makes that lawfull unto her, which both nature and Gods Lawes do deny unto all women; then shall none in England be more willing to maintaine her lawfull authority then I shall be: But if (Gods wondrous worke set aside) she ground (as God forbid) the justnesse of her Title upon consuetude Lawes and Ordinances

of men: Then I am assured, That as such foolish presumption doth highly offend Gods supreame Majestie; so do I greatly feare, That her ingra∣titude shall not long lacke punishment. And this in the name of the eter∣nall God, and of his Son Jesus Christ (before whom, both you and I shall stand to make an account of all counsell we give) I require you to signifie unto her Majestie, in my name; Adding, That onely humility and desertion of her selfe before God, shall be the firmenesse and stability of the Throne, which I know shall be assaulted mo wayes then one. If this you conceale from her Majestie, I will make it patent to the world, That thus farre I have communicated with you; having also further to speak, if my judgement may be heard. Alas, Sir, is my offence (al∣though in that time, and in that matter, I had written ten Bookes) so hainous, that I cannot have Licence, by Preaching of Christ Jesus, to refresh those thirsty soules, which long have lacked the Water of Life: No man will I presently accuse, but I greatly feare, That the Leprous have no gre••t pleasure to behold faire faces in cleare glasse:* 2.4 Let none be afraid, that I require to frequent the Court, or yet to remaine any long time in England; but onely thirsts, in passing thorow to my na∣tive Countrey, to communicate with you, and some others, such things as willingly I list not to commit to Paper, neither to the Credit and knowledge of many. And then in the North parts to offer Gods fa∣vours, to such as I suppose do mourne for their desertion. And this, I trust, shall be no lesse profitable to the Queen, and to all godly within England, then it should be pleasing to me in the flesh.

This is the third time that I have begged Licence to visite the hungry and thirstie amongst you, which if now be denied, as before God, I have a testimonie, that I seek not for my selfe, but the advancement of Christs Evangell, and the comfort of such, as whom I know afflicted: so shall the godly understand that England in refusing me refuseth a friend, how small that ever the power be. The mighty Spirit of the Lord Je∣sus moove your heart deeply to consider your dutie unto God, and the estate of that Realme, in which by his appointment you now serve.

From Deepe, the 10 of April, 1559.

Yours to command in godlinesse, Iohn Knox.

To this Letter was no answer made: for shortly the said Iohn Knox made forward to Scotland by sea, when he landed the third of May, and had such successe, as is in the second book declared. The said Iohn being in S. Andrews, after Cowper-Moore, entred in deep discourse with the Laird of Grange;* 2.5 the danger is very evident, but the support was not easie to be seen. After many words Iohn Knox burst forth as followeth; If England would foresee their own commodity, yea, if they would consider the danger wherein themselves stand, they would not suffer us to perish in this quarrell; for France hath no lesse decreed the conquest of England then of Scotland. Af∣ter long reasoning, it was concluded betwixt them two, That sup∣port

should be craved of England: And for that purpose the said Laird of Grange, first wrote to Sir Henry Percie, and after rode from Edin∣burgh and spake with him; to whom he made so plaine demonstration of the danger appearing to England, that he tooke upon him to write to Secretarie Cecil, who with expedition returned answer back again, giving him to understand, That our enterprise altogether misliked not the Councell, albeit that they desired further resolution of the prin∣cipall Lords. Which thing understood, it was concluded to write to him plainely our whole purpose. The tenour of our Letter was this:

The first Letter to Sir William Cecill, from the Lords of the Congregation.

THe contents of a Letter directed by you (right Worshipfull) to Sir Henry Percie, was notified unto us by Master Kirkcaldie of Grange this Sunday the 26 of July:* 3.1 By the which we perceive that the said Laird of Grange, of zeale, and faithfull heart which he beareth to the furtherance of this our great, and before the world, dangerous enterprise, hath travelled with you, as with an unfained favourer of Christs true Religion, and of the libertie of our Countrey, for knowledge of your mindes towards us, in case that we be assaulted by any forraigne invasion, or greater power then we be well able to resist. Your comfortable an∣swer to this question we have considered, to our joy and comfort, as also your motions,* 3.2 and what you demand; To wit, What the Protestants within this Realme do purpose; To what end we mean to direct our acti∣ons; How we will, and how we be able to accomplish the same; What doubts we have of any adversary power; And finally, in case that support should be sent from you, What manner of amity might ensue betwixt these two Realmes,* 3.3 &c. To the which, in briefe, we answer; That our whole and onely purpose (as God knoweth) is to advance the glory of Christ Jesus, the true Preaching of his Gospel within this Realme. To remove superstition, and all sort of externall Idolatry, to bridle to our powers the fury of those that heretofore have cruelly shed the blood of our brethren; and to our uttermost, to maintaine the liberty of this our Coun∣trey from the tyrannie and thraldome of strangers, as God shall assist us. How we be able to accomplish these premises, is to us unknown, onely our hope is good, That he that hath begun this good worke in us, and hath by his power to this houre confounded the faces of our adversaries will performe the same to his glory,* 3.4 which chiefly we seek in this our enterprise. Because we suppose, That neither our present danger, neither yet the warlike preparation which France maketh against us, are hid from you, nor from the counsell, we omit that part. As touching the assurance of a perpetuall amity to stand betwixt these two Realmes: As no earthly thing of us is more desired, so crave we of God to make us the instruments, by which this unnaturall debate which long hath continued betwixt us may once be composed,* 3.5 to the praise of Gods Name, and to the comfort of the faithfull in both Realms.

And if your wisedoms can foresee and devise the means and assurances how the same may be brought to passe, perswade your selves not onely of our consent and assistance, but also of our constancy, as men can promise, unto our lives end. Yea farther, of charge and command∣ment by us to be left to our posterity, That the Amity betwixt us (in God) contracted and begun, may be by them kept inviolate for ever. As for the revolting from you to France, which ye seem to fear and suspect at their pleasure, we utterly abhorre that infidelity; for now doth the voyce of God continually sound in our ears, That such as pro∣phane the terrible and reverent Name of God, shall not escape ven∣geance. Our Confederacy, Amity and League shall not be like the Pactions made by worldly men, for worldly profit▪ but as we require it for Gods Cause, so will we call upon his Name for the observation of the same. Moreover, if we should lack any thing in Temporall commodity, yet should we never have occasion to returne to them: for we now perceive and feel the weight of their yoke, and intend (by Gods grace) to cut away such instruments as by whom this Realme was before abused. True it is, That as yet we have made no mention of any change in Authority, neither yet were we minded to do any such thing, till extreme necessity compelleth us thereto. But seeing it is now more then evident, That France, and the Queen Regent here, with her Priests, pretendeth nothing but the suppressing of Christs Gospel, the ruine of us, and the subversion of this poor Realme, committing our innocency to God, and unto the judgement of all godly and wise men, we are determined to seek the next remedy; in which we hearti∣ly require your counsell and assistance. And thus farre we have en∣terprised to make you participant of our purpose, because in the said Letters ye required the said Master Kirkcaldie some farther assurance then his owne word or writing, which we doubt not but ye shall short∣ly receive, from more then from us. We dare not hastily make the As∣sembly, neither of Nobles,* 3.6 neither of Barons, privie in this Cause, for dangers that may ensue by policie and craft of the adversaries; your wisdom, we doubt not, will communicate these onely with such as ye know favourers of such a godly Conjunction. It should much help, in our opinion, if the Preachers, both in perswasion, and in pub∣like Prayers (as ours do here) would commend the same unto the peo∣ple. And thus, after our most humble commendations to the Queenes Majestie (whose Raigne we wish may be prosperous and long, to the glory of God, and comfort of his Church) we heartily commit you to the protection of the Omnipotent.

From Edinburgh the 17 of Iuly, 1559.

With this our Letter Iohn Knox wrote two, one to the said Secreta∣ry, and another to the Queens Majesty her self: The Tenour whereof follows thus:

Iohn Knox his second Letter to M. Cecile, for the delivery of one other to the Queen.

SIR,

AFter my humble commendations, please you deliver this other enclosed to the Queen: It containeth a few and simple words of my Confession what I think of her Authority, how it is just, and what may make it odious in Gods presence. I hear that there is one Confutation set forth against the first blast; God grant that the wri∣ters thereof have no more sought the favours of this present world, no lesse the glory of God, and the stable good of his Countrey, then he who enterprised in that blast to utter his conscience. When I shall have time (which now is somewhat precious unto me) to peruse that work, I will communicate my judgement with you.

The time is now, Sir, that all, who either thirst for Christ to raigne in this Isle, or yet the hearts of the Inhabitants be joyned together in love unfained, ought rather to study how the same might be brought to passe, then vainly to travell for the main∣tenance of that, whereof already we have seen the danger, and feel the smart: If the most part of women be wicked, and such as willingly we would not should raigne over us: And if the most godly, and such as have are graces, be yet mortall, we ought to take heed, lest in establishing of one judged godly, and profitable to her Countrey, we make an Interest and Title to many; by whom not onely will the Truth be impugned, but also will the Countrey be brought into bondage. God give you, and other favourers of your Countrey eyes to see, and wisedome to avoid the dangers ap∣pearing.

By divers Letters I have required license to have visited the North parts of Eng∣land, but as yet I have received no favourable answer. The longer, Sir, this it be delayed, the lesse comfort will the faithfull there receive; yea, the weaker will the Queens favour be: If I were not an unfained friend to her Majestie, I would instant∣ly beg such liberty; which to me, I know, will neither be profitable nor pleasing in the flesh. The common things here, I doubt not you know: some things I have (as of∣ten times I have written) which gladly I would communicate, but I minde not to commit them to Paper and Inke; finde therefore the means that I may speake with such a one as you will credit in all things.

The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ rest with you.

I heartily beseech you to have my service recommended to the Queens Majesty, ad∣ding, That whosoever maketh me odious to her Majestie, seeketh somewhat besides the glory of God, and her Majesties prosperity, and therefore cannot be assured and unfai∣ned friends from, &c.

The Letter sent from the said Iohn to the Queens Majestie of England, being enclosed in the foresaid M. Ceciles Letter.

To the vertuous and godly Elizabeth, by the Grace of God, Queen of England: John Knox desireth the perpetuall comfort of his holy Spirit. MADAME,

AS your Majesties displeasure against me, most unjustly conceived, hath been and is to my wretched heart a burden grievous, and al∣most

intolerable, so is the testimony of a clear conscience to me a stay and uphold, that I sinke not in despair, how vehement soever the temp∣tations appear: For in Gods presence, my conscience beareth me re∣cord, That maliciously, nor of purpose, I never offended your Majesty, nor your Realme: And therefore, howsoever I be judged of man, I am sure to be absolved of him, who onely knoweth the secrets of hearts. I cannot deny the writing of a Book against the usurped Autho∣thority, and unjust Regiment of Women; neither yet am I minded to recant, or call back any principall Point or Proposition of the same, till truth and verity do further appear. But why that your Majesty, or any such, who unfainedly favour the liberty of England, be offended at the Author of such a Work, I can perceive no just occasion: For first, my Book touched not your Majesties Person in speciall, neither is it pre∣judiciall to any Liberty of the Realme, if the time of my writing be in∣differently considered. How could I be enemy to your Majesties Per∣son, for delivery whereof, I did more studie, and undertake further, then any of those who now accuseth me? And as concerning your Govern∣ment, How could or can I envy that? which most I have wished for, and for which (as my weak memory will suffer) I render thanks unfai∣nedly to God, to wit, That it hath pleased him of his eternall goodnesse to exalt your head (which sometime was in danger) to the manifestation of his glory, and extirpation of Idolatry. And as for my offence, which I have committed against England, either by writing that Book, or by any other work, I will not refuse that moderate and indifferent men judge and discerne betwixt me, and those that accuse me, viz. Whether of the parties do most hurt to the Liberty of England: I, who affirme that no woman may be exalted above any Realme, to make the Liberty of the same thrall, and subject to a strange, proud, and cruell Nation: Or they, that approve whatsoever pleaseth Princes for the time. If I were as well disposed to accuse, as some of them (to their own shame) have declared themselves, I nothing doubt, but that in few words I should let reasonable men understand, That some that this day lowly crouch and bow to your Majestie, and labour to make me odious in your eyes, did in your adversity neither shew themselves faithfull friends to your Majesty, neither yet so loving and carefull of the native Countrey, as they would be esteemed. But omitting the accusation of others, for my owne purgation, and your Majesties satisfaction, I say, That nothing contained in my book, is or can be prejudiciall to your Majesties just Re∣giment, providing that you be not found ungrate unto God, ungrate you will be proved in the presence of his Throne (howsoever that flatterers justifie your fact) if you transfer the glory of that honour in which you now stand, to any other thing, then to the dispensation of his mercy, which onely maketh that lawfull to your Majestie, which Nature and Law de∣nieth to all women, to command and bear rule over men. Neither would I that your Majesty should fear, That this your humiliation before God, should in any case infirm or weaken your Majesties just and lawfull Au∣thority; Nay, Madame, such unfained confession of Gods bene∣fits received, will be the establishment of the same, not only to your self,

but also to your seed and Posterity: Where contrariwise, a proud con∣ceit, and elevation of your self, will be the occasion that your Raigne will be unstable, troublesome, and short. God is witnesse, That unfained∣ly I both love and reverence you Majestie; yea, I pray that your Raigne may be both prosperous and quiet, and that for the quietnesse which Christs Members, before persecuted, have received under you. But yet if I should flatter your Majesty, I were no friend, but a deceivable tray∣tor; and therefore in conscience I am compelled to say, That neither the consent of the people, the processe of time, nor multitude of men, can establish a Law which God shall approve; but whatsoever he appro∣veth by his Eternall Word, that shall be approved, and stay constantly firme; and whatsoever he condemneth, shall be condemned, though all men on earth should travell for the justification of the same. And there∣fore, Madame, the onely way to retain and keep the benefits of God, abundantly of late dayes poured upon you and your Realme, is unfain∣edly to render unto God, to his mercy, and undeserved grace, the whole glory of this your exaltation, forget your Birth, and all Title which hereupon doth hang; and consider deeply, How for fear of your life you did decline from God, and bow to Idolatry, going to Masse under your sister Mary her persecution of Gods Saints: Let it not appear a small offence in your eyes, That you have declined from Christ Jesus, in the day of your Battel: Neither yet would I that you should esteem that mercy to be vulgar and common which you have received, viz. That God hath covered your offence, Hath preserved your Person, when you were most unthankfull; And in the end, has exalted and raised you up, not onely from the dust, but also from the ports of death; to rule above his people, for comfort of his Kirk. It appertaineth to you therefore, to ground the justice of your Authority, not on that Law, which from yeer to yeer doth change, but upon the eternall providence of him, who contrary to the or∣dinary course of Nature,* 5.1 and without your deserving, hath exalted your head: If thus in Gods presence you humble your self; as in my heart I glorifie God for that rest granted to his afflicted Flock within England, under you a weak Instrument; so will I with tongue and pen justifie your Authority and Regiment, as the holy Ghost hath justified the same in Deborah, that blessed Mother in Israel. But if you neglect (as God for∣bid) these things, and shall begin to brag of your Birth, and to build your Authority and your Regiment upon your own Law; flatter you who so listeth, your felicity shall be short. Interpret my words in the best part, as written by him, who is no enemy to your Majestie. By divers Letters I have required to visite your Realme, not to seek my self, neither yet my own ease and benefit: which if you now refuse and deny me, I must remit my cause to God, adding this for conclusion, that commonly it is seen, That such as refuse the counsel of the faithfull (appear it never so sharp) are compelled to follow the deceit of flatterers to their own perdition.* 5.2 The mighty Spirit of the Lord Jesus move your heart to understand what is said, and give unto you the direction of his Spirit, and so rule you in all your actions and enter∣prises, that in you God may be glorified, his Kirk edified, and you your self, as a lively Member of the same, may be an example of vertue & god∣linesse of life to all others. So be it.

Of Edinb. 28 Iuly, 1559.

These Letters were directed by Alexander Whitlaw, a man that oft had hazarded himself, and all that he had for the Cause of God, and for his friends, being in danger for the same Cause. Within a day or two after the departing of the said Alexander, there came a Letter from Sir Henry Percie to Iohn Knox, requiring him to meet him at Annick the third day of August, for such affaires as he would not write nor yet communicate with any, but with the said Iohn himselfe, while he was preparing him∣selfe for the journey (for Secretary Cecill had appointed to have met him at Stampford) the French-men furiously came forth of Dumbar, of purpose to have surprised the Lords being in Edinburgh, as in the second Book be∣fore is declared, which stayed the journey of the said Iohn, till that God had delivered the innocents from that great danger, and then was he sent, having in his company M. Robert Hamilton, Minister of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, directed from the Lords with full Commission and Instructions to decline their whole case and estate wherein they stood. Their passage was from Pittenweame by sea, they arrived at Holy-Iland, and being adver∣tised that Sir Henry Percie was absent from the North; They addressed themselves to Sir Iames Crofts, then Captain of Barwick, and Warden of the East Marches of England. They shewed unto him their Credit and Commission; He received them courteously, and comforted them with his faithfull Counsell,* 5.3 which was, That they should travell no further, neither yet should they be seen in publike, and that for divers considera∣tions. First, The Queen Regent had her spies in England. Secondly, The Queen and the Councell that favoured our faction, would that all things should be secret so long as they might. And last, said he, I think it not expedient, that in such rarity of Preachers, ye two be any long time absent from the Lords of the Congregation. And therefore (said he) ye shall do best to commit to writing your whole minde and Credit, and I shall promise to you upon my honour, to have answer at you, and at the Lords again, before that ye your selves can be at London. And where that your Letters cannot expresse all things so fully, as your presence could, I shall supply the same, not onely by my pen, but also by my own presence, to such as will informe the Councell sufficiently of all things. The said Iohn and M. Robert followed his Councell (for it was faithfull, and proceeded of love at that time) they tarried with him very secretly within the Castle of Barwick two dayes. In the which time returned Alexander Whitlaw aforesaid, with answer to the Lords, and unto Iohn Knox. The tenour of whose Letter was this:

Master Cecils Letter to Iohn Knox.

Master Knox,

NOn est masculus neque f••min••, omnes enim ut ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Iesu benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino, & erit Dominus fiducia ejus. I have received you Letters, at the same time that I thought to have seen your selfe at Stamford. What is now hitherto the cause of your let, I know not. I forbeare to descend to the bottom of things, untill I may conferre with such one as ye are. And therefore if your chance shall be

hereafter to come hither, I wish you furnished with good Credit, and power, to make good resolution. Although my answer to the Lords of the Congregation be somewhat obscure, yet upon further understanding ye shall finde the matter plaine. I need to wish you no more prudencie then Gods grace, whereof God send you plentie. And so I end,

Sic subscribitur. Yours as a member of the same body in Christ, M. Cecill.

From Oxford the 28 of Iuly, 1559.

Albeit the said Iohn received this Letter at Barwick, yet would he answer nothing till that he had spoken with the Lords whom he found in Sterlin, and unto whom he delivered the answer sent from the Councell of England (for Alexander Whitlaw took sicknesse betwixt Barwick and Edinburgh, and was troubled by the Lord Seaton, as in the former Booke is declared) the answer sent by Master Cecill was so generall, that many amongst us despaired of any comfort to come from that Countrey. And therefore were determined that they would request no further. Iohn Knox laboured in the contrary, but he could prevaile no further, but that he should have licence and libertie to write as he thought best: And so took he upon him to answer for all, in forme as followeth.

Answer to Master Cecils writing.

TWo causes hindred me (Right Worshipfull) to visit you in any part in England. Before this no signification of your minde and plea∣sure was made unto me, for onely did Sir Henry Percie will me to come and speake with him, which conveniently at that time I could not do, by rea∣son that the French-men (which was the second cause of my stay) did then most furiously pursue us, while our company was dispersed, and then durst I not be absent for divers inconveniences; neither did I thinke my presence with you greatly necessary, considering that the matter (which I most desired) was opened and proposed. To the which I would have wished, That a more plaine and especiall answer should have been made. For albeit Master Whitlaw by his Credit, Master Kirkcaldie by his Letter, and I, both by Letters and by that which I had received from Sir Iames Crofts, did perswade your good mindes; yet could not the councell be otherwise perswaded, but that this alteration in France had altered your former purpose. It is not unknown what good will we three do beare to England: And therefore I wish, That rather your Pen, then our Credit, or any thing written to any of us, should assure the Lords and others, of your good mindes (who are now in number but five hun∣dred.) Unlesse that money be furnished without delay to pay the Soul∣diers for their service past, and to retaine another thousand foot-men, with three hundred horse-men; till some stay be had in this danger, these Gentle-men will be compelled to leave the fields. I am assured, as flesh may be of flesh, That some of them will take a very hard life, before that

ever they compose, either with the Queen Regent, or with France: but this I dare not promise at all, unlesse in they see greater forwardnesse. To support us, will appear excessive; and to break promise with France, will appear dangerous. But the losse of expences, in mine opinion, ought not to be esteemed from the first payment, neither yet the dan∣ger from the first appearance.* 7.1 France is most fervent to conquer us, and avoweth, That against us they will spend the Crown (so did mine own ears hear Butten Court bragge) But most assuredly I know, That unlesse by us they thought to make an entrie to you,* 7.2 that they would not buy our poverty at that price. They labour to cor∣rupt some of our great men by money (and some of our number are poore, as before I wrote, and cannot serve without support) some they threatned, and against others they have up one party in their owne Countrey. In this mean time, if ye lie by as neutralls, what will be the end, you may easily conjecture. And therefore, Sir, in the bowells of Christ Jesus, I require you to make plain answer, What the Gentlemen here may trust to, and what the Queens Majestie will do, may without long delay be put in execution. I rest in Christ Jesus.

Of Saint Iohn∣ston the day of, &c.

Answer with great expedition was returned to this Letter, desiring some men of credit to be sent to the Lords to Barwicke, for the receiving of the money for the first support, with promise, That if the Lords of the Congregation meant no otherwise then before they had written, and if they would enter into League with honest Conditions, they should neither lack men nor money to their just Causes. Upon this answer was directed from the Lords to Barwicke,* 7.3 Master Henry Balnaves, a man of good credit in both the Realmes; who suddenly returned with such a sum of money as served all the publike affairs till November next; when Iohn Cockburne of Ormeston, sent for the second support, and receiving the same, unhappily fell into the hands of the Earle Bothwell, was wounded, taken, and spoyled of a great Sum: upon which mischance, followed all the rest of the troubles before rehearsed. In the second Book preceding, we have declared how Secretary Leehington was di∣rected to England: But one thing before we have passed by: In that our greatest dejection, this order was taken; That the Duke, the Earle of Glencarne, Lord Boyd, Lord Uchiltrie, and their friends, should re∣maine together at Glasgow, for comfort of the Countrey, and for giving of answers, as occasion should require; and that the Earle of Arrane, the Lord Iames, the Earle of Rothesse, the Master of Lindsay, and their adherents, should continue together within Fyfe for the same cau∣ses, that advertisements might go from the one to the other, as need required.* 7.4 In the Negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the Queen and Councell of England (in the which he travelled with no lesse wisedom and faithfulnesse, then happy successe) many things occurred that required the resolution of the whole Lords.

After that the Queen and Councell of England had concluded to send their Army to Scotland for expelling of the French, the Duke of Norfolke

was sent to Barwick with full instructions, power and Commission to do in all things concerning the present affaires of Scotland, as the Queen and Councell in their own persons had power to do. Hereupon the said Duke required such a part of the Lords of Scotland, as had power and Com∣mission from the whole, to meet him at such a day and place as pleased them to appoint. This advertisement came first to Glasgow by the meanes of the Master of Maxwell: Which read and considered by the Lords, conclusion was taken that they would meet at Carleil, and that was the procurement of the said Master of Maxwell for his ease. Hereupon were Letters directed from the Lords being in Glasgow, to Lord Iames, requi∣ring him with all possible expedition to repaire towards them, for the purpose aforesaid. Which Letters read and advised upon, commandment was given to Iohn Knox to make the answer. For so it was appointed at division of the Lords, that he should answer for the part of those that were in Fyfe; and M. Henry Balnaves for the part of them that abode at Glasgow. The said Iohn answered as followeth.

To the Duke, and the other Lords at Glasgow.

AFter humble commendation of my service: Albeit I have writ∣ten more then once to Master Henry Balnaves, what things have misliked me in your slow proceedings, as well in supporting your bre∣thren, who many dayes have sustained extreame danger in these parts, as in making provision how the enemie might have been annoyed, who lay few in number, nigh to your Quarters in Sterlin. And in making like∣wise provision, how the expectation of our friends, who long have waited for your answer, might have been satisfied. Albeit (I say) that of these things I have before complained, yet, in conscience, I am compelled to signifie unto your Honours, That unlesse of these and other enormities I shall see some redresse, I am assured, That the end shall be such,* 8.1 as godly men shall mourne, that a good Cause shall perish for lacke of Wisdome and Diligence. In my last Letters to Master Henry Balnaves, I declared, That your especiall friends in Eng∣land wonder, that no greater expedition is made, the weight of the matter being considered. If the fault be in the Duke and his friends, I wrote also, That the greatest losse should be his and theirs in the end. And now I cannot cease, both to wonder and lament, That your whole Councell was so destitute of Wisdome and Discretion, as to charge this poore man the Priour, to come to you to Glasgow, and there∣after to go to Carleil, for such affaires as are to be handled. Was there none amongst you who did foresee what inconveniences might ensue his absence from these parts? I cease to speake of the dangers by the ene∣mie. Your friends have lyen in your Haven now fifteene dayes past, (what was their former travell it is not unknowne) they have never re∣ceived comfort of any man (him onely excepted) more then if they had lyen upon the coast of their mortall enemy. Do ye not consider, That such a company shall need comfort and provision from time to time? Remove him, and who abideth there who carefully will travell in that or any

other weighty matter in these parts? Did ye not farther consider, That he that had begun to meddle with the Gentlemen, who have declared them∣selves back-friends heretofore; and also that order should have been taken for such as have been neutrall; now by reason of his absence, the one shall escape without admonition, and the other shall be at their own liber∣ty. I am assured that the enemy shall not sleep, neither in that, nor in other affairs, to undermine you and your whole Cause, and especially to hurt this part of the Countrey, to revenge their former folly. If none of these former causes should have moved you to have considered that such a jour∣ney (at such a time) was not meet for him, neither yet for them that must accompany him: yet discreet men would have considered, that the men that have lien in their jacks, and travelled their horses continuall the space of a moneth, required some longer rest, first to themselves, then but especially to their horses, before they had been charged to such a journey, as yet they have not had. The Priour may for satisfaction of your unrea∣sonable mindes, enterprise the purpose; but I am assured he shall not be able to have six honest men in all Fyfe to accompany him; and how that either standeth with your Honors, or with his safety, judge ye your selves. But yet wonder it is, that ye did not consider, To what pain and griefe shall ye put our friends of England, especially the Duke of Norfolk and his Councell, whom ye shall cause to travell the most wearisome and troublesome way that is in England. In mine opinion, whosoever gave you that counsell, either lacked right judgement in things to be done, or else had too much respect to his own ease, and too small regard to the travell and damage of their brethren. A common cause, requireth a common concurrence, and that every man bear his burden proportiona∣ble. But prudent and indifferent men espie the contrary in this cause, e∣specially of late dayes; for the weakest are most grievously charged, and they to whom the matter most belongeth, and to whom justly greatest burden is due, are exempted in a manner, both from travell and expen∣ces. To speak the matter plainly, wise men do wonder, what the Dukes friends do mean, that they are so slack and backward in this cause; In other actions they have been judged stout and forward, and in this, which is the greatest that ever he or they had in hand, they appear desti∣tute both of grace and courage. I am not ignorant that they that are most inward of his counsell,* 8.2 are enemies to God, and therefore cannot but be enemies to this Cause. But wonder it is, That he and his other friends should not consider, That the losse of this godly enterprise, shall be the rooting out of them and their posterity from this Realme. Considering, my Lords, That by Gods providence ye are joyned with the Duke in this common Cause, admonish him plainly of the danger to come, will him to beware of the counsell of those that are plainly infected with Superstition,* 8.3 with Pride, and with the ve∣nome of particular profit: which if he do not at your admonition, he shall smart before he be aware. And if ye cease to put him in minde of his duty, it may be that for your silence ye shall drinke some portion of the plague with him. Take my plain speaking, as proceeding from him that is not your enemy, being also uncertaine,

when I shall have occasion to write hereafter. God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ assist you with the Spirit of wisedom and fortitude, that to his glory, and to your Lordships common comfort, ye may performe that thing which godlily was once begun, Amen.

