The Turkish history from the original of that nation, to the growth of the Ottoman empire with the lives and conquests of their princes and emperours / by Richard Knolles ... ; with a continuation to this present year MDCLXXXVII ; whereunto is added, The present state of the Ottoman empire, by Sir Paul Rycaut ...

THE LIFE OF AMURATH, The Third of that Name, Sixth Emperour of the Turks.

THE death of the late Emperour Sely∣mus, [year 1574] was, for fear of the insolent Jani∣zaries,* 1.1 notably concealed by the great Bassa's, until such time as Amurath, his eldest Son, then in Asia, by speedy Messengers advertis'd thereof, about twelve dayes after arrived at Constantinople, and there received into the Seraglio, took possession of the Empire the five and twentieth day of December, solemn amongst us Christians, for the Nativity of our Saviour Christ Jesus. He was about thirty, or as some write, seven and twenty years old, when he began to reign; of a manly stature, but pale and corpulent, wearing his Beard thin and long: in his Countenance appeared not the fierce na∣ture of the Othoman Princes, being indeed him∣self of a peaceable disposition, a lover of Justice, and, in the manner of his Superstition, very zea∣lous. The riot and excess grown amongst the Turks by his Fathers evil Example, he reformed by his own Temperance, and the severe punish∣ment of notorious Drunka••ds; yet it is reported, that he would oftentimes himself drink plentiful∣ly of Wormwood-wine; he was much subject to the Falling-sickness, and sore troubled with the Stone; more spare-handed than was for the greatness of his State; and yielding more to the counsel of his Mother, his Wife, and Sister, than of his great Bassa's, which was of many imputed to him for simplicity. At his first coming to Con∣stantinople,* 1.2 to appease the murmuring of the Jani∣zaries, (grieved to see themselves so disappointed of the spoil of the Christians and Jews, which they were wont to take in the vacancy of the Empire) he, beside the usual largess which the Turkish Em∣perours at their first entrance into the Empire, be∣stow upon them, augmented also their daily wages, and granted them this Priviledge, That their Sons, as soon as they came to be twenty years old, should be inrolled amongst the n••mber of the younger Janizaries, and be partakers also of their immuni∣ties; whereby he won their favours exceedingly. And immediately, to rid himself of all competi∣tors, he, after the unnatural manner of the Tur∣kish Policy,* 1.3 caused his five Brethren, Mustapha, Solyman, Abdulla, Osman, and Tzihanger, to be all strangled in his own presence. The Mother of So∣lyman, pierced through with the cruel death of her young Son, as a Woman overcome with sorrow, desperately struck her self to the heart with a dag∣ger,* 1.4 and so died. At which so tragical a sight, it is reported that Amurath let some tears fall, as not delighting in such barbarous cruelty, but that the state and manner of his Government so requi∣red.

In the beginning of his Reign he established di∣vers wholsome Laws,* 1.5 altered the Coin, and bounti∣fully relieved the Poor. And albeit that he was of a mild and peaceable nature, yet because he would not seem to degenerate from the Othoman Princes his Progenitors, he prosecuted his Fathers Wars, [year 1575] and by the Tartars called Praecopenses, in the month of October in the year 1575 entred into Russia, part of the Polonian Kingdom, where he burnt and de∣stroyed two hundred Noble-mens houses, besides an infinite number of Towns and Villages, made great slaughter of the poor Country people, and carried away great numbers of Cattel and Pri∣soners bound in thongs made of raw Hides. But whilst they were dividing the spoil with Peter the new Vayvod of Valachia, who had before solemn∣ly promised to give the Tartars no passage that way, the Polonian Cossacks, who had lien waiting for their return upon the River Boristhenes, brake into the Tartars Country, and there requited them with like harm, and brought back with them a number of old Captives, who little expected that their so sudden deliverance.

The Polonians at this time were at variance among themselves about the Election of their new King; Henry Valoys, their late King, being the last year, after the death of Charles his Brother the French King, secretly stoll'n from them into France, to take upon him that Kingdom: after whose de∣parture some of the Polonian Nobility made choice of Maximilian the Emperour; other some, no less inclining unto the choice of the great Duke of Mus∣covy, and some unto others also. Whereof Amurath understanding, and loth that either of those two great Princes, his Enemies, should be invested or strengthened with that so great a Kingdom, and so near unto him; to hinder that their Election, and to bring in another of less power, and so less dan∣gerous unto himself, even in the beginning of his Reign wrote unto the Polonians to that purpose, commending unto them Stephen Battor, the Vay∣vod of Transilvania, for their King, in manner fol∣lowing:

Amurath, God of the Earth, Governour of the whole World, the Messenger of God, and faithful Servant of the great Prophet; unto the most honourable Nobility and Counsellors of the Kingdom of Polonia, greeting.

IT is not unto the World unknown (most honourable and mighty Senators) our Noble Progenitors to have of long time and for many Years holden good Friendship and Religious Leagues with the Kingdom of Polonia:* 2.1 For which cause it hath seemed good and reasonable unto us, to put you in remembrance of this so antient a League and Bond of Friendship; for that we understanding your Kingdom to be of late become destitute of a King, by the departure of the Noble King Henry your Crowned King (descended of the Royal Race of the French Kings) our friend: Who, for the small regard you had of him (so Great and Worthy a Prince) and for your Disloyalty, is departed

out of your Kingdom, without purpose of returning any more into Polonia. Whereupon, as it is reported unto us (but how truly we know not) you passing over your said Crowned King Henry, are about to ma••e choice of a new King, and especially of Maximilian the Emperour, or of the Duke of Muscovie, both men of running wits, and of us greatly hated: For why, you may well know they will be troublesome and grievous, not unto every one of you only, but even un∣to us also. Wherefore be you ware that you be not de∣ceived; and take hee•• lest your Confederations and L••agues cannot long by their valour and prowess ••e established; and withal, consider well the great dan∣gers and losses which you may thereby fall into: Where∣of we have thought good to give you a taste: Where∣fore beware that heavier things befall not your State. We know there are right Noble and Wise men amongst you, which know better than they how to Rule and Govern: And if so be it please you not to make choice of any of your own Nation, there is not far from you one Stephen B••ttor Prince of Transylvania, a Man of great Honour and Valour, by whose Labour and Dexterity, you may easily procure the peace and quiet of your Kingdom. Whereas if you shall do otherwise, we take to witness your God, and his Servant our Great Prophet, to destroy all your Wealth and Goods, which together with your Selves, your Wives and Children shall be given for a prey unto our Souldiers, with the chief men of your Cities of Cracovia and Leperis: Which for all that we say not as any thing at all doubting of your Fidelity and Constancy toward us. As for the rest, which it pleased us by word of Mouth to have told unto you, we have given charge unto this our Embassadour and Counsellour, unto whom our de∣sire is, that you should give full credence. From Constantinople the last of September, in the Year of our Prophet Mahomet 983, and first of our Reign.

