The historie of the reformation of the Church of Scotland containing five books : together with some treatises conducing to the history.

The Second Booke OF THE HISTORY OF Things done in SCOTLAND, in the Reformation of Religion: Beginning in the yeere of our Lord God 1558. (Book 2)

OUr purpose was to have made the beginning of our History, from the things that were done, from the yeere of God 1558. till,* 1.1 The Re∣formation of Religion,* 1.2 which of Gods mercy we once possessed, and yet in Doctrine, and in the right use of administration of Sacraments do possesse.

But because divers of the godly (as before is said) earnestly required, That such persons as God raised up in the midst of darkenesse, to op∣pose themselves to the same, should not be omit∣ted: We obeyed their Request, and have made a short Rehearsall of all such matters as concerne Religion, from the death of that notable Ser∣vant of God, Master Patricke Hamilton, unto the aforesaid yeere, when that it pleased God to looke upon us more mercifully then we deserve, and to give unto us greater boldnesse, and bet∣ter (albeit not without hazard and trouble) suc∣cesse in all our enterprizes then we looked for, as the true Narration of this second Booke shall witnesse. The PREFACE whereof fol∣loweth.

The Preface.

LEst that Sathan by our silence shall take occa∣sion to blaspheme, and to slander us the Prote∣stants of the Realme of Scotland, as that our fact tended rather to Sedition and Rebellion, then to Reformation of Manners, and abuses in Religion, We have thought expedient so truely and briefly as we can, to commit to writing the causes moving us (as we say, and great part of the Nobility and Barons of the Realme) to take the sword of just Defence, against those that most unjustly seek our destruction. And in this our confes∣sion we shall faithfully declare, What moved us to put our hands to the Reformation of Religion; How we have proceeded in the same; What we have asked, and what presently we require of the sacred Authority. To the end that our Cause being knowne, as well our enemies as our brethren in all Realmes, may understand how falsly we are accused of tumult and Rebellion, and how unjustly we are persecuted by France, and by their Faction. And also that our brethren naturall Scotish-men, of whatsoever Religion they be, may have occasion to examine themselves, If they can with safe conscience oppose themselves to us, who seek nothing but Christ Iesus his glorious Gospel to be preached, his holy Sacraments to be truely ministred, Superstition, Ty∣ranny, and Idolatry to be suppressed in this Realme, And finally, This our native Countrey to remaine free from the Bondage and Ty∣ranny of Strangers.

While that the Queen Regent practised with the Prelats, how that Christ Jesus blessed Gospel might utterly be suppressed within Scotland, God so blessed the labours of his weak ser∣vants, that no small part of the Barons of this Realme began to abhorre the Tyranny of the Bishops:* 1.3 God did so open their eyes, by the light of his Word, that they could cleerly dis∣cerne betwixt Idolatry, and the true honouring of God: Yea, men almost universally began to doubt whether they could (God not offended) give their bodily presence to the Masse, or yet offer their children to the Papisticall Baptisme. The doubts when the most godly,* 1.4 and the most learned in Europe had an∣swered, both by word and writing, affirming, That neither of both we might do, without perill of our souls, we began to be more troubled: For then also began men of estimation, and those that bare rule amongst us, to examine themselves concerning their duties, as well towards Reformation of Religion, as to∣wards the just defence of their brethren most cruelly persecuted. And so began divers questions to be moved; to wit, If that with safe conscience such as were Iudges, Lords, and Rulers of the People, might serve the higher Powers in maintaining of Idolatry,* 1.5 in perse∣cuting their Brethren, and in suppressing Christs Truth: Or, Whe∣ther they to whom God in some case hath committed the Sword of Iu∣stice, might suffer the blood of their Brethren to be shed in their pre∣sence, without any declaration that such Tyranny displeased them.* 1.6 By the plain Scriptures it was found, That a lively faith required a plaine Conf••ssion when Christs Truth is oppugned, That not onely are they guilty that do evil, but also they that consent to evil. And plain it is, That they consent to evil, who seeing iniquity open∣ly committed, by their silence seem to justifie and avow what∣soever is done.

These things being resolved, and sufficiently proved by evi∣dent Scriptures of God, we began every man to look more di∣ligently to his Salvation: For the Idolatry and Tyranny of the Clergy (called the Church-men) was and is so manifest, that whosoever doth deny it, declareth himself ignorant of God, and enemy to Christ Jesus. We therefore, with humble con∣fession of our former offences, with Fasting, and Supplication unto God, began to seek some remedy in so present a danger.

And first it was concluded, That the Brethren in every Towne at certaine times should assemble together, to Common Prayers, to ex∣ercise, in reading of the Scriptures, till it should please God to give the gift of Exhortation by Sermon unto some, for the Comfort and Instru∣ction of the rest.

And this our weake beginning God did so blesse, that within a few Moneths the hearts of many were so strength∣ned, that we sought to have the face of a Church amongst us, and open crimes to be punished without respect of per∣sons: And for that purpose by common Election, were Elders appointed, to whom the whole Brethren promised Obedience: For at that time we had no publike Ministers of the Word; onely did certaine zealous men (amongst whom was the Laird of Dun,* 1.7 David Forresse, Master Robert Lockhart, Master Ro∣bert Hammilton, William Harlawe, and others) exhort their Brethren, according to the gifts and graces granted unto them. But shortly after did God stirre up his servant Paul Methuen (his latter fall ought not to deface the work of God in him) who in boldnesse of spirit began openly to Preach Christ Jesus in Dundie, in divers parts of Angus, and in Fyfe; and so did God worke with him, that many began openly to renounce their old Ido∣latry, and to submit themselves to Christ Jesus, and unto his blessed Ordinances; Insomuch that the Towne of Dundie be∣gan to erect the face of a Publike Church Reformed, in the which the Word was openly Preached, and Christs Sacra∣ments truely ministred.

In this meane time did God send to us our deare Brother Iohn Willock,* 1.8 a man godly, learned, and grave, who af∣ter his short abode at Dundie, repaired to Edinburgh, and there (notwithstanding his long and dangerous sicknesse) did so encourage the Brethren by godly Exhortations, that we began to deliberate upon some publike Reformation; For the corruption in Religion was such, that with safe consci∣ence we could no longer sustaine it: Yet because we would attempt nothing without the knowledge of the sacred Autho∣rity, with one consent, after the deliberation of many dayes, it was concluded, That by our publike and common Sup∣plication,

we should attempt the favour, support, and assistance of the Queen then Regent, to a godly Reformation: And for that purpose, with all diligence after we had drawn our Oration and Petition as followeth, we appointed from amongst us a man whose age and yeers deserved Reverence, whose honesty and worship might have craved audience of any Magistrate on the earth; and whose faithfull Service to the Authority at all times hath been such, that in him could fall no suspition of unlawfull disobedience. This Orator was that ancient and honourable Father, Sir Iames Sandelandes of Calder,* 1.9 Knight; to whom we gave Commission and Power in all our names then present, before the Queene Regent to speak this:

THE FIRST ORATION AND PETITION Of the Protestants of SCOTLAND: To the Queene Regent.

ALbeit we have of long time contained our selves in that modestie (most noble Princesse) that neither the exile of body, losse of goods, nor perishing of this mortall life, was able to make us to aske at your Majestie Re∣formation, and redresse of those wrongs, and of that sore griefe patiently borne by us in bodies and mindes of long time: Yet are we now by very conscience, and by the feare of our God compelled to crave at your Majesties feet, re∣medy against the most unjust tyrannie, used against your Majesties most obedient Subjects, by those that be called the State Ecclesiasticall. Your Majestie cannot be ignorant what controversie hath been, and yet is, con∣cerning the true Religion, and right worshipping of God. And how the Clergie (as they will be termed) usurpe to themselves such Empire above the consciences of men; That whatsoever they command, must be obeyed; and whatsoever they forbid, must be avoided; without further respect to Gods Pleasure, Commandment, or Will, revealed to us in his most holy Word; or else there abideth nothing for us but Fagot, Fire, and Sword.* 2.1 By the which many of our brethren most cruelly and most un∣justly have been strucken of late yeeres within this Realme, which now we finde to trouble and wound our consciences. For we acknowledge it to have been our bounden duties before God, either to have defended our brethren from those cruell murtherers (seeing we are a part of that power which God hath established in this Realme) or else to have given open testification of our Faith with them: Which now we offer our selves to

do, lest that by our continuall silence we shall seem to justifie the cruell tyrannie of those men, which doth not onely displease us: but your Ma∣jesties wisdome most prudently doth foresee, that for the quieting of this intestine dissention,* 2.2 a publike Reformation, as well in the Religion, as in the temporall government were most necessary. And to the performance thereof, most gravely and most godly (as we are informed) ye have ex∣horted as well the Clergie as the Nobility, to imploy their studie, dili∣gence, and care. We therefore, in conscience, dare not any longer dis∣semble in so weighty a matter, which concerneth the glory of God, and our salvation: Neither now dare we withdraw our presence or counsell, or Petitions, lest that the adversaries hereafter should object to us, That place was granted for Reformation, and yet no man sued for the same: and so shall our silence be prejudiciall unto us in time to come. And there∣fore we knowing no order placed in this Realme, but your Majestie, and your grave counsell, set to amend, as well the disorder Ecclesiasticall, as the defaults in the temporall Regiment, most humbly prostrate our selves before your feet, asking justice and your gracious help, against them that falsly traduce and accuse us, as that we were Hereticks, and Schismatikes, under that colour seeking our destruction, for that we seek the amendment of their corrupted lives, and Christs Religion to be restored to the origi∣nall puritie.* 2.3 Further we crave of your Majestie with open and patent eares, to heare those our subsequent requests, and to the joy and satisfa∣ction of our troubled consciences, bountifully to grant the same, unlesse by Gods plaine Word any be able to prove that justly they ought to be denied.

Here beginneth the particular Demands.

FIrst, Humbly we ask, That as we have by the Lawes of this Realme, after long debate obtained to reade the holy Books of the Old and New Testament, in our Vulgar Tongue, as Spirituall food to our soules: so from henceforth it may be lawfull, that we may meet publikely or privately to our Common-Prayers in our Vulgar Tongue, to the end that we may increase and grow in knowledge, and be induced by fervent and oft Prayer, to commend to God the holy Universall Church, the Queene our Soveraigne, her honourable and gracious Husband, the abilitie of their succession, your Majestie Regent, the Nobilitie, and whole State of this Realme.

Secondly, If it shall happen in our said meetings any hard place of Scripture to be read, of which, without explanation, hardly can arise any profit to the hearers, that it shall be lawfull to any qualified persons in knowledge, being present, to interpret and open up the said hard places, to Gods glory, and to the profit of the Auditory. And if any thinke that this libertie should be occasion of Confusion, Debate, or Heresie, we are content that it be provided that the said Interpretation shall underly the judgement of the godly, and most learned within the Realme at this time.

Thirdly, That the holy Sacrament of Baptisme may be used in the Vulgar Tongue, that the God-fathers and Witnesses may not onely understand the points of the League and Contract made betwixt God and the Infant, but also that the Church then assembled, more gravely may be informed and instructed of their

duties, which at all times they owe to God, according to that promise made unto him, when they were received into his houshold by the lavacre of spirituall re∣generation.

Fourthly, We desire that the holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper, or of his blessed Body and Blood may likewise be ministred unto us in the Vulgar Tongue, and in both kindes, according to the plaine Institution of our Sa∣viour Christ Iesus.

And lastly, We most humbly require, That the wicked, slanderous, and de∣testable life of Prelats, and of the state Ecclesiasticall, may be reformed, that the people by them have not occasion (as of many dayes they have had) to contemne their Ministerie, and the Preaching, whereof they should be Messengers. And if they suspect that we rather envying their honours, or coveting their riches and possessions, then Zealously desiring their amendment and salvation, do travell and labour for this Reformation:* 2.4 We are content, that not onely the Rules and Precepts of the New Testament, but also the Writings of the ancient Fathers, and the godly and approved Lawes of Justinian the Emperour, decide the con∣troversie betwixt us and them. And if it shall be found, that either malevolent∣ly or ignorantly we aske more then these three forenamed have required, and continually do require of able and true Ministers in Christs Church, we refuse not correction, as your Majestie with right judgement shall think meet. But if all the forenamed shall condemne that which we condemne, and approve that which we require; Then we most earnestly beseech your Majestie, that notwith∣standing the long custome which they have had to live at their lust, that they be compelled either to desist from Ecclesiasticall administration, or to discharge their duties, as becometh true Ministers. So that the grave and godly face of the Pri∣mitive Church reduced; Ignorance may be expelled; True Doctrine and good Manners may once againe appeare in the Church in this Realme. These things we, as most obedient Subjects, require of your Majestie, in the Name of the eter∣nall God, and of his Son Christ Iesus, in presence of whose Throne judiciall, ye, and all other that heere in earth beareth authority shall give account of your temporall regiment. The spirit of the Lord Iesus move your Majesties heart to Iustice and Equity.

These our Demands being proposed, the State Ecclesiasticall be∣gan to storme,* 2.5 and to devise all manner of lies to deface the equitie of our cause. They bragged as that they would have publike Disputa∣tion, which also we most earnestly required,* 2.6 two things being provi∣ded; First, That the plaine and written Scriptures of God should decide all Controversies: Secondly, That our brethren, of whom some were then exiled, and by them unjustly condemned, might have free accesse to the said Disputation, and safe-conduct to return to their dwelling places, notwithstanding any Processe which before had been laid against them in matters concerning Religion. But these being by them utterly denied (for no Judge would they admit, but themselves, their Counsels, and Canon Law) They and their faction began to draw certain Articles of reconcilia∣tion,* 2.7 promising unto us, If we would admit the Masse to stand in its former reverence and estimation; Grant Purgatory after this life; Confesse prayer to Saints, and for the dead, and suffer them to enjoy their accustomed Rents, Possession, and Honour: That then they would grant us to pray,

and baptize in the Vulgar Tongue, so that it were done secretly, and not in the open assembly. But the grosenesse of these Articles was such, that with one voice we refused them, and constantly craved justice of the Queene Regent, and a reasonable answer of our former Petitions. The Queene then Regent, a woman crafty, dissimulate, and false-thinking, to make her profit of both parties,* 2.8 gave to us permission to use our selves god∣ly, according to our desires provided, that we should not make publike as∣semblies in Edinburgh nor Lieth, and did promise her assistance to our Prea∣chers, untill some uniform order might be established by a Parliament. To them (we mean the Clergie) she quietly gave signification of her minde, promising that how soon any opportunity should serve, she should so put order to these matters, that after they should not be troubled: for some say, they gave her a large purse 40000. l. Turn. or Scots, gathered by the Laird of Earleshale. We nothing suspecting her doublenesse nor falshood, departed fully contented with her answer, and did use our selves so quiet∣ly, that for her pleasure we put silence to Iohn Dowglas, who publikely would have preached in the Town of Lieth; for in all things we sought the contentment of her minde, so far as God should not be offended against us, for obeying her in things as we thought unlawfull.

Shortly after these things, that cruell Tyrant and unmercifull hypo∣crite, falsly called, Bishop of S. Andrews, apprehended that blessed Martyr of Christ Jesus, Walter Mill,* 2.9 a man of decrepite age, whom most cruelly and most unjustly he put to death by fire in Saint Andrews, the twenty eighth day of April, in the yeere of God 1558. Which thing did so highly offend the hearts of all godly,* 2.10 that immediatly after his death, be∣gan a new fervencie among the whole people, yea, even in the Towne of Saint Andrews, began the people plainely to condemne such unjust cruel∣tie. And in testification that they would his death should abide in re∣cent memory, there was cast together a great heap of stones in the place where he was burnt. The Bishop and Priests thereat offended, caused once or twice to remove the same,* 2.11 with denunciation of cursing, if any man should there lay any stones. But in vaine was that winde blowne, for still was the heape made, till that the Priests and Papists did steale away by night the stones to build their walls, and to other their pri∣vate uses.

We suspecting nothing that the Queene Regent was consenting to the forenamed murther, most humbly did complain of such unjust crueltie, requiring that justice in such cases should be ministred with greater indif∣ferencie. She as a woman born to dissemble,* 2.12 and deceive, began with us to lament the cruelty of the Bishop, excusing her selfe as innocent in that cause, for that the sentence was given without her knowledge. Because the man sometimes had been a Priest; therefore the Bishops Officiall did proceed upon him without any commission of the Civill authority, ex officio, as they terme it. We yet nothing suspecting her falshood, requi∣red some order to be taken against such enormities, which she promised as oft before. But because shortly after there was a Parliament to be hol∣den, for certain affaires, pertaining rather to the Queens profit particular, then to the commodity of the Common-wealth, we thought good to

expose our matter unto the whole Parliament, and by them to seek some redresse: we therefore with one consent did offer to the Queen and Par∣liament a Letter, in this Tenor:

The Forme of the Letter given in Parliament.

UNto your Majesty, and unto your Right honorable Lords, Barons, and Burgesses of this present Parl. Humbly means, and sheweth your Ma∣jesties faithfull and obedient subjects, That where we are daily molested, slandered, and injured by wicked and ignorant persons, place-holders of the Ministers of the Church, who most untruely cease not to infame us, as hereticks, & under that name they most cruelly have persecuted divers of our brethren; and farther intend to execute their malice against us, unlesse by some godly order their fury and rage be bridled and stayed. And yet in us they are able to prove no crime worthy of punishment, unlesse that to reade the holy Scriptures in our Assemblies, to invocate the Name of God in publike Prayers, with all sobriety to interpret and open the places of Scripture that be read to the further edification of the brethren assem∣bled; and truely, according to Christ Jesus his holy Institution, to mini∣ster the Sacraments, be crimes worthy of punishment: other crimes (we say) in us they are not able to convince. And to the premises we are com∣pelled, for that the said Place-holders discharge no part of their duties rightly to us, neither yet to the people subject to us; and therefore, unlesse we should declare our selves altogether unmindfull of our own salvation, we are compelled in very conscience to seek how that we and our brethren may be delivered from the thraldom of Sathan: For now it hath pleased God to open our eyes, and manifestly we see, That without extreme dan∣ger of our souls, we may in no wayes communicate with the damnable Idolatry, and intolerable abuses of the Papisticall Church. And therefore most humbly require we of your Majesty, and of your Right Hono∣rable Lords, Barons, and Burgesses assembled in this present Parlia∣ment, prudently to weigh, and as it becometh just Judges, to grant these our most just and reasonable Petitions:

First,* 3.1 Seeing that the controversie in Religion which hath long continued be∣twixt the Protestants of Almany, Helvetia, and other Provinces; and the papi∣sticall Church is not yet decided by a lawfull and generall Counsell: And seeing that our consciences are likewise touched with the fear of God, as was theirs in the be∣ginning of their controversie, we most humbly desire, That all such Acts of Par∣liament as in the time of darknesse gave power to the Church-men to execute their tyrannie against us, by reason that we to them were delated as hereticks, may be suspended and abrogated, till a Generall Councell lawfully assembled, have deci∣ded all controversies in Religion. And lest that this mutation should seem to set all men at liberty to live as they list, we secondarily require that it be Enacted by this present Parliament, That the Prelats and their Officers be removed from place of Iudgement, onely granting unto them neverthelesse the place of accu∣sators in the presence of a Temporall Iudge; before whom the Church men ac∣cusators shall be bounden to call any by them accused of heresie: To whom also they shall be bounden to deliver an authenticke Copy of all Depositions, Accu∣sations, and Processe laid against any person accused. The Iudge likewise

delivering the same to the partie accused, assigning unto him a competent terme to answer to the same, after he hath taken sufficient caution. De judicio sisti.

Thirdly, We require, That all lawfull defences be granted to the person accu∣sed; as, If he be able to prove that the witnesses be persons unable by Law to testi∣fie against him, that then their Accusations and Depositions be null, according to justice.

Item, That place be granted to the party accused to explaine and interpret his owne minde and meaning; which confession we require be inserted in publike Acts, and be preferred to the deposition of any witnesse, seeing that none ought to suffer for Religion, that is not found obstinate in his damnable opinion.

Last, We require that our brethren be not condemned for heretickes, unlesse by the manifest Word of God they be convinced to have erred from that faith which the holy Spirit witnesseth to be necesiary to Salvation: And if so they be, we re∣fuse not but that they be punished according to justice; Unlesse by wholesome admoniti∣on they can be reduced to a better minde.

These things require we to be considered of by you, who are in the Place of the Eternall God (who is God of Order and Truth) even in such sort, as ye will answer in presence of his Throne judiciall: Requiring further, That favourably you would have respect to the tendernesse of our consciences, and to the trouble which appeareth to follow in this Common-wealth, if the tyranny of the Prelates, and of their adherents be not bridled by God and just Lawes. God move your hearts deeply to consider your owne duties, and our present troubles.

These our Demands did we first present to the Queen Regent, because that we were determined to enterprise nothing without her knowledge, most humbly requiring her favourably to assist us in our just action. She spared not amiable looks, and good words in abundance. But alwayes she kept our Petition close in her pocket. When we required secretly of her Majesty that our Petition should be proposed to the whole Assem∣bly: She answered, That she thought not that expedient; for then would the whole Ecclesiasticall Estate be contrary to her proceedings, which at that time was great: For the Matrimoniall Crowne was asked, and in that Parliament granted. But, said she, how soon order can be taken with these things, which now may be hindred by the Church-men, ye shall know my good minde. And in the meane time whatsoe∣ver I can grant unto you, shall gladly be granted. We yet nothing sus∣pecting her falshood, were content to give place for a time to her plea∣sure and pretended reason. And yet thought we expedient somewhat to protest, before the dissolution of the Parliament: For our Petition was manifestly knowne to the whole Assembly; as also how that for the Queens pleasure we had ceased to pursue the uttermost. Our Protestation was formed in manner following.

The Forme of the Protestation made in the Parliament holden at Edinburgh, Anno 1558.

IT is not unknowne to this Honourable Parliament, what controversie is now lately risen betwixt those that will be called the Prelats and

Rulers of the Church, and a great number of us the Nobility and Com∣munalty of the Realme, for the true worshipping of God, for the duty of Ministers, for the right Administration of Christ Jesus holy Sacra∣ments. How that we have complained by our supplication to the Queen Regent, That our consciences are burthened with unprofitable Ceremo∣nies; And that we are compelled to adhere to Idolary: That such as take upon them the Office Ecclesiasticall, discharge no part thereof as be∣cometh true Ministers to do; and finally, That we and our brethren are most injuriously oppressed by their usurped authority. And also we sup∣pose it is a thing sufficiently known, That we were of minde at this pre∣sent Parliament to seek redresse of such enormities: but considering that the troubles of the time do not suffer such Reformation as we by Gods plain Word do require, we are enforced to delay that which most ear∣nestly we desire: And yet lest that our silence should give occasion to our adversaries to thinke that we repent of our former enterprisers, we cannot cease to protest, for remedy against that most unjust tyranny which we heretofore have most patiently sustained.

And first we protest, That seeing we cannot obtain a just Reformation according to Gods Word, that it be lawfull to us to use our selves in matters of Religion and conscience, as we must answer unto God, unto such time as our adversaries be able to prove themselves the true Ministers of Christs Church, and to purge themselves of such crimes as we have already laid to their charge, offering our selves to prove the same whensoever the sacred Authority please to give us audience.

Secondly we protest, That neither we, nor yet any other of the godly that list to joyn with us in the true Faith which is grounded upon the invincible Word of God, shall incur any danger of life or lands, or any politicall pain, for not observing such Acts as heretofore have passed in favour of our adversaries, neither yet for viola∣ting of such Rites as man without Gods Commandment or Word hath com∣manded.

We thirdly protest, That if any tumult or uprore shall arise amongst the mem∣bers of this Realme for the diversity of Religion;* 4.1 and if it shall chance that abuses be violently reformed, that the crime thereof be not imputed to us, who most hum∣bly do now seek all to be reformed by an Order. But rather whatsoever inconveni∣ence shall happen to follow for lack of Order taken,* 4.2 that may be imputed to those that do refuse the same.

And last we protest, That these our requests, proceeding from conscience, do tend to none other end, but to the reformation of the abuses in Religion onely: Most humbly beseeching the sacred Authority to take us faithfull and obedient subjects into protection against our adversaries, and to shew unto us such indifferency in our most just Petition, as it becometh Gods Lieutenants to do to those that in his Name do call for defence, against cruell oppressors, and blood-thirsty Tyrants.

This our Protestation publikely read, we desired it to have been inser∣ted in the common Register, but that, by the labor of enemies, was denied unto us. Neverthelesse the Queen Regent said, Me will remember what it protested, and me shall put good order after this to all things that now be in controver∣sie. And thus after she by craft had obtained her purpose, we departed ed, in good hope of her favour, praising God inour hearts, that she was

so well inclined towards godlinesse. The good opinion that we had of her sincerity, caused us not onely to spend our goods, and hazard our bodies at her pleasure, but also by our publike Letters written to that excellent servant of God Iohn Calvine we did praise and commend her, for her excellent knowledge in Gods Word,* 4.3 and good will towards the advancement of his glory; requiring of him, That by his grave coun∣sell, and godly exhortation, he would animate her Majestie constantly to follow that, which godlily she had begun. We did farther sharply rebuke both by word and writing, all such as appeared to suspect in her any venom or hypocrisie, or that were contrary to that opinion which we had conceived of her godly minde. But how far we were deceived in our opinion, and abused by her craft, did suddenly appear: For how soon that all things pertaining to the commodity of France were granted by us, and that Peace was contracted betwixt King Philip and France, and England and us, she began to spue forth, and disclose the latent venom of her double heart. Then began she to frowne, and to look forwardly to all such as she knew did favour the Gospel of Jesus Christ. She com∣manded her houshold to use all abominations at Easter; and she first her self, to give example to others, did communicate to the Idol in open audi∣ence; she controlled her houshold▪ and would know where that every one received ther Sacrament. And it appeared, That after that day that ma∣lice took more violent and strong possession in her, then it did before; for from that day forward she appeared altogether altered, insomuch that her countenance and facts did declare the venom of her heart: For in∣continent she caused our Preachers to be summoned; for whom when we made intercession, beseeching her Majesty not to molest them in their Ministry, unlesse any man were able to convince them of false Doctrine, she could not bridle her tongue from open blasphemy, but proudly she said,* 4.4 In despight of you and your Ministers both, they shall be banished out of Scot∣land, albeit they preached as true as ever did Saint Paul.* 4.5 Which proud and blaspemous answer,* 4.6 did greatly astonish us: and yet ceased we not most humbly to seek her favour; and by great diligence, at last we obtained that the Summons at that time were delayed: For to her were sent A∣lexander Earl of Glenclarne, and Sir Hues Campbell of Lowdone Knight, She∣riff of Air, to reason with her, and to crave some performance of her manifold promises; to whom she answered, It becomes not subjects to burthen their Princes with promises, further then it pleased them to keep the same. Both the Noble men faithfully and boldly discharged their duty, and plainly forewarned her of the inconveniences that were to follow: wherewith she somewhat astonied, said she would advise.

In this mean time did the Town of Perth, called Saint Iohnston, em∣brace the Truth,* 4.7 which did provoke her to a new fury; in which she wil∣led the Lord Ruthuein Provest of that Towne, so suppresse all such Reli∣gion there.* 4.8 To the which when he answered, That he could make their bodies to come to her Majesty, & to prostrate themselves before her, till that she was fully satiate with her blood: but to cause them to do against their conscience, he could not promise. She in fury did answer, That

he was too mallapart, to give her such answer, affirming that both he and they should repent it. She solicited M. Iames Haliburntoun Provest of Dundie, to apprehend Paul Methuen, who fearing God, gave secret adver∣tisement to the man to avoid the Town for a time. She sent forth such as she thought most able to perswade at Easter, to cause Montrosse, Dundie, S. Iohnston, and other such places as had received the Gospel, to com∣municate with the Idoll of the Masse, but they could profit nothing, the hearts of many were bent to follow the Trueth revealed, and did abhorre Superstition and Idolatry. Whereat she more highly commoved, did Summon again all the Preachers to appear at Sterlin, the tenth day of May, in the yeere of our Lord 1559.* 4.9 Which understood by us, we with all humble obedience sought the means how she might be appeased, and our Preachers not molested: but when we could prevaile nothing, it was concluded by the whole brethren,* 4.10 That the Gentlemen of every Countrey should accompany their Preachers, to the day and place ap∣pointed; Whereto all men were most willing. And for that purpose, the Town of Dundie, the Gentlemen of Angus and Mernes, passed forward with their Preachers to S. Iohnston, without Armour, as peaceable men, minding onely to give confession with their Preachers. And lest that such a multitude should have given feare to the Queene Regent, the Laird of Dun, a zealous, prudent, and godly man, passed before to the Queene, then being at Sterlin, to declare to her, That the cause of their Convoca∣tion, was onely to give confession with their Preachers, and to assist them in their just defence.* 4.11 She understanding the fervencie of the people, began to use craft with him, soliciting him to stay the multitude, and the Prea∣chers also, with promise that she would take some better order. He a man most gentle of nature, and most addict to please her in all things not re∣pugnant to God,* 4.12 wrote to those that then were assembled at S. Iohnston, to stay, and not to come forward, shewing what promise and hope he had of the Queens favour. At the reading of his Letters, some did smell the craft and deceit, and perswaded to passe forward, untill that a discharge of the former Summons should be had, alleadging that otherwise their Processe of Rebellion should be executed against the Preachers: And so should not onely they, but also all such as did accompany them, be invol∣ved in a like crime. Others did reason, That the Queens promise was not to be suspected, neither yet the Laird of Duns request to be contem∣ned, and so did the whole multitude with their Preachers stay.