From Saint Andrewes the 6 of February in haste, 1559.

Sic subscribitur, Your Lordships to command in godlinesse, J. K.

Upon the receit of this Letter, and consultation had hereupon, a new conclusion was taken; to wit, That they would visite the said Duke of Norfolke at Barwicke where he was. Thus far we have digressed from the text of our History, to let the Posterity that shall follow understand by what instruments God wrought the familiarity and friendship that after we found in England. Now we returne to our former History.

The parts of Fyfe set at freedom from the Bondage of these bloody worms, solemne thanks were given in S. Andrews unto God for his migh∣ty deliverance. Shortly after the Earle of Arrane and Lord Iames ap∣prehended the Lairds of Wemes, Seafield, Bawgony, Durie, and others, that assisted the French, but they were set shortly at freedom upon such condi∣tions, as they minded never to keep, for such men have neither faith nor honesty. Master Iames Balfour, who was the greatest practiser, and had drawn the Band of the Balfours, escaped. The English Ships daily mul∣tiplied, till that they were able to keep the whole Fyrth, whereat the French and Queen Regent enraged, began to execute their tyranny upon the parts of Lowthiane that lay nigh to Edinburgh. Let M. David Borth∣wicke witnesse what favour his wife and place of Adeston found of the French, for all the service that he did to the Queen Regent.

In the midst of February were directed to England, from the Duke and the Congregation, the Lord Iames, Lord Ruthuen, the Mast of Maxwell, the Master of Lindsay, Master Henry Balnaves, and the Laird of Pittarrow; who with their honest companies and Commission departed by Sea all, except the Master of Maxwell, to Barwicke; Where there met them the Duke of Norfolke, Lieutenant to the Queen of England, and with him a great company of the Gentlemen of the North, with some also of the South, having full power to contract with the Nobility of Scotland, as they did, upon such Conditions as are in the same Contract specified: and because we have heard the malicious tongues of wicked men make false report of that our fact, we have faithfully and truely inserted in this our History the said Contract, as well that which was made at Leith, during the siege, as that which was first made at Barwicke, that the memory thereof may abide to our Posterity, to the end that they may judge with indifferency, Whether that we have done any thing prejudiciall to our Common-wealth, or yet contrarious unto the dutifull obedience which true subjects owe to their Superiours;* 8.4 whose Authority ought to defend and maintain the Liberty and Freedom of the Realms committed to their Charge, and not to oppresse and betray the same to stranger. The Te∣nour of our Contract followeth:

The Contract at Barwick.

JAMES, Duke of Chattellarault, Earle of Arrane, Lord Hamilton, and others of the Councell, Nobility, and principall States of Scotland;

To all and sundry whose knowledge these presents shall come, Greeting.

We have well considered, and are fully perswaded, in what danger, deso∣lation, and misery, the long enmity with the Kingdom of England hath brought our Countrey heretofore: how wealthie and flourishing it shall become, if those two Kingdoms, as they are joyned in one Island by Creation of the World, so they may be knit in a constant and assured friendship. The considerations grounded upon a most infallible Trueth, ought no lesse to have moved our Progenitours and for fathers then us. But the present danger hanging over our heads, by the unjust dealing of those, of whom we have alwayes best deserved, hath caused us to weigh them more earnestly then they did. The misbehaviour of the French Monsieurs, I had almost said Monsters, here, hath of late yeers been so great. The oppressions and crueltie of the Souldiers, the tyrannie and am∣bition of their Superiours and Rulers, so grievous to the people, the vio∣lent subversion of our liberty, and conquest of the land, whereat they have by most crafty and subtill means continually pressed, hath been, I say, so intollerable to us all, that at last when we could not obtain re∣dresse by humble suits, and earnest supplications presented to the Queen Dowager, who both for duties sake, and place, she doth occupie, ought to have been most carefull of our state, we have been by very necessitie constrained, not onely to assay our own Forces, but also to implore the Queens Majestie of Englands aide and support, which her Majestie hath most willingly granted, upon certain conditions specified in a Treaty past at Barwick, betwixt the Duke of Norfolk, Lieutenant to her Majestie, on the one part, and certain our Commissioners on the other part, whereof the Tenour followeth. At Barwick the 27 day of February, the yeer of our Lord God 1559 yeers▪ It is appointed, and finally Contracted, betwixt the noble and mighty, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Earle Marshall of Eng∣land, and Lieutenant to the Queens Majestie of the said Realm, in the Name and behalf of her Highnesse on the one part; and the Right Ho∣nourable Lord Iames Stewart, Patrick Lord Ruthuen, Sir Iohn Maxwell of Terregles, Knight, William Maitland of Lethington younger, Iohn Wischarde of Pittarrow, and Master Henry Balnaves of Halhill; in name and behalf of the Noble and Mighty Iames, Duke of Chattellarault of Scotland, and the Lords of the Congregation, joyned together in this Cause, for main∣tenance and defence of the ancient Rights and Liberties of their Countrey on the other part, in forme as after followeth: That is to say, That the Queen having sufficiently understood, as well by information sent from the Nobility of Scotland, as by the proceedings of the French, that they in∣tend to conquer the Realm of Scotland, suppresse the liberty thereof, and unite the same unto the Crown of France perpetually, contrary to the Laws of the said Realm, and the Pacts, Oathes, and Promises of France. And be∣ing thereto most humbly and earnestly required by the said Nobility; for, and in the name of the whole Realm, shall accept the said Realm of Scot∣land

the said Nobility and subjects thereof into her Majesties protection and maintenance, onely for preservation of the same in their own free∣doms and liberties, and from conquest, during the time that the Marriage shall continue betwixt the Queen of Scots and the French King, and a yeer after: And for expelling out of the same Realme of such as present∣ly and apparently goeth about to practice the said Conquest, her Majesty shall with all speed send into Scotland a convenient aide of men of War, both Horse and Foot, to joyn with the power of Scotish men, with Ar∣tillery, Munition, and all other Instruments of War meet for that purpose, as well by Sea as by Land, not onely to expell the present Power of the French within that Realme oppressing the same, but also to stop, as far as conveniently may be, all greater Forces of French to enter therein, for the like purpose, and shall continue her Majesties ayd to the said Realme, Nobility, and subjects of the same, unto the time the French (being ene∣mies to the said Realme) be utterly expelled hence; and shall never trans∣act, compose, nor agree with the French, nor conclude any League with them, except the Scots and the French shall be agreed, that the Realme of Scotland may be left in a due freedom by the French; nor shall leave the maintenance of the said Nobility and subjects, whereby they might fall as a prey into their enemies hands, as long as they shall acknowledge their Soveraigne Lady the Queen, and shall endeavour their selves to maintain the liberty of their Countrey, and the State of the Crowne of Scotland. And if in case any Forts or Strengths within the Realme be won out of the hands of the French at this present, or at any time here∣after by her Majesties ayd, the same shall be immediately demolished by the Scotish-men, or delivered to the said Nobility aforesaid, at their option and choice; neither shall the power of England fortifie within the ground of Scotland, being out of the bounds of England, but by the ad∣vice of the Duke, Nobility, and States of Scotland. For the which cau∣ses, and in respect of her Majesties most gentle clemency, and liberall support, the said Nobility, as well such as be joyned, as such as shall hereafter joyn with them already joyned, for the defence of the liberty of that Realme, shall to the uttermost of their power ayd and support her Majesties Army against the French and their partakers, with Horse-men and Foot-men, and with Victualls, by Land and Sea, with all manner of other ayd, to the best of their power, and so shall continue during the time that her Majesties Army shall remain in Scotland.

Item, They shall be enemies to all such Scotish men and French as shall in any wise shew themselves enemies to the Realm of England,* 9.1 for the ayding and supporting of the said Nobility in the delivery of the Realme of Scotland from Conquest. Item, They shall never assent nor permit that the Realme of Scotland shall be conquered, or otherwise knit to the Crown of France, then it is at this present, onely by Marriage of the Queen their Soveraign to the French King, and it be ruled by the Laws and Liberties of the Realme, as it ought to be. Item, In case the French-men shall at any time hereafter invade, or cause to be invaded the Realme of England, they shall furnish the number of two thousand Horse-men, and one thousand Foot-men at the least, or such part

of either of them, at the charge of the Queen of England, and shall con∣duct the same to passe from the borders of Scotland, next England, upon her Majesties charges, to any part of the Realme of England, for defence of the same. And in case the invasion be on the North parts of England, on the North side of the water of Tyne towards Scotland, or against Bar∣wick, on the North side of the water of Tweid. They shall convene and gather their whole Forces upon their owne charges, and shall joyne with the English power, and shall continue in good and earnest pursuite of the Quarrell of England, during the space of thirty dayes, or so much longer, as they were accustomed to tarry in the fields for defence of Scot∣land. At the commandment of their Soveraignes at any time by past: and also the Earle of Argyle: Lord Justice of Scotland, being presently joyned with the rest, shall imploy his force and good will, where he shall be required by the Queens Majestie to reduce the North parts of Ire∣land to the perfect obedience of England,* 9.2 conforme to a mutuall and re∣ciproque contract to be made betwixt her Majesties Lieutenant or Depu∣tie of Ireland being for the time, and the said Earle; wherein shall be con∣tained what he shall do for his part, and what the said Lieutenant or De∣putie shall do for his support, in case he shall have to do with Iames Mack∣conell, or any others of the Isles of Scotland, or Realme of Ireland. For performance and sure keeping whereof, they shall for their part come to the said Duke of Norfolk, the pledges presently named by him, before the entry of her Majesties Armie in Scottish ground, to remain in England for the space of six moneths, and to be there exchanged upon deliverance of new hostages, of like, or as good condition as the former; or being the lawfull sons, brethren, or heires of any of the Peers or Barons of Parlia∣ment, that have, or hereafter shall shew themselves and persist open ene∣mies to the French in this quarrell, and so forth from six moneths to six moneths, or foure moneths to foure moneths, as shall best please the par∣tie of Scotland. And the time of continuance of the hostages, shall be du∣ring the marriage of the Queen of Scots to the French King, and a yeere after the dissolution of the said Marriage, untill further order may be had betwixt both the Realmes, for Peace and Concord. And furthermore, the said Nobility, being Peers and Barons of Parliament joyned together, shall subscribe and seale these Articles and agreement, within the space of twenty or thirty dayes at the uttermost, next following the day of the delivering of the said hostages, and shall also procure and perswade all others of the Nobility that shall joyne themselves heereafter with the said Lords for the cause above-specified, likewise to subscribe and seale those Articles, at any time after the space of twenty dayes after their conjuncti∣on, upon requisition made by them on the partie of the Queens Majestie of England. And finally, the said Nobility joyned together, certainly perceiving that the Queens Majestie of England is thereunto moved, onely upon respect of Princely honour and neighbourhood, for defence of the freedom of Scotland from Conquest, and not of any other sinister intent, doth by these presents testifie and declare, That they, nor any of them, mean by this agreement to withdraw any due obedience to the Soveraign Lady the Queen, nor in any lawfull thing to withstand the French King

her husband and head, that during the marriage shall not tend to the sub∣version and oppression of the just and ancient Liberties of the said King∣dom of Scotland. For preservation whereof, both for their Soveraigns honour, and for the continuance of the Kingdom in its ancient state, they acknowledge themselves bound to spend their Goods, Lands, and Lives. And for performance of this present Contract for the part of England, the Queens Majestie shall confirm the same, and all Clauses therein con∣tained, by her Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England, to be de∣livered to the Nobility of Scotland, upon the entrie of the Pledges a∣foresaid, within the ground of England. In Witnesse whereof, the said Duke of Norfolke hath subscribed these Points, and thereunto affixed his Seal, the day, yeer, and place aforesaid. Which Contract we finde ho∣nest and reasonable; and that our said Commissioners therein hath consi∣derately respected the Common-weale of this Realme, of us, and our posterity; And therefore do ratifie, allow, confirme and approve the same, with all Clauses and Articles therein contained by these Presents. In Witnesse hereof we have subscribed the same with our Hands and sealed with our Seals of Arms in such causes accustomed are appended.

At the Camp before Leith the tenth day of May, the year of God 1560 yeers.

Follow the Subscriptions.

The Subscriptions.

• The Duke of Chattellarault.
• Earle of Arrane.
• Earle of Glencarne.
• Earle of Rothesse.
• Earl of Argyle.
• Earle of Huntlie.
• Earle of Morton.
• Earle of Menteth.
• Lord Ogilbye.
• Lord Iames Steward.
• ...Alexander Gordon.
• Lord Boyd.
• Lord Uchiltrie.
• Gawin Hamilton of Kilwinning.
• Abbot of Culrosse.
• Lord Bothwike.
• Lord of Saint Iohn.
• Lord Iohn Abirbr••thok.
• Lord Simmerwaile.
• Lord Robert Steward.
• Abbot of Kynlosse.
• Iames Stewart of Saint Colmes Inche.

The Instructions given, subscribed, to the said Commissioners following:

• 1. IN the first place, if it shall be asked of you by the Duke of Norfolk, and by other the Queens Majesties appointed Commissioners, If your Pledges be in readinesse; ye shall answer, That they are, and in Saint An∣drews the 25 of this instant, and shal be ready to be delivered in Hostage for security of our promises and part of the contract, they offering and making security for their part by the Queenes Majesties Subscription aud Great Seal, and delivering the same unto you. Providing, That they choose and make their election of the Pledges as is commoned.
• 2. Secondly, If the said Commissioners shall demand of you, What enterprise the Army of England shall take in hand at their first incoming;

• Ye shall answer in generall; The expulsion of the French Souldiers out of this Realme; and first and in especiall, out of the Town of Leith, seeing their great Forces are there.
• 3. Item, If it shall be asked of you; At what place our friends and brethren of England shall be met?* 10.1 And, at what day? What number? And, What Noble-men in company? Ye shall referre all these things to their election and choice.
• 4. Item, If it shall be asked of you, How the Armies shall be furnished with Victuals, and especially the Horse-men? Ye shall answer, That with their advice sufficient order shall be taken therein.
• 5. Item, If it be required, How the Munition shall be carried, and oxen furnished to that effect? You shall answer, as we have given in Com∣mission to Lethington, which we ratifie.
• 6. Item, If it shall be asked, Who shall be Lieutenant to the Army of Scotland? Ye shall answer, The Duke of Chattellarault.
• 7. Item, If it shall be enquired, What number our whole Army extends to? Ye shall answer, They will be, God willing, five thousand men.
• 8. Item, If it shall be asked, What manner of way Leith shall be as∣saulted? Ye shall desire all preparations to be in readinesse, and the ad∣vice to be taken after the placing of the Armies, and view of the strength shortly.
• 9. Item, If it shall be asked concerning the Castle of Edinburgh, If they will stand friends or not? Ye shall declare our diligence made, and to be made shortly▪ herein; but for the present we can assure them of nothing.
• 10. Item, If it be asked, In case the Castle be enemy, Where the Ar∣mie shall be placed? Ye shall answer, For the first in Muschilbrough and Tranent, and those parts, till the Batterie and all preparations be in rea∣dinesse.
• 11. Item, In case it be enquired of all by-lyers and neutrals, and in especiall of the Lord of Huntley, and the North? Ye shall answer in generall; A good hope is had of the most part thereof: And touching the Lord of Huntley in especiall, Ye shall shew how he hath sent Writings to my Lord of Arrane, with a servant of credit, to assure him of his assistance. And for that cause hath desired Letters of suspension of the Queen Do∣wagers Commission to be sent to him to be used in those parts; and other Letters to arrest the Clergies Rents and Hires, both in those parts; With Proclamations to cause all men to be in readinesse to passe forwards for maintaining of the Religion, and expulsing of strangers. The Nobility hath written to him, That he may come to him in proper person; Where∣of the answer is not returned as yet.
• 12. Item, If it shall be asked the place and manner of meeting of our folks, or of us and them, in case Sterlin be kept? We refer the answer here∣of to your discretions.
• 13. Item, If it shall be asked, That their leaden money shall have pas∣sage for their necessities? Ye shall reason the commodity and discommo∣dity thereof with the Councell.
• 14. Item, If it shall be asked, What Pioners shall be had? Ye shall answer,

• the number being expressed, and money in readinesse to so sold or pay them, They shall have sufficiencie.
• 15. Item, If they shall desire, That we declare our causes unto the Princes of Almaigne and the King of Denmark or Germany, desiring their assistance; Ye shall answer, That we think the same good, and shall speedily take order therewith.
• 16. Item, If it shall be desired of you to confirme for us and in our name the things past and granted by our former Commissioner, the young Laird of Lethington: Ye shall in all points for us, and in our name, con∣firme the same, so far as it shall make either for the weale and conjunction of the two Realms, or this present Cause, or yet for the security of our part for fulfilling of the same. And as ye shall accept their offers tending to the same end; and such security on that part as ye may purchase, and especially such as we have heretofore expressed: Given at Glasgow the 10. of February 1559.
• 17. Item, We give and grant you full power to augment or diminsh the said Heads and Articles, as ye think the weale of the cause shall require in all points.

Sic subscribitur.

• Iohn of Menteth.
• Andrew of Rothesse.
• ...R. Boyd.
• William Murray of Tulibarn.
• Iohn Erskin of Dun.
• ...Iames Hamilton.
• ...Alexander Gordon.
• ...Alexander Argyle.
• ...Glencarne.
• ...Uchiltrie.
• ...Iames Haliburntoun.

Shortly after this Contract were our pledges delivered to Master Winter Admirall of the Navie, that came to Scotland, a man of great honestie, so farre as ever we could espie in him; who were safely conveyed to New∣castle, and so the English Armie by land began to assemble towards the border. Whereof the French and Queen Regent assured, they began to destroy what they could in the Towns and Countrey about: for the whole Victuals they carried to Leith, the Mills they brake, the Sheep, Oxen and Kine, yea the Horses of poore Labourers all made they to serve their Ty∣rannie. And finally, they left nothing which the very enemies could have devised,* 10.2 except that they demolished not Gentlemens houses, and burnt not the Town of Edinburgh. In which point God bridled their fury, to let his afflicted understand, That he took care for them. Before the com∣ming of the Land Armie, the French past to Glasgow, and destroyed the Countrey thereabout. What tyrannie Marticks used upon a poore Scottish Souldier, it is fearefull to heare, and yet his fact may not be omitted.* 10.3 Silver would they give none to the poore man, and they were so slow to depart out of the Towne; That albeit the Drum stroke, the Ensigne could not be gotten. There was a poore Crafts-man, who had bought for his Victuals a brown Loaf, and was eating a morsell of it, and was putting the rest of it into his bosome. The Tyrant came to him, and with the poore wretches own dagger first stroke him in the brest, and after threw it at him, and so the poore man staggering

and falling, the mercilesse tyrant ran him thorow with his Rapier, and thereafter commanded him to be hanged over the stayre. Lord thou wilt look and recompence such Tyranny, how contemptible soever the person was.

The second of April,* 10.4 the yeer of our Lord 1560. the Army of the Land entred into Scotland, the conducting whereof was committed to the Lord Gray, who had in his company the Lord Scrope, Sir Iames Crofts, Sir Henry Percie, Sir Francis Lake, with many other Captains and Gentle∣men, having charge some of Foot-men, and some of Horse-men. The Army by Land was esteemed ten thousand men. The Queen Regent past to the Castle of Edinburgh, and some others of her faction: At Preston met them, the Duke, the Earle of Argyle (Huntlie came not till that the siege was confirmed) Lord Iames, the Earle of Glencarne, and Menteth, Lords Ruthuen, Boyd, Uchiltrie, with all the Protestants, Gentlemen of the West, Fyfe, Angus, and Mearnes, so that in few dayes the Army was great. After the deliberation of two dayes had at Inneresk, the whole Camp marched forward with Ordnance, and all preparations necessary for the siege, and came to Lestarrig the Palme Sunday Even. The French had put themselves in Battell Aray upon the Linkes without Leith, and sent forth their skirmishers; who beginning before ten of the clock, continued skirmishing till after four of the clock at afternoon, when there was given upon them a charge by some Horse-men of Scot∣land, and some of England: But because the principall Captaine of the Horse-men of England was not present, the whole Troops durst not charge, and so was not the overthrow and slaughter of the French so great as it once appeared to have been; for the great Battell was once at the trot; but when it perceived that the great Force of Horse-men stood still, and charged not, they returned, and gave some rescue to their fellows that fled; and so there fell onely in that defeat about three hundred French-men. God would not give the Victory so suddenly, lest that man should glory in his owne strength. The small Victory that was gotten,* 10.5 put both the English and Scotish in over-great security, as the issue declared. The French enclosed within the Towne, the English Army began to plant their Pavilions be∣twixt Leith and Lestarrig. The Ordnance of the Towne, and especi∣ally that which lay upon Saint Anthonies Steeple, did them great an∣noyance; against which place were bent eight Cannons, which shot so continually, and so just, that within few dayes that the Stee∣ple was condemned, and all the Ordnance that was on it discomfi∣ted, which made the English-men somewhat more negligent, then it became good men of War to have been: For perceiving that the French made no pursuit without their Walls, they tooke an opi∣nion that they should never issue more, and that made some of the Captaines for pastime go to the Towne. The Souldiers for their ease laid their Armour beside them, and as men without danger, fell to the Dice and Cards; and so upon the Easter Munday, at the very houre of noon, the French issued both upon Horse and Foot, and with great violence entred within the English Trenches,

slue and put to flight all that was found therein. The Watch was neg∣ligently kept, and so were the Succours slow and long in coming; For the French, before that any resistance was made unto them, approached hard to the great Ordnance: But then the Horse-men trooped together, and the Foot-men gat themselves in Aray, and so repulsed the French back again to the Town; but the slaughter was great, some say it dou∣ble exceeded that which the French received the first day. And this was the fruit of their security and ours, which after was remedied: For the English men most wisely considering themselves not able to besiege the Town round about, devised to make Mounts at divers quarters of it, in the which they and their Ordnance lay in as good strength, as they did within the Town: The common souldiers kept the Trenches, and had the said mountains for their saveguard and refuge, in case of any greater pursuit then they were able to sustain. The patience and stout courage of the English men,* 10.6 but principally of the Horse-men, is wor∣thy of all praise: For where was it ever heard, That eight thousand (they never exceeded that number that lay in Camp) should besiege four thousand of the most desperate throat-cutters that were to be found in Europe, and to lie nigh unto them in daily skirmishing, the space of three moneths and more? The Horse-men night and day kept Watch, and did so valiantly behave themselves, that the French gat no advan∣tage, from that day back to the day of the assault, whereof we shall shortly hear. In this mean time was this other Band made of all the Nobility, Barons, and Gentlemen professing Christ Jesus in Scotland, and of divers others that joyned with us, for expelling of the French, a∣mongst whom the Earle of Huntlie was a prime man. The Band fol∣loweth.

The last Band at Leith.

AT Edinburgh the seven and twentieth of April, the yeer of our Lord 1560 yeers,

* 11.1

We whose names are under-written, have pro∣mised and obliged our selves faithfully in the presence of God,* 11.2 and by these Presents do promise, That we together in generall, and every one of us in speciall by himself, with our bodies, goods, friends, and all that we can do, shall set forward the Reformation of Religion, accord∣ing to Gods Word, and procure by all means possible, that the Truth of Gods Word may have free passage within this Realme, with due Ad∣ministration of the Sacraments, and all things depending upon the said Word, and such like; deeply weighing with our selves the misbehavi∣our of the French Ministers here, the intolerable oppression committed by the French men of War upon the poor subjects of this Realme, by maintenance of the Queen Dowager, under colour and pretence of Au∣thority: The tyranny of their Captains and Leaders, and manifest dan∣ger of Conquest, in which this Countrey at this present standeth, by reason of divers Fortifications upon the Sea-coast, and other novelties of late attempted by them; promising, That we shall each one with another, all of us, together with the Queen of Englands Army, present∣ly come in for our deliverance, effectually concurre, joyn in one,

take and hold one plain part for expulsion of the said strangers, oppres∣sors of our Liberty, forth out of this Realme, and recovery of our an∣cient Freedoms and Liberties, to the end that in time coming, we may under the obedience of the King and Queen our Soveraigns be onely ruled by the Laws and Customs of the Countrey, and borne men of the Land; And that never one of us shall have privy intelligence, by wri∣ting, message, or communication with any of our enemies or adversaries in this Cause, but by advice of the rest (at least of five) of the counsell. Again, That we shall tender the common Cause, as if it were the cause of every one of us in particular: And that the causes of every one of us now joyned together being lawfull and honest, shall be all our cau∣ses in generall; And that he that is enemy to the Cause aforesaid, shall be enemy to us all, in so far, That what person soever will plainly resist these our godly enterprises, and will not concur as a good and true mem∣ber of this our Common-wealth, we shall fortifie the said Authority of the Councell,* 11.3 to reduce them to their duty, like as we shall fortifie the said Authority of the Councell in all things tending to the furtherance of the said Causes. And if any particular debate, quarrell, or contro∣versie shall arise, for whatsoever cause that is past, present, or to come, betwixt any of us (as God forbid) in that case, we shall submit our selves, and our said questions, to the decision of the Councell, or to Arbitrators to be named by them, &c. Providing always, That this be not prejudiciall to the ordinary Jurisdiction of Judges, but that men may pursue their Actions by order of Law, Civilly or Criminally, as it pleaseth them.

This Contract and Band came not onely to the ears, but also to the sight of the Queen Dowager: whereat she stormed not a little, and said, The malediction of God I give unto them that counselled me to persecute the Prea∣chers, and to refuse the Petitions of the best part of the true subjects of this Realm.* 11.4 It was said to me, That the English Army could not continue in Scot∣land ten dayes; but now they have lien neer a moneth, and are more like to remain,* 11.5 then they were at the first day that they came. They that gave information to the Queen, spake as worldly wise men, and as things appeared to have been; for the Countrey being almost in all the parts thereof wasted, the Victuals next adjacent to Leith, either brought into their Provision, or else destroyed; the Mills, and other places, as before is said, being cast down, it appeared that the Camp could not have been furnished (except it had been by their own Ships; and as that could not have been of any long continuance,* 11.6 so should it have been little com∣fortable.) But God confounded all worldly wisedom, and made his own Benediction as evidently to appear, as if in a manner he had fed the Army from above: For all kinde of Victuall there was more a∣boundant, and at more easie prices in the Camp all the time that it lay, after that eight dayes were past, then either they have been in Edin∣burgh any of two yeers before, or it hath been in this Towne to this day, the 20 of May, Anno 1566.