This great Sultan's commendations so much pre∣vailed with the Polonians, that notwithstanding that Maximilian the Emperour was by the Arch∣bishop of Gnesna and some others choosen King, yet was that his Election by the greater part of the Nobility revoked, and both he and the great Duke of Muscovy being passed over, the Noble Princess Anne (of the most honourable Iagellonian House) chosen Queen of Polonia;* 2.2 yet with this condition, That she should marry Stephen the Vayvod of Transylvania, to them by Amurath commended. Who, afterward elected King, all the time of his Life right worthily governed that noble Kingdom, not only defending the same in such state as he found it, but also notably extending the bounds thereof, enlarging it with such Territories as he by force of Arms got from his Neighbours, especially the Muscovite. Of this Election Amurath would oftentimes afterwards boast, and say, That he had given the Polonians their King. But of him, and of the League made by him with Amurath, more shall be said hereafter.

The year following, great troubles arose in Per∣sia, [year 1576] whereby the flourishing state of that most mighty Kingdom was sore shaken, and opportu∣nity given for the Turkish Emperour to invade the same; which he laying hold upon, entred into that bloudy War, which, to the great quiet of the Christian Common-weal, for long time af∣ter exercised the Forces of those most puissant Princes one upon another. For the better under∣standing whereof, it shall not be amiss compendi∣ously to set down the same troubles of the Persian Kingdom, the very ground of the long and mor∣tal War between those two most mighty Mo∣narchs.

Old Tamas, the Persian King, Son to the noble Hismael, who with great glory had more than fif∣ty years worthily governed that large Kingdom, and mightily withstood the often invasions of the Turkish Emperours, now spent with years, died the eleventh of May in the year 1576. leaving be∣hind him eleven Sons; namely, Mahamet,* 2.3 the el∣dest, of an infirmity in his eyes sirnamed Codaban∣da, a man of a peaceable and quiet disposition, more delighted with the sweet pleasure of a con∣tented Life, than the careful Honours of so great a Kingdom: Ismahel the second Son, of a more fierce and troublesome nature, so much abho••ring quietness, that, not regarding the League hardly concluded betwixt his aged Father and the Tu••kish Emperours, Solyman and Selymus, he would now and then, without his Fathers knowledge, upon a youthful heat, break out into the Frontiers of the Turks Dominions, and there make great spoil; for which doing, although he was both of his Father and the People the more regarded, yet was he by his Fathers commandment (who in outward shew seemed to mislike of those his youthful pranks, tending to the breach of the League) restrained of his liberty, and sent to the Castle of Cahacha, be∣twixt Tauris and Casbin, where he remained at the time of his Fathers death: Aidere the third Son, no less ambitious than was his Brother Ismahel, but not of like valour, kept by Zalcan, Pyry Ma∣hamet, and other his Kinsfolks, all men of great Power and Authority. The other eight were, Ma∣mu••, Solyman, Mustapha, Emanguli, Alichan, Amet, Abrahim, and Ismahel the younger.

The old King before his death had by his last Will and Testament solemnly appointed Ismahel his second Son to succeed him in the Kingdom;* 2.4 as of all his Sons most fit to take upon him so great a charge. Which thing Mahamet his elder Brother seem'd not much to dislike, contenting himself with such Honours as his Father had before be∣stow'd upon him.

Tamas thus dead, Ismahel was by the Sultans sent for to Cahacha, to take upon him his Fathers Kingdom at Casbin, when in the mean time there arose a great tumult in the City, yea even in the Kings Palace; for Aidere, the third Brother,* 2.5 who in the time of his Fathers greatest sickness had en∣tred the Chamber where he lay drawing towards his end, and in his sight most presumptuously set the Royal Crown upon his head, to the manifest∣ing of his ambitious desires, for which he was then worthily reproved: now after the death of his aged Father, carried headlong with the same aspi∣ring humour, and supported by Zalcan, and other his mighty Favourites, had so effectually dealt with the great Lady Periaconcona, his eldest Sister, and the other Sultans, Counsellors of Estate, put in trust to see the Will of the dead King put in exe∣cution, as that the Succession could not be any longer kept from him, and preserved for Ismahel, but by the help of some fine and secret deceit. This Lady Periaconcona, (elder than all the young Princes, the Sons of Tamas, her Brethren, a Wo∣man of great spirit and deep conceit) left in great trust by her Father, seeing the proceedings of her Brother Aidere, durst neither openly to move any thing unto the Sultans prejudicial to his designs, neither could she in her heart indure so great an injury to be done to her Brother Ismahel, appoin∣ted by his Father to succeed him. Wherefore in this perplexity she cast in her wily head how to satisfie her ambitious Brother present, how to save the right of Ismahel absent, the honour of her dead Father's Will and Testament, and the safety of the Kingdom. For having thorowly debated the mat∣ter with the Sultans, she resolved that Aidere, in∣vested in Royal Apparel, and setled in the great Gallery, should attend the acclamation of the Peo∣ple, an be the••e openly inthronised as the very elected King. With which vain shew the unwise

youth (blinded with Ambition) suffered himself to be led: [year 1576] and being set in his Majesty, verily persuaded himself that he should now be honou∣red, both of his Friends and Foes, as King. But unto these his so hasty and prosperous designs, the Success that sprung from the subtilty of those Coun∣sellors, and his dissembling Sister, were nothing conformable; for that she, by their advice, took order for the gates of the Palace to be presently lock'd, leaving at every passage a sure Guard, and only one wicket open, safely warded with a com∣pany of most faithful and valorous Captains and Souldiers, wholly devoted to Tamas and Ismahel, with straight charge, to suffer every man to enter in, saving only the known friends of Aidere. In this sort did she think to have entertained the young man, until such time as Ismahel should arrive at Cahaca, and so put in execution what he thought best for the honour of himself, and the general qui∣et of the Kingdom.