In this mean time that the Preachers were summoned, to wit, the second of May 1559. arrived Iohn Knox from France,* 4.13 who lodging two nights onely in Edinburgh, hearing the day appointed to his brethren, repaired to Dundie, where he earnestly required them, That he might be permitted to assist his brethren, and to give confession of his Faith with them, which granted unto him, he departed unto S. Iohnston with them, where he be∣gan to exhort, according to the grace of God granted unto him. The Queen perceiving that the Preachers did not appear, began to utter her malice; and notwithstanding any request made to the contrary, gave com∣mandment to put them to the Horne; inhibiting all men, under pain of high Rebellion, to assist, comfort, receive, or maintain them in any sort:

which extremity perceived by the said Laird of Dun, he prudently with∣drew himselfe (for otherwise by all appearance he had not escaped impri∣sonment.) For the Master of Maxwell, a man zealous and stout in Gods Cause (as then appeared) under the cloke of another small crime, was that same day committed to ward, because he did boldly affirme, That to the uttermost of his power,* 4.14 he would assist the Preachers and the Con∣gr••gation, notwithstanding any sentence which unjustly was,* 4.15 or should be pronounced against them. The Laird of Dun coming to S. Iohnston, exposed the case even as it was, and did conceal nothing of the Queens craft and falshood: Which understood, the multitude was so inflamed, that neither could the exhortation of the Preachers, nor the command∣ment of the Magistrate, stay them from destroying the places of Idolatry. The manner whereof was: The Preachers had declared before how odi∣ous Idolatry was in Gods presence: What commandment he had given for the destruction of the monuments thereof:* 4.16 What Idolatry, and what abomination was in the Masse. It chanced that the next day, which was the eleventh of May, after that the Preachers were exiled, that after the Sermon, which was very vehement against Idola∣try, a certaine Priest in contempt would go to the Masse; and to declare his malapart presumption, he would open up a glorious Taber∣nacle, which stood upon the high Altar: There stood beside, certain god∣ly men, and amongst others, a young boy, who cryed with a bold voice, This is intolerable,* 4.17 that when God by his Word hath plainely condemned Idolatry, we shall stand and see it used in despight. The Priest hereat offended, gave the childe a great blow; who in anger took up a stone, and casting at the Priest, hit the Tabernacle, and brake down an Image: And immediatly, the whole multitude threw stones, and put hands on the said Tabernacle, and on all other Monuments of Idolatry; Which they dispatched before the tenth man in the Town were advertised (for the most part were gone to diner) which noised abroad, the whole multitude assembled, not of the Gentlemen, neither of them that were earnest Professours, but of the ras∣call multitude, who finding nothing to do in that Church, did run with∣out deliberation to the Gray and Black-Friers, and notwithstanding that they had within them very strong guards kept for their defence, yet were their gates incontinent burst up. The first invasion was upon Idolatry, and thereafter the common people began to seek some spoile. And in very deed the Gray-Friers was a place so well provided, that unlesse ho∣nest men had seen the same, we would have feared to have reported what provision they had,* 4.18 their sheets, blankets, beds, and coverlets were such, that no Earle in Scotland had better: Their naperie was fine, they were but 8 persons in the Convent, and yet had they 8 puncheons of salt Beef (con∣sider the time of the yeere, the eleventh of May) wine, beere, and ale, be∣side store of victuals belonging thereto. The like abundance was not in the Black-Friers, and yet there was more then became men professing po∣verty. The spoile was permitted to the poore: For so had the Preachers before threatned all men, That for covetousnesse sake, none should put their hand to such a Reformation, that no honest man was inriched there∣by the value of a groat. Their conscience so moved them, that they

suffered those hypocrites to take away what they could, of that which was in their places. The Prior of the Charter-house was permitted to take with him even as much gold and silver as he was able to carry.* 4.19 So were mens consciences beaten with the Word, that they had no respect to their own particular profit,* 4.20 but onely to abolish Idolatry, the places and Monuments thereof, in which they were so busie, and so laborious, that within two dayes these three great places, Monuments of Idolatry, to wit, the Black and Gray Theeves, and Charter-house Monks (a building of wonderous cost and greatnesse) was so destroyed, that the walls onely did remain of all those great edifices. Which reported to the Queen, she was so inraged,* 4.21 That she did vow utterly to destroy S. Iohnston, man, woman, and childe, and to consume the same by fire, and thereafter to salt it, in signe of a perpetuall desolation. We suspecting nothing such cruelty, but thinking that such words might escape her in choler without purpose determined, because she was a woman, set on fire by the com∣plaints of those hypocrites, who flocked unto her as Ravens to a carion. We (we say) suspecting nothing such beastly cruelty, returned to our own houses: leaving in S. Iohnston, Iohn Knox to instruct the people, because they were yong and rude in Christ. But she, set on fire partly by her own malice, partly by commandment of her friends in France, and not a little by bribes, which she and Monsieur Dosell received from the Bi∣shops and the Priests here at home, did continue still in her rage. And first she sent for all the Nobility,* 4.22 to whom she complained, That we meaned nothing but Rebellion: She did grievously lament the destruction of the Charter-house, because it was a Kings foundation, and there was the tombe of King Iames the first, and by such other perswasions she made the most part of them grant to pursue us. And then incontinent sent she for her French men: For that was, and ever hath been her joy, to see Scottish men dip one with anothers blood. No man was at that time more franke against us then was Duke Hamilton, led by that cru∣ell beast the Bishop of Saint Andrews, and by those that yet abuse him, the Abbot of Kilvinning, and Matthew Hamilton of Milburne, two chiefe enemies to the Duke and to his whole house, but in so far as thereby they may procure their own particular profit. These and such other pestilent Papists ceased not to cast fagots on the fire continually, crying, For∣ward upon these Hereticks, we shall once rid this Realme of them. The certaintie hereof coming to our knowledge, some of us repaired to the Towne againe, about the two and twentieth day of May, and there did abide for the comfort of our brethren: Where after Invocation of the Name of God, we began to put the Town and our selves in such strength, as we thought might best serve for our just defence.* 4.23 And because we did not utter despaire of the Queens favour, we caused to forme a Letter to her Majestie, as followeth.

To the Queenes Majestie Regent, all humble obedience and dutie premised.

AS heretofore with jeopard of our lives, and yet with willing hearts we have served the authoritie of Scotland, and your Majestie now Regent in this

Realme, in service to our bodies dangerous, and painefull, so now with most do∣lorous mindes we are constrained by unjust tyrannie purposed against us, to de∣clare unto your Majestie, That except this crueltie be stayed by your wisdome, we shall be compelled to take the sword of just defence,* 5.1 against all that shall pursue us for the matter of Religion, and for our conscience sake: which ought not, nor may not be subject to mortall creatures, further then by Gods Word man is able to prove that he hath power to command us. We signifie moreover unto your Majestie, That if by rigour we be compelled to seek the extreame defence, that we will not onely notifie our innocencie and Pe∣tition to the King of France, to our Mistresse and to her husband; but also to the Princes and Counsell of every Christian Realme, declaring unto them, That this cruell,* 5.2 unjust, and most tyrannicall murther intended against Townes and multi∣tudes, was, and is the onely cause of our revolt from our accustomed obedience, which in Gods presence we faithfully promise to our Soveraigne Mistresse, to her husband, and unto your Majestie Regent. Provided that our consci∣ences may live in that Peace and Libertie, which Christ Iesus hath purchased to us by his blood, and that we may have his Word truely Preached and holy Sa∣craments rightly ministred unto us, without which we firmely purpose never to be subject to mortall man:* 5.3 For better we think to expose our bodies to a thou∣sand deaths, then to hazard our souls to perpetuall damnation, by denying Christ Iesus, and his manifest Veritie, which thing not onely do they who com∣mit open Idolatry, but also all such as seeing their brethren pursued for the cause of Religion,* 5.4 and having sufficient means to comfort and assist them, do never∣thelesse withdraw from them their dutifull support. We would not your Majestie should be deceived, by the false perswasions of those cruell beasts the Church-men, who affirme, That your Majestie needeth not greatly to regard the losse of us that professe Christ Iesus in this Realme. If (as God forbid) ye give ear to their pestilent counsell, and so use against us this extremity pretended, it is to be feared, That neither ye, neither yet your posteritie shall at any time after this finde that obedience and faithfull service within this Realme, which as all times you have found in us. We declare our judgements freely, as true and faithfull Subjects. God move your Princely heart favourably to interpret our faithfull meaning: Further advertising your Majestie, That the selfe same thing, toge∣ther with all things that we have done, or yet intend to do, we will notifie by our Letters to the King of France. Asking of you, in the Name of the eternall God, and as your Majestie tenders the peace and quietnesse of this Realme: That ye in∣vade us not with any violence, till we receive answer from our Mistresse and her husb••nd, and from their advised Counsell there. And thus we commit your Majestie to the protection of the omnipotent. From Saint Johnston, the 22 of May 1559.

Sic subscribitur. Your Majesties obedient Subjects in all things, not repugnant to God. The faithfull congregation of Christ Iesus in Scotland.

To the same purpose we wrote to Monsieur Dosell in French, requiring of him, That by his wisdome he would mitigate the Queenes rage, and the rage of the Priests, otherwise that flame which then began

to burn, would so kindle, that when some men would, it could not be slackned. Adding further, That he declared himself no faithfull servant unto his Master the King of France, if for the pleasure of the Priests he would persecute us, and so compell us to take the sword of just defence. In like manner we wrote to Captain Serre la Bourse, and to all other Cap∣tains and French Souldiers in generall, admonishing them that their Vo∣cation was not to fight against us naturall Scotish-men, nor yet that they had any such Commandment of their Master: We besought them there∣fore not to provoke us to enmity against them, and to consider that they had found us favourable, in their most great extremities. We declared farther unto them, That if they entred in hostility and bloody War against us, that the same should remain longer then their owne lives, to wit, even in all posteritie to come, so long as naturall Scotish-men should have power to revenge such cruelty, and most horrible ingratitude. These Let∣ters were caused to be spread abroad in great abundance, to the end that some might come to the knowledge of men. The Queen Regent her Let∣ter was laid upon her Cushion in the Chappel Royall at Sterlin, where she was accustomed to sit at Masse; she looked upon it, and put in the pocket of her Gown: Monsieur d' Osel and the Captains, received theirs, delivered even by their own souldiers (for some amongst them were favourers of the Truth) who after the reading of them, began to pull their own beards, for that was the modest behaviour of Monsieur d' Osell, when truth was told unto him, so that it repugned to his fantasie. These our Letters were suppressed to the utmost of their power, and yet they came to the know∣ledge of many. But the rage of the Queen and the Priests could not be stayed, but forward they move against us, who then were but a very few and mean number of Gentlemen in S. Iohnston; we perceiving the extre∣mity to approach, did write to all brethren to repair towards us for our re∣lief, to the which we found all men so ready bent, that the Work of God was evidently to be espied: the Tenour whereof followeth. And because that we would omit no diligence to declare our innocency to all men, we formed a Letter to those of the Nobility, who then persecuted us, as after followeth:

To the Nobility of Scotland.

The Congregation of Christ Iesus within the same, desire the spirit of righteous Iudgement

BEcause we are not ignorant that ye the Nobility of this Realme, who now persecute us, employing your whole study and force to maintain the kingdom of Sathan, of superstition and Idolatry, are yet neverthe∣lesse divided in opinion. We the Congregation of Christ Jesus, by you unjustly persecuted,* 6.1 have thought good, in one Letter, to write unto you severally. Ye are divided, we say, in opinion; for some of you think that we who have taken this enterprise to remove Idolatry, and the Monuments of the same, to erect the true Preaching of Christ Jesus, in the bounds com∣mitted to our Charges, are hereticks, seditious men, and troublers of this Commonwealth, and therefore no punishment is sufficient for us; and so blinded with this rage, and under pretence to serve the Authority, ye pro∣claim War and destruction without all order of Law against us. To you, we say, that neither your blinde zeal, neither yet the colour of Authority,

shall excuse you in Gods presence, who commandeth none to suffer death till that he be openly convinced in judgement, to have offended against God, and against his Law written; which no mortall creature is able to prove against us: for whatsoever we have done, the same we have done at Gods commandment, who plainly commands Idolatry, and all Monu∣ments of the same to be destroyed and abolished.* 6.2 Our earnest and long request hath been, and is, That in open Assembly it may be disputed, in presence of indifferent auditors, Whether that these abominations, na∣med by the pestilent Papists, Religion, which they by fire and sword de∣fend, be the true Religion of Jesus Christ or not? Now this humble re∣quest denied unto us, our lives are sought in most cruell manner: And the Nobility (whose duty is to defend innocents, and to bridle the fury and rage of wicked men,* 6.3 were it of Princes or Emperors) do notwith∣standing follow their appetites, and arme your selves against us your brethren, and naturall Countrey-men: yea, against us that be innocent and just, as concerning all such crimes as be laid to our charges. If ye think that we be criminall, because that we dissent from your opinion, consider, we beseech you, that the Prophets under the Law, the Apo∣stles of Christ Jesus after his Ascension, his Primitive Church and holy Martyrs, did disagree from the whole world in their dayes. And will ye deny but that their action was just, and that all those that persecuted them were murtherers before God? May not the like be true this day? What assurance have ye this day of your Religion, which the world that day had not of theirs? ye have a multitude that agree with you, and so had they: ye have antiquity of time, and that they lacked not: ye have Counsells, Laws, and men of reputation, that have established all things, as ye suppose: but none of all these can make any Religion acceptable unto God, which onely depended upon his owne will, reveal∣ed to man in his most sacred Word.* 6.4 It is not then a wonder that ye sleep in so deadly a security in the matter of your owne salvation; consider∣ing that God giveth unto you so manifest tokens, that ye and your leaders are both declined from God. For if the tree shall be judged by the fruit (as Christ Jesus affirmeth that it must needs be) then of necessity it is, That your Prelats, and the whole rabble of their Clergie be evill trees: For if Adultery,* 6.5 Pride, Ambition, Drunkennesse, Covetousnesse, Incest, Un∣thankfulnesse, Oppression, Murther, Idolatry, and Blasphemy, be evill fruits, there can none of that Generation which claim to themselves the title of Churchmen, be judged to be good trees: For all these pestilent and wicked fruits do they bring forth in greatest abundance. And if they be evil trees (as ye your selves must be compelled to confesse they are) ad∣vise prudently with what consciences ye can maintain them to occupy the room and place in the Lords Vine-yard. Do ye not consider that in so doing ye labour to maintain the servants of sin in their filthy corrup∣tion, and so consequently ye labour that the devill may raigne, and still abuse this Realme by all iniquity and tyranny,* 6.6 and that Christ Jesus and his blessed Gospel be suppressed and extinguished. The name and the cloke of the authority which ye pretend, will nothing excuse you in Gods presence, but rather shall ye bear double condemnation, for that ye

burden God, as that his good Ordinances were the cause of your iniqui∣ty: All Authority which God hath established, is good and perfect, and is to be obeyed of all men, yea, under pain of damnation. But do ye not understand,* 6.7 That there is a great difference betwixt the Authority which is Gods Ordinance, and the persons of those which are placed in Autho∣rity; the Authority and Gods Ordinances can never do wrong, for it commandeth that vice and wicked men be punished,* 6.8 and vertue with ver∣tuous men and just be maintained. But the corrupt person placed in this Authority, may offend, and most commonly doth contrary to this Au∣thority: and is then the corruption of man to be followed, by rea∣son that it is clothed with the name of Authority? Or shall those that obey the wicked commandment of those that are placed in Authority, be excusable before God? Not so, not so, but the plagues and vengeances of God taken upon Kings their servants and subjects,* 6.9 do witnesse to us the plain contrary. Pharaoh was a King,* 6.10 and had his Authority of God, who commanded his subjects to murther and torment the Israelites, and at last most cruelly to persecute their lives: But was their obedience (blinde rage it should be called) excusable before God? the Universall plague doth plainly declare, That the wicked Commander, and those that obeyed, were alike guilty before God. And if the example of Pha∣raoh shall be rejected,* 6.11 because he was an Ethnicke, then let us consider the facts of Saul: He was a King anoynted of God, appointed to raign over his people;* 6.12 he commanded to persecute David, because (as he alleadged) David was a Traytor, and Usurper of the Crowne: And likewise com∣manded Ahimeleck the High Priest and his fellows to be slaine: But did God approve any part of this obedience? evident it is, That he did not. And think ye that God will approve in you, that which he did condemne in others? be not deceived; with God there is no such partiality. If ye obey the unjust commandments of wicked Rulers, ye shall suffer Gods vengeance and just punishment with them. And therefore, as ye tender your owne salvation, we most earnestly require of you moderation, and that ye stay your selves, and the fury of others, from persecuting of us, till our cause be tried in open and lawfull Judgement.* 6.13 And now to you who are perswaded of the justice of our cause, who sometimes have pro∣fessed Christ Jesus with us,* 6.14 and who also have exhorted us to this enter∣prise, and yet have left us in our extreme necessity, at least looke out thorow your fingers in this our trouble, as that the matter appertained not unto you, we say, That unlesse (all fear and worldly respects set aside) ye joyn your selves with us, that as of God ye are reputed Traytors, so shall ye be excommunicated from our Society, and from all participation with us in the Administration of Sacraments: the glory of this Victory which God shall give to his Church, yea, even in the eyes of men, shall not appertain to you, but the fearful judgement which apprehended Ana∣nias, and his wife Saphira,* 6.15 shall apprehend you and your posterity. Ye may perchance contemn and despise the Excōmunication of the Church now by Gods mighty power erected amongst us, as a thing of no force: But yet doubt we nothing, but that our Church, and the true Ministers of the same, have the same power which our Master Christ Jesus granted to

his Apostles in these words, Whose sins ye shall forgive, shall be forgiven; and whose sins ye shall retain, shall be retained, and that because they preach, and we believe the same Doctrine which is contained in his most blessed Word: and therefore, except that ye will contemne Christ Jesus, ye nei∣ther can despise our threatning, neither yet refuse us calling for your just defence.* 6.16 By your fainting, and by extracting of your support, the enemies are encouraged, thinking that they shall finde no resistance: in which point, God willing, they shall be deceived; for if they were ten thousand, and we but one thousand, they shall not murther the least of our brethren, but we (God assisting us) shall first commit our lives into the hands of God for their defence. But this shall aggravate your condemnation, for ye declare your selves both Traytors to the Truth once professed, and mur∣therers of us and of our brethren,* 6.17 from whom ye withdraw your dutifull and promised support, whom your onely presence (to mans judgement) might preserve from this danger. For our enemies look not to the power of God, but to the force and strength of man; when the number is mean to resist them, then rage they as bloody wolves; but a part equall or able to resist them by appearance, doth bridle their fury. Examine your owne consciences, and weigh that Sentence of our Master Christ Jesus, saying, Whosoever denieth me, or is ashamed of me before men, I shall deny him before my Father. Now is the day of his Battell in this Realm, if ye deny us your brethren, suffering for his Names sake, ye do also deny him, as himselfe doth witnesse, in these words, Whatsoever ye did to any of these little ones, that ye did to me, and what ye did not to one of these little ones, that ye did not to me: If these sentences be true as concerning meat, drink, cloathing, and such things a appertain to the body, shall they not be likewise true in these things that appertain to the preservation of the lives of thousands, whose blood is now sought, for profession of Christ Jesus? And thus shortly we leave you, who sometimes have professed Christ Jesus with us, to the ex∣amination of your own consciences. And yet once again of you, who blinded by superstition, persecute us: We require moderation, till our cause may be tried; which if ye will not grant unto us for Gods Cause, yet we desire you to have respect to the preservation of your common Countrey, which we can no sooner betray into the hands of strangers, then that one of us destroy and murther another. Consider our Petiti∣ons, and call for the spirit of righteous judgement.

These our Letters being divulgate, some began to reason, Whether in conscience they might invade us, or not, considering that we offred due o∣bedience to the Authority, requiring nothing, but liberty of conscience, and our Religion and fact to be tried by the Word of God. Our Letters came with convenient expedition to the hands of our brethren in Cuninghame and Kyle, who assembled at the Church of Craggie; where after some con∣trarious reasons, Alexander Earle of Glencarne, in zeal burst forth in these words, Let every man serve his conscience, I will, by Gods grace, see my bre∣thren in S. Johnston:* 6.18 Yea, albeit never man should accompany me, yet I will go, and if it were but a Pike upon my shoulder; for I had rather die with that company, then live after them. These words so encouraged the rest, that all decreed to go forward, as that they did so stoutly, that when the

Lion Herault in his coat of Arms, commanded all men under pain of trea∣son to return to their houses by publike sound of trumpet in Glasgow, ne∣ver man obeyed that charge, but all went forward, as we shall after heare. When it was clearly understood that the Prelates and their adherents sup∣pressing our Petitions so far as in them lay, did kindle the furie of all men against us: it was thought expedient to write unto them some Declaration of our minds, which we did in this forme following.

To the generation of Antichrist, the pestilent Prelats, and their Shavelings within Scotland,

the Congregation of Christ Iesus within the some saith,

TO the end that ye shall not be abused, thinking to escape just punish∣ment, after that ye in your blinde furie have caused the blood of ma∣ny to be shed: This we notifie and declare unto you, That if ye proceed in this your malicious crueltie, ye shall be dealt withall wheresoever ye shall be apprehended, as murtherers and open enemies to God and unto mankinde. And therefore betimes cease from this blinde rage: Remove first from your selves, your bands of bloodie men of war, and reform your selves to a more quiet life, and hereafter mitigate ye the authority, which without crime committed on our part ye have inflamed against us, or else be ye assured, That with the same measure that ye have measured against us, and yet intend to measure to others, it shall be measured unto you; that is, As ye by tyrannie intend not onely to destroy our bodies, but also by the same to hold our souls in bondage of the Devil, subject to Idolatry: So shall we with all force and power, which God shall grant unto us, execute just vengeance and punishment upon you, yea, we shall begin that same war which God commandeth Israel to execute against the Canaanites, that is, contract of peace shall never be made till that ye desist from your open Idolatry and cruell persecution of Gods children. And this we sig∣nifie unto you, in the name of the eternall God, and of his Son Christ Jesus, whose Verity we professe, and Gospel we have Preached, and holy Sacraments rightly ministred, so long as God will assist us to gain stand your Idolatry. Take this for advertisement and be not deceived.

Notwithstanding these our Requests and Advertisements, Monsieur Do∣sell and his French men, with the Priests and their bands, marched for∣ward against S. Iohnston, and approached within ten miles of the Town; then repaired the brethren from all quarters for our reliefe. The Gentle∣men of Fyfe; Angus, Mernes, with the Town of Dundie were there, they that first hazarded to resist the enemy: and for that purpose was chosen a place of ground, a mile and more distant from the Town. In this mean time, the Lord Ruthuen, Provest of the Town of S. Iohnston, and a man whom many judged godly and stout in that action (as in very deed he was even unto his last breath) left the Town, and departed first to his own place, and after to the Queen; whose defection and revolt was a great discouragement to the hearts of many, and yet did God so comfort them, that within the space of twelve houres after, the hearts of all men

were set up againe. For those that were then assembled, did not so much hope of victory by their own strength, as by the power of him, whose Verity they professed, and began one to comfort another, till the whole multitude was erected in a reasonable hope. The day after that the Lord Ruthuen departed, which was the foure and twentieth of May,* 7.1 came the Earle of Argyle, Lord Iames Prior of S. Andrews, and the Lord Semple, directed from the Queen Regent, to enquire the cause of that Convocation of Lieges there. To whom when it was answered, That it was onely to resist the cruell tyran∣nie devised against that poore Towne, and the inhabitants of the same. They asked if we minded not to hold that Towne against the authority, and against the Regent. To the which Question answered the Lairds of D••n and Pitarro, with the Congregation of Angus and Mernes, the Ma∣ster of Lindsay, the Lairds of Londy, Balvarde, and others Barons of Fyfe. That if the Queenes Majestie would suffer the Religion there begun to proceed,* 7.2 and not trouble their brethren and sisters that had professed Christ Jesus with them, That the Towne, they themselves, and whatso∣ever to them pertained, should be at the Queens commandment. Which answer understood,* 7.3 the Earle of Argyle and the Prior (who both were then Protestants) began to muse, and said plainly, That they were far otherwise informed by the Queen, to wit, That we meant no Religion, but a plaine Rebellion. To the which when he had answered simply, and as the trueth was, to wit, That we Convened for none other purpose, but onely to assist our brethren, who then were most unjustly persecuted, and there∣fore we desired them faithfully to report our answer, and to be interces∣sors to the Queen Regent, That such cruelty should not be used against us, considering that we had offered in our former Letters, as well to the Queens Majesty, as to the Nobility, our matter to be tried in lawfull judge∣ment. They promised fidelity in that behalfe, which also they kept. The day after, which was the five and twentieth of May, before that the said Lords departed, in the morning Iohn Knox desired to speak with the same Lords, which granted unto him, he was conveyed to their Lodging by the Laird of Balvarde; and thus began,

The Oration of Iohn Knox to the Lords.

THe present troubles, honourable Lords, ought to move the hearts, not onely of the true servants of God, but also of all such as beare any favour unto our Countrey and naturall Countrey-men, to descend within themselves, and deepely to consider, what shall be the end of this pretended tyrannie. The rage of Satan seek∣eth the destruction of all those that within this Realme professe Christ Iesus, and they that inflame the Queene, and you the Nobles against us, regard not who pre∣vaile, provided that they may abuse the world, and live at their pleasure, as here∣tofore they have done: yea, I feare that some seek nothing more, then the effusion of Scottish blood, to the end that their possessions may be more patent to others. But because that this is not the principall which I have to speak, omitting the same to be considered, by the wisdome of those to whom the care of the Common-wealth ap∣pertaineth.

1. I most humbly require of you, my Lords, in my name, to say to the Queene

Regent, That we in whom she in her blinde rage doth persecute, are Gods servants, faithfull and obedient Subjects to the authoritie of this Realme: That that Re∣ligion which she pretendeth to maintaine by fire and sword, is not the true Re∣ligion of Christ Iesus, but is expresse contrary to the same, a superstition devi∣sed by the braine of man,* 8.1 which I offer my selfe to prove against all that within Scotland will maintaine the contrary, liberty of tongue being granted unto me, and Gods written Word being admitted for judge.

2. I further require your honours in my name to say unto the Queen, That as oft before I have written, so now I say, That this her enterprise shall not prospe∣rously succeed in the end, and albeit for a time she trouble the Saints of God, for she fights not against man only, but against the eternall God, and his invincible Verity, and therefore the end shall be her confusion, unlesse betimes she repent and desist.

These things I require of you, in the Name of the eternall God, as from my mouth, to say unto her Majestie, adding, That I have been, and am a more assu∣red friend to her Majestie, then they, that either flattering her, as servants to her corrupt appetites, or else inflame her against us, who seek nothing but Gods glory to be advanced; Vice to be suppressed; and Veritie to be maintained in this poore Realme.

They all three did promise to report his words so far as they could, which afterwards we understood they did; yea the Lord Sempill him∣selfe, a man sold unto sin, enemie to God and all godlinesse, did yet make such report, That the Queen was somewhat offended, that any man should use such libertie in her presence. She still proceeded in her ma∣lice, for immediately thereafter she sent her Lion Herald with Letters, straitly charging all men to avoid the Towne under the paine of Treason. Which Letters, after he had declared them to the chiefe men of the Con∣gregation, he publikely proclaimed the same upon Sunday the 27 of May. In this meane time came sure knowledge to the Queen, to Duke Hamilton, and to Monsieur Dosell, That the Earle of Glencarne, the Lords Uchiltrie and Boyde, the young Sheriffe of Air, the Lairds of Craggy, Wallace, Sesnock, Carnell, Bar, Gairgirth, and the whole congregation of Kyle and Cuninghame approached for our reliefe, and in very deed they came in such diligence, and such a number, That as the enemy had just cause to fear; so have all that professe Christ Jesus, just matter to praise God, for their fidelity and stout courage in that need: For by their pre∣sence was the tyrannie of the enemy bridled. Their diligence was such,* 8.2 that albeit the passage by Sterlin and six miles above was stopped (for there lay the Queen with her bands, and caused the Bridges to be cut upon the waters of Forth, Gudy, and Teith, above Sterlin) yet made they such expe∣dition through desert and mountaine, that they prevented the enemy, and approached within sixe miles of our Campe, which then lay without the Towne awaiting upon the enemy, before that any assured knowledge came to us of their coming. Their number was judged to twentie five hundred men, whereof there was twelve hundred Horse∣men. The Queene understanding how the said Earle and Lords, with their company approached, caused to beset all wayes, that no advertisement should come to us: To the end, That we despairing of support, might condiscend to such appointment as she required. And sent

first to require that some discreet men of our number would come and speak to Duke Hamilton and Monsieur Dosell, (who then with their Army lay at Achtererdoch, ten miles from S. Iohnston) to the end, that some rea∣sonable appointment might be had. She had perswaded the Earle of Ar∣gyle and all others, That we meant nothing but Rebellion; and therefore had he promised unto her, That in case we would not stand content with a reasonable appointment, he would declare himselfe open enemy unto us, notwithstanding that he professed the same Religion with us. From us were sent the Laird of Dun, the Laird of Inuerquhartye, and Thomas Scot of Abbotshall, to hear what appointment the Queene would offer. The Duke and Monsieur Dosell required, That the Towne should be made patent, and that all things should be referred to the Queenes pleasure. To the which they answered, That neither they had commission so to promise, neither durst they in conscience so perswade their brethren: But if the Queene would promise,* 8.3 That no inhabitant of the Town should be troubled for any such crimes as might be alleadged against them, for the late mutation of Religion and abolishment of Idolatrie, and for down-casting the places of the same; If she would suffer the Re∣ligion begun to go forward, and leave the Towne at her departing free from the Garrisons of French Souldiers; That they would labour at the hands of their brethren, that the Queene should be obeyed in all things. Monsieur Dosell perceiving the danger to be great, if that a sudden ap∣pointment should be made, and that they were not able to execute their tyrannie against us, after that the Congregation of Kyle (of whose com∣ming we had no advertisement) should be joyned with us, with good words dismissed the said Lairds to perswade the brethren to quiet con∣cord. To the which we were all so well minded, that with one voice they cried; Cursed be they that seek effusion of blood; Let us possesse Christ Iesus, and the benefit of his Gospel, and none within Scotland shall be more obedient Sub∣jects then we shall be. With all expedition were sent from Sterlin againe (after that the coming of the Earle of Glencarne was knowne, for the enemie for feare quaked) the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames afore∣said. And in their company a crafty man Master Gauin Hamilton, Ab∣bot of Kilwinning, who were sent by the Queen to finish the appointment aforesaid. But before that they came, was the Earle of Glencarne and his honourable company arrived in the Towne: and then began all men to praise God, for that he had so mercifully heard them in their most ex∣treame necessitie, and had sent unto them such reliefe as was able without effusion of blood to stay the rage of the enemie. The Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames did earnestly perswade the agreement, to the which all men were willing: but some did smell the craft of the adversary, to wit, That they were minded to keep no point of the promise longer then they had obtained their intent. With the Earle of Glencarne came our loving brother Iohn Willock, Iohn Knox was in the Town before. These two went to the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames,* 8.4 accusing them of infidelity, in so far as they had defrauded their brethren of their dutifull support, and comfort in their greatest necessity. They answered both, That their heart was con∣stant with their brethren, and that they would defend that Cause to the

uttermost of their power. But because they had promised to labour con∣cord, and to assist the Queen in case we refused reasonable offers, in con∣science and honour they could do no lesse then be faithfull in their pro∣mise made: And therefore they required that the brethren might be perswaded to consent to that reasonable appointment;* 8.5 promising in Gods presence, That if the Queen did break in any jot thereof, that they with their whole powers would assist and concurre with the brethren in all times to come. This promise made, the Preachers appeased the mul∣titude, and obtained in the end that all men did consent to the appoint∣ment foresaid; which they obtained not without great labours; and no wonder, for many foresaw the danger to follow: yea the Preachers themselves in open Sermon did affirme plainly, That they were assuredly perswaded that the Queen meant no truth. But to stop the mouth of the adversary,* 8.6 who unjustly did burthen us with Rebellion, they most earnestly required all men to approve the appointment, and so to suffer hypocrisie to disclose it self. This appointment was concluded the 28 of May, and the day following, at two in the after noon, departed the Congregation from Saint Iohnston, after that Iohn Knox had in his Ser∣mon exhorted all men to constancy, and unfainedly to thanke God, for that it had pleased his mercy to stay the rage of the enemy without ef∣fusion of blood; Also that no brother should be weary, nor faint, to support such as should after be likewise persecuted: for (said he) I am assured that no part of this promise made shall be longer kept, then till the Queen and her French-men to have the upper hand. Many of the ene∣mies were at the same Sermon: For after that the appointment was made, they had free entry in the Towne to provide Lodgings. Before the Lords departed, was this Bond, whose Tenour followeth, as it was written and subscribed.