The people of Scotland so much abhorred the tyranny of the French, that they would have given the substance that they had, to have been rid of that chargeable burthen, which our sinnes had pro∣voked God to lay upon us, in delivering and giving into the hands of a woman, whom our Nobility in their foolishnesse sold unto strangers, and with her the Liberty of this Realme. God for his great mercy sake pre∣serve us yet from further Bondage, in which we are like to fall, if he provide not remedy;* 11.7 for our Nobility will yet remain blinde still, and will follow their affecti∣on, come after what so may. But to returne to our History. The Camp a∣bounding in all necessary Provision, order was taken for continuation of the Siege; and so the Trenches were drawn as neer the Town as possibly they might. The great Camp removed from Lestarrig, to the West side of the water of Leith; and so were the Cannons planted for the Batte∣ry, and did shoot at the Southwest wall: But by reason all was earth, the Breach was not made so great upon the day, but that it was suffici∣ently repaired upon the night: whereof the English-men beginning to be weary, determined to give the Breach an Assault, as that they did up∣on the seventh day of May, beginning before the day light, and conti∣nued till it was nigh seven a clock. And albeit that the English and Scot∣tish with great slaughter of the Souldiers of both were repulsed, yet was there never a sharper assault given by so few hands; for they exceed∣ed not a thousand men, that assaulted the whole two quarters of the Town, and yet they damned the whole Block-house, yea, they once put the French clean off their Walls, and were upon both the East and West Block-house, but they lacked backing, for their Scales lacked six quar∣ters of the just height; And so while the former were compelled to fight upon the top of the wall, their fellows could not joyn to support them, and so were they by multitude driven back again, when it was once thought that the Town was won. Sir Iames Crofts was blamed of many for not doing his duty that day, for he was appointed with a suf∣ficient number of the most able men, to have assaulted the Northwest quarter upon the Sea side, where at a low water (as at the time of the assault it was) the passage was easie.* 11.8 But neither he nor his approached to their quarter appointed. He had before at the first coming in, spoken with the Queen Regent, at the fair Block-house of the Castle of Edin∣burgh: Whether she had enchanted him or not, we know not, but by suspition of that day in which he deceived the expectation of many, and so farre as man could judge, was the cause of that great repulse; some ascribed the shortnesse of the Ladders to him; but that omitted which might have proceeded of negligence, his absence from the pur∣suit of his Quarter, was the cause that such French as were appointed there to defend, seeing no pursuer came to the relief of their fellowes, and so they two joyning together, with great slaughter gave the repulse to our Company. The French-mens harlots, of whom the most part were Scotish whores, did no lesse cruelty then did the Souldiers: For besides that they charged their Pieces, and ministred unto them other weapons, some continually cast stones, some carried Chim∣neyes of burning fire, some brought Timber and other impediments

of weight, which with great violence they threw over the wall upon our men, but especially when they began to turn back. Now albeit in all this we acknowledge,* 11.9 to be the secret work of God, who by such means would beat down as well the pride of England as of Scotland, yet neither ought the feeblenesse nor falshood of man be excused, neither yet the crueltie of the adversaries concealed. The Queen Regent sat all the time of the assault (which was both terrible and long) upon the fore-Wall of the Castle of Edinburgh, and when she perceived the overthrow of us, and that the Ensignes of the French were again displayed upon the Walls, she gave a gawfe of laughter, and said; Now will I go to the Masse, and praise God for that which mine eyes have seen. And so was Frier Black ready for that purpose, whom she her selfe a little before had deprehended with his Harlot in the Chappell. But Whoredom and Idolatry agree well toge∣ther, and that our Court can witnesse this day, the 16 of May 1566. The French proud of the Victory,* 11.10 stripped naked all the slain, and laid their dead carkases before the hot Sun along the wall, where they suffered them to lie more dayes then one: Unto the which, when the Queen Re∣gent looked,* 11.11 for mirth, she leapt, and said; Yonder is the fairest tapistrie that ever I saw, I would that the whole fields that is betwixt this place and you were strowed with the same stuffe. This fact was seen of all, and her words were heard of some, and it was misliked of many. Against the which Iohn K••ox spake openly in Pulpit, and boldly affirmed, That God should revenge that contumelie done to his Image, which not onely in the furious and godlesse Souldiers, but even in such as rejoyced thereat. And the very experience declared, That he was not deceived: For within few dayes af∣ter (yea, some say, that same day) began her belly and loathsome legs to swell, and so continued, till that God did in his wisdome take her away from this world, as after we shall heare.

After the Defeat received, the Queen Regent and her faction were fully perswaded that the Siege would rise, and that the English Armie would depart. And so began the Papists wonderously to brag; and yet God did frustrate their expectation: for the Armie concluded to remaine, till new advertisement came from the Queen and Counsell.* 11.12 The Duke of Norfolk, who then lay at Barwick, commanded the Lord Gray to con∣tinue the Siege; and promised, That he should not lack men, so long as any were to be had betwixt Trent and Twead, for so far was he Lieutenant: he further promised his own presence, in case he should be required, and for assurance thereof, he sent his own Tents, such as seldome before had been seen in Scotland, with his Officers and provision. And with expedi∣tion were sent two thousand fresh men, whereby the Camp greatly com∣forted, began to forget the former discomfiture, and to sustain the daily skirmishing, as they did before: In the which, the French after the day of the assault did ever receive the hurt, and the repulse, as the slaugh∣ter of many that came to the Cole-rake did witnesse. The greatest damage that either English or Scotish received after that day, was the slaughter of two Gentlemen, the one master of houshold to my Lord Iames, Robert Colwin of Clesch, a man stout, modest, and wise, who was shot in the thigh with a Falcon, or Harquebute of Croke, and so departed the misery of this

life within two houres after. The other was Alexander Lockart, brother to the Laird of Bar, who rashly discovering himselfe in the Trenches, was shot in the head, and immediately thereafter departed this life. While the Siege thus continued, a sudden fire chanced in Leith, which devou∣red many houses, and much Victuall, and so began God to fight for us, as the Lord Erskin in plaine words said to the Queen Regent; Madame (quoth he) I can see no more,* 11.13 but seeing that men may not expell unjust possessours forth of this land, God himselfe would do it; For your fire is not kindled by man. Which words offended the Queen Regent not a little (whose sicknesse daily increasing) great craft she used, That Monsieur Dosell might have been permitted to have spoken with her, belike she would have bidden him fare-well, (for their old familiaritie was great) but that denied, she Writ, as it had been to her Chyrurgeon and Apothecarie, shewing her sick∣nesse, and requiring some Drogs. The Letter being presented to the Lord Gray, he espied the craft, for few Lines being written above, and so much White-Paper left, he said, Drogs are abundant and fresher in Edinburgh, then they can be in Leith. There lurketh here some other mysterie, and so he began to try, and by holding the Paper to the fire, he perceiveth some writing appear, and so began he to read; but what it was no other man can tell, for immediately he burnt the Bill, and said to the Messenger; Albeit I have been her Secretary, yet tell her, I shall keep her councell; But say to her, Such Wares will not sell till a new Market. The answer received, she was nothing content, and then travelled she earnestly, That she might speak with the Earles Argyle, Glencarne, Mer∣shall, and with the Lord Iames. After deliberation it was thought expe∣dient, that they should speak with her, but not all together, lest that some part of the Guisians practice had lurked under the colour of such friendship.* 11.14 Her regrate was unto them all, That she had behaved her selfe so foolishly, as that she had compelled them to seek the support of others, then of their own Soveraigne, and said, That she sore repented, that ever it came to that extremitie: but she was not the wight, but the wicked counsell of her friends on the one part, and the Earle of Huntley on the other: for if he had not been, she would have fully agreed with them at their Commoning at Preston: They gave unto her both the Councell and the Comfort which they could in that extremitie, and willed her to send for some godly learned man, of whom she might receive instruction, for these igno∣rant Papists that were about her, understood nothing of the Mysterie of our redemption. Upon their motion was Iohn Willock sent for, with whom she talked a reasonable space, and who did plainely shew unto her as well the vertue and strength of the death of Jesus Christ, as the va∣nity and abomination of that Idoll the Masse: She did openly confesse, That there was no salvation, but in and by the death of Iesus Christ; but of the Masse we heard not her Confession. Some say she was anointed with extreame Unction, after the Papisticall manner, which was a signe of small knowledge of the Trueth; and of lesse Repentance of her for∣mer Superstition: Yet howsoever it was, Christ Jesus gate no small Victorie over such an enemie. For albeit before she had Vowed, That in

despight of all Scotland, the Preachers of Jesus Christ should either die, or be banished the Realme: yet was she compelled not onely to heare, That Christ Jesus was Preached, and all Idolatry openly rebuked, and in many places suppressed:* 11.15 but also she was constrained to heare one of the principall Ministers within the Realme, and to approve the chiefe head of our Religion, wherein we dissent from all Papists and Papi∣strie. Shortly thereafter she finished her life,* 11.16 unhappy to Scotland, from the first day she entred into it, unto the day that she departed this life, which was the ninth day of June, in yeere of God 1560. The Gui∣sian Councells, as they were wicked and cruell to the people, so they proved mischievous to themselves, and to them that followed them, to this day.

Upon the sixteenth day of June, after the death of the Queen Re∣gent, came to Scotland Monsieur Randam, and with him the Bishop of Valance in Commission from France, to negotiate a Peace: From England there came Sir William Cecill, chiefe Secretary, and Doctor Whitton. Their negotiation was longsome;* 11.17 for both England and we fearing de∣ceit, sought by all meanes that the contract should be sure. And they on the other part, meaning to gratifie such as had sent them (who meant nothing but meere falshood) protracted time to the uttermost: yea, while that those of Leith were very scarce of victuals, and those of the Inch had perished, had not been that by policie they gat a ship with Victuals, and some Munition, which was upon Midsommer Even, whereof they made no small triumph, which also for a season stayed the appointment, yet in the end Peace was concluded, in forme as followeth.

The Articles Translated and agreed by John, Bishop of Valance, and Monsieur Randam, Deputies to the King and Queen of Scotland, upon the matters presented to them, by way of Petition, for the part of Nobilitie and people of Scotland.

IN the first, Upon the Complaint and Petition of the said Nobility, and the people of this Countrey, and the number of men of War su∣stained by their Majesties in these parts in the time of Peace. It is hum∣bly remonstrated to the said Deputies, that they would provide conve∣nient remedie thereunto, for the comfort and reliefe of the Countrey. The said Deputies considering the said desires to be just, and con∣formable to reason, condescended, agreed, and assured, That the King and Queen should procure no French Men of Warre, nor no other nation to come to these parts in time comming. But if strangers would pretend to enter into this Realme with a Navie or Armie, to oc∣cupie the same: In the which cause provision shall be made by their Ma∣jesties, the judgement and counsell of the States of the Realme being had thereto, and that the French Men of Warre being now in the Town of Leith, shall be sent to France the same time, that the Navie and Ar∣mie of English-men and Scottish-men be scattered and departed both by sea and land, the which shall be done in the best manner may be, as at more large consideration shall be had thereupon, and as to the bands of

Scottish men of warre, being at the said place, they shall be broken, and the men of war licensed to depart. Moreover, as to the Forts of Dumbar, and Incheketh▪ that there shall remain in them an 120. Frenchmen of war onely, which shall be parted and distributed in these two places, and there shall remain no more in Dumbar, but threescore men of warre, so it be affirmed by the Captains chosen to that effect by both the parties, that for the keeping of the same, a greater number is not need full: also to depart when the States of the Realm can finde any good and sure re∣medie upon the expences made in the said places, to keep the same from perill of invasion or ruine thereof from them that would pretend to occu∣pie the same, they shall immediatly shew the same unto their Majesties as hastily as may be done: and in the mean time the number of the said men of war shall not be augmented. And in like manner, it shall not be lawfull to the said men of warre, to do any injuries to any persons, nor yet to maintain and defend any Scottish men, of what qualitie soever they be of, against the will and authoritie of the Magistrates of the Realm, nor to receive them in the said places that the Minister of Justice may not put hands on them, nor yet shall intromit in any manner of way, with the quarrels and discords of the Lords, and other particular men of this Realm: But they themselves shall be bound in cases of any quarrell, to be punished after the Laws and constitutions of this Realm, and to an∣swer for themselves before the Judges Ordinaries of the same. Last of all, that from henceforth they be not compelled to take on credite, they shall be every moneth satisfied of their wages, so that two Scottish Lords chosen by the Councell, may present it, at the Wapon shawing and musters of the said men of warre, and also to visit the said Forts, to see if the number of them be liked, and it shall not be lawfull to the said men of war to take any victuals for their sustentation, or for munition of the said pla∣ces, but by paiment of readie money numerate, and with the pleasures of them that delivereth the same unto them: And therefore the said Lords obliges themselves to give them so much as is needfull unto them, they having to pay therefore.

Item, upon the petition pre••ented unto the said Lords Deputies, anenst the demolition of the fortifications, the said Deputies consent, agree and assureth, that the fortification of Leith shall be demolished, and that two, three, or four Captains shall be chosen by both the parties to view the Castle of Dumbar, and if it be found by them, that the reparation, amplification▪ and fortifying made thereof now after the peace▪ greater number of men to the keeping thereof be required, the reparation and for∣tification thereof shall be abolished, so soon as may be done, and shall remaine onely untouched that thing while we may make the said Castell more sure, and in lesse danger from invasion. Providing not the lesse that no greater number of men therein be required for keeping of the same. Moreover,* 12.1 in times comming the King and Queene shall make no mo•• new Forts within this Realm▪ and shall not augment them, that are else made, nor shall repair them that are demolished without counsell and consent of the Estates; nor yet shall transport to these parts, any Ar∣tillery, Munition of Warre, Powder, or Victuals, but so much as

may serve for keeping of the said places by the space of six moneths, or a yeer.

Item, Anenst the Demand made about the debts contracted by the French men of War in this Countrey, The saids Deputies consenteth, That the King and Queen shall cause to be restored all that which happen∣eth to be found given and granted to the Kings Lieutenant, and his Cap∣tains, and other Officers, for the nourishment, sustentation, and mainte∣nance of the said French-men; or that which is found owing by the Lieutenants for service of their Majesties, that may appear by writ, or confession of parties.

Item, Upon the Petition made anenst the Convention of States of this Realm, the said Deputies Consented and Accorded, &c. That the States of the Realme may convene and hold a Parliament the twentieth day of the moneth of Iuly next to come; upon the which day the Parliament shall be continued, as the use is, unto the first day of the moneth of Au∣gust following. Providing alwayes, That before they begin to handle any thing in the said Parliament, all tumult of War be discharged, and cease, that they who are present may be free without fear of men of War, or others; and that in this mean time a Messenger be sent by the said Depu∣ties to the King and Queen, to certifie them of the things agreed, treated and accorded, requesting their Majesties humbly to be contented with the same. And the said Convention shall be as lawfull in all respects, as the same had been ordained and done by expresse Commandment of their Majesties. Providing that no matter be treated therein before the said first day of August.

Item,* 12.2 Upon the Article presented concerning War and Peace, the said Deputies Consented, Accorded, &c. That the King and Queen neither make Peace nor War on their parts, but by the Counsell, Judgement, and consent of the States, according to the Ordinance of the Countrey, and as was observed by their Predecessors.

Item, Upon the Petition presented to the said Deputies concerning the Government and Regiment of the Policy, they have Consented, &c. That four and twenty worthy men of this Realme be chosen by the States, of the which the King and the Queen shall chuse seven, and the States five; which in their Majesties absence shall take order, and make one ordinary Councell for the administration aforesaid, so that no man of whatsoe∣ver quality he be, shall have the power to order any thing to be done touching the said businesse, without the mediation, authority, and consent of them; and the said Councellors shall convene together as oft as they can conveniently, but shall convene no lesse nor fix together. And when any matter of importance occurreth, they shall all be called to consult, and order to be taken by them, or the most part of them, if need be: And if it happen any of the said seven chosen by the King and Queen to decease, their Majesties shall chuse another forth of the said number of four and twenty in the place of him that deceased. And if any of the said five cho∣sen by the States dieth, the remnant forechosen by them shall name ano∣ther of the number of 24. Moreover, if it be thought expedient to the said States that other two be augmented to the said number of 12. then and in

that cause, the King and Queen shall chuse one, and the States another; and so was this Article agreed under condition, that is to say, That the same be no prejudice in times coming to the King and Queen, and Rights of the Crown. And the said Deputies offered their labours to make mediation to the King and Queen, for maintaining Pensions and Ex∣penses of the said Councellors, and ordinary Officers of the said Coun∣cell, to be provided of the Rents and Revenues of the Crown.

Item, Upon the Petition made to the said Depu••ies anenst the Officers of this Realm, they consented and accorded, &c. That in time to come the King and Queen shall not depute any stranger in the admini∣stration of the Civill and Common Justice, and likewise in the Of∣fice of Chancery, Keeper of the Seale, the Treasurer, Controller, and every like Offices, and shall not use them, but shall be content with their owne subjects borne in the Realm. Moreover, It shall not be lawfull to put the Office of Treasury,* 12.3 Controller, into the hands of any Church-man, or other which are not able to exercise the said Offices; the which Treasurer and Controller shall be provided of sufficient Commission to use the said Offices: But it shall be lawfull to them to dispose or sell Wards of Marriages, or other casualties, or any other things whatsoever they be, pertaining to their Offices, without advice and consent of the said Councell, to the effect that the Councell may know that all things be done to the profit of the King and Queen: And yet they will not binde or astraint the King or Queen to this Arti∣cle, that they may not give when they think expedient.

Item, They accorded, That in the first Convention and Parliament of the States of this Realme, there shall be Constituted, Ordained, and Established, an Act of Oblivion, which afterwards shall be confirmed by the Kings and Queens Majesties, by the which the remembrance of bearing Armour, and other things which have been done shall be bu∣ried and forgotten, from the sixth day of the moneth of March, in the yeer of our Lord God 1558 yeers: And by the same Act, they which have contravened the Laws of the Realme, shall be excused, and free of all pains contained therein, even so as if it had never been contrave∣ned. Providing, That the Priviledge of the said Act be not ex∣tended to them which the States of the Realme shall judge unworthy thereof.

Item, It is agreed and concluded, That in the said Convention or Parliament, the States of the Realme, as the Custome is, and ordinari∣ly is required, shall be called; in the which all they that have used to convene and to be present, may come without all fear or force done, or to be done to them by any person; so that the said States shall oblige them. That where in time coming any Sedition, or gathering of men of War shall happen to be without command of the Councell, being of the number of twelve, the Realme and Countrey shall repute the causers thereof, and they that convene, as Rebells, and shall pursue them as such like, that they may be punished by the Laws of the Realm, so that the K. and Q. shall not be compelled in time coming to send any men of War strangers in these parts, for obtaining due obedience of their sub∣jects.

Item, They Offered, Accorded, and Agreed, That there shall be a generall peace and reconciliation amongst all Lords and subjects of this Realm, so that they that are called of the Congregation, and they which are not of the same, shall lay no reproach to others for the things which are done from the said sixth day of March, 1558.

Item, They Offered, Accorded, and Affirmed, That the King and Queen shall not pursue, revenge, nor make any persecution for the things that have been done, nor yet shall they suffer the same to be done by their subjects French-men, but shall have all things in Oblivion, as if the same had never been done. And such like the Lords of this Realm of Scotland shall do in all businesse betwixt them and the French-men on their. And if by sinister information, or any other occasion, their Ma∣jesties have conceived evill opinion against their subjects, they shall utterly forget and change the same: Nor shall they deprive any of them, nor take from them any of them, their Subjects, the Offices, Benefices, or Estates, which they have brooked and enjoyed in the said Realm before, by reason of any things they have medled with, from the said sixth day of March, 1558. And further, shall make no occasion of deprivation, nor deposing of them by any other colour, without just cause, but rather they shall esteem and use them in time coming, as good and obedient subjects. Providing, That the said Lords, and other subjects on their part, make to their Majesties all obedience such like, as other faithfull and naturall subjects owe to their Soveraigns.

Item, It is Accorded and Agreed, That it shall be lawfull to none of the Lords and Nobility of Scotland, or any other, to make Convoca∣tion of men of War, but in the ordinary cause approved by the Laws and Custome of the Realme; And none of them shall cause any men of War strangers to come to their parts; and much lesse shall attempt to do any thing against the King and Queen, or against the Authority of the Councell, and other Magistrates of the Realme; and they which have presented the Petition shall be bound thereunto. And in case any of them, or others, finde occasion to invade or take Armour against any man as he pretendeth, after that he hath communicated the matter with the Councell of the Realme, he shall present his Complaint to their Majesties, and generally they shall oblige them under the said pains, to do the things which pertaineth to good and faithfull Subjects, for the quietnesse and tranquility of the Realme, and Rights of their Soveraigne.

Item, It is Agreed, That if any Bishops, Abbots, or other Church∣men, shall finde or alleadge them to have received any injuries, either in their persons or goods, the Complaints shall be seen and considered by the States of the said Convention and Parliament, and there shall be made redresse, as they shall finde according to reason; and in the meane time no man shall stop them, but they shall brook and enjoy their goods, nor shall do any hurt, injury or violence to them: And if any doth con∣travene to this Article, he shall be pursued by the Lords as a perturber of a good Common-wealc.

Item, It is Accorded, &c. That the said Lords shall binde them to observe, and cause to be observed, all and sundry Points and Articles agreed in this Treaty; And if it happen that any of them, or any other should gainsay the same, the remnant Lords, and residue of the whole people, shall be enemies to him, and shall pursue him till he be chastned, and punished according to his demerits.

Item, It is Concluded, &c. That all the whole Realm may know that the King and Queen are not willing to keep any remembrance of the troubles and differences past, and so far as concerns the Nobility, and other subjects of this Realme; That their Majesties desire is to use them humanely, and to be favourable unto them, the said Deputies have pro∣mised and accorded, That the Duke of Chattellarault, and all other No∣ble-men of Scotland, shall be restaured and setled again in all their goods and benefices, which they had enjoyed in France; That they may brook and enjoy the same, in the same manner as they did before those debates, the said sixth day of March, and yeere aforesaid, even as the said contro∣versies had never chanced. And also that all Capitulations and Articles agreed upon in times past, and especially those that were appointed in the King and Queens Contract shall be observed and kept, as well for the part of their Majesties, as for the part of the Nobility and people of Scotland. And as concerning David, son to the Duke of Chattellarault, now being in Bois de Vincennes, liberty shall be granted unto him to re∣turne into Scotland, and to do as he pleaseth. Moreover, when the said Deputies exposed that some time it might chance, That the King might have need and use of his great Guns and Artillery in France, the said Lords having consideration thereof, accorded, That no other Artillery be translated out of this Realme, but those which were sent and brought in, from the said day of the decease of Francis King of France, of good me∣mory, to these parts: And that all other Artillery aud Munition be repo∣sed into the places whence they were taken forth, and in speciall they that have the Arms of Scotland, shall be put into the places whence they were taken forth of. And there shall be Noble-men of Scotland appointed there∣fore, and two for the part of the Kings Majesty, are to be deputed to ag∣nosce and view the same afore the Shipping thereof.

And moreover, That whereas in the names of the Nobility and peo∣ple of Scotland certain Articles concerning Religion and other Points have been presented, which the said Deputies will not touch; and consi∣dering the weight and importance of them, has remitted the same to be cognosced and decided by their Majesties; The said Lords and Nobility do promise, That a certain number of Noble-men should be chosen in the next Convention and Parliament to be sent to their Majesties, which shall expose to their Highnesses those things that shall be thought needfull for the state of their busines, and for the forementioned and other Articles and Points undecided by the Deputies, to the effect they may know their Majesties intention & good wil concerning those things which shal be ex∣posed from the Country: the which also shall have with them a confirm∣ation & ratification by the states of the Realm, of those articles which are concorded, &c. by the Deputies; to whom also the same time or before shal

be given and delivered, and like Confirmation and Ratification made by their Majesties, so being that the said States send their Ratification aforesaid.

The Proclamation of the things above-written, made the 8 of Iuly, in the yeere of God 1560.

TO the glory of the Almighty Lord God, and to the comfort of all Christians, the most puissant Prince and Princesse, and most Christian King and Queen Francis and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen of France and Scotland: and by the most puis∣sant Princesse Elizabeth, by the same Grace, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, &c. It is accorded, and Reconciliation of Peace and Amitie made, which is to be observed inviolably, amongst them, their Subjects, Realms and Countries. For as much as in name of the said Prince and Princesse it is commanded, and straitly charged to all manner of persons under their obedience, or being in their service, from henceforth to desist from all hostility both by Sea and Land, and to keep a good Peace the one with the other, and with charge, that none shall break the same under perill of, &c.

These things transacted, and the Peace Proclaimed, as is said, sudden provision was made for transporting of the French to France, of whom the most part were put in the English Ships, who also carried with them the whole spoile of Leith:* 13.1 and that was the second benefit which they recei∣ved of their late promised liberty, the end whereof is not yet. The English Army departed by land the 16 day of July, in the yeere of God 1560. The most part of our Nobility Protestants, honourably conveyed them (as in very deed they had well deserved) But Lord Iames would not leave the Lord Gray with the other Noble-men of England, till that they entred into Barwick. After whose returning, the Councell began to look as well upon the affaires of the Common-wealth, as upon the matters that might concern the stability of Religion. As before we have heard the Parliament was concluded to begin the tenth of July, and to be continued till the first of August next, and therefore the Lords made the greater haste and diligence, that all things should be put in convenient order. But before all things the Preachers exhorted them (for then in Edinburgh were the most part of the chief Ministers of the Realme) to be thankfull unto God, and next to provide that the Ministers should be distributed, as the necessity of the Countrey required. A day was appointed, when that the whole Nobility, and the greatest part of the Congregation assembled in S. Giles Church in Edinburgh, where after the Sermon made for that purpose, publike thanks were given unto God for his mercifull deliver∣ance, in forme as followeth.

Thankesgiving for our deliverance with Prayers.

O Eternall and everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath not onely commanded us to Pray, and promised to hear us; but also willest us to magnifie thy mercies, and to glorifie thy Name, when thou shewest thy selfe pitifull, and favourable unto us, espe∣cially when thou deliverest us from desperate dangers: for so did thy ser∣vants, Abraham, David, Iehosaphat, and Ezechias, yea, the whole people of Israel omitted not the same, when thou by thy mighty hand didst con∣found their enemies, and didst deliver them from feare and danger of death intended. We ought not, nor can we forget, O Lord, in how mi∣serable estate stood this poore Countrey, and we the just inhabitants of the same, not many dayes past; When Idolatry was maintained; When cruell strangers did bear rule; When Virgins were defloured, Matrones corrupted, Mens Wives violently and villanously oppressed, The blood of innocents shed without mercy. And finally, when the unjust com∣mandments of proud tyrants were obeyed as Law. Out of these mise∣ries (O Lord) could neither our wit, policie nor strength deliver us, yea, thou didst shew to us how vain was the help of man, where thy blessing giveth not victory. In these our anguishes, O Lord, we sobbed unto thee, we cried for thy help, and we reclaimed thy Name, as thy troubled flock persecuted for thy Trueths sake. Mercifully hast thou heard us (O Lord) mercifully, we say, because that neither in us, neither yet in our confederates was there any cause why that thou shouldst have given unto us so joyfull and sudden a deliverance. For neither of us both cea∣sed to do wickedly, even in the midst of our greatest troubles, and yet hast thou looked upon us so pitifully, as that we had given unto thee most per∣fect obedience. For thou hast disappointed the counsels of the craftie; Thou hast bridled the rage of the cruell; and thou hast of thy mercy set this our perishing Realm, at a reasonable liberty. Oh give us hearts (thou Lord, that onely givest all good gifts) with reverence and fear to medi∣tate thy wondrous works late wrought in our eyes. Let not the remem∣brance of the same unthankfully to slip from our wavering mindes. We grant and acknowledge, O Lord, That whatsoever we have received, shall fall into oblivion with us, and so turn to our condemnation; unlesse thou by the power of thy Spirit keep and retain us in recent and perpetuall me∣mory of the same. We beseech thee therefore, O father of mercies, that as of thy undeserved grace, thou hast partly removed our darknesse; sup∣pressed Idolatry; and taken from above our heads the devouring sword of mercilesse strangers, that so it would please thee to proceed with us in this thy grace begun. And albeit that in us there is nothing that may move thy Majestie, to shew us this favour; yet for Christ Jesus, thy onely welbeloved Sons sake, whose Name we bear, and whose Doctrine we professe; we beseech thee never to suffer us to forsake or deny this Verity which now we professe. But seeing that thou hast mercifully heard us, and hast caused thy Veritie to triumph in us; so we crave of thee continu∣ance to the end, that thy godly Name may be glorified in us thy creatures.