Who joyeth now but Aidere? in conceit a King, replenished with unwonted joyes, receiving honour from all men but his best Friends. By means whereof, perceiving now the prohibition of them, and moved also with the great stir of Zalcan, his greatest Favourite (who discovering the deceit, and crying upon King Aidere, threatned the Lady, the Sultans, and the rest that waited up∣on the feigned Succession, indeed ordained but for the scorn and despight of the ambitious man) strucken with an exceeding fear, and full of sor∣row, he withdrew himself closely amongst certain Women in the Court, hoping so to find some way to escape with life.

In the mean time, so greatly increased the cries and threatnings of the Friends and Favourites of Aidere, (who now had all of them prepared them∣selves for some dangerous and pernicious attempt) that the Counsellors, with consent of the Lady his Sister, were inforced to take order, That to bereave this tumultuous and seditious People of all their hope and courage, Aidere should be deprived of his Life.* 2.6 Whereupon, Sahamal the Georgian, Un∣cle to Aidere by the Mothers side, by the appoint∣ment of the Lady Periaconcona and the Sultans, after long search made for him, at last found him hidden amongst the Women, and without further delay, taking him by the locks, struck his head from his shoulders, and in the place where Zalcan and the rest of his unfortunate Favourites stood crying and threatning, amongst the thickest of the prease of the proud Conspirators, flung the Head all bloudy, and as it were yet breathing for heat; crying aloud to them, Behold there your King, enjoy him at your pleasure. At which sudden and horrible Spectacle, every man burned in rage and anger; neither for the present wanted there ma∣ny a rash head, that vainly threatned most cruel revenge; but in the end, when they perceived the neer Succession of Ismahel inevitable, and the death of Aidere irrevocable, every man betook himself to his own private Affairs, and so at last divided themselves one from another; and so departing from the Palace, scattered themselves some one way some another, every man as he thought best for his own safety.

Shortly after, Ismahel, the desired King, arrived at Casbin,* 2.7 where he was of his Sister and the Sul∣tans joyfully received as their lawful and undoubt∣ed▪ Sovereign, and with the great acclamation of the People saluted King; who, as soon as he saw himself possessed of the Royal Seat, and his power now answerable to his desires, he, after the man∣ner of the Turkish Policy,* 2.8 most unnaturally cau∣sed the Heads of his eight younger Brethren to be stricken off; and withall used such farther dili∣gence, that not only all those which were near unto them in Blood or Affinity were bereaved of their Lives, but also all the Favourites of his late slain Brother Aidere were destroyed in that pub∣lick slaughter; so that all the Streets of Casbin were defiled with blood, and all the City resound∣ed with mourning and complaints. Which unex∣pected Cruelty, altogether unworthy so worthy a thought King, so altered the minds of his Subjects in general, that all their former hopes were now converted into new fears, and their joy into mour∣ning. But much greater, and far more lamentable did the miseries grow, as soon as it was given out, That he would change the Religion of the Persi∣ans (who with great devotion honour their foolish Prophet Aly) into the Superstition of the Turks, (who with no less impiety observe and maintain the wicked Rites of Ebubekir, Hanmer, Osman, and others, by them supposed to be the most true Suc∣cessors of their great Prophet Mahomet.) For by means of this uncouth novelty and unexpected change, and by force of an Edict concerning that matter, published by this new King, many of his prophane Priests, many of the Governours of his friendly and subject Cities (too much devoted to their former Superstition) were driven, some into exile, some clapt into prison, some had their Eyes pluck'd out, (among whom was the Caliph of Casbin) and not a few others, in sundry sorts de∣priv'd of their Lives. Yea, many Ladies, joyned in blood with Ismahel himself, and divers others of his Kinsfolks (to whom neither Sex, nor Age, nor Innocency, could be a sufficient defence) en∣dured sundry torments and strange calamities; so that in Persia was never felt greater troubles, or a more dangerous change.

In this so great an Innovation, and among these Tumults, there went abroad withall a general ru∣mour, not in the Cities of Persia only, but in the Regions of the Turks also, even as far as Constanti∣nople, That Ismahel with a puissant Army of such as favoured this new proclaimed vanity, was de∣termined in person himself to go to Babylon, now called Bagdat, there to receive the Crown of the Empire, at the hands of him that he should find to be the Successor of their great Calyph, and in the chief place among their unclean Priests; as had sometime Solyman, the great Emperour of the Turks, and the Persian Kings of ancient times. In this world of troubles, when as the fear of farther miseries increased, rather than any hope of ancient quietness; he was, when he least feated, by the help of the afore-named Lady Periaconcona,* 2.9 sud∣denly bereft of his Life: but whether overtaken in some of his own amorous practises, or poisoned by his said Sister, or that she (as some probably af∣firm) having secretly conspired with Calil Chan, Emir Chan, Pyry Mahamet, Curchi Bassi, (being all at that time men of great account, and, as it were, Presidents of the Kingdom) who, disguised in Womens apparel, and brought in by her, strangled him, at such time as he had privately withdrawn himself amongst his Paramours, is uncertain. How∣soever it was, sufficeth it, that he by the help of the said Lady Periaconcona, was by unnatural Death taken out of this World the four and twenti••th day of November, in the year of Grace 1577, [year 1577] to the ex∣ceeding joy of all those Nations, who by his death thought themselves now freed of many great and dangerous troubles; when he had reigned one year, seven months, and six days.

Ismahel thus taken out of the way, the Lady be∣gan forthwith to persuade with the great Sultans (the Ministers of Ismahels death) that as they had for the general good of Persia contrived the death of the late King, so now that they would take up∣on them the Protection of that great Kingdom, with the preservation of the Majesty and Liberty

thereof, untill such time as it were known who should worthily succeed in that Crown, which now remained in their Hands. There was at that time many of the greatest Princes and Governours of that Kingdom assembled at Casbin, there gaping after such Mutations of those troublesome times, as might best serve their private designs. Emir Chan, burning in ambitious Desires, was in hope, by means of a match to be made with a Sister of Pe∣riaconcona (who was already greatly inclining un∣to him) to be exalted to the sovereignty of all Per∣sia. Mirizi Salmas, the chief Sultan, hoped on the other side to advance into the Estate, either Maha∣met Codabanda, the eldest Brother of the dead King, or else Hamze, the eldest Son of the said Mahamet; and by bestowing upon him his Daughter in Mar∣riage (as afterwards he did) so to increase the glo∣ry of his House. Others there were that thought they should be able to draw Abas Mirize (the middlemost Son of Mahamet) out of Heri, and to make him King. Neither wanted the Infant Ta∣mas his aspiring Friends, whose Tutor waited like∣wise for some Opportunity to settle him in the Kingdom, and so by means of his Greatness, to make himself greatest amongst his Fellows. A num∣ber of others there were, that secretly waited upon every Occasion that time should present for their Preferment. Howbeit in this so great variety of Thoughts, the Sultans answered the Lady with one consent, and promised her in most liberal Terms, all the Protection that their Forces could afford, or their Weapons procure: and yet did every one of them, both in Action and Word, Clerk-like, dissemble their several Imaginations, whereunto their Minds were as prone and ready, as their Hearts were cunning closely to conceal them.