The second Covenant at Perth.

AT Perth the last of May, the yeere of God 1559 yeers,

* 9.1

the Congregations of the West Countrey, with the Congregations of Fyfe, Perth, Dundie, Angus, Mernes, and Monrosse, being convened in the Towne of Perth, in the Name of Iesus Christ, for setting forth of his glory, understanding nothing more necessary for the same, then to keepe a constant amity, unity, and fellowship together, according as they are commanded by God, are confederate, and become bounden and obliged in the presence of God, to concurre and assist together in do∣ing all things required of God in his Scripture, that may be to his glory; And at their whole powers to destroy and put away all things that doth dishonour to his Name, so that God may be truely and purely worshipped. And in case that any trouble be in∣tended against the said Congregation, or any part or member thereof, the whole Con∣gregation shall concurre, assist, and convene together, to the defence of the same Con∣gregation or person troubled: And shall not spare Labours, Goods, Substance, Bo∣dies and Lives, in maintaining the liberty of the whole Congregation, and every mem∣ber thereof, against whatsoever person shall intend the said trouble for cause of Religi∣on, or any other cause depending thereupon, or lay to their charge, under pretence therof, although it happen to be coloured with any other outward cause. In witnessing and

testimony of the which, the whole Congregation aforesaid have ordained and appointed the Noble-men and persons under-written, to subscribe these Presents.

Sic subscribitur,

• Arch Argyle,
• Iames Steward,
• Glencarne.
• R. Lord Boid, Lord Wchiltrie,
• Matthew Campbell of Tarmganart.

The 29 of May entred the Queen, the Duke, Monsieur d'Osell, and the French-men,* 9.2 who in discharging their Volley of Hacquebutes, did well mark the house of Patrike Murray, a man fervent in Religion, and that boldly had sustained all danger in that trouble; against whose stayr they directed six or seven Shot even against the faces of those that were there lying; all men escaped, except the son of the foresaid Patrike, a boy of ten or twelve yeers of age; who being slain, was had to the Queens pre∣sence: but she understanding whose son he was, said in mockage, It is pity it chanced on the son, and not on the father; but seeing that so it is chanced, we cannot be against fortune.* 9.3 This was her happy entry in Saint Iohnston, and the great zeal she beareth to Justice. The swarme of Papists that en∣tred with her, began straight to make provision for their Masse; and be∣cause the Altars were not so easie to be repaired again, they provided Ta∣bles, whereof some before used to serve for Drunkards, Dicers, and Card∣ers, but they were holy enough for the Priest and his Pageant. The Queen began to rage against all godly and honest men, their houses were op∣pressed by the French, the lawfull Magistrates, as well Provest as Baylies, were unjustly, and without all order, deposed from their Authority: a wicked man, void of Gods fear, and destitute of all vertue, the Laird of Kilfans, was intrusted by her, Provest of the Towne: Whereat all ho∣nest men offended, left their owne houses, and with their wives and chil∣dren sought amongst their brethren some resting place for a time.* 9.4 She took order that four Colours of the Souldiers should abide in the Town to maintain Idolatry, and to resist the Congregation. Honest and indif∣ferent men asked why she did so manifestly violate her promise? She an∣swered, That she was bound to keep no promise to hereticks: And moreover, That she promised onely to leave the Towne free of French Souldiers; which (said she) she did,* 9.5 because that these that therein were left were Scotishmen. But when it was reasoned in her contrary, That all those that took wages of France were counted French Souldiers, she answered, Princes must not be straitly bounden to keep their promises:* 9.6 My selfe (said she) would make little conscience to take from all that sort their lives and inheritance, if I might do it with as honest an excuse. And then she left the Towne in extreme Bondage:* 9.7 After that her ungodly French-men had most cruelly used the most part of those that remained in the ••ame, the Earle of Argyle, and Lord Iames foresaid perceiving in the Queen nothing but meer tyran∣ny and falshood, mindefull of their former promises made to their bre∣thren, did secretly convey themselves, and their Companies of the Town, and with them departed the Lord Ruthuen, of whom before mention is

made; then the Earle of Menteth, and the Laird of Tullybardin, who in Gods presence did confederate and binde themselves together, faithfully promising one to assist and defend another against all persons that would pursue them for Religion sake; and also that they with their whole force and power would defend the brethren persecuted for the same Cause. The Queen highly offended at the sudden departure of the persons aforesaid, sent charges to them to return, under the highest pain of her displeasure. But they answered,* 9.8 That with safe conscience they could not be partakers of so manifest tyranny as was by her committed, and of so great iniquity as they perceived devised by her, and her ungodly counsell the Prelats, This answer was given to her the first day of Iune, and immediately the Earle of Argyle, and Lord Iames repaired toward S. Andrewes; and in their Journey gave advertisement by writing to the Laird of Dun, to the Laird of Petarrow, to the Provest of Dundie, and others, professors in An∣gus, to visite them in S. Andrewes the fourth of Iune, for Reformation to be made there: which day they kept, and brought in their company Iohn Knox, who the first day after his coming to Fyfe, did preach in Car∣real, the next day in Anstruther, minding the third day, which was the Sunday, to preach in S. Andrews. The Bishop hearing of Reformation to be made in his Cathedrall Church, thought time to stirre, or else never, and therefore assembled his colleagues, and confederate fellows, besides his other friends, and came to the Towne upon the Saturday at night, ac∣companied with a hundred Spears, of minde to have stopped Iohn Knox from Preaching. The two Lords and Gentlemen aforesaid were onely accompanied with their quiet housholds, and therefore was the sud∣den coming of the Bishop the more fearfull; for then was the Queen and her French-men departed from Saint Iohnston, and were lying in Falkland, within twelve miles of S. Andrews; and the Town at that time had not given profession of Christ, and therefore could not the Lords be assured of their friendship. Consultation being had, many were of minde that the Preaching should be delayed for that day, and especially that Io. Knox should not preach, for that did the Bishop affirme that he would not suffer, considering that by his Commandment the Picture of the said Iohn was before burnt. He willed therefore an honest Gentleman, Robert Colwill of Cleisse,* 9.9 to say to the Lords, That in case Iohn Knox presented himselfe to the Preaching-place, in his Towne and principall Church, he should make him be saulted with a Dozen of Culverings, whereof the most part should light upon his nose. After long deliberation had, the said Iohn was called, that his owne judgement might be had; When many perswasions were made that he should delay for that time, and great ter∣rours given in case he should enterprise such a thing; as it were in con∣tempt of the Bishop, he answered, God is witnesse that I never preached Christ Iesus in contempt of any man,* 9.10 neither minde I at any time to present my selfe to that place, having either respect to my owne private commodity, either yet to the worldly hurt of any creature: But to delay to preach to mor∣row (unlesse the body be violently with-holden) I cannot in conscience: For in this Towne and Church began God first to call me to the dignity of a Preacher, from the which I was re••t by the tyranny of France, and procurement

of the Bishops, as ye well enough know, how long I continued prisoner, what tor∣ment I sustained in the Gallies, and what were the sobs of my heart, is now no time to recite. This onely I cannot conceale, which more then one have heard me say when my body was absent from Scotland, That my assured hope was, in open audience to preach in Saint Andrewes, before I departed this life. And therefore (said he) my Lords, seeing that God above the expectation of many hath brought my bodie to the same place where first I was called to the Office of a Preacher, and from the which most unjustly I was removed: I beseech your Honours not to stop me from presenting my selfe unto my Brethren: And as for the feare of danger that may come to me, let no man be solicite, for my life is in the custody of him whose glory I seek; and therefore I cannot so feare their boast nor tyrannie, that I will cease from doing my duty, when of his mercy he offereth the occasion. I desire the hand and weapon of no man to defend me, onely do I crave audience; which if it be de∣nied here unto me at this time, I must seek further where I may have it. At these words the Lords were fully content that he should occupy the place, which he did upon Sunday the tenth of June, and did treat of the ejection of the buyers and the sellers forth of the Temple of J••rusalem; as it is written in the Evangelists Matthew and Iohn, and so he applied the corruption that was then, to the corruption that is in Papistry: and Christs fact, to the duty of those to whom God giveth power and zeale thereto,* 9.11 that aswell the Magist••ates, the Provest and Baylies, as the com∣munalty for the most part within the Towne, did agree to remove all Monuments of Idolatry, which also they did with expedition. The Bishop advertised h••reof, departed that same day to the Queen, who lay with her French-men, as is said, in Falkland. The hot fury of the Bishop did so kindle her choler (and yet the love was very cold betwixt them) that without farther delay conclusion was taken, to invade Saint Andrewes,* 9.12 and the two young Lords aforesaid, who then were very slenderly accompanied. Posts were sent from the Queen with all diligence to Cowper, distant onely six miles from Saint Andrewes, to prepare Lodgings and Victualls for the Queen and her French-men. Lodgings were assigned, and F••rriers were sent be∣fore. Which thing understood, counsell was given to the Lords to march forward, and to prevent them before they came to Cowper: which they did, giving advertisement to all brethren with all possi∣ble expedition to repair towards them, which they also did, with such diligence,* 9.13 that in their Assemblie the wonderous Worke of God might have been espied: For when at night the Lords came to Cowper, they were not an hundred Horse, and some few Foot-men whom the Lord Iames, brought from the Coast ••ide; and yet be∣fore the next day at noon (which was Tuesday the thirteenth of June) their number passed three thousand men, which by Gods providence came unto the Lords from Lowthiane the Lairds of Ormeston, Calder, Hatton, Lestarrig, and Colston, who albeit they understood at their de∣parting from their owne houses no such trouble, yet were they by their good counsell very comfortable that day. The Lord Ruthuen came from Saint Iohnston with some Horse-men with him: The Earle of Rothesse Sheriff of Fyfe, came with an honest Company.

The Townes of Dundie and S. Andrews declared themselves both stout and faithfull. Cowper, because it stood in greatest danger, was assisted with the whole Force. Finally, God did so multiply our number, That it ap∣peared as men had rained from the clouds. The enemy understanding no∣thing of our Force assured themselves of Victory. Who had beene in Falkland the night before, might have seen embracing and kissing, betwixt the Queen, the Duke, and the Bishop: But Master Gawin Hamilton, gaper for the Bishoprick of S. Andrews, above all others, was lovingly embra∣ced of the Queen; For he made his solemne Vow,* 9.14 That he would fight, and that he would never return till he brought those Traitours to her Ma∣jestie, either quick or dead. And thus before midnight did they send forward their Ordnance, themselves did follow before three of the clock in the morning. The Lords hereof advertised, assembled their compa∣ny early in the morning upon Cowper-moore; where by the advice of M. Iames Haliburtoun Provest of Dundie, was chosen a place of ground con∣venient for our defence: For it was so chosen▪ That upon all sides our Ordnance might have beaten the enemy, and yet we have stood in safety, if we had been pursued till we had come to hand strokes. The Lord Ruthuen took the charge of the horsemen, and ordered them so, That the enemy was never permitted to espie our number; the day was dark, which helped thereto. The enemy (as before is said) thinking to have found no resistance, after that they had twice or thrice made shew unto us, as that they would retire, marched forward with great expedition, and ap∣proached within a mile before that ever their horsemen stayed, and yet they kept betwixt us and them a water, for their strength. It appeared to us, That either they marched for Cowper or S. Andrews: and therefore our Horse-men in their Troope, and a part of the Foot-men with the Ord∣nance marched somewhat alwayes before them for safety of the Towne. The Lords, with the Gentlemen of Fyfe, and so many of Angus and Mearns as were present, kept themselves close in a knot, neere to the num∣ber of a thousand Speares. The Townes of Dundie and S. Andrews were arrayed in another battell, who came not to the sight of the enemy, till that after twelve of the clock the mist began to vanish, and then passed some of their Horse-men to a mountaine, from the height whereof they might discerne our number. Which perceived by them, their Horse-men and Foot-men stayed incontinent, Posts ran to the Duke and Monsieur Do∣sell, to declare our number, and what order we kept: And then were Me∣diators sent to make appointment, but they were not suffered to approach neere to the Lords, neither yet to the view of our Camp; which put them in great feare. Answer was given unto them,* 9.15 That as we had offended no man, so would we seek appointment of no man; but if any would seek our lives (as we were informed they did) they should finde us, if they pleased to make diligence. This answer received, were sent againe the Lord Lindsay, and Laird of W••nchton, who earnestly requested us to concord, and that we would not be the occasion that innocent blood should be shed. We answered,* 9.16 That neither had we quarrell against any man, neither yet sought we any mans blood: onely we were convened for defence of our own lives unjustly sought by others. We added further▪

That if they could finde the meane, that we and our brethren might be free from the tyrannie devised against us, that they should reasonably de∣sire nothing which should be denied for our part. This answer received, the Duke and Monsieur Dosell, having Commission of the Queen Regent, required, That Assurance might be taken for eight dayes; to the end that indifferent men in the mean time might commune upon some finall agree∣ment of those things which were then in controversie. Hereto did we fully consent, albeit that in number and force we were far superiour, and for testification hereof, we sent unto them our hand writs; and we like∣wise received theirs with promise, That within two or three dayes some discreet men should be sent to us to S. Andrews, with further knowledge of the Queens minde. The tenour of the assurance was this.

The Assurance.

WE James Duke of Chattellerault, Earle of Arrane, Lord Hamilton; and my Lord Dosell, Lieutenant for the King in these parts, for our selves, our assistaries, and partakers, being presently with us in company. By the tenor hereof promits faithfully in honour to my Lords Archibald Earle of Ar∣gyle, and James, Commendater of the Priory of S. Andrews, to their assist∣ants and partakers being presently with them in company: That we and our com∣pany aforesaid, shall retire incontinent to Falkland, and shall with diligence trans∣port the French men, and our other folkes now presently with us, and that no French men or other Souldiers of ours, shall remaine within the bounds of Fyfe, but so many as before the raising of the last Army lay in Disert, Kirkcaldie, and Kinghorne, and the same to lie in the same places onely, if we shall think good. And this to have effect for the space of eight dayes following the date hereof ex∣clusive, That in the meane time certaine Noble-men, by the advice of the Queen and the rest of the Councell may convene to talk of such things, as may make good order and quietnesse amongst the Queens Lieges. And further, We, nor none of our assisters being present with us, shall invade, trouble, or disquiet the said Lords nor their assisters, during the said space. And this we binde and oblige us upon our loyall fidelitie and honour, to observe and keepe in every point above-written, without fraud or guile. In witnesse whereof, we have subscribed these presents with our own hands.

At Garlebanke the 13 day of Iune 1559.

Subscribed.

• Iames Hamilton.
• Meneits, Dosell.

And this received, we departed first, because we were thereto requested by the Duke; and so we returned to Cowper, lauding and praising God, for his mercy shewed, and thereafter every man departed to his dwelling place. The Lords and a great part of the Gentlemen passed to S. An∣drews, who there abode certain dayes, still looking for those that were promised to come from the Queen for appointment to be made. But we perceiving her craft and deceit (for under that assurance, she meant no∣thing else but to convey her selfe, her Ordnance, and French-men over

the water of Forth) took consultation what should be done for delivering S. Iohnston from these ungodly Souldiers, and how our brethren exiled from their own houses,* 10.1 might be restored again. It was concluded, That the brethren of Fyfe, Angus, Mernes, and Stratherne, should Convene at S. Iohnston the foure and twentieth day of June for that purpose, and in the mean time were these Letters written by the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames to the Queen then Regent.

Letters to the Queen Regent.

MAdame, after our hearty commendations of service, this shall be to shew your Majestie, That upon the 13 day of Iune, we were informed by them that were Communers betwixt the Duke, Monsieur Dosell, and us, That we should have spoken unreverently of your Majestie, which we beseech your Majestie, for the true service that we have made, and are ready to make at all times to your Majestie, That of your goodnesse you will let us know the sayers thereof, and we shall do the dutie of true Subjects, to defend our own innocency: As we take God to witnesse, of the good Zeale and Love we beare towards you, to serve you with true hearts, and all that we have, as well lands as goods; desiring no other thing for our service, but the liberty of our conscience to serve our Lord God, as we shall an∣swer to him, which your Majestie ought and should give us unrequired. Moreover, please your Majestie, That the Duke and the Noble-men being in Sterlin for the time, by your Majesties advice, solicited us to presse the Congregation assembled at the Town of Perth, to Commune of Concord, where we did our exact diligence, and brought it to passe, as your Majestie knows. And there is a point, that we plain∣ly see it not observed to us, which is, That no Souldier should remain in the Town after your Majesties departing. And suppose it may be inferred, That it was spoken of French Souldiers onely, yet we took it otherwise, like as we do yet, That Scottish-men, or any other Nation, taking wages of the King of France, are repu∣ted and holden French Souldiers. Therefore seeing we of good will and minde brought that matter to your Majesties contentment, it will please your Majestie of your goodnesse to remove the Souldiers and their Captains, with others that have gotten charge of the Town, That the same may be guided and ruled freely, as it was before, by the Ballyes and Counsell conforme to their infeoffments given to them, by the ancient and most excellent Kings of this Realme, to elect and chuse their of∣ficers at Michaelmas, and they to endure for the space of one yeere, conforme to the old Rite and Custome of this Realme: which being done by your Majestie, we trust the better successe shall follow thereupou to your Majesties content, as the bearer will declare at more length to your Majestie; Whom God preserve.

To Saint Iohnston, with the Gentlemen before expressed, did Con∣vene the Earle of Monteith, the Laird of Glaneurquhair, and divers others, who before had not presented themselves for defence of their brethren. When the whole multitude was Convened, a Trumpet was sent by the Lords, commanding the Captains and their Bands, To avoid the Towne, and to leave it to the ancient Libertie and just Inhabitants of the same; Also commanding the Laird of Kilfawnes, put in Provest by the Queen,* 11.1 with the Captains aforesaid, To open the gates of the Town, and make the same patent to all our Soveraigns lieges, to the effect, That as well true Religion now once begun therein, may be maintained,

and Idolatry utterly suppressed, as also the said Town might enjoy and brook their ancient Laws and Liberties, unoppressed by men of War, ac∣cording to their old Priviledges granted to them by the ancient Princes of this Realme, and conforme to the provision contained in the Contract of Marriage, made by the Nobility and Parliament of this Realme with the King of France, bearing namely, That our old Laws or Liberties should not be altered: Adding thereto, If they foolishly resisted, and therein happened to commit murther, That they should be treated as murtherers. To the which they answered proudly, That they would keep and defend that Towne, according to their promise made to the Queen Regent. This answer received, preparation was made for the Siege and assault. For amongst all, it was concluded that the Towne should be set at liberty, to what danger soever their bodies should be exposed. While preparation was in making, came the Earle of Huntly, the Lord Erskin, Master Iohn Ballenden, Justice Clerk, requiring that the pursuit of the Town should be delayed.* 11.2 To speake to them were appointed, the Earle of Argyle, Lord Iames, and Lord Ruthuen, who perceiving in them nothing but a drift of time, without any assurance that the former wrongs should be redressed, gave unto them a short and plaine answer, That they would not delay their purpose an houre: and therefore willed them to certifie the Captains in the Town, That if by pride and foolishnesse they would keep the Town, and in so doing slay any of their brethren, that they should every one die as murtherers. The Earle of Huntly,* 11.3 displeased at this an∣swer, departed, and was highly offended that he could not dresse such an appointment, as should have contented the Queen and the Priests. After their departing the Town was again summoned: but the Captaines sup∣posing that no sudden pursuit should be made, and looking for reliefe to have been sent from the Queen, abode in their former opinion. And so upon Saterday the nine and twentieth of June, at ten of the clock at night, commanded the Lord Ruthuen who besieged the west Quarter, to shoot the first Volley, which being done, the Town of Dundie did the like, whose Ordnance lay on the east side of the Bridge. The Captaines and Soul∣diers within the Town, perceiving that they were unable long to resist, required assurance till twelve houres upon the morrow; promising, That if before that houre there came unto them no relief from the Queen Regent, that they would render the Town: Provided that they should be suffered to depart the Town with Ensigne displayed. We thirsting the blood of no man, and seeking onely the liberty of our brethren, condescended to their desires, albeit that we might have executed against them judgement without mercy, for that they had refused our former favours, and had slain one of our brethren, and hurt two in their resistance, and yet we suffered them freely to depart without any further molestation. The Town being delivered from their thraldom, upon Sunday the six and twentieth of June thanks was given to God for this great benefit received, and consultation was taken, what was further to be done. In this meane time, zea∣lous men considering, how obstinate, proud, and despightfull, the Bishop of Murray had been before,* 11.4 how he had threatned the Town by his Souldiers and friends who lay in Scone, thought good that some

order should be taken with him, and with that place, which lay neer to the Towns end. The Lords wrote unto him (for he lay within two miles of S. Iohnston) That unlesse he would come and assist them, they neither could spare nor save his place. He answered by his writing, That he would come, and would do as they thought expedient; that he would as∣sist them with his Force, and would consent with them against the rest of the Clergie in Parliament. But because this answer was slow in coming, the Town of Dundie partly offended for the slaughter of their men, and especially bearing no good favour to the said Bishop, for that he was and is chief enemy to Christ Jesus, and that by his counsell alone was Walter Mile our brother put to death, they marched forward: To stay them was first sent the Provest of Dundie, and his brother Alexander Ha∣lyburtoun Captaine; who little prevailing, was sent unto them Iohn Knox; but before his coming, they were entred to the pulling downe of the Idols and dortoir. And albeit the said Master Iames Halyburtoun, Alex∣ander his brother, and the said Iohn, did what in them lay to have stayed the fury of the multitude, yet were they not able to put order universal∣ly, and therefore they sent for the Lords, Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames,* 11.5 who coming with all diligence, laboured to have saved the place and the place and the Church. But because the multitude had found buried in the Church a great number of hid goods, of purpose to have preserved them to a better day (as the papists speak) the Towns of Dundie and S. Iohnston could not be satisfied, till that the whole reparation and Ornaments of the Church (as they terme it) were destroyed. And yet did the Lords so travell, that they saved the Bishops Palace, with the Church and place for that night: For the two Lords did not depart, till they brought with them the whole number of those that most sought the Bishops displea∣sure. The Bishop greatly offended that any thing should have been en∣terprised in reformation of his place, asked of the Lords his Band and hand-writing, which not two hours before he had sent unto them; which delivered to his Messenger Sir Adam Browne, advertisement was given, That if any farther displeasure chanced unto him, he would that he should not blame them. The Bishops servants that same night began to fortifie the place again, and began to do violence to some that were car∣rying away such Baggage as they could come by. The Bishops Girnall was kept the first night by the labours of Iohn Knox, who by exhortati∣on removed such as violently would make interruption. The same night departed from S. Iohnston the Earl of Argyle, and L. Iames, as after shall be declared.* 11.6 The morrow following, some of the poor, in hope of spoyl, and some of Dundie, to consider what was done, passed up to the said Abbey of Scone; whereat the Bishops servants offended, began to threaten and speak proudly: and as it was constantly affirmed, one of the Bishops sons thrust thorow with a Rapier one of Dundie, for because he was looking in at the Girnell door. This brute noysed abroad, the Town of Dundie was more enraged then before; who putting themselves in Armour, sent word to the inhabitants of S. Iohnston, That unlesse they would support them to avenge that injury, they should never after that day occure with them in any action. The multitude easily enflamed, gave the Alarm, and so was

that Abbey and Palace appointed to Saccage, in doing whereof they took no long deliberation, but committed the whole to the merciement of fire. Whereat no small number of us were so offended, that patiently we could not speak, to any that were of Dundie or Saint Iohnston. A poor aged matron seeing the flame of fire to passe up so mightily, and percei∣ving that many were thereat offended,* 11.7 in plain and sober manner of speaking, said, Now I see and understand that Gods judgements are just, and that no man is able to save where he will punish: since my remembrance this place hath been nothing else but a Den of Whore mongers: It is incredible to believe how ma∣ny wives have been adulterate, and virgins deflowred by the filthy beasts which have been fostered in this den; but especially by that wicked man who is called the Bishop. If all men knew as much as I, they would praise God, and no man would be offended. This woman dwelt in the Towne nigh to the Abbey. At whose words were many pacified, affirming with her, That it was Gods just Judgement. And assuredly if the labours or travell of any man could have saved that place, it had not been at that time destroyed: for men of greatest estimation laboured with all diligence for the safety of it. While these things were done at Saint Iohnston, the Queen fearing what should follow, determined to send certain Bands of French Soul∣diers to Sterlin, of purpose to stop the passage to us that then were up∣on the North side of Forth. Which understood, the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames departed secretly in the night, and with great expedition preventing the French,* 11.8 they took the Towne (before whose coming the rascall multitude put hands on the thieves, I should say Friers places, and utterly destroyed them) whereat the Queen and her Faction not a little afrayed, with all diligence departed from Edinburgh to Dumbar. And so we with reasonable diligence marched forward to Edinburgh, for Reformation to be made there; where we arrived the 29 of June. The Provest for that time, the Lord Seaton,* 11.9 a man without God, without ho∣nesty, and oftentimes without reason, had before greatly troubled and molested the brethren, for he had taken upon him the protection and de∣fence of the Black and Gray Friers; and for that purpose did not onely lie himself in one of the Colledges every night, but also constrained the most honest of the Towne to watch those monsters, to their great grief and trouble. But hearing of our sudden coming,* 11.10 he abandoned his charge, and left the spoyl to the poor, who had made havock of all such things as was moveable in those places before our coming, and left no∣thing but bare walls; yea, not so much as door or window: whereby we were the lesser troubled in putting order to such places. After that we had deliberate certain dayes what was best to be done, and what order was to be taken for suppressing all Monuments of Idolatry within that Towne, and the places next adjacent, determination was taken to send some Message to the Queen then Regent. For she had bruted (as her accustomed manner was, by advice of her counsell, ever to forge lies) that we sought nothing but her life, and a plain revoltment from the lawfull obedience due to our Soveraigne her Authority, as by the Tenour of these Letters may be seen.

FRANCIS and MARIE By the Grace of God, King and Qneen of Scots, Doulphin and Doulphinesse of Viennois:

To Our loved Lyon King of Armes, &c. Our Sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally specially consti∣tute, greeting.

Forasmuch as our dearest Mother Marie, Queen Dowager Regent of Our Realme, and Lords of our Secret Councell, perceiving the seditious tumult raised by one part of our Lieges, naming themselves, The Congregation; who under pretence of Religion have put themselves in Armes. And that Our Mother, for satisfying of every mans conscience, and pacifying of the said troubles, had of∣fered unto them to appoint a Parliament to be holden in January next to come (this was a manifest lie, for this was neither offered, nor by her once thought upon, till we required it) or sooner, if they had pleased, for establishing of a Universall order in matters of Religion by Our advice, and States of Our Religion, and in the meane time to suffer every man to live at liberty of Conscience without trouble, unto the time that the said order were taken by advise of Our foresaid States. And at last, because it appeareth much to stand upon Our Burrough of Edinburgh, offered in like manner to let the inhabitants thereof chuse what manner of Religi∣on they would set up and use for that time, so that no man might alleadge that he was forced to do against his conscience. Which offer the Queen, Our said dearest Mother was at all times,* 12.1 and yet is ready to fulfill. Neverthelesse the said Congregation be∣ing of minde to receive no reasonable offers, hath since by open deed declared, That it is no Religion, nor any thing thereto pertaining that they seek, but onely the sub∣version of Our Authority, and usurpation of Our Crowne: In manifest witnessing whereof, they daily receive English-men with Messages unto them, and sendeth such like into England: And last of all, have violently intermitted, withtaken, and yet with-holds, the Irons of Our Coyning-House, which is one of the chiefe Points that concerneth Our Crowne: And such like have intromitted with our Pal∣lace of Halyrud-house. Our Will is therefore, &c. That ye passe to the Market Crosse of Our said Burrough of Edinburgh, or any other place within the same, and there by open Proclamation, in Our Name and Authority, command and charge all and sundry persons of the said Congregation, or yet being presently within Our said Borough, other then the inhabitants thereof, that they within six hours next after Our said Charge, depart forth of the same, under the pain of Treason. And as that ye command all and sundry persons to leave their company, and to adhere to Our Authority; with Certification, That such as do the contrary, shall be reputed and holden as manifest Traytors to Our Crowne.

These Letters did not a little grieve us, who most unjustly were accu∣sed; for never a sentence of the Narrative true, except, That we stayed the Irons, and that for just cause; to wit, Because that daily there was such number of hard-heads printed, that the basenesse thereof made all things exceeding dear; And therefore we were counselled by the wisest to stay the Irons while further order might be taken. The Queen Regent with all possible diligence posted for her Faction: Master Iames Balfour was not idle in the mean time. The Lords, to purge themselves of these odious crimes, wrote to her a Letter in form as after followeth:

PLease your Majestie to be advertised, That it is come to our knowledge, that your Majestie hath set forth by your Letters openly proclaimed,* 13.1 That we, called by name, The Congregation, under pretence and colour of Religion convene together to no other purpose, but to usurp our Soveraignes Authirity, and to invade your person, re∣presenting theirs at this present. Which things appeare to have proceeded of sinister information made to your Majestie by our enemies, considering that we never minded such thing, but onely our minde and purpose was and is, To promote and set forth the glory of God, Maintain and defend the true Preachers of his Word, And according to the same abolish and put away Idolatry and false abuses which may not stand with the said Word of God. Beseeching your Majestie to beare patiently therewith, and interpose your Authority to the furtherance of the same, as is the duty of every Christian Prince, and good Magistrate. For as to the obedience of our Soveraignes Authority in all Civill and Politick matters, we are and shall be as obedient, as any other your Majesties subjects within the Realme. And that our convention is for no other purpose, but to save our Preachers and their auditors from the injury and vio∣lence of our enemies: Which should be more amply declared by some of us in your Majesties presence, if ye were not accompanied with such as have pursued our lives, and sought our blood. Thus we pray Almighty God to save your Highnesse in his eter∣nall tuition.

At Edinburgh the 2 of Iuly, 1559.