And seeing that nothing is more odious in thy presence (O Lord) then is ingratitude and violation of an Oath and Covenant made in thy Name. And seeing thou hast made our Confederates of England the Instrument by whom we are now set at this libertie,* 14.1 and to whom in thy Name we have promised mutuall faith againe. Let us never fall to that unkindnesse (O Lord) that either we declare our selves unthank∣full unto them,* 14.2 or prophaners of thy holy Name. Confound thou the Counsell of those, that goe about to break that most godly League contracted in thy Name, and retaine thou us so firmly together by the power of thy holy Spirit, that Sathan have never power to set us again at variance nor discord. Give us thy grace to live in that Christian charitie, which thy Sonne our Lord Jesus hath so earnestly commend∣ed to all the members of his body, that other Nations provoked by our example, may set aside all ungodly warre, contention and strife, and stu∣die to live in tranquilitie and peace, as it becometh the Sheepe of thy Pa∣sture, and the people that daily look for our finall deliverance by the coming again of our Lord Jesus. To whom with thee and the Holy Spirit be all honour, glory and praise now and ever. Amen.

Hereafter were the Commissioners of Boroughs, with some of the Nobility and Barons, appointed to see the equall distribution of Ministers to change and transport, as the most part should think expedient. And so was Iohn Knox appointed to Edinburgh, Christopher Goodman (who the most part of the troubles had remained in Ayre) was appointed to Saint Andrews, Adam Heriot to Aberdeene, Master Iohn Row to Saint Iohnston, Paul Meaffen (to whom was no infamie then knowne) to Ied∣burgh, William Christison to Dundie, David Fargeson to Dunfermelin, and Master David Lindsay to Leith. There were nominated for Superinten∣dents, and Overseers, that all things in the Church should be carried with Order, and well, Master Iohn Spottiswood for Lowthian, Master Iohn Wyram for Fyfe, Master Iohn Willock for Glasgow, the Laird of Dun for Angus and Mearnes, Master Iohn Carswell for Argyle and the Isles. These to be elected at the dayes appointed; unlesse that the Countreys whereto they were to be appointed, could in the mean time finde out men more able and sufficient, or else shew such causes as might disable them from that imployment.

The Parliament approaching, due advertisement was made by the Councell, to all such as by Law and ancient Custome had, or might claime to have Title therein. The assembly was great, notwithstanding some, as well of those that be called Spirituall as Temporall Lords, con∣temptuously did absent themselves. And yet the chief Pillars of the Pa∣pisticall Church gave their presence, such as the Bishops of Saint Andrews, Dumblane, and Dunkell, with others of the inferiour sort, beside those that had renounced Papisterie,* 14.3 and openly professed Jesus Christ with us, such as the Bishop of Galloway, the Abbots of Lindrosse, Culrosse, Saint Colmes Inch, New-battell, Halyrud-house, the Priour of Saint Andrews, Col∣dinghame, Saint-Mary Ile, the Sub-priour of S. Andrews, and divers others, whom we observed not. At the same time of Parliament Iohn Knox

publikely Preached upon some Texts of the Prophet Haggai, the Doctrine was proper for the time. In application whereof he was so speciall and so vehement, that some (having greater respect to the world then to Gods glory) feeling themselves pricked,* 14.4 said in mockage, We may now forget our selves, and beare the Barrow to build the house of God. God be mer∣cifull to the speaker, for we fear yet he shall have experience, That the building of his own house (the house of God being despised) shall not be so prosperous, and of such firmitie as we desire it were. And albe∣it some mocked, yet others were godly moved, who did assemble themselves together, to consult what things were to be proposed to that present Parliament: And after deliberation, was this subsequent suppli∣cation offered.

The Barons, Gentlemen, Burgesses, and other true Subjects of this Realm, professing the Lord Iesus within the same.

To the Nobilitie and States of Parliament presently assembled within the said Realm, desire Grace, Mercy and Peace, from God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ, with the increase of his holy Spirit.

PLease your Honours to call to remembrance, how divers and sundry times, we (with some of your selves) most humbly Petitioned, at the feet of the late Queen Regent, for freedom and liberty of Conscience, with a godly Reformation of abuses, which by the malice of Satan and negligence of men, are crept into the Religion of God, and are maintained by such as take upon them the name of Clergie. And albeit that our god∣ly and most reasonable suit was then disdainfully rejected, whereof no small troubles have ensued, as your Honours well know, yet seeing that the same necessity yet remaineth, that then moved us; And moreover, that God of his mercy hath now put into your hands, to take such order; As God thereby may be glorified; This Common-wealth quieted; And the Policy thereof established: We cannot cease to crave of your Ho∣nours the redresse of such enormities, as manifestly are (and of long time have been) committed by the place-holders of the Ministerie, and others of the Clergie within this Realm. And first, seeing that God of his great mercy hath by the light of his Word manifested to no small number of this Realme, That the Doctrine of the Romane Church, received by the said Clergie, and maintained through their tyrannie by fire and sword, contained in it selfe many pestiferous errours, which cannot but bring damnation to the souls of such as therewith shall be infected; such as are the Doctrine of Transubstantiation; of the Adoration of Christs Body, under the form of Bread, as they terme it; of the Merits of Works, and Justification that they alleadge commeth thereby; together with the Doctrine of the Papisticall Indulgences, Purgatory, Pilgrimage, and Praying to Saints departed, which all either repugne to the plain Scrip∣tures, or else have no ground in the Doctrine of our Master Jesus Christ, his Prophets and Apostles.

1. We humbly therefore crave of your Honours, That such doctrine and Idolatry as by Gods Word are both condemned, so may they be abolished by Act of this present Parliament, and punishment appointed for the transgressors.

Secondarily, seeing that the Sacraments of Jesus Christ are most shamefully abused and profaned by that Romane Harlot and her sworne vassals; and also because that the true Discipline of the ancient Church is utterly now amongst that Sect extinguished: For who within the Realme are more corrupt in life and manners then are they that are cal∣led the Clergie, living in whoredom, adultery, deflouring Virgins, cor∣rupting Matrons, and doing all abomination, without fear of punish∣ment. We humbly therefore desire your Honors to finde remedy against the one and the other.

3. Thirdly, Because that man of sin falsly claimeth to himselfe the titles of, The Vicar of Christ, The Successor of Peter, The Head of the Church, That he cannot erre, That all power is granted unto him, &c. By the which usurp∣ed Authority, he taketh upon him the distribution and possession of the whole Patrimony of the Church, whereby the true Ministry of the Word of God long time hath been altogether neglected, the godly learning de∣spised, the Schools not provided, and the poor not only frauded of their portion, but also most tyrannously oppressed: we likewise hereof desire remedy. And lest that your Honors should doubt in any of these premi∣ses, we offer our selves evidently to prove, That in all the rabble of the Clergie there is not one lawfull Minister, if Gods Word, the practices of the Apostles, the sincerity of the Primitive Church, and their own an∣cient Laws, shall judge of lawfull Election. We further offer to prove them all thieves and murtherers, yea, rebels and traytors to the lawfull Authority of Emperors, Kings and Princes, and therfore unworthy to be suffred in any reformed Common-wealth. How maliciously they murthe∣red our brethren, for no other cause, but for that they offred to us the light of Gods Word, your Honours cannot be ignorant; and into what hazard their tyranny hath brought this whole Realm, the Ages after will consider. If ye look for other fruit in times to come, then ye have seen in them whom we accuse, we are assured ye shall be deceived. Now hath God, beyond all expectation of man, made you, who somtimes were sup∣pliants with us for Reformation, Judges, as it were, in the Cause of God: At least, he hath so subdued your enemies unto you, that by violence they are not able to suppresse the Verity, as heretofore they have done. We therefore, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, crave of your Honors, That ei∣ther they may be compelled to answer to our former accusations, and unto such others as justly we have to lay to their charges; or else that all affection laid aside, ye pronounce them such by censure of this Parlia∣ment, and cause them to be so reputed, as by us most justly they are accu∣sed: Especially, that they may be discerned unworthy of honour, autho∣rity, charge or cure in the Church of God, and so from henceforth never to enjoy voice in Parliament: Which if ye do not, then in the fear of God, and by assurance of his Word we forewarn you, That as ye leave a grie∣vous yoke, & a burden intolerable upon the Church of God in this realm,

so shall they be thorns in your eyes, and pricks in your sides, whom af∣ter, when ye would, ye shall have no power to remove. God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ give you upright hearts, seeking his glory, and true understanding, what this day he who hath delivered you from Bon∣dage both Spirituall and Temporall, craveth of you by his servants, and your Honours answer most humbly require.

This our Supplication being read in audience of the whole Assembly, divers men were of divers judgements;* 15.1 for as some there were that up∣rightly favoured the Cause of God; so were there many that for world∣ly respects abhorred a perfect Reformation (for how many within Scotland who have the name of Nobility, and are unjust possessors of the Patrimo∣ny of the Church) and yet were the Barons and Ministers called, and commandment given unto them, to draw into plain and severall Heads the sum of that Doctrine which they would maintain, and would desire the present Parliament to establish, as wholesome, true, and onely ne∣cessary to be beleeved, and to be received within the Realm: Which they willingly accepted; and within four dayes presented this Confessi∣on as it followeth, without alteration of any one sentence.

The Confession of Faith professed and believed by the Protestants within the Realme of Scotland, published by them in Parlia∣ment, and by the Estates thereof Ratified and Approved, as wholesome and sound Doctrine, grounded upon the infallible Truth of God.

MATTH. 24.

And this glad Tydings of the Kingdom shall be preached thorowout the whole world for a Witnesse unto all Nations, and then shall the end come.

The Preface.

The States of Scotland, with the Inhabitants of the same professing Christ Jesus his holy Gospel,

To their naturall Countrey-men, and unto all other Realmes and Nations professing the same Lord Jesus with them, Wish Grace, Mercy, and Peace, from God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Spirit of righteous Judgement, for Salvation.

LOng have we thirsted (dear Brethren) to have notified unto the world the sum of that Doctrine which we professe, and for the which we have sustained infamy and danger. But such hath been the rage of Sathan against us, and against Christ Iesus his Eternall Verity lately now again borne amongst us, that to this day no time hath been granted unto us, to clear our consciences, as most gladly we would have done: For how we have been tossed a whole yeer past, the most part of Europe (as we do suppose) doth understand. But seeing that of the infinite goodnesse of our God (who never suffereth his afflicted utterly to be confounded) above expecta∣tion, have we obtained some rest and liberty, we could not but set forth this briefe

and plain Confession of such Doctrine as is proposed unto us, and as we believe and professe; partly for satisfaction of our Brethren, whose hearts, we doubt not, have been, and yet are, wounded by the despightfull rayling of such as yet have not lear∣ned to speak well: And partly for stopping the mouths of impudent blasphemers, who boldly condemne that which they neither heard nor understood: Not that we judge that the cankred malice of such is able to be cured by this simple Confession; No, we know that the sweet savour of the Gospel is and shall be death unto the sons of perdition. But we have chief respect to our weak and infirme Brethren, to whom we would communicate the bottom of our hearts, lest that they be troubled or carried away by diversity of rumours which Sathan spreadeth against us, to the de∣feating of this our most godly enterprise; Protesting, That if any man will note in this our Confession any Articles or sentence repugning to Gods holy Word, that it would please him of his gentlenesse, and for Christian charities sake, admonish us of the same in writing; and we upon our Honours and fidelity do promise unto him satis∣faction from the mouth of God (that is, from his holy Scriptures) or else Reform∣ation of that which he shall prove to be amisse. For God we take to Record in our consciences, That from our hearts we abhorre all Sects of Heresie, and all teachers of erroneous doctrine; And that with all humility we embrace the purity of Christs Gospel, which is the onely food of our soules; and therefore so precious unto us, that we are determined to suffer the extremest of worldly danger, rather then that we will suffer our selves to be defrauded of the same. For hereof we are most certainly per∣swaded, That whosoever denieth Christ Iesus, or is ashamed of him in presence of men, shall be denied before the Father, and before his holy Angels. And there∣fore by the assistance of the mighty Spirit of the same our Lord Iesus, we firmly pur∣pose to abide to the end in the confession of this our Faith.

The first Article. Of GOD.

VVE confesse and acknowledge one onely God,* 16.1 to whom onely we must cleave, whom onely we must Worship, and in whom onely we must put our trust; who is Eternall, Infinite, Unmeasurable, Incomprehensi••le, Omnipotent, Invisible, one in Substance, and yet di∣stinct into three Persons, The Father, The Son, And the holy Ghost; by whom we confesse and believe all things in heaven and earth, as well Vi∣sible as Invisible, to have been Created, to be Retained in their being, and to be Ruled and Guided by his inscrutable Providence, to such end as his eternall Wisedom, Goodnesse and Justice hath appointed them, to the manifestation of his own Glory.

II. Of the Creation of Man.

VVE confesse and acknowledge this our God to have Created man (to wit,* 16.2 our first Father Adam) of whom also God form∣ed the Woman,* 16.3 to his own Image and Similitude; To whom he gave Wisedom, Lordship, Justice, free-Will, and clear Knowledge of himself;

so that in the whole Nature of man there could be no imperfection: From which Honour and Perfection Man and Woman did both fall; the Woman,* 16.4 being deceived by the Serpent; and Man, obeying to the voice of the Woman, both conspiring against the Soveraigne Majesty of God, who in expresse words had before threatned death, if they pre∣sumed to eat of the forbidden Tree.

III. Of Originall Sin.

BY which transgression, commonly called Originall Sin, was the Image of God utterly defaced in Man,* 16.5 and he and his Posterity of Nature became enemies to God, slaves to Sathan, servants to Sin, inso∣much that Death everlasting hath had, and shall have power and domi∣nion over all that hath not been, are not, or shall not be regenerate from above; which Regeneration is wrought by the power of the holy Ghost, working in the hearts of the Elect of God an assured Faith in the Promises of God revealed to us in his Word; by which Faith they ap∣prehend Christ Jesus, with the Graces and Benefits promised in him.

IIII. Of the Revelation of the Promises.

FOr this we constantly believe, That God, after the fearfull and hor∣rible defection of man from his obedience,* 16.6 did seek Adam again, call upon him, rebuke his sin, convince him of the same, and in the end made unto him a joyfull Promise, to wit, That the Seed of the Woman should breake downe the Serpents head; that is, He should destroy the works of the de∣vill: which Promise, as it was repeated and made more cleer from time to time, so was it embraced with joy, and most constantly retained of all the faithfull, from Adam to Noah, from Noah to Abraham, and from Abra∣ham to David, and so forth to the Incarnation of Jesus Christ; who all (we mean the faithfull Fathers) under the Law, did see the joyfull dayes of Christ Jesus, and did rejoyce.

V. The Continuance, Encrease, and Preservation of his Church.

* 16.7VVE most constantly believe, That God Preserveth, Instruct∣eth, Multiplieth, Honoureth, Decoreth, and from death called to Life his Church in all Ages,* 16.8 from Adam, till the coming of CHRIST JESUS in the Flesh: For Abraham he called from his fathers Countrey, him he instructed, his Seed he multiplied, the same he marvellously preserved, and more marvellously deliver∣ed from the Bondage of Pharaoh; to whom he gave his Lawes, Con∣stitutions and Ceremonies. Them he possessed in the Land of Ca∣naan, to them after Judges, and after Saul, he gave David to be King; to whom he made promise, That of the fruit of his Loynes should one sit forever upon his Regall Seat. To this same people from time to

time he sent Prophets to reduce them to the right way of their God, from the which oftentimes they declined by Idolatry. And albeit for their stubborne contempt of Justice, he was compelled to give them into the hands of their enemies,* 16.9 as before he threatned by the mouth of Moses: Insomuch that the holy City was destroyed,* 16.10 the Temple burnt with fire,* 16.11 and the whole land left desolate the space of seventy yeeres; yet of mercy did he reduce them again to Ierusalem, where the Citie and Temple were reedified, and they against all temptations and assaults of Satan, did abide till the Messias came, according to the promise.

VI. Of the Incarnation of Christ Iesus.

VVHen the fulnesse of time came,* 16.12 God sent his Sonne, his eternall Wisdome, the substance of his own Glory into this World, who took the nature of manhood, of the substance of a woman; to wit, of a Virgine, and that by the operation of the holy-Ghost, and so was born, The just seed of David, The Angel of the great councell of God, The very Messias promised, whom we acknowledge, and confesse, Emanuel, very God and very man, two perfect natures united and ioy∣ned in one person. By which our Confession, we condemne the dam∣nable and pestilent Heresies of Arrius, Martion, Eutiches, Nesto∣rius, and such others, as either denie the Eternitie of his God-head, or the Veritie of his humane nature, or confound them, or yet divide them.

VII. Why it behoveth the Mediatour to be very God and very man.

VVE acknowledge and confesse,* 16.13 That this most wondrous con∣junction betwixt the God-head and Man-hood of Christ Jesus, did proceed from the eternall and immutable Decree of God, whence also our salvation springeth and dependeth.

VIII. Of Election.

FOr that same eternall God,* 16.14 who of meere grace elected us in Christ Jesus his Sonne, before the foundation of the world was laid, ap∣pointed him to be our Head, our Brother, our Pastour, and great Bi∣shop of our soules: But because that the enmitie betwixt the justice of God and our sinnes, was such, That no flesh by it self, could, or might have attained unto God; It behoved that the Son of God should descend unto us,* 16.15 and take himself a body of our body, flesh of our flesh, and bones of our bones, and so become the perfect Mediatour betwixt God and man; giving power to so many as beleeve in him, to be the sons of God,* 16.16 as he himself doth witnesse. I passe up to my Father and your Fa∣ther, to my God and unto God: By which most holy fraternity,

whatsoever we have lost in Adam, is restored to us again. And for this cause are we nothing afraid to call God our Father, not so much in that he hath created us (which we have common with the reprobate) as for that, that he hath given to us his onely Sonne to be our Brother,* 16.17 and given unto us grace to imbrace him for our onely Mediatour, as before is said. It be∣hoved further the Messias and Redeemer to be very God and very Man,* 16.18 because he was to suffer the punishment due for our transgressions, and to present himself in the presence of his fathers judgement, as in our person to suffer for our transgression and disobedience, by death to overcome him that was Authour of death. But because the onely God-head could not suffer death, neither could onely the Man-hood overcome the same, he joyned both together in one person,* 16.19 that the imbecilitie of the one should suffer and be subject to death (which we had deserved) and the Infinite and Invincible power of the other; to wit, of the God-head should tri∣umph, and purchase unto us life, libertie, and perpetuall Victory: and so we confesse, and most undoubtedly beleeve.

IX. Christs Death, Passion, Buriall, &c.

* 16.20THat our Lord Jesus offered himself a voluntary Sacrifice unto his Fa∣ther for us; That he suffered contradiction of sinners; That he was wounded and plagued for our transgressions; That he being the clean and innocent Lambe of GOD, was condemned in the presence of an earth∣ly Judge; that we might be absolved before the Tribunall Seat of our God: That he suffered not onely the cruell death of the Crosse (which was accursed by the sentence of God) but also, That he suffered for a sea∣son the wrath of his Father, which sinners had deserved. But yet we avow, That he remained the onely welbeloved and blessed Sonne of his Father, even in the midst of his anguish and torment, which he suffered in body and soule, to make the full satisfaction for the sinnes of his people. After the which, we confesse and avow, That there remains no other sa∣crifice for sinnes; which if any affirme, we nothing doubt to avow, That they are blasphemous against Christs Death, and the everlasting purgation and satisfaction purchased unto us by the same.

X. Resurrection.

VVE undoubtedly beleeve, That in so much as it was impossible that the paines of death should retain in bondage the Authour of life,* 16.21 that our Lord Jesus Crucified, Dead, and Buried, who descended into hell, did rise again for our Justification, and destroying him who was the authour of death, brought life again to us that were subject to death, and to the bondage of the fame: We know that his Resurrection was confir∣med by the testimony of his very enemies. By the Resurrection of the dead,* 16.22 whose sepulchres did open, and they did arise and appeared to many within the City of Ierusalem. It was also confirmed by the testi∣monie

of Angels, and by the sences and judgements of his Apostles and others, who had conversation, and did eat and drink with him after his Resurrection.* 16.23

XI. Ascension.

VVE nothing doubt,* 16.24 but that the self-same Bodie, which was born of the Virgin, was Crucified, Dead and Buried, and which did rise again, did ascend into the Heavens, for accomplishment of all things: Where, in our names, and for our comfort, he hath received all power in heaven and in earth: Where he sitteth at the right hand of the Father, enthronized in his Kingdome, Advocate and onely Media∣tour for us; which glory, honour, and prerogative, he alone amongst the Brethren shall possesse, till that all his enemies be made his foot stoole, as that we undoubtedly beleeve they shall be in the finall judgement, to the execution whereof, we certainly beleeve that the same our Lord Jesus shall visibly and apparantly returne, as that he was seene to ascend. And there we firmely beleeve that the time of refreshing and re∣stitution of all things shall come,* 16.25 insomuch that those that from the beginning have suffered violence, injury and wrong for righteousnesse sake, shall inherite the blessed immortality promised from the begin∣ning. But contrary wayes the stubborn, cruell, inobedient, oppressors, filthy persons, adulterers, and all sorts of unthankfull men, shall be cast into the dungeon of utter darknesse,* 16.26 where their worme shall not die, neither yet their fire bee extinguished: the remembrance of the which day, and of the judgement to be executed in the same, is not one∣ly to us a Bridle, whereby our carnall lusts are reserved, but also such inestimable comfort, that neither may the threatning of worldly Princes, neither yet the feare of temporall death and present danger move us to renounce and forsake that blessed societie, which we the members have with our Head and onely Mediatour Christ Jesus; whom we confesse and avow to be the Messias promised, the onely Head of the Church, our just Lawgiver, our onely High Priest, Advocate and Mediator. In whose honours and Offices, if a man or Angell presume to intrude them∣selves, we utterly detest and abhorre them, as blasphemous to our Sove∣raigne Governour Christ Jesus.

XII. Faith in the Holy Ghost.

THis our faith,* 16.27 and the assurance of the same proceedeth not from flesh and blood; that is to say, from no naturall powers within us, but is the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, whom we confesse, God equall with the Father, and with the Sonne, who sanctified us, and bring∣eth us into all veritie by his own operation, without whom we should remaine for ever enemies to God, and ignorant of his Sonne Christ Jesus. For of nature we are so dead, so perverse and blinde, that

neither we can feel when we were pricked, see the light when it shineth, nor assent to the will of God when it is revealed, onely the Spirit of the Lord Jesus quickeneth that which is dead,* 16.28 removeth the darknesse from our mindes, and boweth our stubborne hearts to the obedience of his blessed will, and so as we confesse that God the Father created us when we were not, as his Sonne our Lord Jesus redeemed us, when we were enemies to him; So also we confesse that the Holy Ghost doth sanctifie, and regenerate us without all respect of any merit proceeding from us, be it before, or be it after our regeneration. To speak this one thing yet in more plain words, as we willingly spoile our selves of all honour and glory of our own Creation and Redemption, so do we also of our regene∣ration and sanctification; for of selves we are not sufficient to thinke one good thought, but he who hath begun the good work in us, is onely he that continueth us in the same, to the praise and glory of his undeser∣ved grace.

XIII. The cause of good works.

* 16.29SO that the cause of good Works we confesse to be, not of free Will, but the Spirit of the Lord Iesus, who dwelling in our hearts by true faith, bringeth forth such good works, as God hath prepared for us to walke in; for this we most boldly affirme that blasphemie, it is to say that Christ Jesus abideth in the heart of such, as in whom there is no spirit of sanctification; and therefore we feare not to affirme, that Murderres, Op∣pressors, cruell Persecutors, Adulterers, Whoremongers, filthy Per∣sons, Idolaters, Drunkards, Theeves, and all workers of iniquitie, have neither true faith, neither any portion of the Spirit of Sanctification, which proceedeth from the Lord Jesus, so long as they obstinately continue in their wickednesse. For how soon so ever the Spirit of the Lord Jesus (which Gods Elect Children receive by true faith) taketh possession in the heart of any man,* 16.30 so soon doth he regenerate and renew the same man, so that he begins to hate that which before he loved, and beginneth to love that which before he hated;* 16.31 and from thence cometh to that continuall battaile, which is betwixt the flesh and the Spirit in Gods Children, while the flesh and naturall man (according to their own corruption) lusteth for things pleasing and delectable to it self, grudgeth in adversitie, is lifted up in prosperitie, and at every moment is prone and ready to offend the Ma∣jestie of God;* 16.32 but the Spirit of God which giveth witnessing unto our spi∣rit, that we are the sonnes of God, maketh us to resist the Devill to ab∣horre filthie pleasures, to groane in Gods presence for deliverance from this bondage of corruption, and finally to triumph over sinne, that it reigne not in our mortall bodies. This battaile have not the carnall men,* 16.33 being destitute of Gods Spirit, but do follow and obey sinne with greedinesse, and without repentance, even as the Devill and their corrupt lusts do prick them. But the Sons of God (as afore is said) do fight against sin, do sob and mourn when they perceive themselves tempted to iniqui∣ty, and if they fall, they rise again with earnest and unfained repentance:

and these things they do not by their own power, but the power of our Lord Jesus (without whom they were able to do nothing) worketh in them all that is good.* 16.34

XIIII. What works are reputed good before God.

VVE confesse and acknowledge,* 16.35 That God hath given to man his holy Law, in which not onely are forbidden all such works as displease and offend his godly Majesty, but also are commanded all such as please him, and as he hath promised to reward. And these works be of two sorts; the one are done to the honour of God; the other to the profit of our neighbours:* 16.36 And both have the revealed Will of God for their assurance; To have one God, To worship and honour him, To call upon him in all our troubles, To reverence his holy Name, To hear his Word, To believe the same, To communicate his holy Sacraments, are the works of the first Table.* 16.37 To honour father and mother, Princes, Rulers, and superiour Powers, To love them, To support them, yea, To obey their Charges (not repugning to the Commandment of God) To save the life of Innocents, To represse tyranny, To defend the oppressed, To keep our bodies clean and holy,* 16.38 To live in sobriety and temperance, To deal justly with all men, both in word and deed; and finally, To represse the appetite of our neighbours hurt, are the good works of the se∣cond Table, which are most pleasing and acceptable unto God, as those works are commanded by himself. The contrary thereof is sin most odious, which always displeaseth him, and provoketh him to an∣ger; as, Not to call upon him alone when we have need, Not to hear his Word with reverence, To contemne and despise it, To have or to wor∣ship Idols, To maintain and defend Idolatry, Lightly to esteem the re∣verent Name of God, To profane, abuse, or contemne the Sacraments of Christ Jesus,* 16.39 To disobey or resist any that God hath placed in Au∣thority (while they passe not over the bounds of their Office) To mur∣ther, or consent thereunto,* 16.40 To bear hatred, or to suffer Innocent blood to be shed,* 16.41 if we may gainstand it; and finally, The transgressing of any other Commandment in the first or second Table, we confesse and af∣firm to be sin,* 16.42 by the which Gods hot displeasure is kindled against the proud and unthankfull world:* 16.43 So that good works we affirme to be those onely that are done in Faith, and at Gods Commandment, who in his Law hath expressed what be the things that please him:* 16.44 And evill works we affirme, not onely those that are expresly done against Gods Commandment,* 16.45 but those also that in matters of Religion, and wor∣shipping of God, have no assurance, but the invention and opinion of man,* 16.46 which God from the beginning hath ever rejected, as by the Pro∣phet Isaiah, and by our Master Christ Jesus, we are taught in these words; In vaine do they worship me, teaching doctrines which are the Precepts of men.