Amurath the Turkish Emperour now wakened, first at the Death of the old renowned Tamas,* 2.10 and then at the Rumour of the desire Ismahel had to pass with an Army to Babylon, as also at the fresh Report of the Turkish Superstition newly published in Persia; and withall, throughly instructed what harm this late King had done in Persia, what Dis∣sentions he had raised, and how hardly the Pro∣vinces of that Empire had endured those Calami∣ties; began forthwith to think hereby a fair Oc∣casion to be ministred unto him to take up Arms against the Persians, and Matter sufficient suggested for him to put in Execution the great desire he had of some new Conquest. For it is an ancient Cu∣stom, which is grown to be as it were a Law a∣mong the Othoman Kings, That they may not challenge their due Honours in their Life-time, nor their proud Monuments after their Death, un∣less they attempt some great and ambitious Actions and Enterprises, and perform some Exploit con∣formable to their Majesty. Amurath therefore bent upon these great stirs in Persia, would not direct his Mind any other way, or take any other War in hand, untill he might first see what issue these marvellous Innovations in Persia would bring forth; which in the Person of Mahamet, the succeeding King, seemed to be more pregnant than ever be∣fore, and ministred unto Amurath new Occasions of victorious and strange Hopes. For as soon as Is∣mahel was dead, the afore-named Mirize Salmas (in Dignity chief man among the Sultans, though in Blood and Nobility, inferiour to them all) af∣ter many Letters dispatched to and fro, at last as∣sured Mahamet Codabanda, how, with all quietness of Mind, and security of Person, he might come and possess himself of the Kingdom. He was also advertised by the said Salmas, of the whole Con∣spiracy plotted against his Brother, to bring him to his end; and likewise made acquainted how the fraudulent Lady, with the Sultans, had capi∣tally consulted against himself: and how she, fa∣vouring Emir Chan, and Abas Mirize of Heri, her Nephew, and his Son, more than became her, did little regard the due and rightful Succession of him, being the eldest Brother. So Mahamet,* 2.11 bearing himself upon the Faith and Diligence of Mirize Salmas, and desiring withall, to see his eldest Son Hamze Mirize advanced to some such sovereign Dignity as he saw was due to the lively hope eve∣ry man perceived to be in him, in regard of his Virtue and Prudence for managing the Common-wealth, and Matters of War, (wherein also he shewed himself unto his Father jealous and suspi∣cious, lest some other men should usurp upon him that Honour and Authority which so properly ap∣pertained unto him) resolved in the end, not to leave the Kingdom in the hands of private Per∣sons, nor the lightness of an unconstant Woman of suspected Modesty, and a rebellious Conspirator against her own Blood; wherewith she had, with∣out any pity or remorse of Conscience, now twice defiled her self. And therefore he wrote back again, that he was minded to take the rightful Succession upon him, and that for the same purpose he was putting himself upon his Journey; with straight charge notwithstanding, that Mirize Salmas should before his entrance within the Gates of Casbin, pre∣sent him with the mischievous Head of Periacon∣cona, a Woman (in respect of the scorn exercised against his Brother Aidere, and of the treacherous Death of her other Brother Ismahel, and of the perverse Imaginations which she had conceived to cause the Succession to fall into other mens hands, and of the prodigal familiarity which she had with some of the Sultans) well worthy of a thousand Deaths.* 2.12 Secretly did Mirize Salmas put in Execu∣tion whatsoever Mahamet had privately enjoyned him, so that by his means he was presently and solemnly proclaimed King of Persia. And after∣wards, having gathered together many squadrons of men, wholly devoted to the Blood and Name of Mahamet, the same Mirize Salmas met him on the way, carrying the Head of that manlike Vira∣go Periaconcona upon the point of a Lance, with her Hair dispersed, and some other uncouth sights to the Terrour of the Beholders. From which Novelties (one mischief as it were hudling upon the neck of another) there sprung up divers inward Hatreds, sundry tumultuous Seditions, and much Civil Wars; this new King, by the instigation of Mirize Salmas, seeking on the one side to be re∣venged on the Sultans for his Brothers Death; and they on the other side opposing themselves with all their Power against him, the State of Persia be∣gan to fall into great Inconveniences, and of these Novelties to reap new Losses. Sahamal the Geor∣gian fled into his Mountain of Brus, fearing the Wrath of his new Lord: Leuent Ogli, likewise another of the Lords of Georgia, understanding of the flight of Sahamal his Neighbour, enstranged himself so far from his old Love and ancient De∣votion towards the Persian Kings, that he seemed now to desire some new Innovation. The Nations also that were Neighbours to the Turks, and the People of Media Antropatia (now called Siruan) disliked of this new King; and in the end it appea∣red, that Persia, under this King, through many Mutations, was in short time fallen into most no∣table Misery, and the state thereof more weakened than it had been of long time before.

Of all these things had Amurath from divers places intelligence, but more particularly from V∣streff of Van, (a City of Armenia the greater, scitu∣ate upon the Lake of Actamar) who sent him most perfect information of all the stirrs in Persia; dis∣coursing unto him of the death of Ismahel, the consultations of the Sultans, the treacheries and death of Periaconcona, the broils between the King

and the Sultans, the nature of the new King, (be∣ing diseased in his eyes, little esteemed of his Sub∣jects, besorted in affection towards his Sons) the facility to over-rule the chief Governours of the Georgians, and the People of Siruan, evil affected towards the new King; and to be brief, whatso∣ever had in truth succeeded in Persia, and might inflame the mind of the ambitious Sultan, to con∣vert his Forces against an Enemy of small counsel, and much confusion; adding thereunto, that ne∣ver was there greater opportunity to overcome that King than was now offered, and therefore wished him, not in any case to let slip so fair an occasion, as the Othoman Kings had never before, for the obtaining of so certain and glorious Victories.