And for further purgation hereof, it was thought necessary that we should simply expose as well to her Majesty, as to the whole people what were our requests and just petitions: And for that purpose after that safe-Conduct was purchased and granted, we directed unto her two grave men of counsell, to wit, the Lairds of Pittarrow and Cuninghamehead, to whom we gave commission and power, first to expose our whole purpose and intent, which was no other then before, at all times we had required; to wit, First, That we might enjoy the liberty of conscience. Second∣ly, That Christ Jesus might be truely preached, and his holy Sacraments rightly ministred unto us. Thirdly, That unable Ministers might be re∣moved from Ecclesiasticall Administration: And that our Preachers might be relaxed from the Horne, and permitted to execute their charges, without molestation unto such as either by a generall Councell lawfully convened, or by a Parliament within the Realme the controversies in Religion were decided. And for declaration that her Majestie was here∣to willing that the Bands of French-men, who then were a burden into∣lerable to the Countrey, and to us so fearfull, that we durst not in peace∣able and quiet manner haunt the places where they did lie, should be sent to France their native Countrey: Which things granted, Her Majestie should have experience of our accustomed obedience. To these Heads she did answer at the first so pleasantly, that she put both our Commissi∣oners in full esperance that all should be granted, and for that purpose she desired to speak with some of greater Authority; promising, That if they would assure her of their dutifull obedience, that she would deny nothing of that which was required. For satisfaction of her minde, we sent a∣gain the Earle of Glencarne,* 13.2 the Lord Ruthwen, the Lord Uchiltrie, and the said Laird of Pittarrow, with the same Commission as before. But then she began to handle the matter more craftily, complaining that she

was not sought in a gentle manner. And that they in whom she had put most singular confidence, had left her in her greatest need. And such other things pertaining nothing to the Commission, she proposed to spend and drive the time. They answered, That by unjust tyrannie devised against them and their brethren (as her Majestie did well know) they were compelled to seek the extreame remedie, and therefore that her Ma∣jestie ought not to wonder though godly men left the company, where they neither found fidelity nor trueth. In the end of this communing; which was the twelfth day of July 1559.* 13.3 She desired to have talked privately with the Earle of Argyle and Lord Iames, Prior of S. Andrews; for else (as she alleadged) she could not but suspect that they pretended to some other higher purpose then Religion. She and her crafty Coun∣sell had abused Duke Hamilton, perswading him and his friends, That the said Earle and Lord Iames had conspired,* 13.4 first to deprive our Soveraigne her daughter of her authority,* 13.5 and thereafter the Duke and his Succes∣sors of their pretended Title to the Crowne of Scotland. By these in∣vented lyes she inflamed the hearts of many against us, insomuch that some of our own number began to murmure. Which perceived, as well the Preachers in their publike Sermons, as we our selves by our publike Proclamation, gave purgation and satisfaction to the people, plainely and simply declaring what was our purpose, taking God to witnesse, That no such crimes were ever entred into our hearts, as most unjustly was laid to our charge. The Counsell after consultation, thought not expedient that the said Earle and Lord Iames should talke with the Queen in any sort; for her former practises put all men in suspition, That some deceit lurked under such coloured communing. She had before said, That if she could by any meane sunder these two from the rest, she was assured shortly to come by her whole purpose. And one of her chiefe Counsell in those dayes (and we feare but too inward with her yet) said, That ere Mi∣chaelmas day they two should lose their heads; and therefore all men fea∣red to commit two such young plants to her mercy and fidelity. It was therefore finally denied that they should talk with the Queen, or any ap∣pertaining to her, but in places void of all suspicion, where they should be equall in number with those that should talk with them. The Queen perceiving that her craft could not prevaile, was content that Duke Ha∣milton, and that Earle of Huntley, with others by her appointed, should convene at Preston,* 13.6 to Commune with the said Earle and Lord Iames, and such others as the Lords of the Congregation would appoint, to the number of an hundred on each side: Of the which number, eight per∣sons onely should meet for conference. The principals for their party, were the Duke, and Earle Huntly, the Lords Erskin and Somerwell, M. Gawin Hamilton, and the Justice Clerk. From us were directed the Earles of Ar∣gyle and Glencarne, the Lords Ruthuen and Lord Iames, Boyde and Uchil∣trie, the Lairds Dun and Pittarrow. Who Convening at Preston, spake the whole day without any certaine conclusion: For this was the practise of the Queen and of her faction, By drift of time to weary our company, who for the most part, had been upon the fields from the tenth day of May: That we being dispersed, she might come to her purpose, in

which she was not altogether deceived: For our Commons were com∣pelled to scatter for lack of expences: And our Gentlemen partly con∣strained by lack of furnishing, and partly hoping some finall appointment, after so many Communings, returned for the most part to their dwelling places, for reposing of themselves. The Queen in all those Conventions seemed that she would give liberty to Religion;* 13.7 Provided, That whereso∣ever she was, our Preachers should cease, and the Masse should be maintained. We perceiving her malicious craft, answered, That as we would compell her Ma∣jestie, to no Religion; so could we not in conscience, for the pleasure of any earthly treasure, put silence to Gods true Messengers: neither could we suffer that the right administration of Christs true Sacraments should give place to manifest Idolatry, for in so doing we should declare our selves enemies to God, to Christ Iesus his Son, to his eternall Veritie, and to the libertie and establishment of his Church within this Realme: For your request being granted, There can no Church within the same be so established, but at your pleasure, and by your residence and remaining there, ye might overthrow the same. This our last answer we sent unto her with the Lord Ruthuen and Laird of Pittarrow, requiring of her Majestie in plaine words, to signifie unto us, What hope we might have of her favour towards the upsetting of Religion? We also requi∣red, That she would remove her French-men, who were a feare to us, and a burden most grievous to our Countrey; and that she would promise to us in the word of a Prince, That she would procure no man to be sent in. And then should we not onely support to the uttermost of our powers to furnish Ships and Victuals for their transporting, but also upon our ho∣nours should we take her body into our protection.* 13.8 And should pro∣mise, in the presence of God and the whole Realme, to serve our Sove∣raigne her daughter, and her Majestie Regent, as faithfully and as obedi∣ently, as ever did we Kings within Scotland. That moreover we should cause our Preachers give reason of their Doctrine in her audience to any that pleased to impugne any thing that they did or taught. Finally, That we should submit our selves to a lawfull Parliament. Provided that the Bishops, as the partie accused and our plaine enemies, should be removed from judgement.

To no point would she answer directly, but in all things she was so generall and so ambiguous, that her craft appeared to all men. She had gotten assured knowledge that our company was scattered (for her French-men were daily amongst us, without molestation or hurt done un∣to them) and therefore she began to disclose her minde,* 13.9 and said, The Congregation hath reigned these two moneths past; Me my selfe would reigne now other two. The malice of her heart being plainely percei∣ved, deliberation was had what was to be done. It was concluded, That the Lords, Barons, and Gentlemen, with their chiefe domesticks, should remaine in Edinburgh that whole Winter, for establishing of the Church there. And because it was found, That by the corrupting of our Money the Queen made to her selfe immoderate gaines,* 13.10 for maintaining of her Souldiers, to the destruction of the whole Common-wealth: It was thought necessary, That the Printing yrons, and all things pertaining should be stayed, for feare that she should privily cause to transport them

to Dumbar. In this mean time came assured word, first, That the King of France was hurt, and after that he was dead. Which albeit it ought to have put her in minde of her own estate and wicked enterprises:* 13.11 for he that same time in the fulnesse of his glory (as she her selfe used to speak) had determined most cruell persecution against the Saints of God in France, even as she her selfe was here persecuting in Scotland: and yet he so perished in his pride, That all men might see that Gods just vengeance did strike him, even when his iniquity was come to full ripenesse. Albeit we say, That this wonderous work of God in his sudden death, ought to have danted her fury, and given unto her admonition, That the same God could not suffer her obstinate malice against his Truth, long to be unpunished: Yet could her indurate heart nothing be moved to Re∣pentance; for hearing of the staying of the Printing yrons, she raged more outragiously then before, and sending for all such as were of her faction, exposed her grievous complaint, aggravating the same with many lies,* 13.12 to wit, That we had declared that which before she suspected: For what could we mean else but usurpation of the Crown, when we durst put hands to the Coining-house, which was a portion of the patri∣monie of the Crown. She further alleadged, That we had spoiled the Coining-House of great sums of money. To the which we answered, both by our Letters sent to her and her Counsell, and by publike Procla∣mation to the people, That we without usurpation of any such thing, justly appertaining to the Crown of Scotland,* 13.13 did stay the Printing yrons, in consideration that the Common-wealth was greatly hurt by corrupt∣ing of our money. And because we were born Counsellers of this Realm, sworn to procure the profit of the same, we could do no lesse of dutie and of conscience,* 13.14 then to stay that for a time, which we saw so abused, That unlesse remedy were found, should turn to the utter de∣triment of the whole body of this Realme. And as to her false accu∣sation of spoil, we did remit us to the conscience of M. Robert Richeson, master of the Coining-house, who from our hands received silver, gold, and mettall, as well Coined as un-Coined, so that with us there did not remain the value of a Bawbee, or Farthing. This our Declaration and purgation notwithstanding, she, partly by her craft and policie, and partly by the labours of the Bishops of Saint Andrews and Glasgow, pro∣cured the whole number that were with her, to consent to pursue us with all cruelty and expedition, before that we could have our com∣pany (which then was dispersed for new furnishing) assembled again. The certaintie hereof coming to our knowledge the Saturday at night, being the 25 of July, we did what in us lay to give advertisement to our brethren: but impossible it was that the Wast, Angus, Mernes, Straitherne or Fyfe, in any number could come to us. For the ene∣mie Marched from Dumbar upon the Sunday, and approached within two miles of us before Sun-rising upon Munday. For they verily suppo∣sed to have found no resistance, being assured that the Lords onely with certain Gentlemen remained with their private houses: calling upon God for counsell in that straight, we sought what was the next defence. We might have left the Town, and might have retired our selves without any

danger, but then we should have abandoned our brethren of Edinburgh, and suffered the Ministery thereof to have decayed; which to our hearts was so dolorous, that we thought better to hazard the extremitie then so to do. For then the most part of the Town appeared rather to fa∣vour us then the Queens faction, and did offer unto us the uttermost of their support, which for the most part they did faithfully keep. The same did the Town of Leith,* 13.15 but they kept not the like fidelity. For when we were upon the field, marching forward for their support (for the French marched nigh to them) they rendred themselves without further resistance. And this they did, as is supposed, by the treason of some within themselves, and by perswasion of the Laird of Lestarrig, who be∣fore declared himselfe to be one of us; and notwithstanding that same day rendred himselfe undesired to Monsieur Dosell. Their unprovided and sudden defection astonished many, and yet we retired quietly to the side of Cragingate, which place we took for resisting the enemy. In the mean time divers mediatours passed betwixt us, amongst whom the Lord Ruthuen for our part was principall. Alexander Erskin did much travell to stay us and our Souldiers, that we should not joyne with them of Leith, till that they, as is said, had rendred themselves to the French. The said Alexander did oft promise that the French would stay, provided, That we would not joyne with those of Leith. But after that they were rendred, we heard nothing of him but threatning and discomfortable words. Be∣fore it was eight of the clock in the morning, God had given unto us both courage, and a reasonable number to withstand their furie. The Towne of Edinburgh, so many as had subject themselves to discipline, and divers others besides them, behaved themselves both faithfully and stoutly. The Gentlemen of Lowthiane, especially Calder, Hatton, and Ormeston, were very comfortable, as well for their counsell as for their whole assistance. Some Gentlemen of Fyfe prevented the French-men, other were stopped by reason that the French had passed Leith. Alwayes the enemy took such a fear, That they determined not to invade us where we stood, but took purpose to have passed to Edinburgh, by the other side of the water of Leith: and that because they had the Castle to their friend, which was to us unknown, for we supposed the Lord Erskin, Captain of the same, ei∣ther to have been our friend, or at least to have been indifferent. But when we had determined to fight,* 13.16 he sent word to the Earle of Argyle, to Lord Iames, his sisters son, and to the other Noble-men, That he would declare himselfe, both enemy to them and to the Town, and would shoot at both, if they made any resistance to the French-men to en∣ter into the Town. This his treasonable defiance sent us, by the Laird of Ricarton did abate the courage of many, for we could not fight, nor stop the enemy, but under the mercy of the Castle and whole Ordnance thereof. Hereupon was consultation taken, and in conclusion, it was found lesse damage to take an appointment, albert the Conditions were not such as we desired; then to hazard battell betwixt two such enemies. After long talking, certaine heads were drawn by us, which we desired to be granted.

• First, That no member of the Congregation should be troubled in life, lands, goods or possessions, by the Queen her Authority, nor any other justice within the Realm, for any thing done in the late Innovation, till a Parliament (which should be∣gin the tenth of Ianuary) had decreed things in controversie.
• 2. That Idolatry should not be erected, where it was at that day suppressed.
• 3. That the Preachers and Ministers should not be troubled in their Ministery where they are already established, neither yet stopped to preach wheresoever they should chance to come.
• 4. That no Bands of men of War should be laid in Garrison within the Town of Edinburgh.
• 5. That the French-men should be sent away at a reasonable day; and that none other should be brought into the Countrey without consent of the whole Nobility and Parliament.

But these our Articles were altered, and another forme dis∣posed, as followeth.

At the Linkes of Leith, the 24 of July, 1559.

It is appointed in manner following:

IN the first Congregation and their company, others then the inhabitants of the said Towne, shall remove themselves forth of the said Town the morrow at ten hours be∣fore noon the 25 of Iuly, and leave the same void and rid of them and their said company conform to the Queens Majesties pleasure and desire.

Item, The said Congregation shall cause the Irons of the Coyning-house taken away by them, be rendred and delivered to Master Robert Richeson; And likewise the Queens Majesties Palace of Halyrud-house to be left, and rendred again to M. John Balfour, or any other, having her Majesties sufficient power in the same mat∣ter, as it was resolved; and that betwixt the making of these Articles, and the morn at ten of the clock. For observing and keeping of these two Articles above written, the Lord Ruthuen, and the Laird of Pittarrow have entred them∣selves pledges.

Item, The said Lords of the Congregation, and all the members thereof, shall re∣main obedient subjects to our Lord and Ladies Authority, and to the Queen Regent in their place;* 15.1 And shall obey all Laws, and laudable Customs of this Realme, as they were used before the moving of this tumult and controversie, excepting the cause of Religion, which shall be hereafter specified.

Item, The Congregation, nor any of them, shall not trouble or molest a Church∣man by way of deed, nor yet shall make them any impediment in the peaceable brook∣ing, enjoying, and uptaking of their Rents, Profits, and Duties of their Benefices, but that they may freely use and dispose upon the same, according to the Laws and Cu∣stome of this Realme, to the tenth of Ianuary next to come.

Item, The said Congregation, nor none of them, shall use in no wayes from thence∣forth any force or violence in casting downe of Churches, Religious places, or appa∣rell thereof, but the same shall stand harmlesse of them, unto the tenth day of January.

Item, The Town of Edinburgh shall without compulsion use and chuse what Religion, and manner thereof they please, to the said day; so that every man may have freedom to use his owne conscience to the day aforesaid.

Item, The Queen shall not interpose her Authority to molest or trouble the Preachers of the Congregation, nor their Ministry (to them that please to use the same) nor no other of the said Congregation, in their bodies, lands, goods, or possessions, Pensions, or whatsoever other kinde of goods they possesse; nor yet suffer the Clergie, or any other, either Spirituall or Temporall Iurisdiction to trouble them in any manner of sort, privately or openly, for the cause of Religion, or any other action depending thereupon, to the said tenth day of Ianuary within written; and that every man in particular live in the mean time according to his own conscience.

Item, That no men of War, French nor Scots, be laid in daily Garrison within the Town of Edinburgh, but to repair thereto to do thsir lawfull businesse, and thereafter to retire them to their Garrisons.

This alteration in words, and Order was made without knowledge and consent of those whose counsell we had used in all such causes before: For some of them perceiving we began to faint, and that we would ap∣point with unequall conditions, said, God hath wonderously assisted us in our greatest dangers: He hath stricken fear in the hearts of our enemies, when they supposed themselves most assured of Victory: Our case is not yet so desperate, that we need to grant to things unreasonable and ungodly;* 15.2 which if we do, it is to be feared, That things shall not so prosperously succeed as they have done heretofore.

When all things were communed and agreed upon by mid persons, the Duke, and the Earle of Huntlie, who that day were against us, desired to speake with the Earles of Argyle and Glencarne, the Lord Iames, and others of our party; who obeying their requests, met with them at the Quar∣rell holes betwixt Leith and Edinburgh, who in conclusion promised to our Lords,* 15.3 That if the Queen brake to us any one jot of the Appoint∣ment then made, that they should declare themselves plain enemies to her, and friends to us. As much promised the Duke that he would do, in case that she would not remove her French-men at a reasonable day; for the oppression which they did was manifest to all men. This Appointment made and subscribed by the Duke, Monsieur Dosell and the Earle of Hunt∣lie, the 25 of July, we returned to the Towne of Edinburgh, where we remained till the next day at noon, when after Sermon, dinner, and Proclamation made at the Market Crosse, in forme as followeth, we departed.

Forme of the Proclamations.

FORASMUCH as it hath pleased God that Appointment is made be∣twixt the Queen Regent and us the Lords Protestants of this Realme; We have thought good to signifie unto the chief Heads of the Appointment; which be these:

• First, That no member of the Congregation shall be troubled in life, lands, goods, or possessions by the Queene, by her Authority, nor by any other justice within this Realme, for any thing done in this late Innovation, till that a Par∣liament hath decided things that be in controversie.
• Secondly, That Idolatry shall not be erected where it is now at this day suppres∣sed.
• ...

• Thirdly, That the Preachers and Ministers shall not be troubled in the mini∣stration, where they are already established, neither yet stopped to Preach where∣soever they shall happen to travell within this Realme.
• Fourthly, That no Bands of men of War shall be laid in Garrison within the Town of Edinburgh.

The chief Heads of appointment concerning the liberty of Religion, and conservation of our brethren, we thought good to notifie unto you by this Proclamation; that in case wrong or injury be done by any of the contrary faction, to any member of our Body, complaint may be made unto us, to whom we promise, as we will answer to our God, our faithfull support, to the uttermost of our powers.

At this Proclamation, made with sound of Trumpet, were offended all the Papists: for first they alleadged, It was done in contempt of Autho∣rity. Secondarily, That we had proclaimed more then was contained in the Appointment. And last, That we in our Proclamation had made no mention of any thing promised unto them.* 16.1 To such murmures we an∣swered, That no just Anthority could think it self contemned, because that the truth was by us made manifest unto all, who otherwise might have pretended ignorance. Secondly, That we had proclaimed nothing which was not finally agreed upon in word and promise betwixt us and those with whom the Appointment was made, whatsoever the Scribes had after written, who in very deed had altered both in words and sen∣tences our Articles, as they were first conceived: And yet if their owne writings were diligeutly examined, the self-same thing shall be found in substance. And last, To proclaim any thing in their favours, we thought it not necessary, knowing that in that behalf they themselves would be di∣ligent enough. And in this we were nothing deceived, for within fifteen days after, there was not a Shaveling in Scotland, to whom Tenths, or any other Rents pertaineth, but he had that Article of the Appointment by heart, That the Church-men should be answered of Tenths, Rents, and all other duties; and that no man should trouble or molest them. We departing from Edinburgh the 26 of July, came first to Linlithqow, and after to Sterlin, where after consultation, the Band of defence, and maintenance of Reli∣gion, and for mutuall defence every one of the other, was subscribed of all that were there present.

The tenour of the Bond was thus:

WE foreseeing the craft and sleight of our Adversaries,* 17.1 who trie all man∣ner of wayes to circumvient us, and by privy means intend to assayle eve∣ry one of us particularly, by fair heights and promises, therethrough to separate one of us from another, to our utter ruine and destruction. For remedy thereof, we faithfully and truely binde us in the presence of God, and as we tender the main∣tenance of true Religion, That none of us shall in time coming passe to the Queen Dowager, to talk or commune with her, for any Letter or Message sent by her unto us, or yet to be sent with consent of the rest, or common consultation thereupon: and how soon that either Message or Writing should come from her unto us, with all dili∣gence we shall notifie the same one to another; so that nothing shall proceed therein without common consent of us all.

At Sterlin the first day of August, 1559.

This Band subscribed, and we foreseeing that the Queen and Bishops meant nothing but deceit, thought good to seek ayd and support of all Christian Princes against her tyranny,* 17.2 in case we should be more sharply pursued. And because that England was of the same Religion, and lay next unto us, it was judged expedient first to prove them; which we did, by one or two Messengers, as hereafter, in its owne place, shall be more amply declared. After we had abided certaine dayes in Sterlin, the Earle of Argyle departed to Glasgow; and because he was to depart to his owne Countrey (with whom also passed the Lord Iames) to pacifie some trou∣ble, which by the craft of the Queen was raised in his absence; he requi∣red the Earle of Glencarne, Lord Boyd, Lord Uchiltrie, and others of Kyle, to meet there, for some order to be taken that the brethren should not be oppressed; which with one consent they did, and appointed the tenth of September for the next convention at Sterlin.

* 17.3While these things were in doing at Glasgow, Letters and a servant came from the Earle of Arran, to the Duke his father, signifying unto him, That by the providence of God he had escaped the French Kings hands, who most treasonably and most cruelly had sought his life, or at the least to have committed him to perpetuall prison: For the same time the said French King, seeing he could not have the Earle himself, caused put his younger brother,* 17.4 a childe of such age as could not offend, in strait prison, where he yet remained, to wit, in the Month of October, the yeer of our Lord 1559. Which things were done by the power and craft of the Queen Dowager, at the time that the Duke and his friends were most ready to set forth her cause. These Letters received, and the estate of her two sons knowne,* 17.5 of whom one was escaped, and the other cast in vile prison, the Duke desired communing with the said Earle of Argyle; who partly against the will of some that loved him, rid unto the Duke from Glasgow to Hammilton, where abiding a night, he declared his judge∣ment to the Duke, and to his friends, especially to Master Gawane Ham∣milton. The Duke required him and the Lord Iames to write their friend∣ly and comfortable Letters to his son; which they most willingly did, and thereafter addressed them to their journey. But the very day of their departing, came one Boutancourt (from the Queen Regent with Letters, as was alleadged) from the King and Queen of France, to the Lord Iames, which he delivered with a bragging countenance, and many threatning words: the Tenour of his Letter was this:

The King his Letter to the Lord Iames.

MY Cousin, I have greatly marvelled when I understood the troubles that are happened in these parts. And yet I more marvell, That ye, in whom I had whole confidence, and who has the Honour to be so neer the Queen my wife, and has received from the late King my Father, from the Queen my wife, and from me such graces and favours that ye should be so forgetfull, as to make your selfe the Head, and one of the principall beginners and nourishers of the tumults and seditions that are seen there: The which because it is so strange to me, and so farre against the profession that ye at all times have made,

I cannot well beleeve it. But if it be so, I cannot think but ye have been entised and led thereto by some persons, that have seduced you and caused you commit such a fault as I am assured you repent of already, which will be a great pleasure to me, to the effect I may lose a part of the occasion I have to be miscontent with you▪ as I will you to understand I am. Seeing you have so far deceived the esperance I had of you and your affection toward God, and the weale of our service, unto the which ye know, ye are as much and more obliged then any other of the Lords there. For this cause, desiring that the matters may be duely amended, and knowing what ye can therein, I thought good on this manner to write unto you, and pray you to take heed to return to the good way, from which ye have declined, and cause me know the same by the effects, That you have another intention then this, which the follies by-past maketh me now to beleeve, doing all that ever ye can to reduce all things to their first estate, and put the same to the right and good obedience that you know to be due unto God and unto me.* 18.1 Otherwise ye may be well assured, that I will put to my hand, and that in good earnest, that you and all they who have done and do as ye do, shall feele (through your own fault) that which ye have deserved and merited. Even as I have given charge to this Gentle-man, present bearer, to make you know more largely of my part: for which cause I pray you credit him, even as ye would do my selfe. Praying God, my cousin, to have you in his holy and wor∣thy protection.

Written at Paris the 17 day of July 1559.

The same Messenger brought also Letters from the Queen our Sove∣raigne, more sharp and threatning then the former: For her conclusion was; Vous en sentires la poincture a iamais.

His credit was,* 18.2 That the King would spend the Crown of France, if that he were not revenged upon such seditious persons. That he would never have suspected such inobedience, and such defection from his own sister in him. To the which the said Lord Iames answered first by word, and then by writing, as followeth:

The Lord Iames his Letter to the King.

Sir,

MY most humble duty remembred, Your Majesties Letters I received from Paris the 17 of Iuly last, importing in effect, That your Majestie doth marvell that I being forgetfull of the graces and favours shewed me by the King of blessed memo∣rie, your Majesties father, and the Queen my Soveraigne, should declare my selfe head, and one of the principall beginners of these alleadged Tumults and Se∣ditions in these parts, deceiving thereby your Majesties expectation in all times had of me, with assurance, That if I did not declare by contrary effects my repentance, I, with the rest that had put, or yet putteth hand to this Work, should receive that re∣ward, which we had deserved and merited.

SIR, It grieves me very heavily that the crime of ingratitude should b•• laid to my charge, by your Majestie; and the rather, Th••t I perceive the same to have proceeded of sinister information of them (whose part it was not to have reported so, if true service past had been regarded.) And as touching the repent∣ance, and declaration of the same by certaine effects, That your Majesty desires I shew.

My conscience perswades me in these proceedings to have done nothing against God, not the dutifull obedience towards your Majesty, and the Queen my Sove∣raigne. Otherwise it should not have been to be repented and also amended alrea∣dy, accord••ng to your Majesties expectation of me. But your Majestie being truely informed and perswaded, That the thing which we have done, maketh for the advancement of Gods glory, without any manner of deroga∣tion to your Majesties due obedience; We doubt not but your Majestie shall be well contented with our proceedings, which being grounded upon the commandment of the eternall God, we dare not leave the same unaccomplished, onely wishing and desiring, your Majestie did know the same, and the truth thereof, as we were perswaded in our consciences, and all them that are truly instructed in the eternall Word of our God, upon whom we cast our care from all dangers that may follow the accomplishment of his eternall will, and to whom we commend your Ma∣jestie, beseeching him to illuminate your heart with the Gospel of his eternall Truth,* 19.1 to know your Majesties duty towards your poore Subjects, Gods chosen people, and what you ought to crave justly of them againe: for then we should have no occasion to feare your Majesties wrath and indignation, nor your Ma∣jesties suspition in our inobedience. The same God have your Majestie in his eternall saveguard.

At Dunbartane the 12 of August 1559.

This answer directed to the Queen our Soveraigne, and Francis her hus∣band, the Queen Dowager received, and was bold upon it, as she might well enough, for it was supposed, That the former Letters were forged here at home in Scotland. The answer read by her, she said, That so proud an answer was never given to King, Prince, nor Princesse. And yet in∣different men, thought that he might have answered more sharply, and not have transgressed modesty nor trueth: For where they burden him with the great benefits which of them he had received, if in plain words he had purged himselfe; affirming, That the greatest benefit that ever he received of them,* 19.2 was to spend in their service, that which God by others had provided for him; no honest man would have accused him, and no man could have been able to have convinced him of a lye; But Princes must be pardoned to speak what they please.

* 19.3For the comfort of the brethren, and continuance of the Church in Edinburgh, was left there our deare brother Iohn Willock▪ who for his faithfull labours and bold courage in that battell, deserves immortall praise. For when it was found dangerous that Iohn Knox, who before was elected Minister to the Church, should continue there: the brethren requested the said Iohn Willock to abide with them, lest that for lack of Ministers, Idolatry should be erected up again. To the which he so glad∣ly consented, That it might evidently appeare, that he preferred the com∣fort of his brethren and the continuance of the Church there to his own life. One part of the French-men were appointed to lye in Garison at Leith, (that was the first benefit which they gate for their confederacie with them) the other part were appointed to lye in the Canon-gate, the Queen and her train abiding in the Abbey. Our brother Iohn Willock the day after our departure preached in S. Giles Church, and fervently exhor∣ted the brethren to stand constant to the Truth which they had professed.

At this, and some other Sermons was the Duke, and divers other of the Queens faction. This liberty of Preaching, and resort of all people thereto did highly offend the Queen and the other Papists. And first they began to give terrours to the Duke, affirming, That he would be reputed as one of the Congregation, if he gave his presence to the Sermons. Thereafter they began to require, That Masse might be set up again in S. Giles Church, and that the people should be set at liberty to chuse what Religion they would. For that said they was contained in the ap∣pointment, That the Town of Edinburgh should chuse what Religion they listed. For obtaining hereof were sent to the Town the Duke, the Earle of Huntly, and the Lord Seaton, to solicite all men to condiscend to the Queens minde, wherein the two last did labour what they could, the Duke not so, but as a beholder, of whom the brethren had good hope, and after many perswasions and threatnings made by the said Earle and Lord, the brethren stoutly and valiantly in the Lord Jesus, gain-said their most unjust Petitions. Reasoning, That as in conscience they might not suf∣fer Idolatry to be erected, where Christ Jesus was truely Preached; so could not the Queen nor they require any such thing, unlesse she and they would plainely violate their Faith, and chiefe Article of the appointment. For it is plainely appointed, That no member of the Congregation shall be molested in any thing; That at the day of the appointment they peaceably possessed. But so it was, That we the brethren and Protestants of the Town of Edinburgh, with our Ministers the day of the appointment, did peace∣ably enjoy Saint Giles Church, appointed us for Preaching of Christs true Gospel, and right ministration of his holy Sacraments. There∣fore without manifest violation of the appointment, you cannot re∣move us therefrom, untill a Parliament have decided the Controver∣sie. This answer given, the whole brethren departed, and left the foresaid Earle, and Lord Seaton, then Provest of Edinburgh, still in the Tolbuith. Who perceiving that they could not prevaile in that man∣ner, began to entreat that they would be quiet, and that they would so far condiscend to the Queens-pleasure, as that they would chuse them another within the Town, or at the least be content that Masse should be said, either after or before their Sermon. To the which, answer was gi∣ven; That to give place to the devil (who was the chiefe Inventer of the Masse) for the pleasure of any creature,* 19.4 they could not. They were in possession of that Church which they could not abandon, neither yet could they suffer Idolatry to be erected in the same, unlesse by violence they should be constrained so to do. And then they were determined to seek the next remedy. Which answer received, the Earle of Huntly did lovingly intreat them to quietnesse, faithfully promising, That in no sort they should be molested, so that they would be quiet, and make no farther uproare. To the which they were most willing, for they sought onely to serve God, as he had commanded, and to keep their posses∣sion, according to the appointment: which by Gods grace they did, till the moneth of November, notwithstanding the great boasting of the enemy. For they did not onely convene to the Preaching, daily suppl••ca∣tions and administration of Baptisme, but also the Lords Table was mini∣stred,

even in the eyes of the very enemy, to the great comfort of ma∣ny afflicted consciences, and as God did strongly work with his true Mi∣nisters, and with his troubled Church: so did not the devil cease to in∣flame the malice of the Queen, and of the Papists with her. For that af∣ter her coming to the Abbey of Halyrud-house, she caused Masse to be said first in her own Chappell, and after in the Abbey where the Altars before were cast down. She discharged the Common-Prayers, and for∣bade to give any portion to such as were the principall young men who read them.* 19.5 Her malice extended in like manner to Cambu••kenneth, for there she discharged the portions of as many of the Canons as had forsaken Pa∣pistry: She gave commandment and inhibition, that the Abbot of Lyn∣dors should be answered of any part of his living in the North, because he had submitted himselfe to the Congregation, and had put some Refor∣mation to his place: By her consent and procurement was the Preachers Chaire broken in the Church of Leith, and Idolatry was erected in the same, where it was before suppressed. Her French Captains, with their Souldiers in great companies, in time of Preaching and Prayers resort∣ed to Saint Giles Church in Edinburgh, and made their common deam∣bulation therein with such loud talking, as no perfect audience could be had. And although the Minister was there-through oft times compel∣led to cry out on them, Praying to God to rid them of such Locusts, they neverthelesse continued still in their wicked purpose devised and or∣dained by the Queen, to have drawn our brethren of Edinburgh and them in cumber, so that she might have had any coloured occasion to have broken the League with them. Yet by Gods grace they behaved them∣selves so that she could finde no fault in them,* 19.6 albeit in all these things before-named, and in every one of them she is justly accounted to have gaine-said the said appointment. We passe over the oppressing of our brethren in particular, which had been sufficient to have proved the appointment to have been plainly violated. For the Lord Seaton, with∣out any occasion offered unto him, brake a chase upon Alexander Whitlam, as he came from Preston, accompanied with M. William Knox, towards Edinburgh, and ceased not to pursue him, till he came to the Towne of Ormeston. And this he did, supposing that the said Alexander had been Iohn Knox. In all this mean time, and while that moe French-men ari∣ved, they are not able to prove that we brake the appointment in any jote, except that a horned Cap was taken off a proud Priests head, and cut in four quarters, because he said, He would wear it in despight of the Con∣gregation. In this mean time, the Queen, then Regent, knowing assuredly what force was shortly to come unto her, ceased not, by all meanes pos∣sible to cloke the in-coming of the French, and to inflame the hearts of our Countrey-men against us. And for that purpose she first wrote unto Duke Hamilton, in forme, as followeth.