XV. The perfection of the Law, and the imperfection of man.

* 16.47THe Law of God we confesse and acknowledge most just, most equall, most holy and most perfect, commanding those things, which be∣ing wrought in perfection, were able to give life, and to bring man to eternall felicity. But our Nature is so corrupt, so weak and imperfect, that we are never able to fulfill the works of the Law in perfection; yea, if we say we have no sin (even after we are regenerate) we deceive our selves, and the Verity of God is not in us. And therefore it behoveth us to appre∣hend Christ Jesus with Justice and Satisfaction, who is the End and Ac∣complishment of the Law to all that believe, by whom we are set at this liberty, that the curse and malediction of the Law fall not upon us, albeit we fulfill not the same in all points: For God the Father beholding us in the Body of his Son Christ Jesus, accepteth our unperfect obedience, as were perfect, and covered our works which are defiled with many spots, with the Justice of his Son. We do not mean that we are set so at liberty, that we owe no obedience to the Law (for that before we have plainly confessed) but this we affirm, That no man in earth (Christ Jesus onely accepted) hath given, giveth, or shall give in work, that obedience to the Law, which the Law requireth; But when we have done all things, we must fall down and unfainedly confesse, That we are unprofitable servants. And therefore whosoever boast themselves of the merits of their own works, or put their trust in the works of Super∣erogation, they boast themselves of that which is not, and put their trust in damnable Idolatry.

XVI. Of the Church.

AS we believe in God the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, so do we most earnestly believe,* 16.48 That from the beginning there hath beene, now is,* 16.49 and to the end of the world shall be, A Church; that is to say, A Company and Multitude of men chosen of God, who rightly worship and embrace him by true faith in Christ Jesus,* 16.50 who is the onely Head of the same Church, which also is the Body & Spouse of Christ Jesus, which Church is catholike, that is, Universal, because it containeth the elect of all Ages, all Realms, Nations and Tongues, be they of the Jews, or be they of the Gentiles, who have Communion or Society with God the Father, and with his Son Christ Jesus,* 16.51 through the Sanctification of his holy Spirit; and therefore it is called, Communion (not of profane persons) but of Saints,* 16.52 who are Citizens of the heavenly Ierusalem, have the fru∣ition of the most inestimable benefits; to wit, of one God, one Lord Je∣sus, one Faith, and one Baptisme; without the which Church there is nei∣ther life nor eternall felicity: And therefore we utterly abhorre the blas∣phemy of those that affirm, That men that live according to equity and justice shall be saved, what Religion soever they have professed: For as

without Christ Jesus there is neither life nor salvation: so shall there none bee participant thereof, but such as the Father hath given unto his Sonne Christ Jesus, and those in time to come to him, avow his doctrine,* 16.53 and beleeve in him (we comprehend the Children, with the faithfull Parents) This Church is invisibly known onely to God, who alone knoweth it, whom hee hath chosen, and comprehendeth as well (as is said) the Elect that be departed (commonly called the Church triumphant) as those that yet live, and fight against sin and Sathan, as shall live hereafter.

XVII. The immortalitie of the Soules.

THe Elect departed are in peace,* 16.54 and rest from their labours, not that they sleep, and come to a certain oblivion (as some fantan∣stick heads do affirme) but that they are delivered from all fear, all torment, and all temptation, the which we and all Gods Elect are sub∣ject unto in this life, and therefore doe bear the name of the Church militant. As contrary alwayes the reprobate and unfaithfull departed, have anguish,* 16.55 torment and paine, that cannot be expressed, so that nei∣ther are the one nor the other in such sleepe, that they feele not joy or torment, as the Parable of Christ Jesus in the sixteenth of Luke, his words to the Theefe▪* 16.56 and these words of the souls crying under the Altar: O Lord, thou that art righteous and just, how long shalt thou not revenge our blood upon them that dwell upon the earth, doth plainly testifie.

XVIII. Of the Notes by the which the true Church is discerned from the false, and who shall be Iudge of the Doctrine.

BEcause that Sathan from the beginnig hath laboured to deck his pestilent Synagogue with the Title of the Church of God,* 16.57 and hath inflamed the hearts of cruell murtherers to persecute, trouble and molest the true Church and Members thereof, as Cain did Abel, Ish∣mael, Isaac, Esau, Iacob, and the whole Priesthood of the Iewes, Jesus Christ himself,* 16.58 and his Apostles after him. It is a thing most requisite, that the true Church be discerned from the filthy Synagogue, by cleere and perfect Notes,* 16.59 lest we being deceived, receive and embrace to our own condemnation the one for the other. The Notes, Signes, and assu∣red Tokens whereby the Immaculate Spouse of Christ Jesus is knowne from the horrible Harlot the Church malignant,* 16.60 we affirm, are neither antiquity, title usurped, lineall descents, place appointed, nor multitude of men approving any errour; For Cain in age and title was preferred to Abel and Seth. Ierusalem had prerogative above all places of the earth,* 16.61 where also were the Priests lineally descended from Aaron, and greater multitude followed the Scribes,* 16.62 Pharisees, and Priests, then unfainedly believed and approved Christ Jesus and his Doctrine;* 16.63 and yet (as we suppose) no man of whole judgement will grant

that any of the forenamed were the Church of God: The Notes there∣fore of the true Church of God, we beleeve, confesse, and avow, to be first the true preaching of the Word of God;* 16.64 in which God hath re∣vealed himself to us, as the writings of the Prophets and Apostles doe declare.* 16.65 Secondly, the right administration of the Sacraments of Christ Jesus, which may be annexed to the word and promise of God, to seale and confirme the same in our hearts. Lastly, Ecclesiasticall discipline uprightly ministred, as Gods Word prescribeth, whereby vice is re∣pressed, and vertue nourished, wheresoever then these former Notes are seen, and of any time continuall (be the number never so few above two or three) there without all doubt is the true Church of Christ, who according to his promise is in the midst of them;* 16.66 not of that universall (of which we have before spoken) but particular, such as was in Co∣rinthus, Galatia, Ephesus, and other places in which the Ministerie was planted by Paul, and were of himselfe named the Churches of God: and such Churches we the Inhabitants of the Realme of Scotland, pro∣fessours of Christ Jesus, confesse us to have in our Cities, Townes, and places reformed: For the Doctrine taught in our Churches, is contained in the written Word of God, to wit, in the Books of the New and Old Testaments; in those Books we meane, which of ancient have been re∣puted Canonicall, in the which we affirme that all things necessary to be beleeved for the salvation of mankinde is sufficiently expressed.* 16.67 The interpretation whereof, we confesse, neither appertaineth unto any pri∣vate nor publike person; neither yet to any Church for any prehemi∣nence or prerogative personall or locall, which one hath above another, but appertaineth to the Spirit of God,* 16.68 by the which also the Scripture was written. When controversie then hapneth for the right understand∣ing of any place or sentence of Scripture, or for the reformation of any abuse within the Church of God, we ought not so much to looke what men before us have said and done, as unto that which the Holy Ghost uni∣formly speaketh within the body of the Scriptures, and unto that which Christ Jesus himself did, and commanded to be done. For this is a thing universally granted, That the Spirit of God, which is the Spirit of unitie, is in nothing contrary to himselfe. If then the interpretation, determina∣tion or sentence of any Doctor, Church or Councell, repugne to the plain Word of God, written in any other place of Scripture, it is a thing most certain that there is not the true understanding and meaning of the Holy Ghost; supposing that Counsels, Realms, and Nations have approved and received the same. For we dare not receive and admit any Interpre∣tation, which directly oppugneth to any principall point of our faith, to any other plain text of Scripture, or yet to the rule of charitie.

XIX. The Authoritie of the Scriptures.

ANd we beleeve and confesse the Scriptures of God sufficient to in∣struct, and make the man of God perfect,* 16.69 so do we affirm and avow the Authoritie of the same to be of God, and neither to depend on

men nor Angels: We affirme therefore, That such as alleadge the Scrip∣tures to have no authority, but that which is received from the Church, to be blasphemous against God, and injurious to the true Church, which alwayes heareth and obeyeth the voice of her own Spouse and Pastour,* 16.70 but taketh not upon her to be Mistresse over the same.

XX. Of the Generall Councells, of their Power, Authoritie, and Cause of their Convention.

AS we not rashly condemne that which godly men assembled toge∣ther in Generall Councells, lawfully gathered, have approved unto us:* 16.71 So without just examination dare we not receive whatsoever is obtru∣ded unto men,* 16.72 under the name of Generall Councells, for plain it is, that as they were men, so have some of them manifestly erred, and that in matters of great weight and importance. So far then as the Councell proveth the Determination and Commandment, that it giveth by the plain Word of God, so far do we reverence and imbrace the same. But if men under the name of a Councell pretend to forge unto us new Ar∣ticles of our Faith, or to make Constitutions repugning to the Word of God,* 16.73 then utterly we may refuse the same, as the Doctrine of Devils, which draweth our souls from the voice of our onely God, to follow the Doctrines and Constitutions of men. The cause then why Generall Councells convened,* 16.74 was neither to make any perpetuall Law (which God before had not made) neither yet to forge new Articles of our be∣liefe, neither to give the Word of God authority, much lesse to make that to be his Word, or yet the true interpretation of the same, which was not before by his holy Will expressed in his Word. But the cause of Councells (we mean of such as merited the name of Councels) was part∣ly for Confutation of Heresies, and for giving publike Confession of their Faith to the posterities following, which both they did by the authority of Gods written Word, and not by any opinion or prerogative that they could not erre, by reason of their generall assembly. And this we judge to have been the chiefe cause of Generall Councells. The other was for good policie and Order to be constituted and observed in the Church, in which (as in the house of God) it becometh all things to be done de∣cently, and in order: not that we think that one Policie, and one Order in Ceremonies can be appointed for all ages, times, and places; for as Ce∣remonies (such as men have devised) are but temporall, so may, and ought they to be changed, when they rather foster superstition, then that they edifie the Church using the same.

XXI. Of the Sacraments.

AS the Fathers under the Law,* 16.75 besides the verity of the Sacrifices had two chief Sacraments; to wit, Circumcision and the Passeover, the despisers and contemners whereof were not reputed for Gods people:

so we acknowledge and confesse, That we now in time of the Gospel, have two Sacraments onely, instituted by the Lord Jesus, and commanded to be used by all those that will be reputed to be Members of his Body; to wit,* 16.76 Baptisme; and, The Supper, or Table of the Lord Jesus, called, The Communion of his Body and Blood. And these Sacraments (as well of the Old as of the New Testament) were instituted of God, not onely to make a visible difference betwixt his people, and those that were without his league; but also to exercise the Faith of his children, and by participation of the same Sacraments, to seale in their hearts the assurance of his ••romise, and of that most blessed Conjunction, Union, and Societie, which the Elect have with their Head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterly condemne the vanity of those, that affirme Sacraments to be nothing else but naked and bare signes:* 16.77 No, we assuredly beleeve, That by Baptisme we are ingrafted into Jesus Christ, to be made parta∣kers of his Justice, by the which our sinnes are covered and remitted. And also, That in the Supper rightly used, Christ Jesus is so joyned with us, that he becometh the very nourishment and food of our soules. Not that we imagine any Transubstantiation of Bread into Christs naturall Body; and of Wine into his naturall Blood (as the Papists have perni∣ciously taught, and damnably beleeved) but this Union and Commu∣nion which we have with the Body and Blood of Christ Jesus in the right use of the Sacraments, is wrought by operation of the holy Ghost, who by true Faith carrieth us above all things that are visible,* 16.78 carnall, and earthly, and maketh us to feed upon the Body and Blood of Christ Jesus, which was once broken and shed for us, which now is in the heaven, and appeareth in the presence of his Father for us. And yet not∣withstanding the far distance of place which is betwixt his Body now glo∣rified in the heaven, and us now mortall in this earth: Yet we most assu∣redly beleeve, That the Bread that we break is the Communion of Christs Body; and, The Cup which we blesse, is The Communion of his Blood. So that we confesse and undoubtedly beleeve, That the faithfull in the right use of the Lords Table,* 16.79 so do eat the Body and drink the Blood of the Lord Jesus, That he remaineth in them, and they in him: Yea, That they are so made flesh of his flesh, and bones of his bones, That as the eter∣nall God-head hath given to the flesh of Christ Jesus (which of the owne condition and nature was mortall, and corruptible) life and im∣mortalitie, so doth Christ Jesus Flesh and Blood eaten and drunken by us, give to us the same prerogatives; which albeit we confesse, are nei∣ther given unto us at that onely time, neither yet by the proper power and vertue of the Sacraments onely; yet we affirme, That the faithfull in the right use of the Lords Table hath such conjunction with Christ Jesus, as the naturall man cannot comprehend: yea, and further we af∣firme, That albeit the faithfull oppressed by negligence, and manly infirmity, doth not profit so much as they would at the very instant action of the Supper, yet shall it after bring forth fruit; as lively seed sowne in good ground; for the holy Spirit which can never be divided from the right institution of the Lord Jesus, wil not frustrate the faithfull, of the fruit of that mysticall action; but all this we say cometh by true Faith,

which apprehendeth Christ Jesus, who onely maketh his Sacraments ef∣fectuall unto us, and therefore whosoever slandereth us, as though we affirmed or beleeved Sacraments to be openly naked and bare signes, do injurie unto us, and speak against a manifest truth. But this liberally and frankly we must confesse, That we make a distinction betwixt Christ Je∣sus in his naturall substance, and betwixt the elements in the Sacramen∣tall signes.* 16.80 So that we will neither worship the signes, in place of that which is signified by them, neither yet do we despise and interpret them, as unprofitable and vain, but do use them with all reverence, exa∣mining our selves diligently before that so we do, because we are assu∣red by the mouth of the Apostle, that such as eat of that Bread, and drink of that Cup unworthily, are guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord Jesus.

XXII. Of the right administration of the Sacraments.

THat Sacraments be rightly ministred, we judge two things requi∣site: The one, that they be ministred by lawfull Ministers, whom we affirme to be onely they that are appointed to the Preaching of the Word, or unto whose mouthes God hath put some Sermon of Exhor∣tation, they being men of lawfull choosing thereto by some Church. The other, That they be ministred in such elements, and in such sort as God hath appointed. Else we affirme, That they cease to be right Sacraments of Christ Jesus. And therefore it is, that we flee the societie with the Papi∣sticall Church, in participation of their Sacraments; First, because their Ministers are no Ministers of Jesus Christ (yea,* 16.81 which is more horrible) they suffer women, whom the holy Ghost will not suffer to teach in the Congregation, to Baptize. And secondly, because they have so adulte∣rate, both the one Sacrament and the other, with their own inventions, that no part of Christs action abideth in the originall purity, for Oyl, Salt, Spittle, and such like in Baptisme, are but mens inventions, Adoration, Veneration, bearing through Streets and Townes, and keeping of bread in Boxes, are prophanation of Christs Sacraments, and no use of the same: For Christ Jesus said, Take and eat, &c. Do ye this in remem∣brance of me. By which words and charge he sanctified Bread and Wine to be the Sacrament of his Body and Blood; to the end, that one should be eaten, and that all should drink of the other, and not that they should be kept to be worshipped and honoured as God, as the blinde Papists have done heretofore, who also have committed Sacriledge, stealing from the people one part of the Sacrament; to wit, The blessed Cup. Moreover, that the Sacraments be rightly used, it is required, That the end and cause why the Sacraments were instituted, be understood and ob∣served, as well of the Minister as the Receivers: for if the opinion be changed in the Receiver, the right use ceaseth: which is most evident by the rejection of the sacrifices (as also if the teacher teach false Do∣ctrine) which were odious and abhominable unto God (albeit they were his own ordinances) because that wicked men used them to another

end then God hath ordained. The same affirm we of the Sacraments in the Papisticall Church, in which we affirm the whole action of the Lord Jesus to be adulterate, as well in the externall form, as in the end and opinion; What Christ Jesus did,* 16.82 and commanded to be done, is evident by the three Evangelists who speak of the Sacrament, & by S. Paul; what the Priest doth at his Altar, we need not to rehearse. The end and cause of Christs insti∣tution, and why the self-same should be used, is expressed in these words, Do ye this in remembrance of me,* 16.83 as oft as ye shall eat of this Bread, and drink of this Cup, ye shall shew forth (that is, extoll, Preach, and magnifie) the Lords death till he come. But to what end, and in what opinion the Priests say their Masses, let the words of the same their own Doctours and Wri∣tings witnesse; to wit, That they are Mediatours betwixt Christ and his Church,* 16.84 to offer unto God the Father, a Sacrifice propitiatorie for the sinnes of the quick and the dead: Which Doctrine, as blasphemous to Christ Jesus, and making derogation to the sufficiencie of his onely Sa∣crifice once offered for purgation of all those that shall be sanctified, we utterly abhorre, detest, and renounce.

XXIII. To whom Sacraments appertaine.

* 16.85VVE confesse and acknowledge, That Baptisme appertaineth as well to the infants of the faithfull, as unto those that be of age and discretion;* 16.86 And so we condemne the errour of the Anabaptists, who deny Baptisme to appertaine to children, before that they have Faith and understanding. But the Supper of the Lord we confesse to appertaine onely to such as have been of the houshold of Faith, can try and examine themselves, as well in their Faith, as in their duties towards their neigh∣bours. Such as eat at that holy Table without Faith,* 16.87 or being at dissen∣sion and division with their brethren do eat unworthily. And therefore it is, that in our Churches Ministers take publike and particular examina∣tion of the knowledge and conversation of such as are to be admitted to the Table of the Lord Jesus.

XXIV. Of the Civill Magistrate.

* 16.88VVE confesse and acknowledge Empires, Kingdomes, Dominions and Titles, to be distincted and Ordained by God, the powers and authorities in the same (be it of Emperours in their Empires, of Kings in their Realms, Dukes and Princes in their Dominions, or of other Ma∣gistrates in free Cities) to be Gods holy Ordinance, ordained for ma∣nifestation of his owne glory, and for the singular profit and commo∣ditie of mankinde.* 16.89 So that whosoever goeth about to take away, or to confound the holy state of Civill Policies, now long established; We affirm the same men not onely to be enemies to mankinde, but also wicked∣ly to fight against Gods expresse will.* 16.90 We further confesse and acknow∣ledge, That such persons as are placed in authority, are to be loved,

honoured, feared, and holden in most reverent estimation, because they are the Lieutenants of God, in whose Session God himself doth sit and judge (yea,* 16.91 even the Judges and Princes themselves) to whom by God is given the sword, to the praise and defence of good men, and to revenge and punish all open malefactours. To Kings, moreover Princes, Rulers, and Magistrates, to affirme, that chiefly and most principally the refor∣mation and purgation of Religion appertaineth, so that not only they are appointed for civill policie but also for maintenance of the true Religion, and for suppressing of Idolatry and Superstition whatsoever,* 16.92 as in David, Iosaphat, Ezekias, Iosias, and others highly commended for their zeal in the cause, may be espied. And therefore we confesse and avow, that such as resist the supreme Powers (doing that which appertaineth to their charge) do resist Gods Ordinance, and therefore cannot be guiltlesse: And further we affirme, that whosoever deny unto them their aide, coun∣sell, and comfort, while the Princes and Rulers vigilantly travell in the executing of their Office, that the same men denie their help, support and counsell to God, who by the presence of his Lieutenant craveth it of them.

XXV. The gifts freely given to the Church.

ALbeit that the word of God truly preached the Sacraments rightly ministred, and discipline executed according to the Word of God, be the certain and infallible signes of the true Church,* 16.93 yet doe we not so meane, that every particular person joyned with such a company, be an Elect Member of Christ Jesus, for we acknowledge and confesse that Darnell, Cockle, and Chaffe may be sowne, grow in great abundance, lie in the middest of the Wheate,* 16.94 that is, the Reprobate may be joyned in the societie of the Elect, and may externally use with them the benefits of the Words and Sacraments.* 16.95 But such being but temporall professors in mouth, but not in heart, doe fall backe and continue to the end. And therefore have they no fruit of Christs death, resurrection and ascension. But such as with heart unfained beleeve, and with mouth boldly confesse the Lord Jesus (as before we have said) shall most assuredly receive these gifts,* 16.96 first in this life remission of sinnes, and by faith onely in Christs blood, in so much, that albeit sinne remain and continually abide in these mortall bodies,* 16.97 yet it is not imputed unto us, but is remitted and covered with Christs justice. Secondly, in the generall judgement there shall be given to every man and woman resurrection of the flesh For the Sea shall give her dead, the earth those that therein be inclosed; yea, the Eternall our God shall stretch out his hand upon the dust,* 16.98 and the dead shall arise incorruptible, and that in the substance of the same flesh that every man now bears, to receive according to their works glory and punishment, for such as now delight in vanitie,* 16.99 crueltie, filthinesse, superstition, or ido∣latry shall be adjudged to the fire inextinguible,* 16.100 in the which they shall be tormented for ever, as well in their bodie, as in their soules; which now

give to serve the devill in all abomination. But such as continue in well doing to the end, boldly professing the Lord Jesus, to whose glorified Bo∣dy all his Elect shall be like, when he shall appear againe to Judgment, and shall render up the Kingdom to God his Father, who then shall be, and ever shall remain All in All things God blessed for ever: To whom, with the Son, and with the holy Ghost, be all Honour and Glory, now and for ever. Amen.

Arise, O Lord, and let thine enemies be confounded; let them flie from thy presence that hate thy holy Name: Give thy servants strength to speake thy Word in boldnesse, and let all Nations attain to thy true knowledge.

* 16.101These Acts and Articles were read in face of Parliament, and ratified by the three States of this Realm, at Edinburgh the 17 day of Iuly, in the yeer of our Lord 1560.

* 16.102This our Confession was publikely read, first in audience of the Lords of the Articles; and after, in the audience of the whole Parliament, where were present, not onely such as professed Christ Jesus, but also a great number of the adversaries of our Religion, such as the forenamed Bi∣shops, and some other of the Temporall State, who were commanded in Gods Name to object, if they could say any thing against that Doctrine. Some of our Ministers were present, standing upon their feet, ready to have answered, in case any would have defended Papistry, and im∣pugned our affirmatives. But while that no objection was made, there was a day appointed for concurrence in that and other Heads. Our Con∣fession was read every Article by it self over again, as they were written in order, and the voice of every man was required accordingly. Of the Temporall State, onely gave their voice on the contrary, the Earl of Athol, the Lords Simmerwaile and Borthwicke: And yet for their disassenting, they produced no better reason, but, We will believe as our Fathers be∣lieved. The Bishops (Papisticall we mean) spake nothing. The rest of the whole three States by their publike Votes, affirmed the Doctrine; and the rather, Because that fain the Bishops would, but durst say nothing on the contrary;* 16.103 for this was the Vote of the Earle Marshall; It is long since I have had some favour unto the Truth, and since that I have had a suspicion of the Papisticall Religion. But I praise my God, who this day hath fully resolved me in the one and the other: For seeing that the Bishops, who for their learning can, and for their zeal that they should bear to the Verity, would, as I suppose, have gainsaid any thing that directly repugneth to the Verity of God. Seeing, I say, the Bishops here present speak nothing in the contrary of the Doctrine propo∣sed, I cannot but hold it for the very Truth of God, and the contrary to be decei∣vable Doctrine. And therefore so far as in me lieth, I approve the one, and con∣demne the other: And do farther ask of God, That not onely I, but also all my posterity, may enjoy the comfort of the Doctrine that this day our ears have heard. And yet more I must Vote, as it were by way of Protestation, That if any person Ecclesiasticall shall after this oppose themselves to this our Confes∣sion, that they that have no place nor credit; considering that they having long advertisement, and full knowledge of this our Confession, none is now found

in lawfull, free, and quiet Parliament to oppose themselves to that which we pro∣fesse: And therefore if any of this Generation pretend to do it after this, I protest he be reputed rather one that loveth his own commodity, and the glory of the world, then the Truth of God, and the salvation of mens souls.

After the Voting and Ratification of this our Confession by the whole Body of the Parliament, there were also pronounced two Acts; the one against the Masse, and the abuse of the Sacraments; and the other against the Supremacy of the Pope. The Tenour whereof followeth.

An Act against the Masse, and the Sayers and Hearers thereof.

IN the Parliament holden at Edinburgh the tenth of Iuly, the yeer of God, 1560.

* 17.1

The said Parliament being continued to the first of August next there∣after following, with continuation of dayes, upon the twenty fourth day of the said moneth of August, the three States then being present: The which day, for∣somuch as Almighty God, by his most true and blessed Word, hath declared the Reverence and Honour which should be given to him; and by his Son Iesus Christ hath declared the true use of the Sacraments, willing the same to be used according to his Will and Word; By the which it is notorious, and perfectly knowne, That the Sacraments of Baptisme, and of the Body and Blood of Ie∣sus Christ, hath been this long time past, corrupted by the Papisticall Church, and by their Ministers. And at this present time, notwithstanding the Reform∣ation already made according to Gods Word; yet neverthelesse, there is some of the same Popes Church that stubbornly persevereth in their wicked Idolatry, saying Masse, and Baptizing conform to the Popes Church, profaning there∣through the Sacraments aforesaid in quiet secret places, regarding therein neither God nor his Word:

Therefore it is Decreed and Ordained in this present Parliament, That no manner of person or persons, in any time coming, administrate any of the Sa∣craments secretly, in any manner of way, but they that are admitted, and ha∣ving power to that effect; Nor say Masse, nor yet heare Masse, nor be pre∣sent thereat, under the pain of confiscation of all their goods, and punishing of their bodies at the discretion of the Magistrates within whose Iurisdiction such persons happeneth to be apprehended for the first fault; banishing out of the Realme for the second fault, and chastising by death for the third fault. And Ordaineth all Sheriffs, Stewards, Baylies, and their Deputies, Provosts and Bayliffs of Burroughs, and other Iudges within this Realm, to make diligent sute and inquisition within their Bounds, where any such usurped Ministry is used, Masse-saying, or they that be present at the doing thereof, ratifying, and ap∣proving the same, and take, and apprehend them, to the effect, that the pains above written may be executed upon them.

Extractum de Libro Parliamenti, per me, &c.

Sic Subscribitur. Iacobus Magill.

The Act for the abolishing of the Pope, and his usurped Authority in SCOTLAND.