Amurath, of long time wholly bent to mark the event of the troubles in Persia, now stirred up with these Advertisements from Vstreff, setled himself more deeply in his former conceits to prove his Forces in subduing the Persian King, the antient Enemy of the Othoman Emperours, and his only Corrival and odious Competitor in the East. But no one thing did more inflame him thereunto, than to think, how he should have to his Enemy a King not acquainted with deeds of Arms, doting upon his Children, and weakned with the dissen∣tion of his Subjects; and on the other side, entring into the consideration of his own Forces, of the infinite number of his men, both Horse and Foot, of the means he had to find money, of his Ar∣tillery and Engines of War, wherein he far surpas∣sed the Persians; he did more and more resolve with himself, to take the occasion that now was offered him to begin the War. For the compassing of which his purpose, he was greatly favoured by the present State of Christendom, at that time being wholly in league and amity with him. So not finding any thing contrary to his designments, he resolved at last to confer with the chief Bassa's, which had the government of his Empire, Whe∣ther it were better upon this occasion to begin the prepensed War; or if they thought not this op∣portunity to be so fit, then to lay it aside, and to convert his Forces and Counsel against the Com∣monwealth of Christendom. For such is the bar∣barous Policy whereby this Empire is managed, That it is lawful for them to break any League,* 2.13 be it by never so many promises or solemn Oaths confirmed, whensoever any Enterprise is to be at∣tempted for the advancing thereof. So that al∣though this War could not bemoved either against the Persians or Christians without breach of their promised Faith; yet among the manifold Consul∣tations that passed among the great Bassaes, there was not any man found that made any account of that defect, but all with one accord, without farther respect, sought to set forward the ambiti∣ous desire of their proud Lord and Master. At last, after long consultation and large discourses, it was agreed upon by the great Bassaes, Mahomet, Sinan, and Mustapha, That it would be better, and less danger to attempt War against the Persians, than against the Christian Princes. Mustapha amongst the rest, preferring the Valour of the Latines (where∣of he had made good tryal, especially at Famagu∣sta) before the Armies and Forces of the Georgi∣ans and Persians.* 2.14 Whereby it is apparent to the World, that neither the zeal of their Religion, nor any injury receiv'd from the Persian King, but on∣ly the ambitious desire of Amurath (to subdue a Kingdom, both in his own conceit and other mens relations, evil governed, by an effeminate and sot∣tish King, and through civil dissention brought into great danger) was the first provocation of making this War.

* 2.15 Upon this resolution there arose new consulta∣tions touching the manner thereof, and upon what coast they should begin their journey, for the more honourable success thereof. Which point Amurath greatly urged, protesting before his chief Counsel∣lors, that he would not enter into that War, ex∣cept he were in great hope to bear away the Vi∣ctory. Some thought it most convenient to send the Army to Babylon, and from thence to Syras, called in old time Persepolis, the chief City of the Country of Persia: others there were that gave ad∣vise, that the Army should be directly sent to Tau∣ris, there to erect strong Fortresses, and to take possession of all the Country round about it; and there wanted not some (as it is reported) that thought it better to send two several Armies for both the fore-named Places; and so by bringing the Enemy into a straight, to enforce him to yield to whatsoever should be of him required. But Amu∣rath durst not repose such Confidence in his Forces, as to think, that with his Battels divided and so weakened, he should be able to conquer that Ene∣my, who had always most valiantly fought against the monstrous and puissant Armies of his Ance∣stors: and therefore firmly resolved with himself to send one only Army, and so with his united Forces to seek the overthrow of the Enemy. And so preferring the strong hope he had conceived to conquer the Country of Siruan, and the chief Cities of Media the great, before the difficulty of making War upon the Coast of Scyras, reposing also great hope in the notable help that was promised him by the Tartars, called Praecopenses, he confirmed the great Bassaes his Counsellors in the same Opi∣nion; and withall, discovered unto them a mat∣ter, which to all of them, but especially to Sinan, seemed most strange; namely, that he was deter∣mined not to go himself in Person with his Army, but to send one of his worthiest Captains in his stead. The Causes why he so did were many, but especially, for that he was troubled with the falling Sickness, and feared greatly (and that not without good cause) lest his Son Mahomet (being much fa∣voured of the People) might peradventure in his absence be untimely advanced to the Empire; be∣side the Dangers that he suspected at the hands of the Christian Potentates: and withall, perswaded it to be unto himself a great Honour to perform those things by his Servants, which had in those Countries been unfortunately attempted by his most noble Predecessors in their own Persons.

While they were thus consulting about the Ex∣pedition, and the great Bassaes, Sinan, Mustapha, and others, made means to be sent as the Sove∣reign Ministers of their Lords Designment, he dis∣patched away sundry Posts and light Horse-men, with order to the Bassaes and Governours of Van, Babylon, and Erzirum, in the Frontiers of his Do∣minions, that they should by often inroads spoyl the Towns and Castles of the Persians, and by all means to do them what harm they could. Which they were not slack to put in Execution, and espe∣cially Vstref (or rather Husreve) Bassa of Van; who with often Incursions did much Mischief,* 2.16 as well in the Countries Tributary, as subject to the Persian King. A forcible preparative for greater Troubles to ensue.

Now in these great Preparations for the Persian War, (which for many years after notably exer∣cised the greatest part of the Turks Forces, to the great quiet of the Christian Common-wealth) Stephen Bathor the late Vayvod of Transilvania, but now by the Commendation of Amurath, be∣come King of Polonia; in the beginning of his Reign, by his Ambassadour the great Lord Iohn of Syenna, entred into a strong League and Confe∣deration with the great Turkish Sultan Amurath at Constantinople. Which, for that it sheweth in what Terms that famous Kingdom then and yet stand∣eth

with the Turks great Empire, and withall, containeth Matter well worth the Christian Con∣sideration, it shall not be impertinent to our pur∣pose (omitting the long and glorious Stile of that barbarous Monarch, serving to no other end but to shew the greatness of his Power) plainly to set it down as it was on his part at the same time by him confirmed.

The League betwixt the most puissant and and mighty Princes, Sultan Amurath the Turkish Emperour, and Stephen King of Po∣lonia, agreed upon and concluded at Con∣stantinople, in the Year of our Saviour Christ Jesu 1577, and of the Prophet Ma∣homet, 985.