The Queen Regents false flattering Letter to Duke Hamilton.

MY Lord and Cousin, after hearty commendations, We are informed that the Lords of the West-land Congregation intend to make a Convention

and assembly of your kin and friends upon Gowan Moore, besides Glasgow, on Munday come eight dayes, the 28 day of August instant, for some high purpose a∣gainst us, which we can scantly believe, considering they have no occasion on Our part so to do. And albeit we know the Appointment was made against and without Our advise, yet we accepted the same at your desire, and have since made no cause, whereby they might be moved to come in the contrary thereof. Like as we are yet minded to keep firme and stable all things promised by you in Our behalfe. We thinke on the other part, it is your duty to require them, that they violate not their part thereof in no wise. And in case they mean any evil towards Us, and so will break their promise, We believe ye will at the uttermost of your power convene with us, and compell them to do that thing which they ought, if they will not; praying you to have your self, your kin and friends, in readinesse to come to us, as ye shall be ad∣vertised by Proclamation, in case the Congregation assemble themselves for any pur∣pose against Us, or the Tenour of the said Appointment: Assuring you, without they gather, and give first occasion, We shall not put you to any pains in that behalf. And that you advertise Us by writ what we may trust to herein by this Bearer, who will shew you the fervent minde we bear to have good concord with the said Con∣gregation, what offers We have made them, and how desirous we are to draw them to the obedience of Our Soveraignes Authority, to whom you shall give credit: and God keep you.

At Edinburgh the tenth of August, 1559.

The like Letter she wrote to every Lord, Baron, and Gentleman, of this Tenour.

The Queen Regents Letter to the Barons.

TRusty friend, after hearty commendations, We doubt not but you have heard of the Appointment made beside Leith, betwixt the Duke, the Earle of Huntlie, and Monsieur Dosell, on the one part; And the Lords of the Congregation, on the other part: Which Appointment We have approved in all points, albeit it was ta∣ken without Our advise, and is minded to observe and keep all the contents thereof for Our part. Neverthelesse, as We are informed, the Lords of the Congregation in∣tend shortly to convene all such persons as will assist them, for enterprising of some high purpose against Us, Our Authority, and Tenour of the said Appointment; which we cannot believe, seeing they neither have, nor shall have any occasion given thereto on Our part. But in case against all reason they should mean any such thing, We have thought it good to give warning to Our speciall friends of the advertisement We have gotten; and amongst the rest, to you, whom We esteem of that number, praying you to have your self, your kin and folks in readinesse to come to Us, and so forth, as in the other Letter above sent to the Duke, word by word.

After that by these Letters, and by the decitfull surmising of her soli∣citers, she had somewhat stirred up the hearts of the people against us, then she began openly to complain, That we were of minde to invade her Person,* 21.1 That we would keep no part of the Appointment, and there∣fore she was compelled to crave assistance of all men, against our unjust pursuit. And this practise she used, as before is said, to abuse the simpli∣city of the people, that they should not suddenly espie for what purpose she brought in her new bands of men of War, who did arrive about the midst of August, to the number of 1000 men: The rest were appointed to

come after with Monsieur de la Brosse, and with the Bishop of Ammians, who arrived the nineteenth day of September following, as if they had been Ambassadours:* 21.2 But what was their Negotiation, the effect did de∣clare, and they themselves could not long conceal; for by both tongue and pen they uttered, That they were sent for the extermination of all those that would not professe the Papist call Religion in all points. The Queens practise and craft could not blinde the eyes of all men, neither yet could her subtilty hide her owne shame, but that many did espy her deceit; and some spared not to speak their judgements liberally, who foreseeing the danger, gave advertisement, requiring that provision might be found, before that the evil should exceed our wisedome and strength to put fit remedy to it: For prudent men foresaw, That she pretended a plain conquest;* 21.3 but to the end that the people should not suddenly stir, she would not bring in her full force at once (as before is said) but by continuall traffique purposed to augment her Army, so that in the end we should not be able to resist. But the greatest part of the No∣bility, and many of the people, were so enchanted by her treasonable so∣liciters, that they would not hear nor credit the truth plainly spoken. The French then after the arriving of their new men, began to brag: then began they to divide the Lands and Lordships according to their owne fantasies;* 21.4 for one was stiled, Monsieur de Argyle; another, Monsieur le Prior; the third Monsieur de Ruthwen; y••a, they were assured, in their own opinion, to possesse whatsoever they listed; so that some asked for the Rentalls and Revenues of divers mens lands, to the end that they might chuse the best: And yet in this mean time she was not ashamed to set out a Proclamation in this form:

A Proclamation set forth by the Queen Regent, to blinde the vulgar People.

* 22.1FOrasmuch as We understand that certain seditious persons have of malice invented and blown abroad divers rumours and evill brutes, intending thereby to stir up the hearts of the people, and so to stop all manner of reconciliations betwixt us and our subjects being of the num∣ber of the Congregation, and consequently to kindle and nourish a con∣tinuall strife and division within this Realme, to the manifest subversion of the whole State thereof; And amongst other purposes, have malici∣ously devised for that effect, and have perswaded too many, That We have violated the Appointment lately taken, in so far as any more French men since came in, and that we do minde to draw in great Forces of men of War forth of France, to suppresse the Liberty of this Realm, oppresse the inhabitants thereof, and make up strangers with their lands & goods. Which reports are all (God knoweth) most vain, fained, and untrue: For it is of truth, That nothing hath been done on our part since the said Ap∣pointment, whereby it may be alleadged that any part thereof contra∣vened; nor yet was at that time any thing commoved or concluded to stop the sending in of French-men, as may clearly appear by inspection of the said Appointment, which the Bearer hereof hath present to shew.

Whatsoever number of men of War be arrived, We have such regard to Our honor, and quietnesse of this Realm, that in case in the room of every French-man that is in Scotland, there were an hundred at our command, yet should not for that any jot that is p••omised be broken, or any alterati∣on made by our provocation,* 22.2 but the said Proclamation truely and surely should be observed in every point. If the said Congregation will in like manner faithfully keep their part thereof: Nor yet mean we to trouble any man in the peaceable possession of their goods, & rooms: Nor yet to enrich the Crowne, and far lesse any strangers, with your substance; for Our dearest son and daughter the King and Queen, are by Gods provision placed in the room where all men of judgement may well consider they have no need of any mans goods. And for Our Self, we seeking nothing but dutifull obedience unto them,* 22.3 such as good subjects ought to give to their Soveraigne, without diminution of your liberties and priviledges, or alteration of your Laws. Therefore We have thought good to noti∣fie unto you Our good minde foresaid, and desire you not to give ear nor credit to such vain imaginations, whereof, before God, no part entered in our conceit, nor suffer your selves be thereby led from your due obedi∣ence, assuring you, ye shall ever finde with Us truth in promise, and a mo∣therly love towards all you,* 22.4 behaving your selves as Our obedient sub∣jects. But of one thing We give you warning, That whereas some Preachers of the Congregation in their publike Sermons speak irreve∣rently and slanderously, as well of Princes in generall, as of Our Selfe in particular, and of the obedience of higher Powers, inducing the peo∣ple by that part of their Doctrine, to defection from their duty; which pertaineth nothing to Religion, but rather sedition and tumult, things direct quite contrary to Religion. Therefore We desire you to take or∣der in your Towns and bounds, that when the Preachers repair thither, they use themselves more modestly in these behalfs, and in their Preach∣ing not to meddle so much with Civill Policy, and Publike Govern∣ment, nor yet name Us, or other Princes, but with reverence, otherwise it will not be suffered. And seeing you have presently the Declaration of Our Intention, We desire likewise to know what shall be your part to Us, that We may understand what to trust for at your hands, whereof we desire a plain Declaration in writing with this Bearer, without delay.

At Edinburgh the 28 of August, 1559.

This Proclamation she sent by her Messengers thorow all the Coun∣trey, and had her solicitors in all parts, who painfully travelled to bring men to her opinion; amongst whom these were the principall; Sir Iohn Ballenden, Justice Clerke, Master Iames Balfour, Officiall of Lowthian; Ma∣ster Thomas and Master William Scots, sons to the Laird of Balwerie; Sir Ro∣bert Carnegie, and Master Gaw••n Hammilton, who fo•• fainting of the bre∣threns hearts, and drawing many to the Queens fa••tion against their na∣tive Countrey, have declared themselves enemies to God, and Traytors to the Common-weal: But above all others▪ Master Iames Balfour, Offi∣cial for the time, ought to be abhorred; for he of an old professor, is be∣come a new denier of Christ Jesus, and manifest blasphemer of his eternal

Verity, against his knowledge and conscience, seeking to betray his bre∣thren and native Countrey into the hands of a cruell and unfaithfull Na∣tion. The answer to this former Proclamation was made in forme as followeth.

To the Nobility, Burgesse, and Commonty of this Realme of Scotland, the Lords, Barons, and others Brethren of the Congregation, wisheth encrease of all wisedom; with advancement of the glory of God, and of the Common-wealth.

THe love of our native Countrey craveth, the defence of our honours requireth, and the sincerity of our consciences compelleth us (dear brethren) to answer in some part to the last Writs and Proclamations set forth by the Q Regent, no lesse to make us and our Cause odious, then to abuse your simplicity,* 23.1 and to work your finall destruction, conspired of old, and now already put to work. And first, where she alleadgeth, That certain seditious persons have of malice invented and blown abroad di∣vers rumors, tending thereby (as she alleadgeth) to stir up the hearts of the people to sedition, by reason that the French-men are crept in of late in our Countrey. True it is (dear brethren) that all such as bear na∣turall love to their Countrey, to you their brethren inhabitants thereof, to our houses, wives, children, the esperance of our posterity; and to be short, To our Common-wealth, and to the ancient Laws and Liberties therof, cannot but in heart lament, and with mouth & tears complain, the most crafty assaults devised and practised, to the utter ruine of all these things forenamed. This is so manifestly gone to work, that even in our eyes, our dear brethren, true members of our Common-wealth, are most cruelly oppressed by strangers; in so far, as some are banished their owne houses, some robbed and spoiled of their substance purchast by their just labours in the sweat of their brows, some cruelly murthered at the pleasure of these inhumane souldiers, and altogether have their lives in such fear and dread, as if the enemy were in the midst of them; so that nothing can seem pleasant unto them which they possesse in the bowells of their native Countrey; so neer judged every man (and not without just cause) the practise used upon their brethren, to approach next unto them, their wives, childrens, houses, and substances, which altogether are cast at the feet of strangers men of War, to be by them thus abused at their unbridled lusts desire. Now if it be sedition (dear brethren) to com∣plain, lament, and pour forth before God the sorrows and sobs of our dolorous hearts, crying to him for redresse of those enormities (which elsewhere is to be found) which altogether do proceed of the unlawfull holding of strange Souldiers over the heads of our brethren. If this to complain be sedition, then indeed (dear brethren) can none of us be purged of that crime; for as in very heart we condemne such inhumane cruelty, with the wicked and crafty pretence thereof, so can we not, nor dare we, neither by mouths speaking, nor yet by keeping silence, justifie the same. Neither do we here aggravate the breaking of the Appoint∣ment made at Leith (which alwayes hath manifestly been done) but herein we remember what oath we have made to our Common-wealth, and how the duty we ought to the same compelleth us to cry out, That

the Queen by wicked and ungodly counsell goeth most craftily about ut∣terly to oppresse the same, and the ancient Lawes and Liberties thereof: As well against the King of France his promise, her own duty, in respect of the high promotions that she hath received thereby: which justly should have caused her to have been in deed, that which she would be cal∣led (and is nothing lesse in verity) to wit, a carefull mother over this Common-wealth.* 23.2 But what motherly care she hath used towards you, ye cannot be ignorant of. Have ye not been, even from the first entrie of her Reigne, ever smitten and oppressed with unaccustomed and more ex∣orbitant Taxations then ever were used within this Realm? Yea, and how far was it sought here to have been brought in upon you and your posterity, under colour to have been laid up in store for the wars. The inquisition taken of all your goods, moveable and unmoveable by way of Testament, the seeking of the whole C••ale and Salt of this Realme to have been laid up in store, and in garnell, and she alone to have been Mer∣chant thereof doth teach you by experience some of her motherly care. Again, What favour to our Common-wealth doth she at this instant bear, when even now presently, and of a long time by-gone, by the Mini∣stery of some (who better deserve the Gallows then ever did Cochran) she doth so corrupt the good money, and hath brought it to such busi∣nesse, and such a deale of strife, that all men that had their eyes open may perceive an extream beggery to be brought there-through upon the whole Realme. So that the whole exchange and traffique to be had with Forraigne nations (a thing most necessary in all Common-wealths) shall thereby be utterly extinguished, and all the gaines received thereby is, That she therewith entertaineth strangers upon our heads. For bre∣thren, you know that her money hath served for no other purpose in our Common-wealth this long time bygone. And the impunity of those wicked Ministers (whom lately we spake of) hath brought the matter to such a licentious enormitie and plaine contempt of the Common-weale, that now they spare not plainely to break down and convert the good and weighty money Coined in our Soveraignes lesser age into this their corrupted skruife and baggages of Hard-heads and Non-sunts,* 23.3 most like as she and they had conspired to destroy all the whole good Coine of this Realme; and consequently that part of the Common-weale. Be∣sides all this, their clipped and r••nged Sols which had no passage these three yeers past in the Realme of France are commanded to have course in this Realme, to gratifie thereby her new-come Souldiers, and all these things together are done without the advice or consent of the Nobilitie and Counsell of thi•• Realme; and manifestly there-through against our ancient Laws and Liberties. Thirdly, her last and most weightie pro∣ceeding, more fully declareth the motherly care her Majestie beareth to our Common-weale and us, when in time of Peace, without any occasion of Forraigne Wars, thousands of Strangers are laid here and there upon the necks of our poore members of this Common-weale. Their idle bellies fed upon the poore substance of the Commonaltie conquest by their just labours in the painfull sweat of their brows, which to be true, Dumbar, North-Barwick, Travent, Pres••on, Panes, Missilburgh, Leith,

Cannongat, Kinghorne, Kirkcaldie, Disert, with the depauperate souls that this day dwell therein can testifie. Whose oppression as doubtlesse it is entred in before the Justice-seat of God, so ought it justly to move our hearts to have pity and compassion upon these our poore brethren, and at our powers to provide remedie for the same. And albeit her strangers had been garnished with money (as you know well they were not) yet can there here lying be no wayes but most hurtfull to our Common-wealth, seeing that the fertility of this Realme had never been so plentifull that it was able of any continuance to sustain it selfe and inhabitants thereof, without support of Forraigne Countreys, far lesse able besides the same to sustain thousands of strangers wherewith it is burthened, to the dearth∣ing of all victuals, as the murmure and complaint of Edinburgh this day doth testifie. But to what effect the Common-weale is thus burdened, the end doth declare. For shortly were they brought to the fields against our Soveraigns true Lieges, even us your brethren, who (God knoweth) sought nothing else but peace of conscience, under protection of our So∣veraigne, and Reformation of these enormities, for no other cause but that we would not renounce the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and subdue our necks under the tyranny of that wicked Man of sin, the Romane Antichrist and his forsworn Shavelings, who at that time most tyrannically oppressed our souls with hunger of Gods true Word, and rest our goods and sub∣stances, to waste the same upon their foule lusts and stinking harlots. But (O dear brethren) this was not the chiefe pretence and finall scope of her proceedings (as these dayes do well declare) for had not God given in our hearts to withstand that oppression, with weapons of most just de∣fence, thou, O Saint Iohnston and Dundie, had been in no better state then your sister of Leith is this day. For though we in very deed (God is witnesse) meant then nothing, but in the simplicity of our hearts, the maintenance of true Religion, and safetie of our brethren, Professours of the same, yet lay there another serpent lurking in the brest of our adver∣saries, as this day (praise to God) is plainely opened to all that list to be∣hold, to wit, To bring you and us both under the perpetuall servitude of stran∣gers. For we being appointed, as ye know, touching Religion to be rea∣soned with all in the Councell, at the day affixed, and no occasion made to break the same on our side (as is well known) yet come there forth wri∣tings and complaints,* 23.4 That this day and that day we were prepared to in∣vade the Queens person (when in very truth there was never such thing thought, as the very deed hath declared.) But because she was before de∣liberate to bring in French-men to both our destructions, that you should not stir therewith, she made you to understand, That those Bands came onely for safety of her own person. O craft, brethren! O subtilty! But behold the end: They are come (yet not so many, no not the sixth part that she desired and looked for) and how, not onely with weapons to de∣fend her person, but with wives and children to plant in your native rooms, as they have already begun in the Town of Leith, the principall Port and Staple of this Realm. The gernall and furniture of the Coun∣cell, and seat of Justice. And here will they dwell, till they may reinforce themselves with greater number of their fellow-Souldiers, to subdue

then the rest, if God withstand not. And yet her Majestie feared nor sha∣med not to write, if they were a hundred French-men for every one of them that is in Scotland,* 23.5 yet they should harme no man. Tell thou now Leith if that be true; If this be not a craftie entrie to a manifest conquest fore-thought of old, judge you deare brethren: Thus to fortifie our Towns, and even the principall Port of our Realm, and to lay so strong Ga∣risons of strangers therein, not onely without any consent of the Nobility and Councell of this Realm, but also expresse against their minde (as our Writ sent to her Majestie beareth record) if this be not to oppresse the ancient Lawes and Liberties of our Realme, let all wise men say to it. And further, to take the Barne-yards new gathered, the Gernalls re∣plenished, and to sit down therein, and by force to put the just posses∣sours and ancient inhabitants there-from, with their wives, children, and servants to shift for themselves in begging, if they have no other means, they being true Scottish-men, members of our Common-wealth, and our deare brethren and sisters, borne, fostred, and brought up in the bowels of our common and native Countrey, if this be not the manifest declaration of their old pretence, and minde towards the whole Scottish Nation; let your owne conscience (brethren) be judge herein. Was all Leith of the Congregation?* 23.6 No, I think not, yet were all alike ser∣ved. Let this motherly care then be tried by the fruits thereof: First, by the great and exorbitant Taxations used upon you, and yet ten times greater pressed at, as ye know. Secondly, the utter depravation of our Coine, to purchase thereby money to entertaine strangers, French Souldiers upon you, and to make them strong holds, lest you should sometime expell them out of your native roomes. Thirdly, by the daily re-inforcing of the said French Souldiers in strength and num∣ber, with wives and children, planting in your brethrens houses and possessions. Indeed her Majestie is, and hath been at all times carefull to procure by her craft of fair words, of fair promises, and sometimes of buds to allure your simplicity to that point, to joyn your selves to her Souldiers, to daunt and oppresse us, that you the remnant (we being cut off) may be an easie prey to her sleights: Which God of his infinite good∣nesse hath now discovered to the eyes of all that list to behold. But cre∣dit the works (deare brethren) if ye will not credit us, and lay the exam∣ple of Forreign nations, yea, even of our brethren, before your eyes, and procure not your own ruine willingly. If you tender true Religion, you see how her Majestie beareth her selfe plaine enemy thereto, and maintaineth the tyrannie of those idle bellies the Bishops, against Gods Church: If Religion be not perswaded unto you, yet cast you not away the care you ought to have over your Common-wealth, which you see manifestly and violently ruined before your eyes: If this will not move you, remem∣ber your deare wives, children and posterity, your ancient heritages and houses, and think well these strangers will regard no more your right thereunto, then they have done your brethren of Leith, when ever occa∣sion shall serve. But if you purpose (as we doubt not but that all those that either have wit or manhood will declare and prove indeed) to brook your ancient roomes and heritages, conquered most valiantly, and defended by

your most noble Progenitors, against all strangers, invaders of the same, as the French pretendeth plainly this day, if ye will not be slaves unto them, and to have your lives, your wives, your children, your substance, and whatsoever is dear unto you cast at their feet, to be used and abused at the pleasure of strange Souldiers, as you see your brethrens at this day before your eyes. If you will not have experience some day here∣of in your own persons (as we suppose the least of you all would not gladly have, but rather would chuse with honour to die in defence of his own native roome, then live and serve so shamefull a servitude) then brethren let us joyn our forces, and both with wit and manhood resist their beginnings,* 23.7 or else our liberties hereafter shall be dearer bought. Let us surely be perswaded, when our neighbours houses be on fire, that we dwell not without danger. Let no man withdraw himselfe herefrom, and if any will be so unhappy and mischievous (as we suppose none to be) let us altogether repute, hold and use him (as he is in deed) for an ene∣mie to us, and to himselfe, and to his Common-weale. The eternall and omnipotent God, the true and onely revenger of the oppressed, be our comfort and Protectour against the furie and rage of the Tyrants of this world: And espe∣cially from the insatiable covetousnesse of the Cardinall of Guyse, and the Ha∣miltons. Amen.

Besides this our publike Letter, some men answered certaine heads of the Queens said Proclamation on this manner.

If it be sedition to speak the trueth in all sobriety, and to complaine, when they are wounded, or to call for help against unjust tyrannie before that their throats be cut, then can we not denie, but we are criminall and guilty of tumult and sedition. For we have said, That our Common-weale is oppressed, that we and our brethren are hurt by the tyrannie of strangers, and that we fear bondage and slaverie, seeing that multitudes of cruell murtherers are daily brought into our Countrey without our counsell, knowledge, and consent. We dispute not so much whether the bringing in of moe French-men be violating of the appointment (which the Queen and her faction cannot deny to be manifestly broken by them in moe causes then one) as that we would know, if that the hea∣ping of strangers upon strangers, above us, without our counsell or con∣sent, be a thing that may stand with the Liberty of our Realme, and with the profit of our Common-wealth. It is not unknown to all men of judgement, That the fruits of our Countrey, in the most common yeers, be no more then sufficient reasonable to nourish the born inhabitants of the same. But now seeing we have been vexed with wars, taken upon us at the pleasure of France, by the which the most fruitfull portion of our Countrey in Corne hath been wasted. What man is so blinde, but that he may see, That such bands of ungodly and idle Souldiers can be nothing else but an occasion to famish our poore brethren. And in this point we refuse not (which is the chiefe) the judgement of all naturall Scottish-men. The Queen Regent alleadged, That although there was an hundred French-men for one that is in Scotland, yet she is not minded to trouble

any unjust possession. Whereto we answer, That we dispute not what she intended (which neverthelesse by probable conjectures it is to be suspect∣ed) but alwayes we affirm, that such a multitude of French-men is a bur∣den not onely unprofitable, but also intolerable to this poor Realme; e∣specially being treated as they are by her and Monsieur Dosell: For if their wages be paid out of France, then are they both (the Queen, we say, and Monsieur Dosell) traytors to the King and Counsell;* 24.1 for the poor Commons of this Realme have sustained them with the sweat of their brows, since the contracting of the Peace, and somewhat before.

What motherly affection she hath declared to this Realm, and to the inhabitants of the same, her works have evidently declared, even since the first hour that she hath borne Authority. And albeit men will not this day see what danger hangs over our heads, yet fear we that ere it be long, experience shall teach some, that we have not feared without cause. The cruell murther and oppression used by those whom now she foster∣eth, is to us a sufficient argument what is to be looked for when her num∣ber is so multiplied, that our force shall not be able to gainstand their ty∣ranny. Where she complaineth of our Preachers, affirming that unre∣verently they speak of Princes in generall, and of her in particular, indu∣cing the people thereby to defection from their duty, &c. And therefore that such a thing cannot be suffered. Because this occasion is laid against Gods true Ministers, we cannot but witnesse what course and order of Doctrine they have kept, and yet keep in that point.

In publike prayers they recommend to God all Princes in generall,* 24.2 and the Magi∣strates of this our native Realme in particular. In open audience they declare the Authority of Princes and Magistrates to be of God, and therefore they affirm that they ought to be honoured, feared, and obeyed, even for conscience sake; provided that they command nor require nothing expresly repugning to Gods Commandment and plain Will revealed in his holy Word. Moreover, they affirm, That if wicked persons abusing the Authority established by God, move Princes to command things manifest∣ly wicked, That such as can and do bridle those inordinate appetites of misled Princes, cannot be accused as resistaries of the Authority, which is Gods good Ordinance. To bridle the rage and fury of misled Princes in free Kingdoms and Realms, they affirm it appertaineth to the Nobility, sworn and borne Councellors of the same, and also to the Barons and people, whose votes and consents are to be required in all great and weighty matters of the Common-wealth; which if they do not, they declare themselves cri∣minall with their misled Princes, and so subject to the same vengeance of God, which they deserve, for that they pollute the seat of Iustice, and do as it were make God author of Iniquity. They proclaim and cry, That the same God who plagued Pha∣raoh, repulsed Sennacherib, struck Herod with worms, and made the bellies of dogs the grave and sepulcher of the spitefull Jesabell, will not spare misled Princes, who authorize the murtherers of Christs members in this our time. On this manner they speak of Princes in generall,* 24.3 and of your Majesty in particular. This onely we have heard one of our Preachers say, rebuking the vain excuses of such as flatter them∣selves by reason of Authority; Many now adayes (said he) will have no other Re∣ligion nor faith, then the Queen and Authority had: But is it not possible that the Queen be so far blinded, that she will have no Religion, nor no other faith, then may

content the Cardinall of Loraine? And may it not likewise be true that the Car∣dinall is so corrupt, that he will admit no Religion which doth not establish the Pope in his kingdome?* 24.4 But plain it is, That the Pope is Lieutenant to Sathan, and enemy to Christ Iesus, and to his perfect Religion. Let men therefore consider what danger they stand in, if their salvation shall depend upon the Queens faith and Religion. Further, we never heard any of our Preachers speak of the Queen Regent, neither publikely nor privately. Where her Majestie declareth, It will not be suffered that our Prerchers meddle with Policy, or speak of her, or of other Princes, but with reverence: we answer, That as we will justifie and defend no∣thing in our Preachers which we finde not God to have justified and allowed in his Messengers before them; so we dare not forbid them openly to reprehend that which the Spirit of God, speaking in the Prophets and Apostles, hath reprehended be∣fore them. Helias did personally reprove Achab and Jesabell of idolatry, of avarice,* 24.5 of murther, and such like: Esaias the Prophet called the Magistrates of Jerusalem in his time, companions to thieves, Princes of Sodome, bribe-takers, and murtherers; he complained that their silver was turned into drosse, That their wine was mingled with water, and that Iustice was bought and sold. Jeremie saith, That the bones of King Jehoiakim should wither with the Sun. Christ Ie∣sus called Herod a Fox; and Paul calleth the high Priest a painted wall, and pray∣eth unto God that he should strike him, because that against justice he commanded him to be smitten. Now if the like (and greater) corruptions be in the world this day, Who dare enterprise to put to silence the Spirit of God, which will not be sub∣ject to the appetites of misled Princes.

We have said before, That the tenth of September was appointed for a convention to be holden at Sterlin,* 24.6 to the which repaired the most part of the Lords of the Congregation. At that same time arrived the Earle of Arran, who after he had saluted his father, came with the Earle of Ar∣gyle and Lord Iames to Sterlin, to the said convention; in which divers godly men complained of the tyrannie used against their brethren. And especially that more French-men were brought in to oppresse their Coun∣try. After the consultation of certain dayes, the principall Lords with my Lord Arran, and the Earle of Argyle past to Hammilton for consultation to be taken with the Duke. And in this mean time came assured word that the French-men had begun to fortifie Leith; which thing, as it did more evidently discover the Queens craft, so did it deeply grieve the hearts of all the Nobility there, who with one consent agreed to write unto the Queen in form as followeth.

At Hammilton the 29 day of September.

MAdame,* 25.1

we are credibly informed that your Army of French-men should instantly begin to plant in Leith, and to fortifie the same, of minde to expell the ancient inhabitants thereof, our brethren of the Congregation, whereof we marvell not a little, that your Majestie should so manifestly breake the Appoint∣ment made at Leith, without any provocation made by us and our brethren. And seeing the same is done without any manner of consent of the Nobilitie and counsell of this Realme, we esteem the same not onely oppression of our poore brethren, and in-dwellers of the said Towne, but also very prejudiciall to the Common-wealth, and plain contrary to our ancient Laws and Liberties.

We therefore desire your Majestie to cause the same work enterprised to be stayed, and not to attempt so rashly and so manifestly against your Majesties promise, against the Common-wealth, ••he ancient Laws and Liberties thereof (which things, besides the glory of God, are most dear and tender to us, and onely our pretence) otherwise assu∣ring your Majestie, we will complain to the whole Nobility and Commonalty of this Realme, and most earnestly seek for redresse thereof. And thus recommending our humble service unto your Highnesse, whom we commit to the Eternall Protection of God, expecting earnestly your answer.