* 18.1IN the Parliament holden at Edinburgh the tenth of July, the year of God 1560. And thereafter continued to the first day of August next thereaf∣ter following, with continuation of dayes upon the 24 of the said Moneth of August, the three States then being present, understanding that the Iurisdiction and Authority of the Bishop of Rome, called the Pope, used in this Realm in times past hath been very hurtsome and prejudiciall to our Soveraigns Authority and Common-weale of this Realm. Therefore hath decreed and ordained, That the Bishop of Rome hath no Iurisdiction nor Authority in this Realm in times comming. And that none of our said Soveraigns Subjects, claim, and desire in any time herafter title or right by the said Bishop of Rome, or his sect, to any thing within this Realm, under the pains of Baratrie, that is to say, Proscription, banishment, and never to brook and enjoy honour, office, nor dignity within this Realm; and the contraveners hereof to be called before the Iustice, or his Deputies, or before the Lords of the Session, and punished therefore, confirm to the Laws of this Realm; and the furnishers of them with fynance of money, and purchasers of their title of right, or maintainers or defenders of them, shall incur the same pains: And that no Bishop, nor other Prelat of this Realm, use any Iurisdiction in times to come, by the said Bishop of Romes Authority, under the pain aforesaid.

Extractum de Libro Parliamenti, per me, Ut supra.

These and other things orderly done in lawfull and free Parliament, we directed to France to our Soveraign Sir Iames Sandelandes Lord of Saint-Iohn, with the Acts of the said Parliament, that by them they might be ratified, according to the promises of their Majesties Commissioners made to us, as by the Contract of Peace may evidently appear. But how the said Lord of Saint Iohn was received and used, we list not to rehearse: But alwayes no ratification brought he unto us, but that we little regarded, or yet do regard; for all that we did, was rather to shew our dutifull obe∣dience, then to beg of them any strength to our Religion,* 18.2 which from God hath full power, and needed not the suffrage of man, but in so far as man had need to beleeve it, if that ever he shall have participation of the life everlasting. But somewhat must we answer to such as since hath whispered, that it was but a pretended Parliament, a privie Convention and no lawfull Parliament.* 18.3 Their reasons are, The King and Queen were in France, there was neither Scepter, Sword, nor Crown born, &c.* 18.4 And some Principall Lords were absent. We answer, That we rather wish the Papists to be quiet then too curiously to travell in that Point: for it may be, while they thinke to hurt us, they give the Queene and her

authority a great blow, and yet amend themselves nothing. For in whose default we pray you was the Queen absent from this Realm? We think they will not be so shamelesse as that they will blame the Protestants thereof. Her person was absent, and that to no small grief of our hearts: But were not the States of her Realm assembled in her name? Yea, had they not her full power and Commission, yea, the Commission and com∣mandment of her head the King of France, to convocate that Parliament, and to do all things that may be done in lawfull Parliament?* 18.5 Even as if our Soveraigns had been there in proper persons: If they will limit the power of Princes to the places onely where their bodily presence is, it will be thought strange; for so not onely shall Kings be compelled to content them with one Realme, but also with one Citie: For the bodily presence of Kings can no more be in divers cities at one instant, then that they can be in divers Realms. Hitherto we have understood, that wheresoever the great Councellers of the King with his power and Commission are assem∣bled, to do any thing at his just commandment, That there is the Kings sufficient presence and authority, wheresoever his own body be living at freedome and liberty; which if the Papists deny, we will finde faults with them, and with the Princes whom they have abused, that more will annoy them, then any thing that we can lose by the insufficiencie of that Parliament: Which neverthelesse we are bold to affirme to have been more lawfull and more free, then any Parliament that they are able to produce this hundred yeeres before it, or yet any that hath ensued since it was, (he meanes untill 1566. when this Book was written) for in it the voices of men were free, and given in conscience, in others they were bought, or given at the devotion of the misled Prince. All things in it concluded, are able to abide the triall, and not to be consumed at the proofe of the fire: of others the godly may justly call in doubt things determined. To the Sword and Scepter, nor yet to the absence of some Lords, we answer nothing. For our adversaries know well enough that the one is rather a pompe, and vaine-glorious ceremonie, then a substan∣tiall point of necessitie required to a lawfull Parliament: And the absence of some prejudges not the powers of the present duely assembled: Pro∣viding, that due advertisement be made unto them. But now we return to our History.

The Parliament dissolved, consultation was had, how the Church might be established in a good and godly policie, which by the Papists was altogether defaced. Commission and charge was given to Master Iohn Winram Sub-priour of S. Andrews, Master Iohn Spottiswood, Iohn Willock, Master Iohn Dowglas Rectour of S. Andrews, Master Iohn Row, and Iohn Knox, to draw in a Volume the Policie and Discipline of the Church, as well as they had done the Doctrine, which they did, and pre∣sented it to the Nobility,* 18.6 who did peruse it many dayes. Some approved it, and willed the same to have been set forth by a Law, others perceiving their carnall liberty and worldly commodity somewhat to be impared thereby, grudged, in so much that the name of the Book of Discipline became odious unto them. Every thing that repugned to their corrupt

imaginations was termed in their mockage, Devout imaginations. The cause we have before declared, some was licentious, some had greedily griped the possessions of the Church; and others thought that they would not lack their part of Christs Coat, yea, and that before that ever he was Crucified, as by the Preachers they were oft rebuked. The chief great man that had professed Christ Jesus, and refused to subscribe the Book of Discipline,* 18.7 was the Lord Erskin. And no wonder, for besides that, he had a very evill woman to his wife, if the Poore, the Schooles, and the Ministerie of the Church had their owne, his Kitchin would lack two parts and more, of that which he unjustly now possesseth. Assuredly some of us hath wondered how men that professe godlinesse could of so long continuance hear the threatnings of God against theeves and against their houses, and knowing themselves guilty, in such things as were open∣ly rebuked, and that they never had remorse of conscience, neither yet in∣tended to restore any thing of that which long they had stollen and reft. There were none within the Realme more unmercifull to the poore Mini∣sters then were they which had greatest rents of the Churches. But in that we have perceived the old Proverb to be true; Nothing can suffice a wretch. And again, The belly hath no eares. Yet the same Book of Disci∣pline was subscribed by a great part of the Nobility; To wit, The Duke, the Earle of Arrane, the Earles Argyle, Glencarn, Mershell, Menteth, Morton, Rothesse, Lord Iames after Earle of Murray, Lords Yeaster, Boyd, Uchiltrie, Master of Maxwell, Lord Lindsay elder, and the Master after Lord Bar∣rons, Drunlaurige, Lothingwar, Garleisse, Bargany, Master Alexander Gordon Bishop of Galloway, (this Bishop of Galloway, as he renounced Popery, so did he Prelacie, witnesse his subscription of the Book of Discipline, as the rest of the Prelats did who did joyne to the Reformation) Alexander Campbell Deane of Marray, with a great number moe subscribed and ap∣proved the said Book of Discipline in the Town-Buith of Edinburgh, the 27 day of January, the yeere of our Lord God 1560. by their appro∣bation; In these words:

WE which have subscribed these presents, having advised with the Articles herein specified, and as is above-mentioned from the beginning of this Book, thinks the same good and con∣forme to Gods Word in all points conforme to the Notes and Additions thereto,* 18.8 asked, and promise to set the same forward at the uttermost of our powers. Providing that the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Prelates and Beneficed men which else have adjoyned themselves to us, brooke the revenues of their Benefices during their life times, they sustaining and upholding the Ministerie and Ministers, as is heere∣in specified, for Preaching of the Word and Ministring of the Sa∣craments.

What be the contents of the whole Book, and how that this promise was illuded from time to time we shall after heare.

Shortly after the said Parliament were sent from the Councell Ambas∣sadours to England, the Earles Morton and Glencarne, together with William Maitland of Lethington, yonger. The chief point of their Commission was earnestly to crave the constant assistance of the Queens Majestie of Eng∣land, against all forraigne invasion and common enemies.

That same time was the Castle of Semple hard besieged and taken. Because the Lord thereof disobeyed the Lawes and Ordinances of the Councell in many things, and especially in that, that he would main∣tain the Idolatrie of the Masse, and also, that he beset the way to the Earle of Arrane, with a great gathering, as he was riding with his ac∣customed company. The Papists were proud, for they looked for a new Armie from France at the next Spring, and thereof was no small ap∣pearance, if God had not otherwise provided. For France utterly refused the confirmation of the Peace contracted at Leith, would ratifie no part of our Parliament, dismissed the Lord of Saint Iohn, without a resolute an∣swer, began to gather new Bands of throat-cutters, and to make great preparation for Ships. They further sent before them certain practisers, (amongst whom the Lord Seaton who had departed with the French out of Leith was one) to raise up new troubles within this Realme.* 18.9 And all this came partly of the malice of the house of Guise, who had avow∣ed to revenge the displeasure of their sister both upon England and Scot∣land, and partly by instigation of proud Beton, falsly called Bishop of Glasgow, of Dury Abbot of Dunfermeling, and Saulles Seaton, and Master Iohn Sinclair Deane of Restalrige, with such others of the French faction, who had openly spoken, That they had refused all portion of Scotland, unlesse that it were under the government of a French-man. Recompence them (O Lord) as thou knowest most expedient for thine owne glory, and for the perpetuall shame of all Traitours to their Common-wealth. The certain knowledge of all these things came to our eares, whereat many were afraid, and divers suspected that England would not be so forward in times to come, considering that their former expences were so great. The principall comfort remained with the Preachers,* 18.10 for they assu∣red us in Gods Name that God would performe in all perfection that worke in our hands. The beginning whereof he had so mightily main∣tained, because it was not ours, but his own. And therefore exhor∣ted us, That we should constantly proceed to reform all abuses, and to plant the Ministery of the Church, as by Gods word we might justifie it; and then commit the successe of all to our God,* 18.11 in whose power the disposition of Kingdoms standeth. And so we began to do, for troubles appearing, made us give eare to the admonitions of Gods servants. And while that we had scarcely begun again to implore the help of our God, and to shew some signes of our obedience unto his Messengers, and holy Word, Lo the mighty hand of God from above sent unto us a wonderfull and most joy∣full deliverance:* 18.12 For unhappy Francis, husband to our Soveraigne, sud∣denly perished of a rotten eare. But because the death of that young man was not onely the cause of joy to us in Scotland, but also by it were the faithfull in France delivered as it were from the present death. We think expedient to speak of the same somewhat more largely.

These cruell and conjured enemies of God and of all godlinesse, the Duke of Guise, the Cardinall of Loraine, and their faction, who then at their owne appetite plaid the Tyrants in France, had determined the destruction of all that professed the true knowledge of Jesus Christ within that Realme. What tyrannie late before they had used at Am∣boyse, the History of France doth witnesse: now in Orleance in the moneth of November, conveaned the King, unhappy Francis, the Queen our Soveraigne, and the Queen mother of the King, the Duke of Guise, with all his faction: The King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condie, his brother.

So that great was the confluence of the Nobilitie, but greater was the assembly of the murtherers, for there was not a Hang-man in all France which was not there. The prisons were full of the true servants of God: The King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condie were consti∣tuted Prisoners. The Sheriffe of Orleance, a man fearing God, was taken, and so were many others of the Towne. Briefly, there was none that professed God or godlinesse within that Towne, that looked not for the extremity, for the Walles and Gates were night and day kept with the Garisons of the Guysians, miserable men were daily brought in, to suffer judgement, but none was suffered to depart forth, but at the devo∣tion of the Tyrants.

And so they proceeded till the tenth or twelfth of December, when that they thought time to put their bloody councell in execution, and for that purpose conclusion was taken, That the King should depart out of the Towne, and lie at a certaine place; which was done to this intent, That there should no suite be made to the King for the safetie of any mans life, whom they thought worthy of death. And so was the Kings house in Orleance broken up, his beds, cofers, and tapistrie sent away, his owne bootes put on, he sitting at the Masse immediately hereafter to have depar∣ted, and so their tyrannie to have begun.

When all things, we say, were in this readinesse to shed the blood of innocents, the eternall, our God, who ever watcheth for the preser∣vation of his owne, began to worke, and suddenly did put his own work in execution, for as the said King sat at Masse, he was suddenly stric∣ken with an Aposthume, in that deaf ear that never would hear the Trueth of God, and so was he carried to a void and empty house, laid upon a pal∣liase unto such time as a Cannaby was set up unto him, where he lay till the fifteenth day of December,* 18.13 in the yeere of God 1560. When his glory perished, and the pride of his stubborne heart vanished in smoke; And so was the snare broken; The Tyrants disappointed of their cruel∣tie; Those that was appointed to death, raised, as it were, out of their graves; And we, who by our foolishnesse had made our selves slaves to strangers, were restored againe to freedome and libertie of a free Realme.

O that we had hearts deepely to consider what are thy wondrous works (O Lord) that we might praise thee in the midst of this most obstinate and wicked generation, and leave the memoriall of the same to our posterities, which alas, we feare shall forget these thy inestimable benefits.

Some in France, after the sudden death of Francis the 2. and calling to minde the death of Charles the 9 in blood; and the slaughter of Henry the 2. did remark the Tragicall ends of these three Princes, who had persecuted Gods servants so cruelly by their instruments the Guisians, and by their Pens both in Prose and Verse, did advise all other Princes not to authorize any Persecution or wrong done unto Gods servants, left they should have the like end. And indeed the following Kings of France unto this day, hath found this true by their infortunate and unexpected ends.

The death of this King made great alteration in France, England and Scotland; France was erected in some esperance that the tyranny of the Guisians should no longer raigne above them, because God at unawares had broken the staffe whereupon they leaned; but alas, they were decei∣ved: For the simplicity of some was so abused, that against the Lawes of the Realm, to the Queen mother was committed the Regiment, which lift∣ed up as well the Duke of Guise, as the cruell Cardinall, for a season. The Queen of England, and the Councell, remitted our Ambassadours. The pride of the Papists of Scotland began to be abated, and some that ever had shewn themselves enemies unto us, began to think, and plainly to speak (amongst whom the old Sheriff of Ayre was one) That they perceived God to fight for us. The Earle of Arrane having suffered repulse in his designe to marry the Queen of England, he began to fancie unto himselfe that the Queen of Scotland bare unto him some favour: And so he wrote unto her, and sent for credit a Ring, which the said Queen our Soveraign knew well enough. The Letter and Ring were both presented to the Queen, and by her received: Such answer was returned to the said Earle, after the which he made no further pursuit in that matter: And yet never∣thelesse he did bear it heavily in heart, and more heavily then his friends would have wished; for grief he was troubled in his understanding.

The certainty of the death foresaid was signified unto us both by Sea and Land. By Sea received Iohn Knox (who then had great intelligence both with the Churches abroad, and some of the Court of France) That the King was mortally sick, and could not well escape death. Which Let∣ters received that same day at afternoon he passed to the Duke to his own lodging at the Church of Field, with whom he found the Lord Iames in conference alone: The Earle of Arrane was in Iedburgh, to whom he opened such news as he had received, and willed them to be of good comfort; for, said he, the advertiser hath never deceived me: It is the same Gentleman that first gave us knowledge of the slaughter of Henry King of France; and shewed unto them the Letter, but would not expresse the mans name. While they were reasoning in divers purposes, and he comforting them: For while (we say) they three were familiarly commu∣ning together, there came a messenger from the Lord Gray forth of Bar∣wick, assuring him of the death of the K. of France. Which noysed abroad, a generall Convention of the Nobility was appointed to be holden at

Edinburgh the fifteenth day of Ianuary following, in the which the Book of discipline was perused newly over againe, for some pretended igno∣rance, by reason that they had not heard it. In that assembly was Master Alexander Anderson Subprincipall, and Under-Master of one of the Schools of Aberdein, a man more subtill and craftie than either learned or godly, called, who refused to dispute anent his faith, abusing a place of Tertullian, to cloak his ignorance. It was answered unto him, That Tertullian should not prejudge the Authoritie of the Holy Ghost, who by the mouth of Peter commandeth us to give reason of our faith to eve∣ry one that requireth the same of us; It was farther answered, that we neither required him, neither yet any man to dispute in any point con∣cerning our faith▪ which was grounded upon Gods Word, and fully ex∣pressed in his holy Scriptures, for all that we beleeved without contro∣versie. But we required of him, as of the rest of Papists, that they would suffer their Doctrine, Constitutions, and Ceremonies to come to triall. And principally, that the Masse and the opinion thereof by them taught unto the people,* 18.14 might be laid to the square rule of Gods Word, and un∣to the right Institution of Jesus Christ, That they might understand whe∣ther that their Preachers offended, or not, in that, that they affirmed. The Action of the Masse to be expresly repugning unto the last Supper of the Lord Jesus, The sayer of it to commit horrible blasphemie in usurping up-him the Office of Christ, The hearers to commit damnable Idolatry, and the opinion of it conceived to be a derogation, and as it were a dis∣anulling of Christs death. While the said Master Alexander denied, that the Priest took upon him Christs office, to offer for sin, as he alleaged, a Masse book was produced, and in the beginning of the Canon were these words read, Suscipe Sancta Trinitas hanc oblationem quam ego indignus pecca∣tor offero tibi vivo Deo & vero, pro peccatis meis, pro peccatis totius Ecclesiae vi∣vorum & mortuum. Now said the reasoner, if to off••r for the sinnes of the whole Church, was not the Office of Christ Jesus, yea that Office that to him onely might, and may appertaine, let the Scripture judge. And if a vile Knave, whom ye call Priest, proudly taketh the same upon him, let your own Books witnesse. The said Mr. Alexander answered, Christ offered the propitiatory, and that could none do but he; but we offer the remembrance.* 18.15 Whereto it was answered, We praise God that ye have denyed a sacrifice propitiatorie to be in the Masse; and yet we offer to prove, that in moe than a hundreth places of your Papisticall Doctors this proposition is affirmed, The Masse is said to be a Sacrifice propitiatory. But the second part, where ye alleage that ye offer Christ in remembrance; we ask first, Unto whom do ye offer him? and next by what authority are ye assured of well-doing? In God the Father there falleth no Oblivion: And if ye will shift and say, that ye offer it not as God, were forgetfull, but as willing to apply Christs merits to his Church. We demand of you, What power & commandment have ye so to do? We know that our Ma∣ster Christ Jesus commanded his Apostles to do that which he did in re∣membrance of him, But plain it is, that Christ took bread, gave thanks, brake bread, and gave it to his disciples, saying, Take ye, eate ye, this is my body which is broken for you, do this in remembrance of me, &c. Here we finde a commandment, to take,

to eat, to take and to drinke; but to offer Christs Body either for remem∣brance or application, we finde not: And therefore we say, To take up∣on you an Office which is not given unto you, is unjust usurpation, and no lawfull power. The said Master Alexander being more then astonish∣ed, would have shifted; but then the Lords willed him to answer directly, whereto he answered, That he was better seen in Philosophie, then in Theologie.* 18.16 Then was commanded M. Iohn Leslie (who then was Par∣son of Une, and now Abbot of Londors, and after was made Bishop of Rosse) to answer to the former Argument; and he with great gravity be∣gan to answer, If our Master have nothing to say to it, I have nothing; for I know nothing but the Cannon Law: And the greatest reason that ever I could finde there, is, Nolumus and Volumus, and yet we understand that now* 18.17 he is the onely Patron of the Masse. But it is no marvell, for we understand that he is a Priests get and Bastard, and therefore we should not wonder, albeit that the old truan Verse be true, Patrem sequitur sua proles. The Nobility hearing that neither the one nor the other would answer directly, said, We have been miserably deceived heretofore; for if the Masse may not obtaine remission of sins to the quick and to the dead, Wherefore were all the Abbies so richly doted and endowed with our Temporall lands.

Thus much we thought good to insert here, because that some Papists are not ashamed now to affirm, That they with their reasons could never be heard, but that all we did, we did by meer force; when that the whole Realme knoweth, That we ever required them to speak their judgements freely, not onely promising unto them protection and defence, but also that we should subscribe with them, if they by Gods Scriptures could confute us, and by the same Word establish their assertions. But who can correct the leasings of such as in all things shew them the sons of the Father of all lies. Preserve us, Lord, from that perverse and malicious Generation. Amen.

At this same Assembly was the Lord Iames appointed to go to France to the Queen our Soveraigne, and a Parliament was appointed to begin the 20 of May next following; for at that time was the returne of the said Lord Iames looked for: and so was that Convention dissolved, without any other thing of importance concluded. The said Lord Iames prepa∣red him for his journey (for albeit he past in the publike affairs, he sustain∣ed the charge of his own expences; and yet there never past from this Realme in the company of one man so many, and so honest tho∣row England to France.* 18.18) Before he departed, he was forewarned, as well of the danger in France, as of the Queens craft (not that we then sus∣pected her nature, but that we understood the malice of her friends) he was plainly premonished, That if ever he condescended that she should have Masse publikely or privately within the Realme of Scotland, that then betrayed he the Cause of God, and exposed the Religion even to the uttermost danger that he could do.* 18.19 That she should have Masse pub∣likely, he affirmed that he would never consent: But to have it secretly in her Chamber, Who could stop her? The danger was shewn, and so he departed.

The Forme and Order of the Election of the Superin∣tendent, and all other Ministers at Edinburgh, March the 9. 1560. John Knox being then Preacher.

FIrst, was made a Sermon, in the which these Heads were handled: First, The necessity of Ministers and Superintendents, or Overseers. The second, the crimes and vices that might unable them of the Ministry. Thirdly, the vertues required in them. Fourthly and lastly, Whether such as by publike consent of the Church were called to such Office, might refuse the same.

The Sermon finished, it was declared by the same Minister, maker thereof, That the Lords of the Secret Councell had given Charge and Power to the Churches of Lowthian, to to chuse Master Iohn Spottis∣wood Superintendent or Overseer; And that sufficient warning was made by publike Edict to the Churches of Edinburgh, Linliethquow, Sterlin, Tranent, Hadington, and Dumbar, as also to the Earles, Lords, Barons, Gentlemen, and others, that have, or that might claim to have Vote in Election, to be present that day, and that same hour. And therefore enquiry was made, Who were present, and who were absent. After was called the said Iohn, who answering the Minister, demand∣ed, If he knew any crime or offence to the said Master Iohn, that might unable him to be called to that Office? and that he demanded thrise. Secondly, question was moved to the whole multitude, If there was any other whom they put in Election with the said Master Iohn: The people were asked, If they would have the said Master Iohn Superin∣tendent or Overseer? If they would honour and obey him as Christs Minister, and comfort and assist him in every thing pertaining to his Charge?

They answered:

We will and do promise unto him such obedience, as becometh Sheep to give unto their Pastor, so long as he remaineth faithfull in his Office.

Tne answers of the people, and their consent received, the questions were propounded to him that was to be elected.

Question.

Seeing that ye hear the thirst and desire of this people; Do ye not thinke your selfe bound in conscience before God to support them, that so earnestly call for your comfort, and for the fruit of your labours?

Answer.

If any thing were in me able to satisfie their desire, I acknowledge my selfe bound to obey God calling by them.

Question.

Do ye seek to be promoted to this Office and charge, for any respect of worldly commodity,* 19.1 riches, or glory?

Answer.

God knoweth the contrary.

Question.

Beleeve ye not that the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles, con∣tained in the Books of the Old and New Testaments, are the onely true, and most absolute foundation of the Universall Church of Christ Jesus, in so much that in the same Scriptures are contained all things necessary to be beleeved for the salvation of mankinde?

Answer.

I verely beleeve the same, and do abhorre and utterly refuse all Doctrine al∣leadged necessary to salvation, that is not expressedly contained in the same.

Question.

Is not Christ Jesus man of man, according to the flesh; to wit, The Sonne of David, The seed of Abraham, Conceived by the holy Ghost, Born of the Virgine his mother; and that he is the onely Head and Me∣diatour of his Church?

Answer.

He is, and without him there is neither salvation to man, nor life to Angel.

Question.

Is not the same Lord Jesus, The onely true God, The eternall Son of the eternall Father, in whom all that shall be saved were elected before the foundation of the world was laid?

Answer.

I confesse and acknowledge, and confesse him in the Unitie of his God-head, to be God above all things blessed for ever.

Question.

Shall not they whom God in his eternall Councell hath elected, be called to the knowledge of his Sonne, our Lord Jesus, and shall not they who of purpose are called in this life, be justified, and justification and free remission of sins is obtained in this life by free grace? Shall not the glory of the sons of God follow in the generall Resurrection, when the Son of God shall appear in his glorious Majestie?

Answer.

This I acknowledge to be the Doctrine of the Apostles, and the most singular comfort of Gods children.

Question.

Will ye not then containe your self in all Doctrine within the bounds of this foundation? Will ye not studie to promove the same, as well by your life, as by your Doctrine? Will ye not, according to the graces and utterance that God shall grant unto you, professe, instruct, and main∣taine the puritie of the Doctrine contained in the sacred Word of God, and to the uttermost of your power?* 19.2 Will ye not gain-stand and con∣vince the gain-sayers, and the teachers of mens inventions?

Answer.

That do I promise in the presence of God, and of his Congregation heere assembled.

Question.

Know ye not that the excellencie of this Office to the which God hath called you, requireth that your conversation and behaviour be such, as that ye may be irreprehensible, yea, even in the eyes of the un∣godly?

Answer.

I unfainedly acknowledge, and humbly desire the Church of God to pray with me that my life be not slanderous to the glorious Gospel of Christ Iesus.

Question.

Because you are a man compassed with infirmities, will you not cha∣ritably and with lowlinesse of spirit receive admonition of your bre∣thren? And if ye shall happen to slide or offend in any point, will ye not be subject to the Discipline of the Church, as the rest of your brethren.

The Answer of the Superintendent or Minister to be elected.

I acknowledge my self a man subjected to infirmity, and one that hath need of correction and admonition, and therefore I most willingly subject my selfe to the wholsome Discipline of the Church, yea, to the Discipline of the same Church by which I am now called to this Office and Charge, and here in Gods pre∣sence and yours, do promise obedience to all admonitions, secretly or publikely given; unto which, if I be found inobedient, I confesse my selfe most worthy to be rejected, not onely from this honour, but also from the societie of the faithfull in case of my stubbornnesse.* 19.3 For the vocation of God to beare charge within his Church, maketh not men Tyrants nor Lords, but appointeth them servants, Watch-men, and Pastors to the flock.

Thus ended, question must be asked again of the multitude.

Question.

Require ye any further of this your Superintendent, or Overseer and Minister.

If no man answer, let the Minister proceed.

Question.

Will ye not acknowledge this your brother for the Minister of Christ Jesus, your Overseer and Pastour? Will ye not reverence the Word of God that proceedeth from his mouth? Will ye not receive of him the Ser∣mon of Exhortation with patience; not refusing the wholsome Medicine of your soules, although it be bitter and unpleasing to the flesh? Will ye not finally maintain and comfort him in his Ministerie and watching over you, against all such as wickedly would rebell against God and his holy Ordinance?

The people answered.

We will: as we will answer to the Lord Iesus, who hath commanded his Mi∣nisters to be had in reverence, as his Ambassadours, and as men that carefully watch for the salvation of our soules.

Let the Nobilitie be urged with this.

Ye have heard the dutie and profession of this our brother by your consents appointed to this charge, as also the dutie and obedience which God requireth of us towards him heere in his Ministerie. But because that neither of both are able to performe any thing without the especiall grace of our God in Christ Jesus, who hath promised to be with us pre∣sent even to the consummation of the world, with unfained hearts let us crave of him his benediction and assistance in this work begun, to his glo∣ry, and for the comfort of his Church.

The Prayer.