* 3.1I Sultan Amurath, the Son of Selym Chan, the Son of Solyman Chan, the Son of Selym Chan, the Son of Bajazet Chan, the Son of the Great Em∣perour Mahomet Chan, &c. Prince of these present times, the only Monarch of this age, of power able to confound the power of the whole World, the shadow of Divine Clemency and Grace, Great Emperour of many Kingdoms, Countries, Provinces, Cities and Towns; Lord of Mecha, that is to say, of the house of the glory of God, of the resplendent City of Medina, and of the most blessed City of Hierusalem, Prince of the most fruitful Country of Aegypt, Imen, Zenan, Aden, and many other such like: In most loving man∣ner declare, That the most Glorious and Renowned Stephen King of Polonia, Great Duke of Lithuania, Russia, Prusia, Masovia, Samogitia, Kiovia, Li∣vonia, and many other Countrys moe; Prince of the couragious followers of Jesus, Governour of all the af∣fairs of the people and family of the Nazarets, the welcomest cloud of Rain, and most sweet fountain of Glory and Vertue, eternal Lord and Heir of the felicity and honour of the aforesaid noble Kingdom of Polonia, unto whom all the distressed repair for refuge, wishing a most happy success and blessed end to all his actions: offering unto us many Religious vows and Eternal praises, worthy our perpetual Love and most Holy League, and with great Devotion, performing these and other like Honours, as for the dispatch of his Let∣ters to our most Glorious Court, for the new confirm∣ing of the most sacred League and Confederation with us, sending the Honourable Lord John of Syenna (his most faithful Counsellour) his Embassadour to our Imperial Court; declaring his Love and Integrity, and purging himself of all the suspicion of Hostility, hath requested the League and Confederation to be re∣newed. At whose instance we have given these our Letters confirming the said League of Peace and Con∣federation: Wherein we command, That none of our Counsellours, Beglerbegs, Sanzakes, Generals of our Armies, Captains or Servants shall do, or on my be∣half presume to do any hurt unto the Kingdom, Coun∣tries, Cities, Castles, Towns, Islands, or whatsoever else to the Kingdom of Polonia belonging. And in like manner, that none of the Nobility, Generals, Cap∣tains, or others whatsoever belonging unto the King of Polonia, shall dare to do any harm unto my Kingdoms, Cities, Castles, or Towns confining unto the Kingdom of Polonia. In brief, my will is, that he being a mortal Enemy unto my Enemies, and a fast Friend unto my Friends, shall do no grievance or harm unto any my Subjects, or things whatsoever unto my jurisdiction belonging. So in like manner, com∣manding also, that no hurt by any means, or for any occasion, be done by our people unto the Subjects, or whatsoever else, unto the Iurisdiction of the King of Polonia appertaining.

The Creatures, Embassadours, Messengers, and men of whatsoever condition else, shall on both sides freely without lett or trouble, come and go without any harm receiving, either in their persons or goods.

It shall be lawful also for the King of Polonia his Subjects, to seek throughout our Empire, for any the Polonian Captives taken before the time of this League; and the same so found (if they have not received the Turkish Religion, but still remain Christi∣ans) to redeem without the contradiction of any man.

And that whatsoever shall be taken and carried away after the confirmation of this League, shall be all again freely and without any thing paying, delivered and restored.

That the Merchants on both parts may freely Traffick with all kind of Merchandize in the Black and White Sea, as also upon the main; and so paying their usual and lawful custom, to be in nothing wrong∣ed or molested.

If any of the Polonian Merchants shall die in our dominion, the goods of him so dead, shall not be em∣bezled, but kept in safety until his brethren or other his friends, shall come with the King of Polonia his Letters: Upon the shewing whereof, having also our Letters mandatory, the goods shall be forthwith re∣stored unto the dead mans heirs. In which sort also my Merchants shall be dealt withal, if any of them shall chance to die in the Kingdom of Polonia.

If any wrong be done within the limits of mine Empire, unto any belonging unto the Kingdom of Po∣lonia, after the date of these Letters confirming the League; the doer of the wrong shall by my command∣ment be sought out, and being found shall be punished, and the wrong done, without any delay or contradicti∣on forthwith recompenced. And the like Iustice to be also on the behalf of the King of Polonia administred.

If any debtor shall depart out of mine Empire into the Polonian Territory, wheresoever he shall chance to be found by his creditor, he shall be brought to the Iudge of that place to be examined, and whatsoever it shall be proved him of right to owe, the Iudge of that place shall according to the equity of the cause make the creditor to be satisfied.

But if the debtor cannot himself personally be found, no other man shall by reason of another mans debt be taken, detained or molested: Neither shall the innocent be troubled for the guilty, in either or both our King∣doms.

In brief, upon whatsoever conditions and capitula∣tions the League of Peace and Confederation was in the time of my Father, my Grandfather, or great Grandfather of famous memory, made with the Kings of Polonia, upon the same conditions and capitulations be it now made also.

Whatsoever hurt-hath hitherto been done to either part by reason of the disagreement of the Governours and Captains, shall all be on both parties neglected and forgotten.

Also after the time of these Letters confirming the League and Confederation, Whereas the King of Polo∣nia shall in time pay a certain summ of money used to be paid unto the Tartars; the Tartar Chan, and his Son Mirzeleby their Princes, shall restore the same again, and not to dare to suffer his Armies by any means to hurt the Polonian Territories. So that on the part of the Tartars and their Armies, no harm shall be done unto the Kingdom of Polonia, neither on the part of the Polonians, to the Territories of the Tar∣tars. And if any harm shall by the Tartars be done in the King of Polonia his Territories, it shall by my commandment be again restored. And so likewise on the part of the Palatine of Moldavia, or the inhabi∣tants of the Kingdom of Moldavia, no harm shall be done unto the Countries subject unto the King of Polo∣nia; but if any be done and certainly known, to be by my Commandment again recompenced.

On the part also of the King of Polonia and his Subjects, whatsoever harm shall be done unto the Ter∣ritory or Subjects of the Moldavian Palatine, or Tar∣tars, the harm so done to be recompenced, and the do∣ers thereof punished.

Also that all such Fugitives as having done any no∣torious Felonies, or other Villanies in Moldavia, and so are fled into Polonia, shall at my request, or at the request of the Palatine of Moldavia, be restored, and in no case denied.

That all the Polonian Captives within my domini∣ons, yet professing the Christian Religion; may by the King of Polonia his Subjects be redeemed, not pay∣ing any more for them than their Lords and Masters payed: every such Master of the slave taking his oath that he cost him so much. But such Captives as have received the Turkish Faith, to be forthwith set at liberty: And so the Turks slaves in the Kingdom of Polonia, to be likewise manumised.

That our Embassadours on both sides (so long as we are in League and Amity) may freely come and go, and not be stayed in any place; and being willing to meet together, may at their pleasure so do. And be∣ing entred into the confines of either part, to be forth∣with by some good and faithful guide appointed unto them, conducted unto the place they are to go unto. And this to be on both sides kept.