At Hammilton the day and yeer afore∣said:

By your Majesties humble and obedient servitours.

This Letter was subscribed with the hands of the Duke, the Earles of Arran, Argyle, Glencarne, and Menteth; by the Lords Ruthwen Uchiltrie, Boyd, and by divers others Barons and Gentlemen. To this request she would not answer by wret, but with a Letter of credit she sent Sir Robert Car∣negie, and Master Danid Borthwike, two, whom amongst many others, she abused, and by whom she corrupted the hearts of the simple. They tra∣velled with the Duke, to bring him again to the Queens Faction: Labrosse and the Bishop of Amians were shortly before arrived, and, as it was bruted, were directed as Ambassadours, but they kept close their whole Commission; they onely made large promises to them that would be theirs,* 25.2 and leave the Congregation. The Queen did grievously complain, That we had intelligence with England, and the conclusion of their Com∣mission was to solicite the Duke to put in all in the Queens Will, and then she would be gracious enough. It was answered,* 25.3 That no honest men durst commit themselves to the mercy of such throat-cutters as she had about her; whom if she would remove, and joyn to her a Councell of naturall Scotish-men, permitting the Religion to have free passage, then should none in Scotland be more willing to serve her Majesty then should the Lords and Brethren of the Congregation be. At the same time the Duke and the Lords wrote to my Lord Erskin, Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, in form as followeth.

Letter to the Lord Erskin.

MY Lord and Cousin, after our hearty commendations, this present is to adver∣tise you, That we are credibly informed that the Army of French-men now in this Realme, without any advice of the Councell or Nobility, are fortifying, or else shortly intendeth to fortifie the Towne of Leith, and expell the ancient inhabitants thereof, whereby they proclaim to all that will open their ears to hear, or eyes to see, what is their pretence. And seeing the faithfulnesse of your antecessors, and espe∣cially of your Father of honourable memory, who was so recommended and dear to the Estates and Councellors of this Realme, through affection they perceived in him towards the Common-wealth thereof, that they doubted not to give in his keep∣ing the key, as it were, of the Councell, of the Iustice and Policy of this Realme, the Castles of Edinburgh and Sterlin, we cannot but believe ye will rather aug∣ment the honourable favour of your House by stedfast favour and loyalty to our Com∣mon wealth, then through the subtill perswasions of some (which care not what after shall come to you and your House, at the present would abuse you to the performance of their wicked enterprises and pretences against our Common-wealth)

utterly destroy the same. And herefore seeing we have written to the Queen to de∣sist from the enterprise, otherwise that we will complain to the Nobility and Com∣monalty of the Realm, and seek redresse thereof; We likewise beseech you as our tender friend, brother and member of the same Common-wealth with us▪ that in no wise you meddle with, or assent to that ungodly enterprise against the Common-wealth: And likewise that ye would save your body, and the jewels of this Countrey, committed to yours and your predecessors loyalty and fidelity towards your native Countrey and Com∣mon-wealth, if ye thinki to be reputed, hereafter one of the same: And that ye would rather be brother to us then to strangers; for we do gather by the effects, the secrets of mens hearts, otherwise unsearchable unto us. Thus we write, not that we are in doubt of you, but rather to warne you of the danger, in case ye suffer your selfe to be inchanted with fair promises, and crafty Councellors: For let no man flatter himself; we desire all men to know; That though he were our father (seeing God hath opened our eyes to see his Will) if he be enemy to the Common wealth,* 26.1 which is now assailed, and we with it, and all true members thereof, he shall be knowne, and as he is indeed enemy to us, to our lives, our houses, babes, heritages, and whatsoever is contained within the same: For as the Ship perishing, What can be safe that is within? So the Common wealth being betrayed, What particular member can live in quietnesse. And therefore in so far as the said Castles are committed to your cre∣dite, we desire you to shew your faithfulnesse and stoutnesse, as ye tender us, and what∣soever appertaineth to us. And seeing we are assured ye will be assayled both with craft and force, as now by warning we help you against the first, so against the last ye shall not misse in all possible haste to have our assistance, onely to shew your selfe a man. Save your person by wisedome, strengthen your self against force: And the Almighty God assist you in both, that one ayd the other, and open the eyes of your understanding to see and perceive the craft of Sathan and his supposts.

At Ha∣milton the 29 day of September, 1559.

By your Brethren.

The Duke and Lords understanding that the Fortifications of Leith proceeded, appointed their whole Forces to convene at Sterlin the 15 day of Octob. that from thence they might march forward to Edinburgh, for the redresse of the greatest enormities which the French did to the whole Countrey,* 26.2 which by them was so oppressed, that the life of all honest men was bitter unto them. In this mean time the Lords directed their Letters to divers parts of the Countrey, making mention what dan∣ger did hang over all men, if the French should be suffered to plant in this Countrey at their pleasure. They made mention farther, How humbly they had besought the Queen Regent, That she would send away to France her French-men, who were a burden unprofitable and grie∣vous to this Common-wealth, and how that she notwithstanding did daily augment their number, bringing wives and children, a plain decla∣ration of a plain conquest.

The Queen Regent perceiving that her craft began to be espied, by all means possible travelled to blinde the people;* 26.3 And first she sent forth her pestilent Post forenamed, in all parts of the Countrey, to perswade all men, that she offereth all things reasonable to the Congregation;

and that they refusing all reason, pretended no Religion, but a plaine revolt from Authority. She tempted every man, in particular, as well those that were of the Congregation, as those that were neutralls. She assaulted every man as she thought most easily he might have been overcome. To the Lord Ruthuen she sent the Justice Clerk, and his wife who is daughter to the wife of the said Lord, what was their Commis∣sion and credit, is no further known, then the said Lord hath confessed, which is, That large promise of profit was promised, if he would leave the Congregation, and be the Queens. To Lord Iames, Prior of Saint Andrews, was sent Master Iohn Spens of Condie, with a Letter and Cre∣dit, as followeth.

The Memoriall of Master Iohn Spens of Condie, the thirtieth of September.

1. YE shall say, That the Queens great favour towards you moveth her to this.

2. That she now knoweth that the occasion of your departing from her, was the favour of the Word, and of the Religion, with the which, albeit she was offended, yet knowing your heart▪ and the hearts of the other Lords firmely fixed thereupon, she will beare with you in that behalfe, and at your owne sights she will set forward that Cause at her power, as may stand with Gods Word,* 27.1 the common policie of this Realme, and the Princes honour (note good Reader what venome lurked here, for plaine it is that the policie which she pre∣tended, and the Princes honour will never suffer Christ Iesus to reigne in this Realme.)

3. To speak of the occasion of assembling of these men of Warre, and for∣tifying of Leith, you must know, That it was given to the Queen to under∣stand by some about her, that it is not the advancement of the Word and Reli∣gion which is sought at this time, but rather a pretence to overthrow or alter the authority of your Sister, of the which she beleeveth still that ye are not par∣ticipant: and considering the tendernesse betwixt you and your Sister, she trusted more in you,* 27.2 in that behalfe, then in any living. But before the Earle of Arrane arrived, and that the Duke departed from her faction, she ceased not continually to cry, That the Prior sought to make himselfe King; and so not onely to deprive his Sister, to make himselfe King, but also to defraud the Duke and his house of their pretension. But foreseeing a storme, she began to seek a new winde.

She further willeth him, to offer the sending away of the men of War, if the former suspition could be removed, she lamented the trouble that appeared to follow, if the matter should long stand in debate, she promised her faithfull labours for reconciliation, and required the same of him. Requiring fur∣ther, Faith, Honour, and kindnesse towards his Sister, and to advertise for his part, what he desired; with promise, That he might obtaine what he plea∣sed to desire.

To this Letter and Credit the said Lord Iames answered as followeth.

MADAME,

I Received your Highnesse Writ, and have heard the credit of the Bearer, and finding the businesse of such importance, that dangerous it were to give hastie answer. And also your Demands are such, That with my honour I cannot answer them privately by my selfe, I have thought good to delay the same till that I may have the judgement of the whole Councell. For this point I will not conceale from your Majestie, That amongst us there is a solemned Oath, that none of us shall traffique with your Majestie secretly, neither yet that any of us shall treat or deale for himselfe particularly: Which Oath, for my part, I purpose to keep unviolated to the end. But when the rest of the Noble-men shall conveene, I shall leave nothing that lyeth in my power undone, that may make for the quietnesse of this poore Realme: Provided, That the glory of Christ Ie∣sus be not hindered by our concord. And if your Majestie shall be found so tractable, as now ye offer, I doubt not to obtaine of the rest of my brethren such favour towards your service, as your Majestie shall have just occasion to stand content: For I take God to record, That in this action I have neither sought, neither yet seek any other thing then to increase Gods glory, and the Libertie of this poore Realme to be maintained. Further, I have shewed unto your Mes∣senger what things have misliked me in your proceedings, even from such a heart as I wish to God you knew fully, and all men else. And this, with hearty commendation of service to your Majestie, I heartily commit your Highnesse to the eternall protection of the omnipotent.

At Saint Andrews, the first of October.

Sic subscribitur. Your Majesties humble and obedient Servitour. I. St.

* 28.1This answer received, she raged, as hypocrisie useth when it is pricked, and perceiving that she could not work what she would at the hands of men particularly, she set forth a Proclamation, universally to be proclai∣med, in the tenour as followeth.

The Queens Proclamation.

FOr so much as it is understood by the Queen, that the Duke of Chat∣tellawralt hath lately directed his Missives into all parts of this Realm, making mention that the French-men late arrived with their wives and children, are begun to plant in Leith, to the ruine of the Common-weale, which he and his partakers will not passe over with patient beholding, de∣siring to know what will be every mans part. And that the fortification of Leith, is a purpose devised in France, and that therefore Monsieur de la Brosse, and the Bishop of Amiens, are come to this countrey. A thing so vaine and untrue, that the contrary thereof is knowne to all men of free judgement. Therefore the Queen, willing that the occasions whereby her Majesty was moved so to do, be made patent, and what have been her proceedings since the appointment last made on the Linkes beside Leith.

To the effect that the trueth of all things being made manifest, every man may understand how unjustly that a desire to suppresse the liberty of this Realm is laid to her charge; we have thought expedient to make this discourse following. First, although after the said appointment, di∣vers of the said Congregation, and that not of the meanest sort, hath violently broken the points thereof, and made sundry occasions of new cumber. The same was in a part winked at, and over-looked, in hope that they in time would remember their duty, and abstaine from such evil behaviour, which conversion her Majestie ever sought, rather then any punishment, with such care and solicitude by all means, and in the mean time nothing was provided for her own security. But at last by their frequent Messages to and from England,* 29.1 their intelligence then was per∣ceived, yet her Majestie trusted the Queen of England (let them seek as they please) will do the office of a Christian Princesse, in time of a sworne Peace, through which, force was to her Majestie, seeing so great defection of great personages, to have recourse to the Law of Nature. And like as a small Bird, being pursued, will provide some nest, so her Majestie could do no lesse in cases of pursuit, but provide some sure retract for her selfe and her company, and to that effect chose the Town of Leith, as a place convenient therefore: because it was her dearest daughters pro∣perty, and no other person could claime Title or Interesse thereto, and also because in former times it had been fortified: About the same time that the seeking support of England was made manifest, arrived the Earle of Arrane,* 29.2 and adjoyned himselfe to the Congregation, upon fur∣ther promise then the pretended quarrell, or Religion that was to be set up by them in authority, and so to pervert the whole obedience, and as some of the Congregation at the same time had put into their hands, and taken the Castle of Brochtie, put forth the keepers thereof. Im∣mediately came from the said Duke to her Majestie unlooked for, a Writ, beside many others complaining of the fortification of the said Town of Leith, in hurt of the ancient inhabitants thereof, brethren of the said Congregation, whereof he then professed himselfe a Member. And albeit that the Bearer of the said Writ was an unmeet Messenger, in a matter of such consequence, yet her Majestie directed to him two persons of good credit and reputation, with answer; Offering, If he would cause amends to be made for that which was committed against the Lawes of the Realme, to do further then could be craved of reason. And to that effect, to draw some conference, which by his fault and his Colleagues took no end; neverthelesse they continually since continue in their doings,* 29.3 usurping the authority, commanding and charging free Boroughs to chuse Provests and officers of their naming, and to assist to them in the purpose they would be at: and that they will not suffer pro∣vision to be brought for sustentation of her Majesties houses. A great part have so plainely set aside all reverence and humanitie, whereby every man may know, That it is no matter of Religion, but a plaine usur∣pation of the authority: and no doubt but simple men of good Zeale in former times, therewith falsly have been deceived. But as to the Queens part (God who knoweth the secrets of all hearts well knoweth,

and the world shall see by experience) that the fortification of Leith was devised for no other purpose, but for recourse to her highnesse and her company, in case they were pursued. Wherefore, as good Subjects that have the feare of God in their hearts, will not suffer themselves by such vaine perswasions to be led away from their due obedience: but will assist in defence of their Soveraigns quarrell, against all such as shall pur∣sue the same wrongfully. Therefore her Majestie ordaineth the officers of Arms to passe to the Market-Crosses of all the head Burroughs of this Realme, and there by open Proclamation command and charge all and sundry the Lieges thereof, that none of them take in hand to put them∣selves in arms, nor take part with the said Duke or his assistaries, under the paine of Treason.

These Letters being divulgate, the hearts of many were stirred, for they judged the Narration of the Queen Regent to have been true, others understood the same to be utterly false. But because the Lords desired that all men should judge in their cause, they set out the Declaration sub∣sequent.

The DECLARATION of the Lords, against the former PROCLAMATION.

WE are compelled unwillingly to answer the grievous accusati∣ons most unjustly laid to our charges by the Queen Regent, and her perverse Counsell, who cease not by all craft and malice to make us odious to our dearest brethren,* 30.1 naturall Scottish-men, as that we pre∣tended no other thing, but the subversion and overthrow of all just au∣thoritie, when God knoweth we sought nothing, but, That such authoritie as God approveth by his Word, be established, honoured, and obeyed amongst us. True it is, that we have complained (and conti∣nually must complaine, till God send redresse) That our common Countrey is oppressed with strangers; That this inbringing of Souldiers with their wives and children, and planting of men of War in our free Townes; appeareth to us a ready way to conquest. And we most ear∣nestly require all indifferent persons to be judge betwixt us and the Queen Regent in this cause, to wit, Whether our complaint be just or not? For, for what other purpose should she thus multiply strangers upon us, but onely in respect of conquest:* 30.2 Which is a thing of late divised by her and her avaritious house. We are not ignorant that six yeers ago the que∣stion was demanded of a man of honest reputation; What number of men was able to daunt Scotland, and to bring it to the full obedience of France? She alleadged, That to say that the fortification of Leith was of purpose devised in France, and that for that purpose were Monsieur de la Brosse, and the Bishop of Amiens sent to this Countrey; Is a thing so vaine and untrue, that the contrary thereof is notorious to all men of free judgement. But evident it is, whatsoever she alleadged, That since their arrivall Leith was begun to be fortified. She alleadged, That she seeing the defection of great Personages, was compelled

to have recourse to the Law of Nature, and like a small bird pursued to pro∣vide for some sure retract to her self and her company. But why doth she not answer for what purpose did she bring in her new Bands of men of War?* 30.3 Was there any defection espied before their arrivall? was not the Congregation under Appointment with her? Which whatsoever she alleadged, she is not able to prove that we have violated in any chiefe point, before that her new throat-cutters arrived, yea, before that they began to fortifie Leith, a place, saith she, most convenient for her pur∣pose; as indeed it is, for the receiving of strangers at her pleasure: for if she had feared the pursuit of her bodie, she had Inche, Colme, Dumbar, and Blacknesse, Forts and Strengths already made; yet all these could not so well serve her turne as Leith, because it was her daughters property, and none other could have title unto it, and because it had been fortified oft before. That all men may know the just title her daughter and she had to the Town of Leith,* 30.4 we shall in few words declare. It is not un∣known to the most part of this Realm, that there hath been an old ha∣tred and contention betwixt Edinburgh and Leith; Edinburgh continually seeking constantly to possesse the liberty of Leith which by donati∣on of ancient Kings they have long enjoyed: And Leith, by the contrary aspiring to a liberty and freedom in prejudice of Edinburgh. The Queen Regent, a woman that could make her profit at all hands, was not igno∣rant how to compasse her own businesse, and therefore secretly she gave advertisement to some of Leith, that she would make their Towne free, if that she might do it with any colour of Justice.* 30.5 By which promi∣ses the principall men of them did travell with the Laird of Lestarrig, a man neither prudent nor fortunate, to whom the superiority of Leith appertained, That he should fell his whole Title and Right to our Soveraigne for a certain sum of Money, which the inhabitants of Leith paid, with a large Taxation more, to the Queen Regent, in hope to be made free, in desp••ght and defraud of Edinburgh: Which Right and Superiority when she had gotten, and when the Money was paid, the first fruits of their liberty they now eat with bitternes, is, That strangers shall possesse their Towne: This is the just Title which her daughter and she might claim to that Towne. And where she alleadged, That it was fortified before; we ask, If that was done without the consent of the Nobility and Estates of the Realme, as now she and her crafty coun∣sellors do, in despight and high contempt of us the lawfull and borne Counsellors of this Realme. How far we have sought support of Eng∣land, or of any other Prince, and how just cause we had and have so to do, we shall shortly make manifest unto the world, To the praise of Gods holy Name, and to the confusion of all those that slander us for so do∣ing: For this we fear not to confesse, That as in this our enterprise, against the Devill, Idolatry, and the maintainers of the same, we chiefly and onely seek Gods glory to be notified unto man,* 30.6 sin to be punished, and vertue to be maintained: So where power fail∣eth in our selves, we will seeke it wheresoever GOD shall offer the same: And yet in so doing, we are assured neither to offend GOD, neither yet to do any thing repugnant to our Duties.

We heartily praise God, who moved the heart of the Earle of Arran to joyn himself with us his persecuted brethren. But how malicious a lye it is, That we have promised to set him up in Authority, the issue shall declare: God we take to record, That no such thing hath entred into our hearts, neither yet hath the said Earle, neither any to him appertain∣ing, moved us unto any such matter: which if they should do, yet are we not so slender in judgement, that inconsiderately we would promise that, which after we would repent. We speak and write to the praise of Gods glory;* 30.7 the least of us knoweth better what obedience is due to a lawfull Authority, then she and her counsell doth practice the Office of such as worthily may sit upon the Seat of Justice: For we offer, and we perform all obedience which God hath commanded; and we deny neither Toll, Tribute, nor Fear, to her nor her Officers, we onely bridle her blinde rage, in the which she would erect and maintain Idolatry, and would murther our brethren, who refuse the same: But she doth utterly abuse the Authority established by God, she prophaneth the Throne of his Majestie on earth, making the Seat of Justice, which ought to be the Sanctuary and Refuge of all godly and vertuous persons unjustly afflict∣ed, to be a den and receptacle to Thieves, Murtherers, Idolaters, Whore∣mongers, Adulterers, and of Blasphemers of God, and all godlinesse. It is more then evident what men they are, and long have been, whom she by her power maintaineth and defendeth; and also what hath been our conversation,* 30.8 since it hath pleased God to call us to his knowledge, whom now in her fury she cruelly persecuteth. We deny not the taking of the houses of Brochtie; and the causes being considered, we think that no naturall Scotish man will be offended at our fact. When the assured knowledge came to us that the Fortification of Leith was begun, every man began to inquire,* 30.9 What danger might ensue to the rest of the Realm, if the French should plant in divers places, and what were the places that might annoy us. In conclusion it was found, That the taking of the said house by French men, should be destruction to Dundie, and hurtfull to S. Iohnston, and to the whole Countrey; and therefore it was thought expedient to prevent the danger, as that we did, for preservation of our brethren and common Countrey. It is not unknown what enemies those two Towns have, and how gladly would some have all good order and policy overthrown in them. The conjectures that the French-men were of minde shortly to have taken the same place, were not obscrure: but whatsoever they pretended, we cannot repent that we (as said is) have prevented the danger; and would God that power had been in the same manner to have foreclosed their enterprise at Leith:* 30.10 For what trouble this poor Realm shall endure before that those murtherers and unjust possessors be removed from the same, the issue will declare. If her ac∣cusations against the Duke, and that we refused conference, be truly and simply spoken,* 30.11 we will not refuse the judgement of those very men, whom she alleadgeth to be of such reputation. They know that the Duke did answer, That if the Realme should be set at liberty from the bondage of those men of War, which presently did oppresse it, and was so fearfull to him, and to his brethren, that they were compelled to absent

themselves from the places where she and they made residence: That he and the whole Congregation should come and give all dutifull obedience to our Soveraigne her daughter, and unto her, as Regent for the time: But to enter into conference so long as she kept above him and his brethren that fearfull scourge of cruell strangers, he thought no wise man would counsell him. And this his answer we approve, adding further, That she can make us no promise which she can keep,* 30.12 nor we can credit, so long as she is for∣ced with the strength, and ruled by the counsell of France. We are not ignorant that Princes think it good policy to betray their subjects by breaking of promises, be they never so solemnly made. We have not forgotten what counsell she and Monsieur Dosell gave to the Duke, against those that slue the Cardi∣nall, and kept the Castle of S. Andrewes,* 30.13 which was this, That what pro∣mise they list to require should be made unto them; but as soon as the Castle was rendred, and things brought to such passe as was expedient, that he should chop the heads from every one of them. To the which the Duke answered, That he would never consent to so treasonable an act, but if he promised fidelity, he would faithfully keep it. Monsieur Dosell said in mockage to the Queen in French, That is a good simple nature, but I know no other Prince that would so do. If this was his judgement in so small a matter, what have we to suspect in this our Cause? For the question is not of the slaughter of one Cardinall, but of the just abolish∣ing of all tyranny, which that Romane Antichrist hath usurped above us; of the suppressing of Idolatry, and of the Reformation of the whole Religion, by that vermine of shavelings utterly corrupted. Now if the slaughter of a Cardinall be a sin irremissible,* 30.14 as they themselves affirme; and if faith ought not to be kept to hereticks, as their owne law speaketh, What promise can she that is ruled by the counsell and commandment of a Cardinall,* 30.15 make to us that can be sure? Where she accuseth us, That we usurp Authority to command and charge free Boroughs, to chuse Pro∣vests and Officers of our naming, &c. We will that the whole Boroughs of Scotland testifie in that case, Whether we have used any kinde of vio∣lence, but lovingly exhorted such as asked our support to chuse such in Office, as had the fear of God before their eyes, loved equity and justice, and were not noted with avarice and bribing. But wonder it is with what face she can accuse us of that, whereof we are innocent, and she so openly criminall, that the whole Realme knoweth her iniquity: In that case hath she not compelled the Towne of Edinburgh to retaine a man to be their Provest most unworthy of any Regiment in a well-ruled Common-wealth?* 30.16 Hath she not enforced them to take Bayliffes of her appointment? and some of them so meet for their Office in this troublesome time,* 30.17 as a sowter is to sayle a Ship in a stormy day. She com∣plaineth that we will not suffer provision to be made for her house: In very deed we unfainedly repent that before this we took not better order that these murtherers and oppressors whom she pretendeth to nourish for our destruction, had not been disappointed of their great provision of Victualls which she and they have gathered, to the great hurt of the whole Countrey: But as God shall assist us in times coming, we shall do diligence somewhat to frustrate their devillish purpose. What both

what she and we pretend, we doubt not but God (who cannot suffer the abuse of his owne Name long to be unpunished) shall one day declare, and unto him we fear not to commit our Cause.* 30.18 Neither yet fear we in this present day, that against us she maketh a malicious lye, where that she saith, That it is not Religion that. we go about, but a plain usurpati∣on of Authority. God forbid that such impiety should enter in our hearts, that we should make his holy Religion a cloke and covertour of our iniquity: From the beginning of this controversie, it is evidently knowne what have been our requests; which if the rest of the Nobility and Commonalty of Scotland will cause to be performed unto us, if then in us appear any signe of Rebellion, let us be reputed and punished as trai∣tors. But while strangers are brought in to suppresse us, our common wealth and posterity;* 30.19 while Idolatry is maintained, and Christ Jesus his true Religion despised, while idle bellies, and bloody tyrants the Bishops are maintained, and Christs true Messengers persecuted; while finally, vertue is contemned, and vice extolled; while that we a great part of the Nobility and Commonalty of this Realme are most unjustly persecuted, What godly man can be offended that we shall seek Reformation of these enormities (yea, even by force of Arms, seeing that otherwayes it is denyed unto us) we are assured that neither God,* 30.20 neither nature, neither any just Law forbiddeth us. God hath made us Councellors by birth of this Realme, Nature bindeth us to love our owne Countrey, and just Laws command us to sup∣port our brethren unjustly pursued, yea, the Oath that we have made to be true to this Common-wealth compelled us to hazard whatsoever God hath given us, before that we see the miserable ruine of the same. If any thinke it is not Religion which now we seek, we answer, That it is nothing else but the zeal of the true Religion which moveth us to this enterprise:* 30.21 For as the enemy doth craftily foresee, That Idolatry cannot universally be main∣tained, unlesse that we be utterly suppressed, So do we consider that the true Religion (the purity whereof we openly require) cannot universally be erected, unlesse strangers be removed, and this poor Realme purged of those pestilences which before have infected it. And therefore in the Name of the Eternall God, and of his Son Christ Jesus, whose Cause we sustain, we require all our brethren naturall Scotish-men prudently to consider our Requests, and with judgement to discerne betwixt us and the Queen Regent, with her faction, and not to suffer themselves to be abused by her craft and deceit, That to lift their weapons against their brethren, who seek nothing but Gods glory, Or yet to extract from us their just and dutifull support,* 30.22 seeing that we hazard our lives for preser∣vation of them and us, and of us and our posterity to come: Assuring such as shall declare themselves favourers of her Faction and enemies unto us, That we shall repute them, whensoever God shall put the Sword of Justice in our hands worthy of such punishment as is due for such as study to betray their Countreyes into the hands of strangers.

This our answer was formed and divulgate in some places, but not universally, by reason of our day appointed to meet at Sterlin, as before is declared. In this mean time the Queens Posts ran with all possible ex∣pedition to draw men to her devotion. And in very deed she found more favourers of her iniquity then we suspected. For a man that of long time had been one of our number in profession, offered (as himselfe did confesse) his service to the Queen, to travell betwixt her Majestie and the Congregation for concord; she refused not his offer, but knowing his simplicitie,* 30.23 she was glad to imploy him for her advantage. The man is Master Robert Lockard, a man of whom many have had and still have good opinion, as touching his Religion. But to enter in the managing of such affaires, not so fit as godly and wise men would require: he travelleth not the lesse earnestly in the Queen Regents affairs, and could not be per∣swaded, but that she meant sincerely, and that she would promote the Re∣ligion to the uttermost of her power. He promised in her name, That she would put away her French-men, and would be ruled by the counsell of naturall Scottish-men: when it was reasoned in his contrary, That if she were so minded to do, she could have found Mediatours a great deale more fit for that purpose. He feared not to affirme, That he knew more of her minde, then all the French or Scots that were in Scotland; yea, more then her own brethren that were in France. He travelled with the Earle of Glencarne, the Lords of Uchiltrie and Boyd, with the Laird of Dun, and with the Preachers, to whom he had certaine secret Letters, which he would not deliver, unlesse that they would make a faithfull promise, That they should never reveale the thing contained in the same. To the which it was answered, That in no wayes they could make such a pro∣mise, by reason that they were sworne one to another, and altogether in one body, That they should have no secret intelligence, nor deale with the Queen Regent, but that they should communicate with the great Counsell whatsoever she proposed unto them, so they did answer unto her, as by this answer written by Iohn Knox to the Queen Regent may be understood. The tenour whereof followeth.

To the Queen Regent.

MADAME,

MY duty humbly premised: Your Majesties servant, Master Robert Lockard, most instantly hath required me and others to whom your Ma∣jesties Letters, as he alleadged, were directed, to receive the same in a secret man∣ner, and to give him answer accordingly; but because some of the number that he required, were, and are of the great Counsell of this Realme, and therefore are solemnely sworne to have nothing to do in a secret manner, neither with your Majestie, nor with any that cometh from you, or from your Counsell. And so they could not receive your Majesties Letters with such conditions as the said Master Robert required, therefore thought he good to take backe to your Ma∣jestie againe the said Letters close; And yet because, as he reporteth, he hath made to your Majestie some promise in my name, at his request, I am content to testi∣fie by my Letter and Subscription, the sum of that which I did communicate

with him. In Dondie, after many words betwixt him and me, I said, That albeit divers sinister reports had been made of me, yet did I never declare any evident token of hatred nor enmity against your Majestie. For if it be the office of a true friend to give true and faithfull counsell to them whom he seeth run to destruction for lack of the same, I could not be proved enemy to your Majestie, but rather a friend unfeigned. For what counsell I had given to your Majestie, my Writings, as well my Letter and Addition to the same, now Printed, as divers others which I wrote from S. Johnston, may testifie. I further added, That such an enemy was I unto you, that my tongue did both perswade, and obtaine, That your authority and Regiment should be obeyed of us in all things lawfull, till you declare your selfe open enemy to this Common-wealth, as now, alas, ye have done. This I willed him moreover to say to your Majestie, That if ye follow∣ing the counsell of flattering men, having no God but this world and their belly, did proceed in your malice against Christ Iesus his Religion, and true Ministers, that ye should do nothing else but accelerate and hasten Gods plague and venge∣ance upon your selfe and those that followeth you. And that ye (if ye did not change your purpose hastily) should bring your selfe in such extreame danger, that when ye would seek remedy it should not be so easie to be found as it had been before. This is the effect and sum of all that I said at that time, and willed him if he pleased to communicate the same to your Majestie. And the same yet againe I notifie unto your Majestie by this my Letter,

written and sub∣scribed at Edinburgh, the 26 day of October 1559.

Sic subscribitur. Your Majesties to command in all godlinesse, John Knox.

Postscriptum.

God move your heart yet in time to consider, That ye fight not against men, but against the eternall God, and against his Son Iesus Christ, the onely Prince of the Kings of the earth.