O Lord, to whom all power is given in heaven and on earth, thou that art the eternall Sonne of the eternall Father, who hast not onely loved thy Church, that for the redemption and purgation of the same, hast humbled thy selfe to the ignominious death of the Crosse, and thereupon hast shed thy most precious and innocent blood, to prepare to thy self a Spouse without spot, but also to retain this most ex∣cellent benefit in recent memory, hast appointed in thy Church, Teachers, Pastours, and Apostles, to instruct, comfort, and admonish the same; Look upon us mercifully, O Lord, thou that onely art King, Teacher, and high Priest, to thine own flock: and send unto this our Brother, whom in thy Name we have charged with the chief care of thy Church within the bounds of L. such portion of thy holy Spirit, as thereby he may rightly divide thy Word, to the instruction of thy flock, and to the confuta∣tion of pernicious errours and damnable Superstitions. Give unto him, good Lord, a mouth and wisdome, whereby the enemies of thy Trueth may be confounded, the Wolves expelled and driven from thy Fold, thy Sheep may be fed in the wholsome Pastures of thy most holy Word, the blinde and ignorant may be illuminated with thy true knowledge.

Finally, that the degrees of Superstition and Idolatry which now resteth within this Realme, being purged and removed, we may all not onely have occasion to glorifie thee our onely Lord and Saviour, but also daily to grow in godlinesse and obedience of thy most holy will, to the destru∣ction of the body of sin, and to the restitution of that image, to the which we were once created, and to the which after our fall and defection we are renewed by participation of thy holy Spirit, which by true Faith in thee we do professe, as the blessed of thy Father, of whom the perpetuall in∣crease of thy graces we crave, as by thee our Lord, King, and onely Bi∣shop we are taught to pray. Our Father, &c.

The Prayer ended, the rest of the Ministers, if any be, and Elders of that Church present, in signe of their consent, shall take the elected by the hand. The chiefe Minister shall give the Benediction, as followeth;

God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath commanded his Gospel to be Preached, to the comfort of his Elect, and hath called thee to the Office of a Watch-man over his people, multiply his graces with thee, illuminate thee with his holy Spirit; comfort and strengthen thee in all vertue; governe and guide thy Ministerie, to the praise of his holy Name, to the propagation of Christs Kingdom, to the comfort of his Church; and finally, to the plaine discharge and assurance of thine owne conscience in the day of the Lord Jesus; to whom with the Father and with the holy Ghost, be all honour, praise, and glory, now and ever. So be it.

The last Exhortation to the elected.

TAke heed to thy selfe, and unto the flock committed to thy charge, feed the same carefully, not as it were by compulsion, but of very love which thou bearest to the Lord Jesus. Walk in simplicity and purenesse of life, as it becometh the true servant and the Ambassadour of the Lord Jesus. Usurpe not dominion nor tyrannicall authority over thy brethren, be not discouraged in adversity, but lay before thy self the example of the Prophets, Apostles, and of the Lord Jesus, who in their Ministery su∣stained contradiction, contempt, persecution, and death: fear not to re∣buke the world of Sin, Justice, and Judgement. If any thing succeed prosperously in thy Vocation, be not puft up with pride, neither yet flatter thy self, as that the good successe proceedeth from thy vertue, industrie or care. But let ever that sentence of the Apostle remain in thine heart; What hast thou which thou hast not received? If thou have received, why gloriest thou? Comfort the afflicted, support the poore, and exhort others to support them. Be not carefull for things of this life, but be fervent in prayer to God for the increase of his holy Spirit. And finally, behave thy selfe in this holy vocation, with such sobriety as God may be glorified in thy Ministery. And so shalt thou shortly obtaine the Victory, and shalt re∣ceive the Crowne promised, when the Lord Jesus shall appeare in his glo∣ry, whose omnipotent Spirit assist thee and us to the end.

Sing 23. Psalme.

As the servants of God uprightly travelled to have vice punished, and vertue planted; so did the devill ever stirre up some in the contrary of both. There was a Law made against fornicators and adulterers, that the one and the other should be Carted thorow the Towns, and so banished, till that their repentance was offered and received. And albeit this was not the severity of Gods Law, especially against adulterers, yet was it a great bridle to the malefactors, whereat the wicked did wonderously storme. It chanced that one Sanderson a Fletcher or Boutcher, was depre∣hended to have put away his lawfull wife (under colour that he was law∣fully parted after the manner of the Papisticall Religion) and had taken to him another in his house. The complaint and slander proposed to the Church, and triall taken, That he was not married with the second wo∣man, neither that he was able to prove that he was divorced by any or∣der of the Law from the first, he was committed to the hands of the Ma∣gistrates, who according to the Laws commanded him to be Carted. But the rascall multitude enflamed by some ungodly Crafts-men, made insur∣rection, brake the Cart, boasted and threatned the Officers, and took away the malefactor. This was the beginning of farther evils, as we shall af∣ter hear. In this mean time, while Lord Iames (we say) was in France, there came an Ambassadour from France,* 21.1 suborned, no doubt, with all craft that might, to trouble the state of Religion. His Demands were, first, That the League betwixt us and England should be broken. Secondly, That the ancient League betwixt France and Scotland should be renewed. Thirdly, And that the Bishops and Church-men should be restored in their former places, and be suf∣fered to intermit with their Livings. The Councell delayed answer, untill the Parliament appointed in May. In the mean time the Papists of Scotland practised with him. The Earls of Huntlie, Atholl, Bothwell, and others, in∣tended to have taken Edinburgh before the said Parliament. The whole Bishops assembled, and held Councell in Sterlin. Some whispering there was, that the Duke, and the Bishop of Saint Andrews were too familiar; and some feared that the Authority of the Queen should have been usurp∣ed, by reason of her absence,* 21.2 and that the Duke was the second Person, for thereat had some of his pressed immediately after the death of the King of France.* 21.3 The Protestants thereof advertised, prevented them, and came to Edinburgh. The Earle of Arran stood constant with his brethren; there were some that carefully and painfully travelled that nothing pre∣judiciall to the Queens Authority should be done in the absence of the Lord Iames, to whom the Queen hath recompenced evil for good ser∣vice. Master Iames Magill in that point did both stoutly and truely; for Iohn Knox and he were then fallen in familiarity, in which they yet con∣tinue, 20 Octobris 1567. by reason that the said Master Iames had em∣braced the Religion, and professed it publikely. The Papists and Bishops disappointed of their principall enterprise,* 21.4 did yet make broyle for trouble: For the rascall multitude were stirred up to make a Robin-Hood, which enormity was of many yeers left off, and condemned by Stature and Act of Parliament; yet would they not be forbidden, but would disobey and trouble the Town, especially upon the night: Whereat the Bayliffs offended, took from them some Swords and Ensigne, which was

occasion that they that same night made a mutiny; kept the Gates of the Towne, and intended to have pursued some men within their owne houses; But that upon the restitution of their Swords and Ensigne, was stayed. And yet they ceased not to molest, as well the Inhabitants of Edinburgh, as divers Countrey-men, taking from them money, and threat∣ning some with farther injuries: Wherewith the Magistrates of the Town highly offended, took more diligent heed to such as resorted to the Town, and so apprehended one of the principall of that disorder, named Balon,* 21.5 a Shoo-maker, whom they put to an Assizes; and being convinced (he could not be absolved, for he was the chief man that spoyled Iohn Mubray of ten Crowns of the Sun) they thought to have ex∣ecuted Judgement upon him, and so erected a Gibbet beneath the Crosse. (Whether it came by Paction with the Provest and some other, or by in∣stigation of the Crafts-men, who ever have been bent too much to maintain such vanity and riotousnesse, we fully know not) but sudden∣ly there did arise a tumult, the Tolbuith was broken up, and not onely the said Balon, who before was condemned, was violently taken forth, but also all other malefactors were set at freedome, the Gibbet was pulled downe, and despightfully broken. And thereafter, as the Pro∣vest, and some of the Councell, assembled to the Clerks Chamber for consultation. The whole rascall banded together, with some knowne and honest Crafts-men, and intended invasion on the said Chamber; which perceived, the Provest, and such as were in his company, past to the Tolbuith, suspecting nothing that they would have been so enraged, to make new pursuit, after that they had obtained their intent: But they were suddenly deceived; for from the Castle hill they came with vio∣lence, and with stones, Guns, and such other Weapons as they had, and began to assault the said Tolbuith, ran at the door of it, till that partly by stones cast from above, and partly by a Pistoll shot by Robert Norwell, (which hurt one Tuedy) they were repulsed from the door. But yet cea∣sed they not to cast and shoot in at the windows, threatning death to all that were within. And in very deed the malice of the Crafts-men, who were suspected to be the occasion of that tumult, bare no good will to divers of those that were with the Provest. The Arguments that the Crafts-men were the causes of that uprore, besides their first disorder that they had used before, in taking Sandersone from the execution of punishment, are two. The former, Archibald Deware, Patricke Shaugzie, with other six Deacons, came to Iohn Knox, and willed him to solicite the Provest and the Towne to delay the execution. Who did answer, That he had so oft solicited in their favours, that his own conscience ac∣cused him, That they used his labours for no other end, but to be a Pa∣tron to their impiety; for he had before made intercession for William Harlaw, Iohn Frissell, and others that were convinced of the former tu∣mult: They proudly said, That if it was not stayed, both he and the Bayliffs should repent it. Who answered, He would not hurt his con∣science for the fear of any man: And so they departed; and the tumult, as said is, immediately thereafter did arise. The second Argument is; The tumult continued from two at afternoon, till after eight at night.

The Crafts-men were required to assemble themselves together for deli∣verance of the Provest; but they past to their four hours penie, or after∣noons Pinte, and in their jesting, said, They will be Magistrates alone, let them rule the multitude alone. And so, contrary to the Oath which they had made, they denied their assistance, counsell, & comfort to the Provest and Bayliffs, which are arguments very probable that the said tumult rose by their procurement. The end thereof was, That the Provest and Bay∣liffs were compelled to give their hands writs, that they should never pursue any of those that were of that tumult, for any crime that was done in that behalf. And this was proclaimed at the Crosse, after nine of the clock at night; and so was that trouble quieted: But the Nobili∣ty vowed, That they would not spare it, nor forget it; and so a great number of that faction were absent from the Towne, till the arrivall of the Queen. The whole multitude were holden excommunicate, and were admitted to no participation of the Sacraments, untill such time as they satisfied the Magistrates, and made humble suit unto the Church. Of the death of the Queen Regent, we have heard before spoken; but of her Buriall was nothing heard. And it may appear, That such matters are unworthy of remembrance: And if all things should be rightly weigh∣ed, we shall perceive Gods just Judgements, how secret soever that they be. Before we heard the barbarous inhumanity that was used at Leith by the French, who exposed the naked carkasses of the slain, as it were in a spectacle despighting God. We have heard that the Queen Regent rejoyced at the sight, but her joy was suddenly turned into sorrow, as we have heard. The question was moved of her Buriall: The Preachers boldly gainstood,* 21.6 That any Superstitious Rites should be used within that Realm, which God of his mercy began to repugne. And so conclusion was taken, That her Buriall should be deferred till farther advertisement;* 21.7 and so was she wrapped in a Coffin of Lead, and kept in the Castle, from the ninth of Iune, untill the 19 of October, when she by Pynours was carried to a Ship, and so carried to France: what pomp was used there, we neither heard, nor yet regard: But in it we see, That she that delighted that others lay without Buriall, gat it neither so soon as she her selfe (if she had been of the counsell in her life) would have required it;* 21.8 neither yet so honoura∣ble in this Realm, as sometimes she looked for. As men do, so they receive.

The Papists, a little before the Parliament, resorted in divers Bands to the Town, and began to brag, as that they would have defaced the Pro∣testants: Which thing perceived, the brethren assembled, and went in such Companies, and yet in peaceable manner, that the Bishops and their Bands forsook the calsay or street. The Brethren understanding what the Papists meant, convened in Councell in the Tolbuith of Edin∣burgh the seven and twentieth of May, the yeer of God 1561. and after consultation, concluded, That an humble Supplication should be present∣ed unto the Lords of the Secret Counsell, and unto the whole Assembly that then was convened, in the which should these subsequent Heads be required, and a Law to passe thereupon.

• 1. First, That Idolatry, and all Monuments thereof should be suppressed thorow∣out the whole Realme: That the sayers, hearers, maintainers, and hanters of the Masse, should be punished according to the Act of Parliament, as said is.
• 2. That speciall and certain provision be made for the maintenance of the Super∣intendents, Ministers, Exhorters and Readers: That Superintendents and Mini∣sters should be planted where none were: That punishment should be appointed for such as disobeyed or contemned the Superintendents in their Function.
• 3. That punishment may be appointed for the abusers of the Sacraments, and for the contemners of the same.
• 4. That no Letters of the Session, or Warrant from the Iudge, be given to an∣swer or pay to any person of their Tenths, without especiall provision that the Pa∣rishioners retain so much in their owne hands, as is appointed for the maintenance of the Ministry: And that all such as are else given be called in and discharged; And likewise that no Sheriffs give Precepts to that effect.
• 5. That neither the Lords of Session, nor any other Iudges, proceed upon such Precepts or Warnings past at the instance of them that of late have obtain∣ed fewis of Vicarages and Parsons Manses, and Church-yards: And that six akers (if so much there be of the Gleebe) be alwayes reserved to the Minister, according to the appointment of the Book of Discipline.
• 6. That no Letters of Session, nor other Warrants, take place while the stipends contained in the Book of Discipline for maintenance of the Ministers, be first con∣signed in the hands at the least of the Principals of the Parishioners.
• 7. That punishment be appointed against all such as purchase, bring home, or ex∣ecute within this Realme the Popes Bulls.

The Tenour of the Supplication was this:

PLease your Honours, and the wisedoms of such as are presently con∣vened with you in Councell, to understand, That by many argu∣ments we perceive what the pestilent generation of that Romane Anti∣christ within this Realme pretendeth, to wit, That they would of new erect their Idolatry, take upon them Empire above our consci∣ence, and so to command us, the true subjects of this Realme, and such as God of his mercy hath (under our Soveraigne) subject unto us, in all things to obey their appetites. Honesty craveth, and conscience mo∣veth us, to make the very secrets of our hearts patent to your Honours in that behalfe, which is this; That before ever those Tyrants and dumb dogges Empire above us, and above such as God hath subjected unto us, that we the Barons and Gentlemen professing Christ Iesus within this Realme, are fully determined to hazard life, and whatsoever we have received of God in Temporall things.* 22.1 Most humbly therefore beseeching your Honours, That such order may be taken, that we have not occasion to take againe the Sword of just Defence into our hands, which we have willingly (after God had given Victory both to your Honours and us) resigned over into your hands; To the end that Gods Go∣spel may be publikely Preached within this Realme, The true Ministers thereof reasonably maintained, Idolatry suppressed, and the

committers thereof punished, according to the Lawes of God and man. In doing whereof your Honours shall finde us not onely obedient unto you in all things lawfull, but also ready at all times to bring under order and obedience such as would rebell against your just authority, which in absence of our Soveraigne we acknowledge to be in your hands, beseech∣ing your Honours with upright judgement and indifferencie, to look up∣on these our few Articles, and by these our brethren to signifie unto us such answer againe, as may declare your Honours worthy of that place, whereunto God (after some danger sustained) in his mercy hath cal∣led you.* 22.2 And let these enemies of God assure themselves, That if your Honours put not order unto them, that we shall shortly take such order, That they shall neither be able to do what they list, neither yet to live upon the sweat of the brows of such as are no debters unto them. Let your honours conceive nothing of us, but all humble obedience in God. But let the Papists be yet once againe assured, That their Pride and Idola∣try we will not suffer.

Directed from the assembly of the Church the 28 of May 1561.

And sent by these brethren; The Master of Lindsay, The Laird of Lochinvar, The Laird of Pharmherst, The Laird of Whittingham, Thomas Menzeis Provest of Aberdeene, and George Lowell Bur∣gesse of Dundie.

Upon the which Request and Articles, the Lords and Counsell afore∣said, made an Act and Ordinance, answering to every head of the fore∣said Articles, and commanded Letters to be answered thereupon, which divers Ministers raised and copied, as in the Books of secret Councell is yet to be found.

And thus gat Satan the second fall,* 22.3 after that he had begun to trou∣ble the state of Religion, once established by Law. His first assault was by the rascall multitude, opposing themselves to the punishment of vice. The second was by the Bishops and their bands, in which he thought ut∣terly to have triumphed: And yet he in the end prospered worse then ye have heard. In this meane time returned from France the Lord Iames, who beside his great expences, and the losse of a box wherein was his se∣cret purse, escaped a desperate danger in Paris: for his returning from our Soveraigne (who then was with the Cardinall of Loraine her Uncle in Rhemes) understood of the Papists in Paris, they had conspired some treasonable act against him; for they intended either to have beset his house by night, or else to have assaulted him and his company as they walked in the streets: Whereof the said Lord Iames advertised by the Rinegrave, by reason of old familiaritie which was betwixt them in Scot∣land; he took purpose suddenly and in good order,* 22.4 to depart from Paris, as he did the second day after that he arrived there: And yet could not he depart so secretly, but that the Papists had their privie ambushes: For upon the new decayed pont of change, they had prepared a Procession, which met the said Lord and his Company even in the teeth; and knowing that they would not do the accustomed reverence to them and their Idols, they thought thereupon to have picked a Quarrell: And so as one part passed

by, without moving of hat to any thing that was there, they had suborned some to cry, Hugonots, and so cast stones. But God disappointed their enterprise; for the said Rinegrave, with other Gentlemen, being with the Lord Iames, rebuked the foolish multitude, and over-rode some of the formost, and so the rest were dispersed, and he and his companie safely escaped, and came with expedition to Edinburgh, while that yet the Lords and assembly were together, to the great comfort of many godly hearts, and to no little astonishment of the wicked: for from the Queen our Soveraigne he brought Letters to the Lords, praying them to enter∣tain quietnesse, and to suffer nothing to be attempted against the contract of Peace which was made at Leith, till her own home coming, and to suffer the Religion publikely established, to go forward, &c. Whereupon the said Lords gave answer to the French Ambassadour, a Nega••ive to every one of his Petitions.

The Lords Answer to the French Ambassadour.

• * 23.11. And first, That France had not deserved at their hands, that ei∣ther they or their posteritie should enter with them againe in any League or Con∣federacie, offensive or defensive, seeing that so traiterously and cruelly they had persecuted them, their Realme and Liberties, under pretence of amitie and Marriage.
• 2. Secondly, That besides their conscience, they could not take such a worldly shame, as without offence committed to break the League, which in Gods Name they had made with them, whom he hath made instruments to set Scotland at freedome from the tyrannie of the French, at least of the Guisians and of their faction.
• 3. And last, That such as they called Bishops and Church-men, they knew neither for Pastours of the Church, neither yet for any just possessours of the patrimony thereof.* 23.2 But understand them perfectly to be Wolves, Theeves, Murtherers, and idle Bellies; and therefore as Scotland hath forsaken the Pope and Papistry, so could not they be debters to his forsworn Vassals.

With these answers departed the said Ambassador, and the Lords of secret Counsell made an Act, that all places and Monuments of Idolatry should be destroyed. And for that purpose was directed to the West, the Earl of Arrane, having joyned with him the Earls of Argile and Glencarne, together with the Protestants of the West, who burnt Paslay (the Bishop of Saint Andrews, who was Abbey thereof, narrowly escaped) cast down Failfurd, Kylwinning, and a part of Cosraguell: The Lord Iames was ap∣pointed to the North, where he made such Reformation, as nothing contented the Earle of Huntly, and yet seemed he to approve all things. And thus God so potently wrought with us,* 23.3 so long as we depended upon him, that all the World might see his potent hand to maintain us, and to fight against our enemies: yea, most to confound them, when that they promised to themselves victory without resistance. Oh that we would rightly consider the wondrous works of the Lord our God.

In the Treatie of Peace contracted at Leith, there were contained cer∣tain Heads that required the Ratification of both Queens. The Queen of England, according to her Promise, Subscription, and Seale, without any delay performed the same, and sent it to our Soveraigne, by her appoint∣ed Officers. But our Soveraigne (whether because her own craftie na∣ture thereto moved her, or that her Uncles chiefe Counsellers so would, we know not) with many delayes frustrated the expectation of the Queen of England, as by the Copie of a Letter sent from the Ambassadour of England to his Soveraigne we may understand.

The Ambassadours Letter.

MADAME,

I Sent Sommer to the Queen of Scots for audience, who appointed me to come to her the same day after dinner, which I did. To her I did remember your Majesties hearty commendations, and declared unto her your Majesties like gladsomnesse of her recoverie from her late sicknesse, whose want of health, as it was grievous unto your Majestie, so, I told her, did you congratulate, and greatly rejoyce of the good termes of health she was in for the present. Af∣ter these offices of civilitie, I put her in remembrance againe what had passed from the beginning, in the matter of your Majesties demand of Ratification, ac∣cording to the Tenour of the said Treatie, as well by me at the first, as after∣ward by my Lord of Bedford, at his being here, and also followed sithence again by me in open audience, and by my Letter to her being in Loraine, adding here∣to your Majesties further commandment, and re-charge to me again presently to renue the same demand, as before had been done.

At Paris the 23 of June 1561.

The said Queen made answer as followeth.

Monsieur L'Ambassadour,

I Thank the Queen, my good sister, for this gentle visitation and con∣gratulation of this my recoverie, and though I be not yet in perfect health, yet, I thank God, I feele my selfe in a very good case, and in way of a full recoverie. And for answer to your demand (quoth she) of my Ratifi∣cation, I do remember all these things that you have recited unto me: And I would the Queen my good sister should think that I do deferre the re∣solute answer in this matter, and performing thereof, untill such time as I might have the advises of the Nobles and States of mine own Realme, which I trust shall not be long a doing, for I intend to make my voyage thi∣ther shortly.* 25.1 And though this matter (quoth she) doth touch me principal∣ly, yet doeth it also touch the Nobles and States of my Realm too: and therefore it shall be meet that I use their advises therein. Heretofore they have seemed to be grieved, that I should do any thing without them. And now they would be more offended, if I should proceed in this matter of my selfe without their advises. I do intend (quoth she) to send Mon∣sieur Dosell to the Queen your Mistresse my good sister, who shall declare

that unto her from me, that I trust shall suffice her. By whom I will give her to understand of my journey into Scotland, I mean to embarke at Ca∣lice. The King of France hath lent me certain Galleyes and Ships to con∣vey me home,* 25.2 and I intend to require of my good Sister those favours that Princes use to do in those cases.* 25.3 And though the termes wherein we have stood heretofore, have been somewhat hard, * 25.4 yet I trust that from henceforth we shall accord together as Cosins and good Neighbours. I mean (quoth she) to retire all the French men forth of Scotland, who had given jealousie to the Queen my Sister, and discontent to my Sub∣jects; so as I will leave nothing undone to satisfie all parties,* 25.5 trusting the Queen my good Sister will do the like; and that from henceforth none of my disobedient Subjects (if there be any such) shall finde ayd or sup∣port at her hands. I answered, That I was not desirous to fall into the discourse how those hard termes first began, nor by what means they were nourished, because therein I must charge some party with injury, and perill offered to the Queen my Mistresse, which was the very ground of those matters. But I was well assured there could be no better occa∣sion offered to put the former unkindnesse in forgetfulnesse, then by ratifying the Treatie of Peace, for that should repay all injuries past. And Madame, quoth I, where it pleased you to suspend and delay the ratification, untill you have the advices of the Nobles and States of your Realm, the Queen my Mistresse doth nothing doubt of their con∣formitie in this matter,* 25.6 because the Treatie was made by their consents. The Queen answered, yea, by some of them, but not by all; it will ap∣peare, when I come amongst them, whether they be of the same minde that you say they were then of: But of this I assure you, Monsieur Lam∣bassadour (quoth she) I for my part am very desirous to have the perfect and the assured amity of the Queen my good sister, and will use all the means I can, to give her occasion to think that I mean it indeed. I an∣swered, Madame, the Queen my Mistresse you may be assured will use the like towards you, to move you to be of the same opinion towards her. Then (said she) I trust the Queen your Mistresse will not support nor en∣courage none of my Subjects to continue in their disobedience, nor to take upon them things that appertain not to Subjects (this we may answer here, It appertaineth to Subjects to worship God as he hath commanded,* 25.7 and to suppresse Idolatry,* 25.8 by whom so ever it be erected or maintain∣ed.) You know (quoth she) there is much adoe in my Realme about matters of Religion. And though there be a greater number of a con∣trary Religion unto me then I would there were, yet there is no reason that Subjects should give a Law to their Soveraigne, and specially in mat∣ters of Religion, which I feare (quoth she) my Subjects shall take in hand (answer for the part of Scotland, and if so they had done, they had escaped Gods heavie indignation which hath been felt, and still hangeth over this Realm, for the Idolatry, and other abominations committed in the same, which shall not cease till that it be suppressed) I answered, Ma∣dame, your Realme is in none other case at this day, then all other Realms through Christendome are. The proofe whereof you see verified in this Realm. And you see what great difficultie it is to give order in this matter,

though the King of France and all his Councell be very desirous there∣unto. Religion is of the greatest force that may be; you have been long out of your own Realm, so as the contrary Religion to yours had won tbe upper hand, and the greatest part of your Realme: Your mother was a woman of great experience of deep dissimulation and policy, as they terme it now adayes, and kept that Realme in quietnesse, till she began to constrain mens consciences; and as you think it unmeet to be constrained by your subjects, so it may please you to consider, The matter is as intole∣rable to them to be constrained by you,* 25.9 in matters of conscience; for the duty due to God cannot be given to any other, without offence of his Majesty. Why (said she) God doth command subjects to be obedient to their Princes, and commandeth Princes to read his Law, and governe thereby themselves, and the people committed to their charges. An∣swer. Yea, Madame (quoth I) in those things that be not against his Com∣mandments. Well (quoth she) I will be plain with you: The Religion that I professe, I take to be most acceptable to God; and indeed, neither do I know,* 25.10 nor desire to know any other. Constancy doth become all folks well, but none better then Princes, and such as have rule over Realmes, and specially in matters of Religion (the Turke is as constant in his Alcoran, as the Pope and his Sect are in his Constitutions) I have been brought up (quoth she) in this Religion, and who might credit me in any thing, if I should shew my selfe light in this case. And though I be young, and not well learned, yet I have heard this matter oft dispu∣ted by my Uncle the Cardinall, with some that thought they could say somewhat in the matter; and I found therein no great reason to change my opinion (neither yet did the high Priest, when Christ Jesus did reason in his presence. But what was the Cardinall compelled to confesse at Poy∣sie?) Madame (quoth I) if you will judge well in that matter, you must be conversant in the Scriptures, which are the Touch-stone to try the right from the wrong. Peradventure you are so partially affected to your Uncles arguments, that you could not indifferently consider the other party: Yet this I assure you, Madam (quoth I) your Uncle the Car∣dinall, in conference with me about these matters, hath confessed, That there be great errours and abuses come into the Church, and great disor∣der in the Priests and Clergie,* 25.11 in so much that he desired and wished that there might be a Reformation of the one, and of the other. I have often∣times heard him say the like (quoth she.) Then I said, Well, I trust God will inspire all you that be Princes, that there may be some good order taken in this matter, so as there may be one Unity in Religion thorow all Christendom. God grant (quoth she) but for my part you may perceive I am none of those that will change my Religion every yeer. And, as I told you in the beginning, I mean to constrain none of my subjects, but would wish that they were all as I am; and I trust they shall have no support to constrain me. I will send Monsieur Dosell (quoth she) to you before he go, to know whether ye will any thing in England. I pray you so order your self in this matter betwixt the Queen my good sister and me, that there may be perfect and assured Amity betwixt us; for I know (quoth she) Ministers may do much good and harm. I told her I would faithfully

and truely make declaration of all that she said unto me, unto your Maje∣stie; and trusted that she would so satisfie your Majesty by Monsieur Do∣sell in all things, as I should hereafter have no more occasion to treat with her of any thing, but of the encrease of Amity, of which there should be no want on her behalf. This is the effect of the Queen of Scot∣lands answer to your Majesties demand of her said Ratification, and of my Negotiation with her at this time.