No man to dare to hurt or stay any Merchant, ha∣ving paid his thirtieth part, or lawful custom.

If any of our Subjects shall have any suit with any of the King of Polonia his Subjects, the Iudges shall without delay, be bound to administer Iustice. All Thieves and Robbers shall be diligently sought out; and being found, to be severely punished, and the goods taken away, without impeachment, to be restored unto the right owners, their Heirs, or to the King.

The Sanzakes of Silistria and Bolograve, the Customers and Water-bayliffs, shall not suffer any man but Merchants and such as are sent in our service, to pass over the River Nyester; who passing over, if they shall bring with them any Slave or Bondman out of Polonia, he shall be sent back again. The Shep∣herds, if they will transport their Sheep into the Iurisdiction of the King of Polonia, shall not so do without the leave of the Polonian Governours, be∣fore whom they shall also number their Sheep: of whom if any shall be lost, the Governours shall cause them to be sought for, and to be restored unto the Shep∣herds, as also to pay for their Hay.

The Zauzij, Janizaries, or Posts, shall not dare in time of Peace or War, to take any Horses from the Polonian Merchants, or other the Kings Subjects co∣ming into our Kingdom.

The Palatines of Moldavia, in whatsoever conditi∣on they have been towards the former Kings of Po∣lonia, they shall now also still so be hereafter. The thirtieths and customs of both parts, shall continue in their old manner, and not be encreased. The Polo∣nian Kings Subjects and Merchants, as well Arme∣nians as of any other Nation, whensoever they shall enter into Moldavia, or any other part of our Empire, shall not travel by uncertain and unknown, but by the common and high ways; wherein if they shall suffer any loss or harm, either in their goods or persons, the doers of such wrongs shall be sought for, and severely punished. Which Merchants shall be suffered without any molestation quietly to come and go, having payed their thirtieths; and no Merchant to be troubled for anothers debt.

If any the Polonian Kings Merchants or Subjects, be willing for ready money to redeem and carry away any slave taken out of the Polonian Kingdom, and yet professing the Christian Religion, the Iudges shall in no case withstand them, neither presume to take them from them, or again to redeem them. But if any of such slaves have received the Turkish Religi∣on, they shall not be again demanded by the King of Polonia.

Such slaves as have not received the Turkish Reli∣gion, if after a certain space they shall be set at Liber∣ty by their Masters, and in the Letters Testimonial of their Liberty, it shall be declared that they have re∣ceived the Turkish Religion; yet shall they not by the Iudges be therefore detained.

In the City of Burusa, the Polonian Merchants having payed their usual thirtieths, shall not be far∣ther pressed with any other unusual payment.

My will is also, that the Territories at this present in the possession of the King of Polonia, as hereafter to be by him taken from the Muscovite or any other the Christian Princes, to be comprized within this League, and so to be Royally by him possessed.

And for the confirmation of the articles and condi∣tions in these our Letters of Confederation contained, I swear by the power of the most Mighty God, and of his most Holy Prophet, and by the most clean and pure Spirits of all the Prophets; That for all the days of my life, and so long as nothing shall on the behalf of the King of Polonia be done contrary to the Peace and League, nothing shall also on my part be done contrary unto the same. Witness the Almighty, the upright Iudge and discerner of mens actions. From Constan∣tinople the year of the Holy Prophet Mahomet 985, the 14th. of the Month Cziemassi Eumel, and of Christ, 1577.

This League betwixt these two mighty Princes, Amurath and King Stephen, thus concluded, and after the death of Stephen, by Sigismund the Third (which now reigneth) renewed, as it hath been ever since to the Polonian Kingdom for the time com∣modious, so hath it as with an Adamantine band so bound that most famous Kingdom, as that in the hardest distresses of the Christian Common-wealth, and most indeed concerning it self, it hath afforded no more help than hath the Members farther off, which is, (I rue to say it) none at all; as in these late and present Wars betwixt the Christian Em∣perour and the two last Turkish Sultans, it is too plainly to be seen: wherein, had it in due time gi∣ven but such reasonable helps as it might well have spared, much, no doubt might have been done for the repressing of the common Enemy, and the re∣covery of the greatest part of that is lost of Hun∣gary: but thus bound standeth as a dead Mem∣ber, serving to no use more than to the more spee∣dy destruction of it self, together with the rest of the sick Body. For what assurance it can have in this long, (I must needs say) but evil assured Peace, is well to be seen in the great Consultation of this great Sultan Amurath, with his Bassa's after the Persian War, for the invading of Christendom; the Polonians, for all this League so solemnly con∣strained, were nothing the more regarded, but laid in the same balance with the least, and preserved only by the Providence that all governeth: which leading the Turk against the Christian Emperour their Neighbour, hath given them that Peace they were otherwise hardly to have looked for. Unto whom for all that, having to his endless praise maintained a long and most chargeable War, they have not lent any great help or friendly hand; yet lying themselves still in the Lyons mouth, and like enough to be the next (God grant I be there∣in deceived) that is to be of him devoured.

But leaving these the heavy conceits of a melan∣choly Mind, and ominous forebodings of that I wish not, to return again toward Persia, Amurath his greatest care. Amongst many the ambitious Competitors for the managing of these Turkish so great designs,* 3.2 was the great Bassa Mustapha (even he, who in the reign of the late Emperour Selymus conquered Cyprus, carrying thence, together with his Victory, perpetual Infamy, for his faithless and cruel dealing with Bragadine, the worthy and re∣nowned Governour of Famagusta) appointed Ge∣neral of the Turks Army into Persia; and autho∣rity given him, to provide whatsoever he should think needful for so great a War. And Command∣ment