At which answer, the said M. Robert was so offended, that he would not deliver his Letters, saying, That we were ungodly, and injurious to the Queen Regent, if we suspected any craft in her. To the which it was answered by one of the Preachers, That time should declare whether he or they were deceived, if she should not declare her selfe enemy to the true Religion which they professed, if ever she had the upper hand, then they would be content to confesse, That they had suspected her sincerity with∣out just cause. But if she should declare her malice no lesse in times comming then she had done before they required that he should be more moderate, then to condemne them whose conscience he knoweth not, and this was the end of his travell for that time. After that he had troubled the conscience of many godly and quiet persons. For he and others who were her hired postes, ceased not to blow in the eares of all men, That the Queen was heavily dealt with, That she required nothing but obedience to her daughter, That she was content that the true Religion should go forward,* 31.1 and that all abuses should be abolished, and by this mean they brought a grudge and division among our selves. For many (and our brethren of Lowthian especially) began to murmure, That we sought

another thing then Religion, and so ceased to assist us certain dayes, after that we were come to Edinburgh, which we did according to the former Diet the 16 day of October. This grudge and trouble amongst our selves was not raised by the aforesaid M. Robert onely, but by those pestilents whom before we have expressed, and M. Iames Balfoure especially, whose venemous tongues against God and his true Religion, as they deserve pu∣nishment of men, so shall they not escape Gods vengeance, unlesse that speedily they repent.

After our coming to Edinburgh, the day forenamed, we assembled in Counsell, and determined to give new advertisement to the Queen Regent of our convention, and in such sort, and so with common consent we sent unto her our Request, as followeth.

The second Admonition to the Queen Regent.

MAdame, Your Majestie may call to minde, how at our last Con∣vention at Hamilton, we required your Highnesse in most humble manner to desist from the fortifying of the Town of Lieth, then enterprised and begun, which appeared to us (and yet doth) an entrie to a conquest and overthrow of our Liberties, and altogether against the Lawes and Cu∣stomes of this Realm, seeing it was begun, and yet continueth without any advice and consent of the Nobility and Counsell of this Realm. Where∣fore now, as oft before, according unto our duty to our Common-wealth, we most humbly require your Majestie, to cause your Strangers and Soul∣diers whatsoever, to depart the said Town of Lieth, and make the same patent, not onely to the inhabitants, but also to all Scottish men, our So∣veraign Ladies Leiges; assuring your Highnesse, That if refusing the same, ye declare thereby your evil minde towards the Common-wealth, and Liberty of this Realm, we will (as before) move and declare the causes un∣to the whole Nobility and Commonalty of this Realm. And according to the oath which we had sworn for the maintenance of the Common∣weale, in all manner of things to us possible, we will provide remedy there∣fore, requiring most humbly your Majesties answer in haste with the Bearer, because in our eyes the act continually proceeds, declaring your determi∣nation of conquest, which is presumed of all men, and not without cause. And thus after our commendation of service, we pray Almighty God to have your Majesty in his eternall tuition.

These our Letters received, our Messenger was threatned, and with∣holden a whole day, thereafter he was dismissed; without any other an∣swer, But that she would send an answer, when she thought expedient. In this mean time, because the rumour ceased not, that the Duke usurped the authority, he was compelled with the sound of trumpet at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh to make his Purgation as followeth, the 19 of October.

The Purgation of the Duke.

FOrasmuch as the Duke of Chatellarault, understanding the false re∣port made by these about the Queen Regent against him, That he and his son the Lord Arrane, should pretend usurpation of the Crown and

authority of this Realm, when in very deed, he, nor his said son never once hath made any shew of any such thing, but onely in simplicity of heart,* 33.1 moved parly by the violent pursuit against Religion, and true Pro∣fessours thereof, partly by compassion of the Common-wealth, and poore Commonalty of this Realme, oppressed with strangers; he joyned himselfe to the rest of the Nobility, with all hazard, to support the com∣mon Cause of the one & of the other; and hath thought expedient to purge himselfe and his said son in presence of you all, as he had done in presence of the counsell of that said crime of old, even by Summons laid to his charge the second yeere of the Reigne of our Soveraigne Ladie: Which accusation hath continued ever against him, as guilty of that crime; he therefore now openly and plainly Protesteth, That neither he nor his said son, sues nor seeks any preeminence, either to the Crown or authority, but as far as his puissance may extend, is ready, and ever shall be, and his son also, to concurre with the rest of the Nobility his brethren, and all others,* 33.2 whose hearts are touched to maintain the common causes of Reli∣gion, and Liberty of their native Countrey, plainly invaded by the said Regent, and her said Souldiers, who onely do forge such vain reports, to withdraw the hearts of true Scottish-men from the succour they owe of bounden dutie to their Common-weale oppressed. Wherefore exhorting all men, that will maintain the true Religion of God, or withstand this op∣pression or plain conquest enterprised by strangers upon our native Scot∣tish-men, not to credit such false and untrue reports. But rather concurre with us and the rest of the Nobility, to set our Countrey at liberty, expel∣ling strangers therefrom, which doing, ye shall shew your selves obedient to the ordinance of God, which was established for maintenance of the Common-weale and true members of the same.

The 21 of Octob. came from the Queen Regent M. Robert Forman, Lion King of Arms, who brought unto us a Writing in this Tenor and Credit.

AFter commendations, We have received your Letter of Edinburgh, the 19 of this instant, which appeareth to us, rather to have come from a Prince to his Subjects, then from Subjects to them that beare authority. For answer whereof, we have presently directed unto you this Bearer, Lion Herald King of Arms, suf∣ficiently instructed with our minde, to whom ye shall give credence.

At Leith, Octob. 21. 1559.

Sic subscribitur. Mary R.

His Credit is this.

* 35.1THat the Queen wonders how any durst presume to command her in that Realm, which needeth not to be Conquest by any force, considering that it was already Conquest by Marriage. That French-men could not justly be called strangers, see∣ing that they were Naturalized; and therefore that she would neither make that Town patent, neither yet send any man away, but as she thought expedient. She ac∣cused the Duke of violating his promise. She made long Protestation of her love towards the Common-wealth of Scotland, and in the end commanded, That under the pain of Treason all assistaries to the Duke and unto us, should depart from the Town of Edinburgh.

This answer received, credit heard, preconceived malice sufficiently espied, consultation was taken what was expedient to be done. And for the first, it was concluded, That the Herald should be stayed, till further determination should be taken.

The whole Nobility,* 35.2 Barons and Burgesses then present, were com∣manded to convene in the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, the same one and twentieth day of October, for deliberation of those matters, where the whole cause being exposed by the Lord Ruthuen, the question was pro∣pounded, Whether she that so contemptuously refused the most humble request of the borne Councellors of the Realme, being also but a Regent, whose pretences threat∣ned the bondage of the whole Common-wealth, ought to be suffered so tyrannically to domineer over them. And because that this question had not been before disputed in open assembly, it was thought expedient that the judgement of the Preachers should be required; who being instructed in the case, Iohn Willock, who before had sustained the burthen of the Church in Edinburgh, commanded to speak, made discourse as followeth:

Affirming,* 35.3 first, That albeit Magistrates be Gods Ordinance, having of him Power and Authority, yet is not their Power so largely extend∣ed, but that it is bounded and limited by God in his Word.

And secondarily, That as subjects are commanded to obey their ma∣gistrates, so are the Magistrates commanded to give some duty to their subjects, so that God by his Word hath prescribed the Office of the one and of the other.

Thirdly, That albeit God hath appointed Magistrates his Lieutenants on earth, and hath honoured them with his own Title, calling them Gods, That yet he did never so firmly establish any, but at his pleasure, he seeing just cause, might deprive them.

Fourthly, That in deposing of Princes, and those that have been in Authority, God did not alwayes use his immediate power, but sometimes he useth second means, which his wisedome thought good, and Justice approved: As by Asa, he removed Maacha his owne mother from Ho∣nour and Authority which before she had used. By Iehu, he destroyed Ioram, and the whole posterity of Achab. And by divers others he hath deposed from Authority those whom before he had established by his own Word. And hereupon concluded he, That sith the Queen Re∣gent denied her chief duty to the subjects of this Realme, which was, To minister Justice to them indifferently,* 35.4 to preserve their Liberties from in∣vasion of strangers, and to suffer them to have Gods Word freely and openly preached amongst them. Seeing moreover that the Queen Re∣gent was an open and obstinate Idolatresse, a vehement maintainer of all Superstition and Idolatry, as also she openly declares the Countrie to be conquest, and no more free. And finally, That she utterly despiseth the counsell and requests of the Nobility: he could see no reason why they the borne Counsellors, Nobility, and Barons of the Realme might not justly deprive her from all Regiment and Authority amongst them.

Hereafter was the judgement of Iohn Knox required,* 35.5 who approving the sentence of his brother, added, first, That the iniquity of the Queen Regent and disorder, ought in no wise to withdraw neither

our hearts, neither yet the hearts of other subjects from the obedience due unto our Soveraigne.

* 35.6Secondly, That if we deposed the said Queen Regent rather of ma∣lice and private envie, then for the preservation of the Common-wealth, and for that her sins appeared incurable, That we should not escape Gods just punishment, howsoever that she had deserved rejection from honors.

And thirdly, he required, That no such sentence should be pronoun∣ced against her, but that upon known and open repentance, and upon her conversion to the Common-wealth, and submission to the Nobility, place should be granted unto her of regresse to the same honours from the which for just causes she justly might be deprived.

The Votes of every man particularly by himself required, and every man commanded to speak as he would answer to God, what his consci∣ence judged in that matter, there was none found amongst the whole number, who did not by his tongue consent to her deprivation. There∣after was her Processe committed to Writing, and registred as fol∣loweth.

Articles against the Queen Regent.

* 36.1

AT Edinburgh the one and twentieth day of October, 1556.

the No∣bility, Barons and Burgesses convened, to advise upon the affairs of the Common-wealth, and to ayd, support and succour the same, per∣ceiving and lamenting the enterprised destruction of their said Com∣mon-wealth, and overthrow of the liberties of their native Countrey, by the means of the Queen Regent, and certain strangers her privie Counsellors, plain contrary to our Soveraign Lord and Ladies mind, and direct against the counsell of the Nobility, to proceed by little and little, even unto the uttermost ruine; So that the urgent necessity of the Com∣mon-wealth may no longer suffer delay, and earnestly craveth our sup∣port. Seeing therefore that the said Q. Regent (abusing and overpassing our Soveraigne Lord and Ladies Commission given and granted to her) hath in all her proceedings pursued the Barons and Burgesses within this Realme,* 36.2 with Weapons and Armour of strangers, without any Processe and order of Law, they being our Soveraigne Lord and Ladies true Lieges, and never called nor convinced of any crime by any judgement lawfull. As first, at S. Iohnston, in the moneth of May, she assembled her Army against the Towne, and the Inhabitants thereof, never called nor convinced of any crime, onely because they professed the true Wor∣ship of God, conform to his most sacred Word. 2. And likewise in the moneth of June last, without any order or calling going before, invaded the persons of sundry Noble-men and Barons with force of Armes, con∣vened at S. Andrews, onely for Cause of Religion, as is notoriously known, they never being called nor convinced of any crime. 3. Again, laid Garrisons the same moneth upon the Inhabitants of the said Town, oppressing the liberties of the Queens true Lieges: For fear of which her Garrisons, a great part of the Inhabitants thereof fled from the Towne, and durst not resort again unto their houses and heritages, untill they were restored by Arms; they notwithstanding never being called nor convinced of any crime. 4. Further, at that same time did thrust in

upon the heads of the Inhabitants of the said Towne, Provest, and Bay∣liffs, against all order of Election, as lately in this month of September she had done in other Towns of Edinburgh and Iedburgh, and divers other places, in manifest oppression of our Liberties. 5. declaring her evill minde towards the Nobility, Commonalty, and whole Nation, she hath brought in strangers, and daily pretends to bring in greater force of the same, pretending a manifest Conquest of our native rooms and Coun∣trey, as the deed it self declareth; in so far, as she having brought in the said strangers without any advise of Councell and Nobility, and contra∣ry to their expresse minde sent to her in Writing, hath placed and planted her said strangers in one of the principall Towns and parts of the Realm, sending continually for greater Forces, willing thereby to suppresse the Common-weale, and liberty of our native Countrey, to make us and our posterity slaves to strangers for ever; which, as it is intolerable to Com∣mon-wealths and free Countreys, so it is very prejudiciall to our Sove∣raign Lady and her Heirs whatsoever, in case our Soveraigne Lady de∣cease without Heirs of her Person. And to performe these her wicked enterprises, conceived (as appeareth) of inveterate malice against our whole Countrey and Nation, caused (without any consent or advise of the Councell and Nobility) to coyn lead Money, so base, and of such quantity, that the whole Realme shall be depauperate, and all Traffique with forraigne Nations everted thereby. 6. Again, she so placeth and maintaineth against the pleasure of the Councell of this Realme, a stran∣ger in one of the greatest Offices of credit in this Realme, that is in keep∣ing of the Great Seal thereof,* 36.3 wherein great perills may be ingendred to the Common-weale, and Liberty thereof. 7. Further, lately sent the Great Seal forth of this Realme by the said stranger, against the advice of the said Councell, to what effect, God knoweth. 8. And hath also by this means altered the old Law and Custome of this our Realme, ever obser-served in the Graces and Pardons granted bo our Soveraigns to all their Lieges, being repentant of their offences committed against their Maje∣sties, or the Lieges of the Realme. And hath introduced a new captious stile and form of the said Pardons and Remissions, conform to the pra∣ctices of France, tending thereby to draw the said Lieges of this Realm, by processe of time, into a deceivable snare, and further shall creep in the whole subversion and alteration of the remanent Laws of this Realme, contrary to the Contents of the Appointment of Marriage. 9. And also Peace being accorded amongst the Princes, retaineth the great Army of strangers, after commandment sent by the King of France to retire the same, making excuse that they were retained for the suppressing the at∣tempts of the Lieges of this Realme; albeit the whole subjects thereof of all estates,* 36.4 is, and ever hath been readie to give all dutifull obedience to their Soveraignes, and their lawfull ministers proceeding by Gods Ordi∣nance: And the same Army of strangers not being paid in wages, was laid by her upon the necks of the poor Commonalty of our native Coun∣trey, who were compelled by force to defraud themselves, their wives and children, of that poor substance which they might purchase with the sweat of their brows, to satisfie their hunger and necessities, and quit the

same to sustain the idle bellies of her strangers; through the which, in all parts rose such heavy lamentation and complaint of the Commonal∣ty, accusing the Counsell and Nobility of their sloth, that as the same op∣pression we doubt not hath entred in before the Justice Seat of God, so hath it moved our hearts to pity and compassion. And for redresse of the same, with other great offences committed against the publike weale of this Realme, we have convened here as said is: and as oftentimes before have most humbly and with all reverence desired and required the said Queen Regent to redresse the said enormities,* 36.5 and especially to remove her strangers from the necks of the poor Commonalty, and to desist from enterprising of fortification of Strengths within this Realme, against the expresse will of the Nobility and Councell of the same; yet we being convened the more strong for fear of her strangers, who we saw presume no other thing, but with Arms to pursue our lives and possessions, Be∣sought her to remove the fear of the same, and make the Town Patent to all our Soveraigne Lord and Ladies Lieges. The same in no wise would she grant unto, but when some of our company in peaceable manner went to view the Towne, there was both great and small Munition shot forth at them. And seeing therefore that neither accesse was granted to be used, nor yet she would joyn her self to us to consult upon the Affairs of our Common-wealth, as that we be borne Councellors to the same by anci∣ent Laws of the Realme: But fearing lest the judgement of the Counsell would reform, as necessity required▪ the aforesaid enormities, she refuseth all manner of assistance with us, and by force and violence intendeth to suppresse the Liberties of our Common-weale, and of us the favourers of the same. We therefore, so many of the Nobility, Barons, and Provests of our Boroughs, as are touched with the care of the Common-weale (unto the which we acknowledge our selves, not onely borne, but also sworne Protectors and Defenders, against all and whatsoever invaders of the same) and moved by the foresaid proceedings notorious, and with the lamentable complaint of oppression of our Commonalty, our fel∣low members of the same. Perceiving farther, That the present necessity of our Common-weale may suffer no delay, being convened (as said is) presently in Edinburgh, for support of our Common-weal, and ripely con∣sulted and advised, taken the fear of God before our eyes, for the causes foresaid, which are notorious, with one consent and common vote. Eve∣ry man in order his judgement being required, in the Name and Authori∣ty of our Soveraign Lord and Lady, suspend the said Commission grant∣ed by our said Soveraigne to the said Queen Dowager,* 36.6 discharging her of all Administration or Authority she hath, or may have thereby, unto the next Parliament; to be set by our advice and consent: And that be∣cause the said Queen, by the foresaid faults notorious, declareth her selfe enemy to our Common-weale, abusing the Power of the said Authority, to the destruction of the same: And likewise we discharge all members of her said Authority from thenceforth; and that no Coyn be coyned from thenceforth, without expresse consent of the said Councell and No∣bility, conform to the Laws of this Realme, which we maintain, And ordaine this to be notified and proclaimed by Officers of Arms, in all

head Boroughs within the Realm of Scotland.

In witnesse of the which our common consent and free Vote, we have subscribed this present act of suspension with our hands, day, yeere, and place aforesaid.

Sic subscribitur. By us the Nobility and Commons of the Protestants of the Church of Scotland.

After that this our act of suspension was by sound of Trumpet divul∣gate at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh, we dismissed the Herald with this Answer.

MADAME,

WE received your Answer, and heard the credit of Lion King of Armes, whereby we gathered sufficiently your perseverance in evil minde towards us, the glory of God, our Common-weale, and Li∣berty of our native Countrey. For safety of the which, according to our duty, we have in our Soveraign Lord and Ladies name suspended your Commission, and all administration of policie which you may pretend thereby, being most assuredly perswaded, That your proceedings are di∣rect contrary to our Soveraigne Lord and Ladies will, which we ever esteem to be for the weale, and not for the hurt of this our Common∣wealth. And as you will not acknowledge us our Soveraigne Lord and Lady, their true Barons, and Leiges for your Subjects and Counsel, no more will we acknowledge you for any Regent or lawfull Magistrate unto us, seeing, if any authority ye have by reason of our Soveraignes Commission granted unto you, The same for most worthy reasons is worthily suspen∣ded by us,* 37.1 in the name and authority of our Soveraigne, whose counsell we are of in the affaires of this our Common-weale.* 37.2 And forasmuch as we are determinate with hazard of our lives to set that Town at liberty wherein you have most wrongfully planted your Souldiers and strangers; For the reverence we owe to your person, as mother to our Soveraigne Lady, we require your Highnesse to transport your person therefrom, seeing we are constrained for the necessity of the Common-weale, to follow the same by Arms, being denied oft the liberty thereof by sundry requisitions made oft before. Again, we desire you cause depart with you out of the said Town, any person having Commission in Embassie, if any such be, or in Lieutenantship of our Soveraigns, together with all French-men Souldiers, being within the same (whose blood we thirst not, because of the old amity and friendship betwixt the Realme of France and us; which amity by the occasion of the marriage of our Soveraigne Lady to the King of that Realm, should rather increase then decrease.) And this we pray your Highnesse and them both to do, within the space of twenty foure houres, for the reverence we owe to your persons. And thus recom∣mending our humble service to you, we commit your Highnesse to the eternall protection of God. At Edinburgh, the 24 of October 1559.

Your Highnesse humble servitors

The day following we summoned the Town of Leith by the sound of Trumpet, in forme as followeth.

I Require and charge in the name of our Soveraign Lord and Ladie, and of the Counsell presently in Edinburgh, That all Scots and French-men of whatsoever estate and degree they be, depart out of the Towne of Lieth within the space of twelve houres, and make the same patent to all and sundry our Soveraigne Ladies Leiges: For seeing we have no such hatred at either the one or the other that we thirst the blood of any of the two, for the one is our naturall brother, born, nou∣rished, and brought up within the bowels of one common Countrey, and with the other our nation hath continued long amity and allie, and hopeth that so shall do, so long as they use us as friends, and not strive to make slaves of friends, which this strengthening of our Towns pretendeth. And therefore most heartily desire, that one and the other to desist from fortifying or maintaining of this Town, in our Soveraignes and their said Councells name, requiring them to make the same free within the space of twelve houres.

Defiance given, there was skirmishing, without great slaughter, preparation of Scales and Ladders was made for the Assault, which was concluded by common consent of the Nobility and Barons. The Scales were appointed to be made in Saint Giles Church, so that Prea∣ching was neglected, which did not a little grieve the Preachers, and many godly with them. The Preachers spared not openly to say, That they feared the successe of that enterprise should not be prospe∣rous, because the beginning appeared to bring with it some contempt of God and of his Word; other places, said they, had been more apt for such Preparations, then where the people conveaned to Com∣mon-Prayers and unto Preaching. In very deed the audience was wonderfully troubled all that time, which (with other disorder espied amongst us) gave occasion to our Preachers to affirme,* 38.1 That God could not suffer such contempt of his Word and abuses of his Grace, long to be unpunished. The Queen had amongst us her assured espies, who did not onely signifie unto her what was our estate: but also what was our counsell, purposes, and devices. Some of our own com∣pany were vehemently suspected to be the very betrayers of all our se∣crets; for a boy of the Officials of Lowthian, Master Iames Balfour, was taken carrying a Writ, which did open the most secret thing that was devised in the Councell;* 38.2 yea, those very things which were thought to have been known but to very few. By such domesticall enemies were not onely our purposes frustrate, but also our determinations were oft times overthrowne and changed. The Dukes friends gave unto him such terrours,* 38.3 that he was greatly troubled, and by his feare, were troubled many others. The men of Warre (for the most part were men without God or honesty) made a mutiny, because they lacked a part of their wages. They had done the same in Linlithquow before,

where they made a Proclamation, That they would serve any man, to suppresse the Congregation, and set up the Masse againe. They made a fray upon my Lord Argyles Hie-land men, and slew one of the principall men of his Chamber, who notwithstanding, behaved himselfe so moderately, and so studious to pacifie that tumult, that ma∣ny wondered, as well of his prudent councell and stoutnesse, as of the great obedience of his company. The ungodly Souldiers in hatred of goodnesse and good men, continuing in their disorder, mocked the Laird of Tullibarne, and other Noble-men, who exhorted them to quietnesse. All these troubles were practised by the Queene,* 38.4 and put in executi∣on by the Traitours among our selves: Who albeit then lurked, and yet are not manifestly noted, yet we doubt not but God shall make them knowne to their confusion, and to the example of others. To pa∣cifie the men of Warre a collection was devised: But because some were poore, and some were niggards and avaritious, there could no suffici∣ent sum be obtained. It was thought expedient that a Coyne-House should be made; That every Noble-man should Coyn his Silver-work and Plate,* 38.5 to supply the present necessity. And there-through David Forresse, Iohn Hart and others, who before had charge of the Coyning-House, did promise their faithfull labours. But when the matter came to the very point,* 38.6 the said Iohn Hart and others of his faction stole away, and took with them the instruments apt for that purpose; Whether this was done by the falshood and feeblenesse of the said Iohn, or the practising of others, is yet uncertaine. Rested then no hope amongst our selves, that any Money could be furnished: And therefore it was concluded by a few of those whom we judged most secret, That Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir Iames Crofts, then having charge at Barwick, should be tempted, If they would support us with any reasonable sum in that urgent ne∣cessitie. And for that purpose was the Laird of Ormeston directed unto them, in so secret manner as we could devise. But yet our counsell was disclosed to the Queen, who appointed the Lord Bothwell (as himselfe confessed) to wait upon the returning of the said Laird, as that he did with all diligence, and so being assuredly informed, by what way he came, the said Earle Bothwell foreset his way, and comming upon him unaware, did take him, after that he was evil wounded in the head, for neither could he get his ledd Horse, not his steele Bonnet; with him was taken the sum of foure thousand Crowns of the Sun,* 38.7 which the forenamed Sir Ralph and Sir Iames most lovingly had sent for our sup∣port. By the brute hereof coming to our eares, our dolour was dou∣bled, not so much for losse of the Money, as for the losse of the Gen∣tlemen whom we suspected to have been slain, or at the least, that he should be delivered to the Queene hands. And so upon the sudden the Earle of Arrane, the Lord Iames, the Master of Maxwell, with the most part of the Horse-men, tooke purpose to pursue the said Earle Bothwell, if they might apprehend him in Crychton or Morhan, whi∣therto (as they were informed) he had retired himselfe after his trea∣sonable act: We call his act treasonable, because that three dayes be∣fore he had sent his especiall servant, Master Michael Balfo••re, to us to

Edinburgh, to purchase of the Lords of the Councell License to come and speak with us, which we granted, after that he had promised, That in the mean time he should neither hurt us,* 38.8 nor yet any to us appertaining, till that he should write his answer again, Whether that he would joyne with us or not. He gave us farther to understand, That he would discharge himselfe of the Queene, and thereafter would assist us. And yet in this meane time he cruelly and traiterously hurt and spoiled the Noble-man aforesaid. Albeit that the departure and counsell of the Earle of Arrane and Lord Iames, with their company aforesaid, was very sudden and secret, yet was the Earle Bothwell, then being in Crych∣ton, advertised, and so escaped with the money which he tooke with himselfe, as the Captaine of his house Iohn Somerwaile (which was taken without long pursuit) confessed and affirmed;* 38.9 Because that the Noble-men that sought redresse, sought rather his safetie and reconci∣liation, then destruction and hatred. They committed his house to the custodie of a Captain, to wit, Captain Forbesse. To whom, and to all Souldiers there left, was given a sharpe commandment, That all things found within the said house of Crychton (which were put in inventory, in presence of the Lords) should be kept till that the Earle Bothwell should give answer, Whether he would make restitution or not: time of advertisment was granted unto him, the whole day subsequent, till going down of the sun. In absence of the said Lords and horsemen (we meane the same day that they departed, which was the last of October) the Provest and Town of Dundie, together with some Souldiers, passed forth of the Town of Edinburgh, and carried with them some great Ordnance, to shoot at Leith. The Duke, the Earle of Glencarne, and the rest of the Noble-men were gone to the Preaching, where they continued almost till noone. The French being advertised by one named Clerk (who after was apprehended) that our horsemen were absent, and that the whole com∣pany were at dinner, issued, and with great expedition came to the place where our Ordnance was laid.* 38.10 The Town of Dundie with a few other, resisted a while, as well with the Ordnance as hakbuts, but being left by our ungodly and feeble Souldiers, who fled without stroke offered or gi∣ven, they were compelled to give back, and so to leave the Ordnance to the enemies, who further pursued the fugitives, to wit, to the midst of the Ca∣nongate, and to the foot of Leith winde.* 38.11 Their cruelty began then to dis∣cover it selfe, for the maimed, the aged, the women and children, found no greater favour in their fury, then did the strong man, who made resistance. It was very apparant, that among our selves there was some treason. For when upon the first alarme all men made haste for reliefe of their brethren, whom in very deed we might have saved, and at least we might have saved the Ordnance, and have kept the Cannongate from danger. For we were once marched forward with bold courage,* 38.12 but then (we say) was a shout raised amongst our selves (God will disclose the traitours one day) affirming, That the whole French Company were entred in at Leith-winde upon our backs. What clamour and disorder did then sud∣denly arise, we list not to expresse with multiplication of words. The hors∣men, and some of those that ought to have put order to others, over-rode

their poor brethren at the entry of the nether Bow. The cry of dis∣comfort arose in the Towne, the wicked and malignant blasphemed. The feeble (amongst whom the Justice Clerk, Sir Iohn Ballenden was) fled without delay. With great difficulty could they be kept in at the West Port. M. Gawan Hamilton cryed with a loud voice, Drinke now as ye have brewed. The French perceiving by the clamour of our fray, followed as said is, to the midst of the Cannon-gate, to no great number, but a twenty or thirty of their foot losse; for in the mean time the rest reti∣red themselves with our Ordinance.* 38.13 The Earle of Argyle and his men were the first that stopped the flying of our men, and compelled the Port to be opened after that it was shut. But in very deed, Lord Robert Stewart,* 38.14 Abbot of Halyrud-house was the first that issued forth; after him followed many upon the backs of the French. At last came the Duke, and then was no man more busie, then was M. Gawan Hamilton aforesaid. The French burnt a Back-house, and took some spoile from the poor of the Cannon-gate. They slue a Papist, and a drunken Priest named Sir Thomas Sklaitter, an aged man, a woman giving suck, and her childe; and of our Souldiers, to the number of ten: Certain were taken, amongst whom Captain Mowet was one, M. Charles Geddes, domestick to the Master of Max∣well. The Capt. of the Castle that day shot a Shot at the French, declaring them thereby friends to us, and enemy to them, but he suddenly repent∣ed of well-doing.* 38.15 The Queen glad of Victory, sate upon the Rampart, to salute and welcome her victorious souldiers: one brought a Kirtle, another a Petticoat, the third a Pot or Pan; and of envy, more then womanly laughter, she asked, Where bought ye your ware? Ie pense que vous l'aues achete sans argent.* 38.16 This was the great and motherly care which she took for the trouble of the poor subjects of this Realme. The Earle Bothwell lifted up in his owne conceit, by reason of this our repulse and discomfiture, utterly refused any restitution; and so within two dayes after was his house spoyled, in which were no things of great impor∣tance, his Evidences, and certain Clothing excepted. From that day back the carriage of money was dejected, with great difficulty could men be retained in the Towne; yea, some of the greatest estimation de∣termined with themselves to leave the enterprise; many fled away se∣cretly, and those that did abide (a very few excepted) appeared desti∣tute of counsell and manhood.* 38.17 The Master of Maxwell, a man stout and witty, foreseeing the danger, desired most gravely either to take such order, that they might remaine to the terrour of the enemy, or else that they should retire themselves with their Ordnance, and Banners displayed in order. But the wits of men being dashed, no counsell could prevaile. We continued from Wednesday the last of October, till Munday the fifth of November, never two or three abi∣ding firme in one opinion the space of four and twenty houres. The pestilent wits of the Queens practisers did then exercise them∣selves (God shall recompence their malicious craft in their owne bosome, we doubt not) for they caused two godly and for∣ward young men, the Lairds of Farnihaste and Cesfurd, who once had gladly joyned themselves with us, to with-draw

themselves and their friends. The same they did to the Earle Morton, who promised to be ours, but did not plainly joyn. They enticed the Captain of the Castle to deny us support, in case we were pursued. And finally, the counsell of some was no lesse pestiferous against us, then was the counsell of Achitophel against David, and his discomfited souldiers. (Ren∣der Lord to the wicked according to their malice.) Upon Munday the fifth of November did the French issue out of Leith betimes in the morning, for keeping of the Victualls which should have come to us, we being trou∣bled among our selves, and as said is divided in opinions, were neither circumspect when they did issue, neither yet did we follow with such ex∣pedition as had been meet for them that would have sought our advan∣tage. Our souldiers could scarcely be driven forth of the Towne: The Earle of Arran, Lord Iames, and certain with them, made haste; many honest men then followed, and made such diligence, that they caused the French once to retire somewhat affrayedly. The rest that were in Leith perceiving the danger of their fellows, issued out for their succour. The Earle of Arran and Lord Iames aforesaid,* 38.18 being more forward then prudent and circumspect, did compell the Captains, as is alleadged, to bring their men so nigh, that either they must needs have hazarded bat∣tell with the whole French-men (and that under the mercy of their Can∣nons also) or else they must needs retire in a very narrow corner: For our men were approached neer to Lestarrig: The one part of the French were upon the North toward the Sea, the other part marched from Leith to Edinburgh; and yet they marched so, that we could have foughten with neither Company before that they should have joyned. We took purpose therefore to retire towards the Towne, and that in haste, left that the former Company of the French should either have invaded the Towne before that we could have come to the rescue thereof, or else have cut us off from the entry of the Abbey of Halyrud-house; as appa∣rantly they had done, if that the Laird of Grange, and Alexander Whitlaw, with a few Horse-men, had not stayed both their Horse-men and Foot-men. The Company which was next us perceiving that we retired, with speed sent forth their skirmishers, to the number of three or four hun∣dred, who took us at a disadvantage, before us having the mire of Le∣starrig betwixt us and them: and we were enclosed by the Park ditch, so that in no wise we could avoid their shot. The Horse-men followed upon our heels, and slue divers. Our own Horse-men over-rode our Foot-men; and so by reason of the narrownesse of the place, there was no resistance made. The Earle of Arran, the Lord Iames, in great danger, lighted amongst the Foot-men, exhorting them to have some respect to order, and to the safety of their brethren, whom by their fly∣ing they exposed to murther, and so were criminall of their death. Captain Alexander Halyburnetoun, a man that feared God, tarried with cer∣tain of his Souldiers behinde, and made resistance, till that he was first shot, and then taken; but being known, those cruell murtherers wounded him in divers parts to the death, and yet as it were by the power of God, he was brought in to the Towne, where in few, but yet most plaine words, he gave Confession of his Faith, testifying, That he doubted

nothing of Gods mercy, purchased to him by the Blood of Christ Jesus, neither yet that he repented that it pleased God to make him worthy to shed his blood,* 38.19 and spend his life in defence of so just a Cause. And thus, with the dolour of many, he ended his dolour, and did enter (we doubt not) into that blessed Immortality, within two hours after our de∣parture. There were slain to the number of twenty four or thirty men, the most part poor. There was taken the Laird of Pitmillie, the Laird of Pharnie younger, the Master of Bowchane, George Cuwell of Dundie, and some others of lower rank, Iohn Dumbar Lieutenant to Captain Movet, Captain David Murray had his horse slain, and himselfe hurt in the legge.