These advertisements somewhat exasperated the Queen of England, and not altogether without cause; for the Armes of England were before usurped by our Soveraigne, and by her husband Francis; and Elizabeth Queen of England was of the Guysians reputed little better then a Bastard. It was appointed that this title should be renewed. But hereof had our ill counselled and misled Queen no pleasure, and especially after that her husband was dead; for, thought she, the shew of England shall allure ma∣ny suiters to me. The Guisians, and the Papists of both Realms, did not a little animate her in that pursuit: The effect whereof will sooner appear then the godly of England would desire. Queen Elizabeth, we say, offend∣ed with the former answer, wrote unto the Nobility and States of Scotland in form as followeth.

The Queen of Englands Letter to the States of Scotland.

RIght Trusty, and Right entirely Beloved Cousins, We greet you. We doubt not, but as our meaning is, and hath alwayes been, since our Raigne, in the sight of Almighty God straight and direct towards the advancement of his Honour, and Truth in Religion; and consequently, to procure Peace, and maintain Concord betwixt both these Realms of Eng∣land and Scotland; So also our outward acts have well declared the same to the world, and especially to you, being our neighbours, who have tast∣ed and proved in these, our friendship and earnest good will, more then we think any of your antecessors have ever received from hence; yea, more then a great number of your selves could well have hoped for of us, all former examples being well weighed and considered. And this we have to rejoyce of, and so may ye be glad, That where in the beginning of the troubles in that Countrey, and of our succours meant for you, the jealou∣sie, or rather the malice of divers, both in that Realme and in other Coun∣treys was such, both to deprive both us in the yeelding, and you in requi∣ring our ayd,* 26.1 that we were noted to have meant the surprise of that Realm, by depriving of your Soveraigne the Queen of her Crown; and you, or the greatest part of you, to have intended by our succour the like; and ei∣ther to prefer some other to the Crown, or else to make of that Monar∣chie a Common-weale; matters very slanderous and false. But the end and determination, yea, the whole course and processe of the action on both our parts have manifested, both to the slanderers, and to all others, That nothing was more meant and prosecuted, then to establish your So∣veraigne the Queen, our Cousin and Sister in her State and Crowne, the possession whereof was in the hands of strangers. And although no words could then well satisfie the malicious, yet our deeds do declare, That no other

thing was sought, but the restitution of that Realme to the ancient Liber∣ty, and as it were to redeem it from Captivity. Of these our purposes and deeds,* 26.2 there remaineth among other arguments good testimony, by a so∣lemne Treaty and Accord made the last yeer at Edinburgh, by Commissi∣oners sent from us, and from your Queen, with full Authority in writing under both our Hands, and the great Seals of both our Realms, in such manner as other Princes our Progenitors have always used. By which Treaty and Accord, either of us have faithfully accorded with other, to keep Peace and Amity betwixt our selves, our Countreys and subjects. And in the same also a good Accord is made, not onely of certain things happened betwixt us, but also of some differences betwixt the Ministers of the late French King your Soveraigns husband and you the States of that Realm, for the alteration of Laws and Customs of that Countrey attempted by them. Upon which Accord there made and concluded, hath hitherto followed, as you know, surety to your Soveraignes State, quietnesse to your selves, and a better Peace betwixt both Realms, then ever was heard of in any time past. Neverthelesse how it happeneth we know not (we can, for she in her conceit thinketh her selfe Queen of both) That your Soveraigne either not knowing in this part her owne felicity, or else dangerously seduced by perverse Counsell,* 26.3 whereof we are most sorry; being of late at sundry times required by us, according to her Bond with us, signed with her own Hand, and sealed with the great Seal of that Realme, and allowed by you, being the States of the same, to ratifie the said Treaty, in like manner as we by writing have done, and are ready to deliver it to her, who maketh such delatory answers there∣unto, as what we shall judge thereof, we perceive by her answer, That it is fit for us to require of you: For although she hath alwayes answer∣ed since the death of her husband, That in this matter she would first understand the mindes of certain of you, before that she would make an∣swer. And so having now of long time suspended our expectation, in the end, notwithstanding that she hath had conference both by Messen∣gers, and by some of your selves, being with her, yet she still delayed it, alleadging to our Ambassadour in France (who said that this Treaty was made by your consents) it was not by consent of you all; and so would have us to forbear, untill she shall returne into that her Countrey. And now seeing this her answer depended, as it should seem by her words, upon your opinions, we cannot but plainly let you all understand, That this manner of answer, without some more fruit, cannot long content us: We have meant well to our sister your Queen in time of offence gi∣ven to us by her We did plainly, without dissimulation, charge her in her own doubtfull state: while strangers possessed her Realme, we stay∣ed it from danger. And now, having promised to keep good Peace with her, and with you her subjects, we have observed it; and shall be sorry if either she or you shall give us contrary cause.* 26.4 In a matter so profitable to both the Realmes, we think it strange that your Queene hath no better advice: And therefore we do require you all, being the States of that Realme, upon whom the burden resteth, to consider this matter deeply,* 26.5 and to make us answer, whereunto we may trust. And if

you shall think meet she shall thus leave the Peace imperfect, by breaking of her solemne promise, contrary to the order of all Princes, we shall be well content to accept your answer, and shall be as carelesse to see the Peace, as ye shall give us cause; And doubt not, by the grace of God, but whosoever of you shall incline thereto, shall soonest repent. You must be content with our plain writing. And on the other side, if you continue all in one minde, to have the Peace inviolably kept, and shall so by your advice procure the Queen to ratifie it, we also plainly promise you, That we will also continue our good disposition to keep the same in such good termes as now it is: And in so doing, the honour of Almigh∣ty God shall be duely sought and promoted in both Realms, The Queen your Soveraigne shall enjoy her State with your surety, and your selves possesse that which ye have with tranquility; to the encrease of your Fa∣milies and Posterities, which by the frequent Wars heretofore your ante∣cessors never had long in one state. To conclude, we require you to ad∣vertise us of what minde you be, specially if you all continue in that minde, that you mean to have the Peace betwixt both the Realmes perpe∣tually kept: And if you shall forbear any longer to advertise us, ye shall give us some occasion of doubt, whereof more hurt may grow then good. From, &c.

These Letters received and perused, albeit the States could not be con∣vened, yet did the Councell, and some others also in particular, return an∣swers with reasonable diligence. The Tenour of our Letters was this:

MADAME,

PLease your Majestie, that with judgement we have considered your Majesties Letters: And albeit the whole States could not suddenly be assembled, yet we thought expedient to signifie somewhat of our mindes unto your Majestie. Far be it from us, that either we take upon us, That infamy before the world, or grudge of conscience before our God, that we should lightly esteem the observation of that Peace lately contracted betwixt these two Realmes. By what motives our Sove∣raigne delayed the ratification thereof, we cannot tell: But of us (of us, we say, Madame, that have protested fidelity in our promise) her Majesty had none. Your Majestie cannot be ignorant, That in this Realme there are many enemies; and farther, That our Soveraigne hath Councellors, whose judgements she in all such causes preferred to ours.* 27.1 Our obedience bindeth us, not onely reverently to speak and write of our Soveraigne, but also to judge and thinke: And yet your Majestie may be well assured, That in us shall be noted no blame, if that Peace be not ratified to your Majesties contentment: For God is witnesse, That our chief care in this earth, next the glory of God, is, That constant Peace may remain be∣twixt these two Realmes, whereof your Majestie and Realme shall have sure expe∣rience, so long as our counsell or votes may stop the contrary. The benefit that we have received is so recent,* 27.2 that we cannot suddenly bury it in forgetfulnesse. We would desire your Majesty rather to be perswaded of us, That we to our powers will studie to leave it in remembrance to our posterity. And thus with lawfull and humble commendation of our service, we commit your Majesty to the Protection of the Omnipotent.

Of Edinburgh the sixteenth day of Iuly, 1561.

There were some others that answered some of the Ministers of Eng∣land somewhat more sharply, and willed them not to accuse nor threaten so sharply, till that they were able to convince such as had promised fide∣litie, of some evident crime, which although they were able to lay to the charge of some, yet respect would be had to such as long had declared themselves constant procurers of quietnesse and peace. The sudden arri∣vall of the Queen made great alteration even in the Councell, as after we will hear. In this mean time, the Papists by surmising troubled what they might, their Posts, Letters, and Complaints were from day to day dire∣cted, some to the Pope, some to the Cardinall of Loraine, and some to our Queen. The principall of those Curriers were Master Steven Wilson, Master Iohn Leslie, called Nolumus and Volumus, Master Iames Throg∣morton, and others, such as lived, and still live by the traffique of that Ro∣mane Antichrist.

The Preachers vehemently exhorted us to establish the Book of Dis∣cipline, by an Act and publike Law; affirming, That if they suffered things to hang in suspence, when God had given unto them sufficient power in their hand, they should after sob for it, but should not get it. The Books of Discipline have been of late so often published, that we shall forbear•• to Print them at this time, hoping that no good men will refuse to follow the same, till God in a greater light establish a more perfect.

The end of the third Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Proclamation against the Earl of Arran••.
• * 1.2

  Re 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.3

  The drowning of the French. Dominus pro nobis.
• * 1.4

  The Earle of Sudderland shot
• * 1.5

  Note the French favour to their friend••
• * 1.6

  John 6.
• * 1.7

  Exhortation of Iohn Knox.
• * 1.8

  Note.
• * 1.9

  The slaughter of a French Captain, with his Band.
• * 1.10

  Note.
• * 1.11

  The arrivall of the English Ships.
• * 1.12

  Note.
• * 1.13

  The Bridge of Tullibody.
• * 1.14

  Note the death of a plunderer.
• * 1.15

  Remark the Scots acknow∣ledgement of the English help.
• * 2.1

  Iohn Knox his first Letter to Sir William Ce∣cile.
• * 2.2

  Note.
• * 2.3

  Note.
• * 2.4

  Note.
• * 2.5

  As England had interest then not to suffer Scotland to pe∣rish, so likewise Scotland hath interest now, not to see Eng∣••and undon••▪
• * 3.1

  1559.
• * 3.2

  Note the Quaeres.
• * 3.3

  And Answers.
• * 3.4

  Let the ene∣mies say, if their hope be not frustrate.
• * 3.5

  Note dili∣gently.
• * 3.6

  Note.
• * 5.1

  Note.
• * 5.2

  Note.
• * 5.3

  Sir Iames Crofts counsell.
• * 7.1

  Note a bragga∣doshie.
• * 7.2

  Note.
• * 7.3

  Note.
• * 7.4

  Note.
• * 8.1

  Note.
• * 8.2

  Note.
• * 8.3

  Note.
• * 8.4

  Note.
• * 9.1

  Let us mark our advantage from France.
• * 9.2

  Note.
• * 10.1

  Note.
• * 10.2

  Note.
• * 10.3

  Note a cruell ••act.
• * 10.4

  1560
• * 10.5

  Note.
• * 10.6

  Note.
• * 11.1

  1560.
• * 11.2

  The fourth Covenant.
• * 11.3

  Now hereup∣on came the pursuit.
• * 11.4

  Let the Prin∣ces now adayes make use of this.
• * 11.5

  So now the worldlings speak unto the King concern∣ing the Scots into England.
• * 11.6

  Note.
• * 11.7

  The Hamiltons ••am••ly.
• * 11.8

  Note this dili∣gently.
• * 11.9

  We must go to the fi••st cause in all things.
• * 11.10

  The inhuma∣nity of the mer∣c••l••ss▪ French.
• * 11.11

  The Qu••en Regents cruell heart.
• * 11.12

  The comfort∣able Letter of the Duke of Norfolk.
• * 11.13

  Note.
• * 11.14

  Let the Prin∣ces now make use of these words of this dying Queen.
• * 11.15

  Note.
• * 11.16

  The death of the Queene Regent.
• * 11.17

  Note a Chara∣cter of Popish∣ly addicted French officers of State.
• * 12.1

  Note how they limit the Prince.
• * 12.2

  Note how the Prince is limi∣tated, and his will is not a Law.
• * 12.3

  Note.
• * 13.1

  The profit th•••• Leith got of their promise liberty.
• * 14.1

  Note a Cove∣nant betwixt England and Scotland.
• * 14.2

  1560.
• * 14.3

  Some Prelats left Antichrist, and did adher•• unto Christ.
• * 14.4

  William M••it∣lands mockage of God.
• * 15.1

  See how this agrees with our tim••s.
• * 16.1

  Deut. 14. 1 Cor. •• 8. Isai 44.4, 5. 1 Tim. 1 27. 1 King 8.17. 2 Chron. 8 18. Psal 139 78. G••n. 17 1. 1 Tim. 6.15, 16 Exod 3.14, 15. Matt. 28.19. 1 Joh 57. Gen 1.1. Heb. 1.••3. Act. 17.28. Prov▪ 16.4.
• * 16.2

  Gen 1.26, 27▪
• * 16.3

  &c. Col. 3.10.
• * 16.4

  Ephes 4 24 Gen. 3.6. Gen. 2.••7.
• * 16.5

  Psal 51.5. Rom. 5 10. Rom. 7.5. 2 Tit. 2.6. Eph. 2 23. Rom. 5.14, 12. Rom. 6.23. John 3 5. Rom. 5.1. Phil. 1.29.
• * 16.6

  Gen. 3.15. Gen. 3.9. Gen. 12 3. Gen. 15 5, 6. 2 Sam. 7.14. Isai 7.14 Isai 9 6 Hag 2.6 John 8.38.
• * 16.7

  Ezek. 6.5, 6.7, 8, 9, &c.
• * 16.8

  Gen. 1 12. Gen. 13.1. Exod. 1.1 Exod. 1.20. Josh 3. & 23 4 1 Sam. 10.1. 1 Sam 16 13 2 Sam 7 12 2 King•• 17.15, 16, &c.
• * 16.9

  2 King. 24. 34, &c.
• * 16.10

  Deu. 28.36, 38, &c.
• * 16.11

  2 Kin. 25.••. Dan. 9 2. Ezr. 1, &c. Hag. 1 14. Zach. 3.1.
• * 16.12

  Gal 4 4. Luke 1.31. Matth. 1.18. Matth. 2.1. Rom. 1.3. Matth. 1.23. John. 1.2.45. 2 Tim. 2 5.
• * 16.13

  Ephes. 1.3.4, 15, 6.
• * 16.14

  Ephes. 1.11. Matth 25 34. Ephes. 1 21, 22. Heb 27 8. Psal. 22.11. Heb 13.26. 1 Pet. 2.24▪ & 5.
• * 16.15

  Psal. 130.3. Psal. 143.3. 1 Tim. 2.5.
• * 16.16

  John 1.12. John 20.17.
• * 16.17

  Rom. 5.17, 18.19.
• * 16.18

  Rom. 8.15. Gal. 4 36. Act. 17.26. Heb. 2.11, 12. 1 Pet. 3 18. Isa. 53.8. Act. 2.4. 1 John 1 2.
• * 16.19

  Act. 20 28. 1 Tim 3.16. John 3.16.
• * 16.20

  Heb. 10.1, 12. Isa 53.5. Heb. 1 2.3. John 1.29. Matth. 26.11. Deut. 20.23. Matth. 15.1, 2. Gal 3.13. Luke 23.1, 2. Matth. 26.38. 2 Cor 5. Heb 9 12. Heb. 10.5.
• * 16.21

  Act. 2.23. Act. 3.26. Rom. 6.5, 11. Act. 2.24 Rom. 4 25. Heb. 2.14, 15. Matth. 28 John 20.27 & 21.7.
• * 16.22

  Luke 24.41, 42, 43.
• * 16.23

  Joh. 21.12, 13.
• * 16.24

  Luke 24.51. Act. 1.6. Matth. 28.6. Matth. 16.9. Luke 24 6. John 20.9. Matth. 28 18. 1 John 2.1. 1 Tim. 2.5. Psal. 110 1. Matth. 22 44. Matth. 12 36. Luke 20.42.43 Acts 1.1. Acts 3.19. 1 Thess. 1.4, 5, 6, 7, 8.
• * 16.25

  Matth. 25.34. Revel. 21.27. Esay 66.24 Matth 25.41. Matth 9.44, 46, 48
• * 16.26

  Matth. 22.13. 2 Pet. 3 11. 2 Cor. 5.11. Luke 21.28. John 15.4, &c. Esay 7.14. Ephes. 1.22. Col. 1.18. Heb. 1.11, 15. Heb. 10.21. 1 John 2.1. 1 Tim. 2.5.
• * 16.27

  Matth. 16.17. John 14 26. John. 14.11. Acts 5.4. John 10.13. Col. 2.13. Ephes. 2.••. John 9.39. Revel 3.13.
• * 16.28

  Matth. 17.17. Matth 9.19. Luke 9 41. John 6 63. Mic 7.8. 1 King. 8.8. Psal. 10.3. Rom. 5.10. John 3.5. Tit. 5.5. Rom. 5 8. Psal. 3.9. Psal. 1.6. 2 Cor. 3.5. Ephes 1 6.
• * 16.29

  Ephes. 2.10. Phil. 3.13. John 15.5. Rom. 8.9.
• * 16.30

  Rom. 7.15, 16, 17.
• * 16.31

  Gal. 5.17.
• * 16.32

  Rom. 8 16. Rom. 7.24. Som. 8 22. Ephes 4.17, 18, 19.
• * 16.33

  2 Tim. 2.26.
• * 16.34

  John 15 5.
• * 16.35

  Exod. 20.3, &c. Deut. 4.7, &c.
• * 16.36

  Luke 21.75. Mica 6.7.
• * 16.37

  Ephes 6.17. Ezech. 22.104 1 Cor 6.19, 20 1 The 4.4, 5, 6 Jer. 22.3 9 9, &c.
• * 16.38

  Esay 50.1, &c. 1 Thess. 4 6. Rom 13.2. Ezek. 22.13. 1 John 3 4.
• * 16.39

  Rom. 14.23.
• * 16.40

  Heb. 1 16.
• * 16.41

  1 Sam. 15.22.
• * 16.42

  1 Cor. 10.31.
• * 16.43

  1 John 3.4.
• * 16.44

  Esay 29.19.
• * 16.45

  Matth. 15.9.
• * 16.46

  Mar. 7.7.
• * 16.47

  Levit. 18.5. Gal. 3.12. 1 Tim. 1.18. Rom. 7.12. Psal. 19.7, 8, 9. Deut. 5.29. Rom. 10.3. 1 Kin. 8.4, 6. Chron. 6.36. Eccles. 7.22. Prov. 20.9. 1 ••oh. 1.18. Iohn 1.18. Rom. 10.4. Gal. 3 13. Deut. 27.26. Phil. 2.15. Isai. 64.6. Luk. 17.10.
• * 16.48

  Mat. 28.20.
• * 16.49

  Ephes. 1.4. Col. 1.18.
• * 16.50

  Ephes. 5.23, 24, 25, 26.
• * 16.51

  Apoc. 7.8.
• * 16.52

  Ephes. 2.19.
• * 16.53

  Iohn 5.24. Iohn 17.6. 1 Tim. 2.19 Iohn 13.14. Ephes. 1.10. Col. 1.10. Heb. 12.4.
• * 16.54

  Apoc. 14.13. Isai. 25▪ 8. Apoc 7.16, 17▪ Apoc. 21.4. Apoc. 16.10, 11 Isai. 66.24. Mark 9.44, 36, 48.
• * 16.55

  Luke 23.43. Luke ••6.24, 25.
• * 16.56

  Apoc. 6.9, 10.
• * 16.57

  Gen. 4.8. Gen. 21.••. Gen. 27.41. Mar. 23.34. Ioh. 15.18, 19.
• * 16.58

  Iohn 11 35. Ioh. 15.20, 24.
• * 16.59

  Act. 4.1, &c. Act 5.17, &c. Gen. 4 1. Psal. 48.1, 2.
• * 16.60

  Mat 5.35. Iohn 12.42. Ephes. 2.20. Act. 2.42.
• * 16.61

  Iohn 10, 27.
• * 16.62

  Iohn 18.37.
• * 16.63

  1 Cor. 1 13.
• * 16.64

  1 Cor. 11.20, 23.
• * 16.65

  Mat. 28 19 20 Mark 16.15. Rom 4 11. Matth 18 20. 1 Cor 1.2. 2 Cor. 1.1. Gal. 1 2. Ephes. 1 1. Acts 16.9, 10.18.
• * 16.66

  1 Cor. 1. &c. A & 20 17, &c. John 20.31. 2 Tim 3 16 17 2 Pet. 1 20, 21.
• * 16.67

  John 5 29.
• * 16.68

  Ephes 4 4
• * 16.69

  1 Tim. 3.16, 17
• * 16.70

  Genes. 27.
• * 16.71

  Gal 2.11, 12, 13, 14.
• * 16.72

  1 Tim. 4.1.23. Col. 2.18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23.
• * 16.73

  Act. 15.1, &c.
• * 16.74

  1 Tim. 3.15. Heb. 3.2. 1 Cor. 14.40.
• * 16.75

  Gen. 17.10. Exod. 12.32. Gen. 17.4. Num. 9.13.
• * 16.76

  Mat. 28.19. Mar. 16.17. Mat. 26.26. Mar. 14.22. Luke 22.19. 1 Cor. 11.24. & 10.16.
• * 16.77

  Rom. 6.3, 4, 5. Gal. 3.27.
• * 16.78

  Mar. 16.19. Luke 24.51. Act. 1.11. Act. 3.21. 1 Cor. 10, &c.
• * 16.79

  Ephes. 5.30. Matth. 27.50. Mar. 15.31. Luke 23.46. John 14.30. & 6.51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58.
• * 16.80

  1 Cor. 11.28, 28.
• * 16.81

  Mat. 26.26, &c Mar. 14.22, &c Luk. 22.19, &c 1 Cor. 11.24.
• * 16.82

  Note.
• * 16.83

  1 Cor. 11.25, 26
• * 16.84

  Heb. 9.27, 28
• * 16.85

  Col. 2.11, 12
• * 16.86

  Rom. 4.11. Gen. 17.10. Mat. 28.19.
• * 16.87

  1 Cor. 28.29.
• * 16.88

  Rom. 13.1. Titus 3.1. 1 Peter 13.2.
• * 16.89

  Rom. 13.2.
• * 16.90

  Rom. 13.7.
• * 16.91

  1 Pet 2.17. Psal 82.1.
• * 16.92

  1 Chron. 22.23, 24, 25. Chap. 26. 2 Chron. 29.30, 31, chap. 2 Chron. 34, & 35. chap.
• * 16.93

  Mat. 13.24, 25, 26, &c.
• * 16.94

  Mat. 13 20, 21
• * 16.95

  Rom. 10.9, 13.
• * 16.96

  Rom. 7, &c. 2 Cor. 5.21.
• * 16.97

  John 5.28, 29. Apoc 20.28. Heb 19 25, 26, 27.
• * 16.98

  Mat 25 31. Apoc. 14.10.
• * 16.99

  Rom. 26.7, 8, 9, 10.
• * 16.100

  Phil. 3 21. 1 Cor, 15.28.
• * 16.101

  This we con∣firmed, 1567. in the first Par∣liament of Iames 6 held by the Earle Murray, and all Acts in any Parliament before whatsoever, against the truth, abolished.
• * 16.102

  The Lord of the Articles are a Committee of 24. whereof in former times, there was eight Lords, eight Church-men, who were called Lords, and eight Commons: So from the greater part they were named Lords, and of the Arti∣cles, Because all Articles and Heads that are to passe in Parlia∣ment are first brought to them, who having dis∣cussed them, sends them to the House of Parl••a∣ment. The latin Histories calls their Lords of the Articles Apolecti.
• * 16.103

  The Earle Marshall his pious voyce in Parliament.
• * 17.1

  This Act is particularly confirmed 1567. in the Parliament under Iames 6. holden by the Earl Murr••y.
• * 18.1

  This also was confirmed by one particular Act 1567. by the Parlia∣ment holden by the Earle Murray.
• * 18.2

  Note this di∣ligently.
• * 18.3

  Quest.
• * 18.4

  Answ.
• * 18.5

  Note this I pray you for these dayes sake.
• * 18.6

  See how this agree•• with the worldlings now adayes.
• * 18.7

  What blessings hath been since in the house of Erskin, they know best.
• * 18.8

  Note how al∣though the Prelats being convinced of the truth, did subscribe unto it, yet it was with this Pro∣••iso, That they should enjoy their rents for their lives.
• * 18.9

  Note men to their owne countrey.
• * 18.10

  Note this for our dayes.
• * 18.11

  Let this teach us to seek God.
• * 18.12

  The death of the yong King of France hus∣band to our Queen.
• * 18.13

  15. December 1560.
• * 18.14

  Note this well
• * 18.15

  Note.
• * 18.16

  Note Lesley his answer.
• * 18.17

  That is, An. 1566 when this book was written.
• * 18.18

  Note the libe∣rality of the Earle Murray.
• * 18.19

  Note this dili∣gently.
• * 19.1

  Where then are Pluralities and fatnesse of Livings in our dayes.
• * 19.2

  Let the Church-men now adayes look to this.
• * 19.3

  W••at can the P••elats say to this.
• * 21.1

  Ambassadour from France, and his de∣mands.

  See the study of France to divide the two Kingdoms newly bound for mantenance of Religion against the common ene∣mies.
• * 21.2

  Note.
• * 21.3

  The Prote∣stants faithful∣nesse ill re∣warded.
• * 21.4

  A foolish play used in time of darknes Hence we say any foolish thing to be like a play of Robin-Hood.
• * 21.5

  Some say his name is Killone.
• * 21.6

  Of the Queen Regents death.
• * 21.7

  Note.
• * 21.8

  Note.
• * 22.1

  Note dili∣gently.
• * 22.2

  Let this also be considered, and referred to our times.
• * 22.3

  Note.
• * 22.4

  Note.
• * 23.1

  Reader remark the advantages that Scotland hath from France.
• * 23.2

  A good Cha∣racter of Bi∣shops.
• * 23.3

  Let us stick to God, and he will not leave us.
• * 25.1

  Faire words to no purpose.
• * 25.2

  That was a se∣cret Lardon.
• * 25.3

  She meant she would seek a safe conduct.
• * 25.4

  Ever till that she may shew her evill will.
• * 25.5

  If France would have sustained rhem they had not yet depar∣ted.

  The second secret Lardon. The Arms of England were usurped.
• * 25.6

  Your Papists and ours have practised, and still practise di∣vision.

  So that she might have England to the Popes Religion I think she said not amisse.

  The feare of God in the heart of Elias 〈◊〉〈◊〉 disobedi∣•••••• to cursed 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 25.7

  N••te.
• * 25.8

  〈…〉〈…〉 his 〈…〉〈…〉 well to 〈…〉〈…〉 as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the subjects.
• * 25.9

  Note.
• * 25.10

  The third Lar∣don of accu∣sing England of inconstancy in Religion.
• * 25.11

  Notwithstand∣ing his own disorder.
• * 26.1

  Note this false lye, and see how it answers to the calum∣nies of these dayes.
• * 26.2

  The Peace and Contract at Leith.
• * 26.3

  Many Princes little regarded that.
• * 26.4

  All power is not then in the Prince, if the States have any, as they have.
• * 26.5

  Note this,
• * 27.1

  Note.
• * 27.2

  Note the Scots acknowledge∣ment.