Few dayes before our first departure,* 38.20 which was upon Alhallow Even, William Maitland of Lethington younger, Secretary to the Queen, percei∣ving himself not onely to be suspected as one that favoured our part, but also to stand in danger of his life, if he should remain amongst so ungod∣ly a company; for whensoever matters came in question, he spared not to speak his conscience: which liberty of tongue, and gravity of judge∣ment, the French did highly disdain. Which perceived by him, he con∣veyed himself away in the morning, and tendred himself to M. Kirkcal∣die Laird of Grange; who coming to us, did exhort us to constancy, assu∣ring us, That in the Queen there was nothing but craft and deceit. He travelled exceedingly to have retained the Lords together, and most pru∣dently laid before their eyes the dangers that might ensue their departing from the Towne: but fear and dolour had so seized the hearts of all, that they could admit no consolation. The Earle of Arran, and the Lord Iames offered to abide, if any reasonable company would abide with them; but men did so steal away, that the wit of man could not stay them: yea, some of the greatest determined plainly, That they would not abide. The Captain of the Castle,* 38.21 then Lord Erskin, would promise unto us no favour, but said, He must needs declare himself friend to those that were able to support and defend him. Which answer given to the Lord Iames, discouraged those that before determined to have abidden the ut∣termost, rather then to have abandoned the Towne, so that the Castle would have stood their friend: but the contrary declared, every man took purpose for himself. The complaints of the brethren within the Towne of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore: the wicked then began to spue forth the venome which then lurked in their cankred hearts: The godly, as well those that were departed, as the inhabitants of the Town, were so troubled, that some of them would have preferred death to life at Gods pleasure. For avoiding of danger, it was concluded, That they should depart at midnight. The Duke made provision for his Ordnance, and caused it to be sent before, but the rest was left to the care of the Captain of the Castle, who received it, as well that which appertained to the Lord Iames, as that of Dundie. The despightfull tongues of the wicked rayled upon us, calling us Traytors and Hereticks; every one pro∣voked other to cast stones at us: One cryed, Alas if I might see another defie given;* 38.22 Give advertisement to the French-men, that they may come, and we shall help them now to cut the throats of these hereticks. And

thus, as the sword of dolour passed thorow our hearts, so were the cogi∣tations and former determinations of many hearts then revealed: For we would never have believed that our naturall Countrey-men and women could have wished our destruction so unmercifully,* 38.23 and have so rejoyced in our adversity (God move their hearts to repentance) for else we fear that he whose Cause we sustain, shall let them feel the weight of the yoke of cruell strangers, into whose hands they wished us to have been betray∣ed. We stayed not, till we came to Sterlin, which we did the day after that we departed from Edinburgh; for it was concluded, that there con∣sultation should be taken, What was the next remedy in so desperate a matter. The next Wednesday, which was the 7 of November, Iohn Knox preached (Iohn Willock was gone into England, as before he ap∣pointed) and treated of the 5, 6, 7, and 8 Verses of the 80 Psalm, where David, in the person of the afflicted people of God, speaketh this in the fourth Verse:

The Sermon of Iohn Knox in Sterlin, in the greatest of our trouble.

O thou the eternall, the God of Hosts, how long shalt thou be against the prayer of thy people?

5: Thou hast fed us with the bread of tears, and hast given to us tears to drinke in great measure.

6. Thou hast made us a strife unto our neighbours, and our enemies laught us to scorne amongst themselves.

7. O God of Hosts, turne us againe, make thy face to shine, and we shall be saved, &c.

This Psalme had the said Iohn begun in Edinburgh, as it were foresee∣ing our calamity, of which in very deed he did not obscurely speak, but he plainly did admonish us, That he was assured of troubles suddenly to come, and therefore he exhorted all men to prayers. He treated the first three Verses in Edinburgh, to the comfort of many.

The Argument of the 80 Psalme.

He declared the Argument of the Psalme, affirming for his judgement, That it was made by David himself, who in the Spirit of Prophesie fore∣saw the miserable estate of Gods people, especially after the ten Tribes were divided, and departed from the obedience of Iuda; for it was not (said he) without cause, that Ioseph, Ephraim, Benjamin, and Manasse was especially named, and not Iuda; to wit, Because that they came first to calamity, and were translated from their own Inheritance, while that Iuda yet possessed the Kingdome.* 39.1 He confessed that justly they were punished for Idolatry committed; but he affirmed, That amongst them there remained some true worshippers of God, for whose comfort were the Prophets sent, as well to call them to repentance, as to assure them of deliverance, and of the promises of God to be performed unto them.

The Division.

He divided the Psalme into three parts; to wit,

• 1. In a Prayer.
• 2. In the ground whereupon their Prayer was founded.
• 3. And in the lamentable complaints, and the Vow they made unto God.

Their Prayer was, That God should convert and turne them, That he should make his face to shine upon them, And that he should restore them to their former dignity.

The Grounds and Foundations of their Prayers were,

• 1. That God himself had become Pastor and Governour unto them.
• 2. That he had taken the protection of them into his own hand.
• 3. That he had chosen his habitation amongst them.
• 4. That he had delivered them from Bondage and Thraldome.
• 5. That he had multiplied and blessed them with many notable Bene∣dictions.

Upon those two parts he gave these Notes.

• First, That the felicity of Gods people may not be measured by any externall appearance; for often it is, That the same people to whom God becometh not onely Creator, but Pastor and Protector, is more se∣verely dealt with, then those Nations where very ignorance and contempt of God raigneth.
• Secondly, That God never made his acquaintance and league with one people by his Word,* 39.2 but that there he had some of his elect, who al∣beit they suffered for a time in the midst of the wicked, yet in the end they found comfort, and felt in very experience, that Gods promises are not vaine.
• Thirdly, That those prayers were dyted unto the people by the ho∣ly Ghost, before they came to the uttermost of trouble, to assure them that God, by whose Spirit the Prayer was dyted, would not contemne the same in the midst of their calamities.

The third part, containing the lamenable complaint, he treated on in Sterlin, in presence of the Duke, and of the whole Councell.

In the exposition thereof, he declared wherfore God in wisedom some∣times suffered his chosen Flock to be exposed to mockage and dangers, and to appearing destruction; to wit, That they may feel the vehemency of Gods indignation,* 39.3 That they may know how little strength is in them∣selves, That they may leave a testimony to the Generations following, as

well of the malice of the Devill against Gods people, as of the marvel∣lous work of God in preserving his little flock by farre other means than man can espie.

In explaning these words, How long shalt thou be angry, O Lord, against the prayer of thy people; he declared how dolorous and fearfull it was to fight against that temptation, that God turned away his face from our prayers, for that was nothing else than to comprehend and conceive God to bee armed to our destruction: which temptation no flesh can abide nor over∣come, unlesse the mighty Spirit of God interpose himself suddenly.

The example he gave, The impaciency of Saul, when God would not hear his prayers.

The difference betwixt the Elect and Reprobate in that Temptation, he plainly declared to be, that the Elect sustained by the secret power of Gods Spirit, did still call upon God, albeit he appeared to contemne their prayers: which (said he) is the sacrifice most acceptable to God, and is in a manner even to fight with God, and to overcome him, as Iacob did in wrastling with his Angell.

But the Reprobate (said he) being denyed of their requests at Gods hand, do either cease to pray and contemne God, who straightlie com∣mandeth us to call upon him in the day of adversitie, or else they seek at the Devill, that which they see they cannot obtain by God.

2. In the second part he declared how hard it was to this corrupt na∣ture of ours not to rejoyce and put confidence in our selves when God gi∣veth victory,* 39.4 and therefore how necessary it was that man by affliction should be brought to the knowledge of his own infirmitie▪ least that he be∣ing puffed up with vain confidence, he make an Idoll of his owne strength, as did King Nebuchadnezzar.

He did gravely dispute upon the nature of the blinde world, which in all ages had insolently rejoyced when God did chasten his own children, whose glory and honour because the Reprobate can never see, therefore they despi••e them, and the wondrous works of God in them. And yet (said he) the joy and rejoycing of the world, is but meer sorrow, because the end of it tendeth to sudden destructon, as the riotous banquet∣ting of Baltasar declareth, applying these heads to the time and persons (he said) if none of Gods children had suffered before us the same injuries that presently we sustaine, these our troubles would appear intollerable, such is our tender delicacie, and selfe-love of our owne flesh. That these things which we lightly passe over in others, we can greatlie complaine of, if they touch our selves.

I doubt not but that some of us have ofter then once read this Psalme, as also that we have read and heard the travell and troubles of our anci∣ent Fathers. But which of us, either in reading or hearing their dolours and temptations did so discend into our selves that we felt the bitternesse of their passions? I think none. And therefore hath God brought us to some experience in our own persons.

But yet because the matter may appear obscure, unlesse it be more pro∣perly applyed; I cannot in conscience but use such plainnesse as God

shall grant unto me. Our faces are this day confounded, our enemies triumph, our hearts have quaked for fear, and yet they remain oppressed with sorrow and shame. But what shall we think to be the very cause that God hath thus dejected us;* 39.5 if I shall say, Our sins, and former unthank∣fulnesse unto God, I speak the truth, but yet I speak more generally then the present necessity requireth: For when the sins of men are rebuked in generall, seldome it is that man descendeth within himself, accusing and condemning in himself that which most displeaseth God; but rather he doubteth that to be a cause, which before God is no cause indeed. For example, The Israelites fighting against the Tribe of Benjamin, were twice discomfited with the losse of 40000 men. They lamented and be∣wailed both first and last; but we finde not that they came to the know∣ledge of their offence and sin which was the cause that they fell by the edge of the sword, but rather they doubted that to have been a cause of their misfortune, which God had commanded, for they asked, Shall we go and fight any more against our brethren the sonnes of Benjamin. By which question it is evident, That they supposed that the cause of their overthrow and discomfite was, Because they had lifted the sword against their brethren and naturall Countrey-men: And yet the expresse Com∣mandment of God that was given unto them, did deliver them from all crime in that cause. There is no doubt, but that there was some cause in the Israelites that God gave them so over into the hands of these wicked men, against whom he sent them, by his own expresse Commandment, to execute his Judgements. Such as do well mark the History, and the estate of that people, may easily see the cause why God was offended: All the whole people had declined from God,* 39.6 Idolatry was maintained by the common consent of the multitude, and, as the Text saith, Every man did that which appeared good in his own eyes. In this mean time the Levite complained of the villany that was done unto himself, and unto his wife, which oppressed by the Benjamites of Gibeah, died under their filthy lusts: which horrible fact enflamed the hearts of the whole people to take vengeance upon that abomination (and therein they offended) but in this they failed, That they go to execute judgement against the wicked without any repentance, or remorse of conscience of their owne former offences, and defection from God. And farther, Because they were a great multitude, and the other were far inferiour unto them: They trust∣ed in their own strength, and thought themselves able enough to do their purpose, without any invocation of the Name of God: But after that they had twice proved the vanity of their own strength, they fasted and prayed; and being humbled before God, they received a more favoura∣ble answer, and assured promise of the Victory. The like may be amongst us, albeit suddenly we do not espie it: And to the end that every man may the better examine himself, I will divide the whole company into two sorts of men. The one are those that from the beginning of this trouble have sustained the common danger with their brethren: The other be these which be joyned to our fellowship. In the one and in the other I fear that just cause shall be found, why God should thus have humbled us. And albeit that this appear strange at the first hearing, yet if

every man shall examine himself, I speak as that his conscience dyteth him, I doubt not but he shall subscribe to my sentence. Let us begin at our selves who longest hath continued in this Battell. When we were a few number in comparison of our enemies, when we had neither Earle nor Lord (a few excepted) to comfort us, we called upon God, and took him for our Protector, Defence, and onely Refuge. Amongst us was heard no bragging of multitude, nor of our strength nor policy, we did onely sob to God to have respect to the equity of our Cause, and to the cruell pursuit of the tyrannicall enemy. But since that our number had been thus multiplied, and chiefly since the Duke with his friends have been joyned with us, there was nothing heard, but, This Lord will bring these many hundred Speares; This man hath the credit to perswade this Countrey; If this Earle be ours, no man in such bounds will trouble us. And thus the best of us all, that before felt Gods potent hand to our de∣fence, hath of late dayes put Flesh to be our Arme. But wherein yet had the Duke and his friends offended?* 39.7 It may be, That as we have trusted in them, so have they put too much confidence in their owne strength. But granting it be not so, I see a cause most just, why the Duke and his friends should thus be confounded amongst the rest of their brethren. I have not yet forgotten what was the dolour and an∣guish of my owne heart, when at Saint Iohnston, Cooper-Moure, and Edinburgh Craigs, those cruell murtherers that now hath put us to this dishonour, threatned our present destruction; The Duke and his friends at all three Journeys was to them a great comfort, and unto us a great discouragement: For his name and authority did more astonish us, then did the force of the other; yea, without his assistance, they could not have compelled us to appoint with the Queen upon so un∣equall Conditions. I am certaine, if the Duke hath unfainedly re∣pented of that his assistance to those murtherers unjustly pursuing us: yea, I am certaine, if he hath repented of the innocent blood of Christs blessed Martyrs which was shed by his fault: But let it be, that so he hath done (as I hear that he hath confessed his offence be∣fore the Lords and Brethren of the Congregation) yet I am assured, That neither he,* 39.8 neither yet his friends, did feel before this time the an∣guish and grief of hearts which we felt, when their blinde fury pursu∣ed us; and therefore hath God justly permitted both them and us to fall into this confusion at once; us, for that we put our trust and confi∣dence in man;* 39.9 and them, because that they should feel their owne hearts, how bitter was the cup which they made others to drinke be∣fore them. Resteth that both they and we turn to the Eternall our God (who beateth down to death, to the intent that he may raise up again to leave the remembrance of his wonderous deliverance, to the praise of his owne Name) which if we do unfainedly, I no more doubt but that this our dolour, confusion, and fear, shall be turned into joy, honour, and boldnesse, then that I doubt that God gave Victory to the Israelites over the Benjamites,* 39.10 after that twice with ignominy they were repulsed and driven back: yea, whatsoever shall become of us and our mortall carkasses, I doubt not but that this Cause (in despight of Sathan) shall

prevaile in this Realme of Scotland. For as it is the eternall Trueth of the eternall God, so shall it once prevaile, howsoever for the time it be im∣pugned. It may be that God shall plague some for that they delight not in the Trueth, albeit for worldly respects they seem to favour it: Yea God may take some of his dearest children away before that their eyes see grea∣ter troubles. But neither shall the one nor the other so hinder this action, but in the end it shall triumph.

This Sermon ended, in the which he did vehemently exhort all men to amendment of life, to Prayers, and to the Works of Charity, the mindes of men began wonderously to be erected: and immediately after dinner the Lords passed to counsell, unto the which the said Iohn Knox was called to make invocation of the Name of God (for other Preachers were none with us at that time) in the end it was concluded, That William Maitland aforesaid, should passe to London, to expose our estate and con∣dition to the Queen and Counsell, and that the Noble-men should de∣part to their home and quiet to the 16 day of December: Which time was appointed to the next Convention in Sterlin, as in this our third Booke following shall be more amply declared. With this we end the second Book of the History of the progresse of Religion within Scotland.

Look upon us, O Lord, in the multitude of thy mercies, for we are brought even to the deep of the dungeon.

The end of the second Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Note.
• * 1.2

  And now in these later days it hath pleased God in his goodnesse to grant the pure and Primitive Discipline al∣so unto the Church of Scotland.
• * 1.3

  The first dou••t.
• * 1.4

  The second.
• * 1.5

  Note.
• * 1.6

  Scriptures an∣swering the doubts.
• * 1.7

  This was called the privie Church.
• * 1.8

  Iohn Willocke.
• * 1.9

  The Laird of Calder, elder.
• * 2.1

  The tyrannie of the Clergy
• * 2.2

  Note.
• * 2.3

  The Petition.
• * 2.4

  The offer.
• * 2.5

  The practise of Satan.
• * 2.6

  Disputation with condition
• * 2.7

  The offer of the Papists.
• * 2.8

  The grant of the Queene Regent.
• * 2.9

  The apprehen¦sion of Walter Mill.
• * 2.10

  1558.
• * 2.11

  Note.
• * 2.12

  The hypocrisie of the Queene Regent.
• * 3.1

  Protestation.
• * 4.1

  Let the Pa∣pists observe.
• * 4.2

  Note.
• * 4.3

  Letters to Iohn Calvine.
• * 4.4

  Blasphemy.
• * 4.5

  Note.
• * 4.6

  She had gotten her lesson from the Cardinall. Forefather to the now Earle of Lowdone, Chancellor. Queen Regents answer.
• * 4.7

  S. Iohnston em∣braced the Gospel.
• * 4.8

  Lord Ruthuens answer.
• * 4.9

  1559
• * 4.10

  The first assem∣bly at S. Iohn∣ston.
• * 4.11

  The Laird of Dun, stayed the congregation, and the Prea∣chers.
• * 4.12

  Note.
• * 4.13

  1559
• * 4.14

  Note.
• * 4.15

  At this time the Professors of the Gospel were called the Congregation.
• * 4.16

  The taking down of the F••iers in Saint Iohnston.
• * 4.17

  Note.
• * 4.18

  The Gray Friers their provi∣sion.
• * 4.19

  Note.
• * 4.20

  Note.
• * 4.21

  A godly vow.
• * 4.22

  The complaint of the Queene Regent.
• * 4.23

  Note.
• * 5.1

  Note.
• * 5.2

  Note.
• * 5.3

  O where is this fervencie now?
• * 5.4

  O would God that the Nobi∣lity should yet consider.
• * 6.1

  The first of the Nobility.
• * 6.2

  The constant request of the Protestants of Scotland.
• * 6.3

  Note the du∣ty of Noble∣men.
• * 6.4

  Note.
• * 6.5

  Probation a∣gainst the Pa∣pists.
• * 6.6

  Against such as under co¦lour of autho∣rity persecute their brethren.
• * 6.7

  Difference be∣twixt the per∣son and the Authority.
• * 6.8

  Note.
• * 6.9

  Note dili∣gently.
• * 6.10

  Pharaoh his fact
• * 6.11

  Note.
• * 6.12

  The fact of King Saul.
• * 6.13

  The second sort of the Nobility.
• * 6.14

  Note.
• * 6.15

  Let both the one part and the other judge if God have not justified the cause of the innocents.
• * 6.16

  From whence this courage did proceed the issue did declare.
• * 6.17

  Note.
• * 6.18

  The Earle of Glencarne his resolution.
• * 7.1

  Speakers sent by the Queene to S. Iohnston.
• * 7.2

  Note the an∣swer.
• * 7.3

  The false sug¦gestion of the Queen Regent
• * 8.1

  Let the Pa∣pists rather ambitious Ro∣manists, judge.
• * 8.2

  The diligence of the Earle of Glencarne, and of the brethren of the wast, for the relief of S. Iohnston.
• * 8.3

  The Petition of the Protest∣ants, for the rendering of S Iohnston.
• * 8.4

  The answer of the Earle of Argyle and L. Iames, Prior of S. Andrews.
• * 8.5

  The promise of the foresaid.
• * 8.6

  Note.
• * 9.1

  1559
• * 9.2

  The first slaughter at the entry of the French-men.
• * 9.3

  Idolatry erect∣ed against the appointment.
• * 9.4

  Against the appointment the second time.
• * 9.5

  Second answer of the Queen Regent.
• * 9.6

  The third an∣••wer.
• * 9.7

  The departure of the Earle of Argyle, and Lord Iames from the Queen Regent.
• * 9.8

  The answer the Earle of Argyle.
• * 9.9

  The Bishops good minde to∣wards Iohn Knox.
• * 9.10

  Iohn Knox his answer to the Lords, and the rest of the bre∣thren.
• * 9.11

  The Reforma∣tion of S. Au∣drews.
• * 9.12

  For the old Earle of Argyle was dead.
• * 9.13

  Cowper-Moore.
• * 9.14

  M. Gawin Ha∣miltons Vow.
• * 9.15

  First answer at Cowper-moore.
• * 9.16

  The second answer.
• * 10.1

  The delivery of S. Iohnston.
• * 11.1

  The summon∣ing of S. Iohn¦ston.
• * 11.2

  Communing at S. Iohnston.
• * 11.3

  Huntly.
• * 11.4

  The Bishop of Murray.
• * 11.5

  The destructi∣on of Scone.
• * 11.6

  The cause of the burning of Scone.
• * 11.7

  Speaking of an ancient matron when Scone was burning.
• * 11.8

  The taking of Stirlin.
• * 11.9

  Lord Shaton.
• * 11.10

  The coming of the Congrega∣on to Edinburg.
• * 12.1

  Let the Read∣er marke how this agrees with our time.
• * 13.1

  The third Letter to the Queen Regent.
• * 13.2

  The craftines of the Queen Regent may yet be espied.
• * 13.3

  1559.
• * 13.4

  Accusations.
• * 13.5

  Mark the craf∣tie calumnies.
• * 13.6

  The commu∣ning at Preston.
• * 13.7

  The demand of the Queen Regent, and answer of the Protestants
• * 13.8

  The last offers of the Protest¦ants to the Q. Regent.
• * 13.9

  The scoffing of the Queen Regent.
• * 13.10

  Note.
• * 13.11

  The death of Henry King of France.
• * 13.12

  Note how this agrees with our times.
• * 13.13

  Answer to the calumnie.
• * 13.14

  Note, Nobles.
• * 13.15

  Leith left us the congregation.
• * 13.16

  The Lord Erskin and his fact.
• * 15.1

  In contempla∣tion of these Articles, arose this proverb, Good day, Sir. John, till Ianu∣ry; Welcome, Sir John, till Ianu∣ary.
• * 15.2

  Note.
• * 15.3

  The promise of the Duke and Earle of Huntly.
• * 16.1

  Answer to th•• complaint of the Papists.
• * 17.1

  The third Bond of mutu∣all defence at Sterlin▪
• * 17.2

  Note.
• * 17.3

  ••he first knowledge of the escaping of the E••rle of Arran out of France.
• * 17.4

  Let this be no∣ted.
• * 17.5

  The just re∣ward of the Du••e for lea∣ving God.
• * 18.1

  Brags ••now.
• * 18.2

  Note.
• * 19.1

  Note.
• * 19.2

  Note.
• * 19.3

  The residence of Iohn Willock in Edinburg.
• * 19.4

  Note.
• * 19.5

  The Queen Regents malice against poore men.
• * 19.6

  Note.
• * 21.1

  The practise of the Queen Regent.

  See how this agreeth with our times.
• * 21.2

  The arrivall of th French.
• * 21.3

  Note.
• * 21.4

  The division of the Lords lands by the French.
• * 22.1

  How like to the Procl••ma¦tions of our times this is, let the Reader judge.
• * 22.2

  Let the Bishop of Amians Let∣ters▪ and Mon∣sieur de la Brosse Letters writ∣ten to France▪ witnesse that.
• * 22.3

  Confer this with our times.
• * 22.4

  Few dayes af∣ter declareth the truth of this.
• * 23.1

  Confer this with our times.
• * 23.2

  Let the Nobi∣lity judge hereof.
• * 23.3

  Let Sir Robert Richardson and others answer to this.
• * 23.4

  See how this agrees with our times.
• * 23.5

  The cause of the French∣mens coming with wives and children.
• * 23.6

  Note.
• * 23.7

  A proverbe.
• * 24.1

  Note.
• * 24.2

  The doctrine of our Preach∣ers concerning obedience to be given to Magistrates.
• * 24.3

  Let such as this day live, witnesse what God hath wrought since the writing and publication hereof.
• * 24.4

  Note.
• * 24.5

  The Prophets have medled with policy, and have reproved the corruptions thereof.
• * 24.6

  The coming of the Earle of Arran to Scot∣land, and his joyning with the Congrega∣tion.
• * 25.1

  Letters to the Queen Regent.
• * 25.2

  The Petition of la Brosse.
• * 25.3

  The answer.
• * 26.1

  Note.
• * 26.2

  The tyranny of the French.
• * 26.3

  Note how this agrees with our times
• * 27.1

  Note.
• * 27.2

  Let this be no∣ted, O cra••ty flatter••r!
• * 28.1

  Note.
• * 29.1

  Elizabeth was come to the crown of Eng∣land the yeere before, by the death of Mary.
• * 29.2

  False lying tongue God hath confoun∣ded thee.
• * 29.3

  God hath pur∣ged his people of that false accusation.
• * 30.1

  Note.
• * 30.2

  The avarice of those of Loraine and Guise.
• * 30.3

  Note.
• * 30.4

  The title that the Queen hath or had to Leith.
• * 30.5

  The Laird of Lestarrig sup. ri∣our to Leith.
• * 30.6

  Note.
• * 30.7

  Note dili∣gently.
• * 30.8

  The wicked∣nesse of the Bishops.
• * 30.9

  The cause that Broughtie Craig was taken.
• * 30.10

  Let all men judge.
• * 30.11

  The Dukes answer.
• * 30.12

  Note.
• * 30.13

  Note.
• * 30.14

  Note.
• * 30.15

  The quarrell betwixt Frauce and the Con∣gregation of Scotland.
• * 30.16

  The Lord Sea∣ton unworthy of Regiment.
• * 30.17

  Optim•• collatio
• * 30.18

  Let the Papists judge if God hath not given judgement to the displeasure of their hearts.
• * 30.19

  Note.
• * 30.20

  The causes that moved the Nobility of this Realme to oppose the Q. Regent.
• * 30.21

  The s••me minde remain∣eth to this day.
• * 30.22

  This promise was forgot, and therefore God plagued.

  Wha spirit could have ho∣ped for victory in so desperate dangers.
• * 30.23

  Note.
• * 31.1

  Note how ca∣lumnies prevail upon the world for a time.
• * 33.1

  Now the Duke seeing the Queens partie decline, and the Protestant par∣ty grow strong, he once more changeth the profession of his Religion, and joyneth with the Pro∣testants, as strongest.
• * 33.2

  How true this is, the whole and constant course of the family can tell.
• * 35.1

  Let this be noted, and let all men judge of the pur∣pose of the French and how good and wise Patriots they w••re, who sold our Sove∣raign to France for their private profit, and they by name were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hamiltons.
• * 35.2

  The order of the suspension of the Queen Regent from Authority within Scot∣land.
• * 35.3

  The discourse of Iohn Willock.
• * 35.4

  The causes.
• * 35.5

  The judgment of Iohn Knox in the deposition of the Queen Regent.
• * 35.6

  Let no man then for privat ends, and by∣wayes, do any thing against their Prince, ••nder pre••ence of the publike.
• * 36.1

  1559
• * 36.2

  The enormi∣ties committed by the Queen Regent.
• * 36.3

  Her daughter followed the same, for to Davie was de∣livered the Great Seal.
• * 36.4

  Note.
• * 36.5

  Note.
• * 36.6

  Note.
• * 37.1

  Note.
• * 37.2

  All done in the Soveraign•• Name, as they do now a-day••
• * 38.1

  Note.
• * 38.2

  Treason among the counsell.
• * 38.3

  The Duke and his friends fearfull.

  The ungodly Souldiers.
• * 38.4

  The Queen•• Regents pra∣ctises.
• * 38.5

  The fact of the councell.
• * 38.6

  The treason of Iohn 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 38.7

  Note the kind∣nesse of the English in need.
• * 38.8

  The E. Bothwe••l false in promise and his trea∣sonable fact.
• * 38.9

  Note.
• * 38.10

  The first de¦parting of the Congregation.
• * 38.11

  The cruelty of the French.
• * 38.12

  Note this diligently.
• * 38.13

  The Earle of Argyle.
• * 38.14

  Lord Robert Stewart.
• * 38.15

  The Castle shot one Shot.
• * 38.16

  The Queen Regents rejoy∣cing and unwo∣manly beha∣viour.
• * 38.17

  The counsel of the Master of Maxwell.
• * 38.18

  The last dis∣c••m••••tu••e up∣on Munday.
• * 38.19

  The death of Alexander Ha∣liburnton Cap∣taine.
• * 38.20

  How, and why William Mait∣land left Leith.
• * 38.21

  The Lord Erskin declared himself enemy to the Congre∣gation.
• * 38.22

  The despight of the Papists of Edinburgh.
• * 38.23

  The worst is not yet come upon our ene∣mies.
• * 39.1

  Note.
• * 39.2

  Note.
• * 39.3

  Note dili∣gently.
• * 39.4

  Note.
• * 39.5

  Speciali•• Applicatio.
• * 39.6

  Let Scotland yet take heed.
• * 39.7

  Let janglers and inconstant m••n note.
• * 39.8

  Le the House of Hamilton remember this.
• * 39.9

  Conclusio.
• * 39.10

  Let the Papists and greatest enemies wit∣nesse.