given unto the Bassaes, [year 1578] and other Comman∣ders of the greatest part of the Turkish Empire Eastward, that they should themselves with their Souldiers of all sorts, bound by their perpetual An∣nuities to go to the War in the beginning of the Spring this Year 1578, repair to Erzirum, a City of Cappadocia,* 3.3 bordering upon Armenia, there to attend the command of their new General. Who having his dispatch from Constantinople, and for fashion sake conducted by most of the Court over the Straight to Scutari, and from thence passing thorough the Countries of Amasia and Sivas, in the very beginning of Summer arrived at Erzirum, and there stayed untill such time as his People, Victuals, Artillery, and other his necessary Provi∣sion was come thither. From whence he departed for Siruan, having first taken a diligent survey of his whole Army, mustering the Souldiers of every Nation by themselves; namely, of the Mesopotami∣ans twelve thousand, of the Assyrians and Babyloni∣ans fourteen thousand, of the Syrians two thou∣sand, of them of the lesser Asia (now comprehen∣ded under the name of Natolia) ten thousand, of the Iews and Philistims one thousand, and of the Cilicians four thousand. After whom followed the Souldiers of Graecia, the Glory and Hope of all the Camp, valiant Men, to the number of ten thousand; and after them the familiar and faith∣ful Guard of the General, ten thousand Ianizaries of Constantinople, with Harquebuzes on their shoulders, and Scimitars by their sides: of the City also of Erzirum, and the Jurisdiction thereof, appeared four thousand, under the Ensign of Bey∣ran Bassa their General. All these were Stipenda∣ries to the Turkish Emperour, unto whom other voluntary Adventurers joyned themselves, in number not inferiour to the rest, but better furni∣shed, and of greater Courage: So that in this ge∣neral survey of the Army were found about an hundred and ten thousand Men, most part Horse∣men: yet was there not any stirred out of Arabia, Egypt, Affrica, or Hungarie, or other Places along the Sea Coasts; neither were the Provinces from whence these Souldiers were drawn, left destitute or unfurnished of their ordinary Garrisons. Be∣sides this multitude of Men. Mustapha brought with him five hundred small pieces of Artillery, with many loads of Money for his Souldiers pay, with further order for the taking up of more at Aleppo, and other Places, if his Occasions should so require. He caused also great quantity of Corn to be transported by the great Sea, called in ancient time Pontus Euxinus, to Trapezond, so to be convey∣ed to Erzirum, being but four days Journey di∣stant thence.* 3.4 To be short, having taken order for all things he thought necessary for the War, he in seemly array departed from Erzirum, and in eight days arrived at the Ruines of Chars, and in the fruitful Country thereabout rested himself; but was there surprised with such a violent Tempest of Wind and Rain, as rent in sunder his Tents, and did great harm, by means whereof many fell sick, and were constrained to forsake the Army.

Having stayed three days at Chars, the Bounder of the Turkish and Persian Empires, he departed thence with his Army,* 3.5 and that evening lodged under the Mountains of Chielder, supposed to be part of the Hills Periardo; where, hearing the Per∣sians to be in Arms, he thought it best for the se∣curity of his Army, to pitch his Tents as that he might well discover the coming of the Enemy, and not to be assaulted unawares. And therefore, planting himself in the Plain, he gave order that Beyran, Bassa of Erzirum, should take Possession of a certain Hill on the right-Hand, and Deruis, the Bassa of Caramit, should keep another Hill that stood on the left hand; and with them Osman Bassa, Mahomet Bassa, Mustaffade Bassa, adventurers, with many others, as well stipendary as volunta∣ry men, should likewise pitch their tents upon the same Hills, in such sort, as that they making as it were two Wings to the Camp, might discover the comming of every man, and yet he himself, be∣ing shadowed with the two Hills, might lie un∣perceived of any.

Mahamet, the new King of Persia, as yet scarce∣ly settled in his Kingdom, stirred up by the fame of these motions, resolved in himself to stand upon the defence of his State, and for a time to dissemble the conceived hatred which he bare to some of the Sultans of Persia, and Princes of Georgia, and to make some apparent shew that he was reconciled to them; for that without them he could not pro∣mise unto himself any form of an Army, or De∣fence; wherein, (notwithanding all the troubled State of his Kingdom) he wrought so cunningly, that almost all the great men of account, took up∣on them the Protection of his State and Kingdom. And so Tocomac a Sultan, the Chan and Governour of Reivan, a famous man,* 3.6 well known unto the Turks, and of great Reputation amongst the Persi∣ans, was chosen General of this Expedition; with charge, That the gathering together the greatest number of Men he could out of Atropatia, out of Media the greater, and other Places near unto the Turks, he should by all means possible stop their passage into Georgia and Media Atropatia. And thereupon Precepts were sent out into all parts of the Kingdom, That all the Chans, Sultans, and Souldiers whatsoever, should come ready prest to attend upon their new General. Many obedient to the Kings Proclamation, came, but many there were that would not stir a foot, for their Obstina∣cy in the Broyls begun, and for the Suspition they had of unlooked for Mischiefs; at whose Disobedi∣ence the King much grieved, but now there was no Remedy but to make the best of the matter, and for the safeguard of his Honour to make the best resistance they could. So with those few, which for the love of their Prince and Country were met to∣gether in those parts, being in number not above twenty thousand, Tocomac was dispatched about his Business, if happily he might with these small Forces oppress the Enemy in some straight and troublesome Passage, where the great multitude should rather serve to the confusion of themselves, than to the help of one another. These twenty thousand were all Horse-men, armed with Scimitar and Bow, with some Harquebuzers among, and furnished with very fine and well tempered Ar∣mour; but above all, couragious they were and resolute, and well the more, for the Valour and Prowess of their General. So provided of all things necessary, they set forward, and keeping the way of Tauris and Genge, they came to the turning of Chars, where they were advertised, that the Ene∣mies Army was already passed.

They were now come within a days Journey of Chielder, when they sent quick and faithful Scouts to bring them certain News of the Condi∣tion and number of the Turks Army, who came thither even at the very time that Mustapha was incamping his Army between the two Hills, where∣upon the two Bassaes, Beyran and Deruis, with their People, had already pitched their Tents. These Scouts discovering the Turkish host aloft, per∣swaded themselves that there was not any other Battel than those which they saw upon the Hills; whereof, with all speed they could, they returned News to Tocomac, who at ease had followed these his Scouts a far off. Tocomac thus misinformed by his Scouts of the number of his Enemies, held on his way boldy, with purpose to assault them; and having discovered their Tents upon the Hills, was

throughly confirmed in the Opinion he had be∣fore conceived of the number of his Enemies, and the Scouts relation, and with so much the more confidence set forward to assail them. But Beyran and Deruis, who quickly from the Hills perceived the Persians coming in the Plain, al∣though they knew them to be men of great Cou∣rage, yet reposing an assured Confidence in their Generals Battel, with all speed mounted upon their Horses, and ran to meet them. So in the aforesaid Plains under Chielder, within one hour after noon was joyned a most bloody Battel, wherein at last were slain seven of the Turks Sanzacks, with a very great number of Souldi∣ers, without any apparent loss at all among the Persians, who fighting close together in a great heat, and all be-bloodied, urged their happy and fortunate Victory.

But Mustapha,* 3.7 who perceived all that had pas∣sed, and staied waiting till the fight was at the hottest, and the medly at the thickest, that so the flight of the Enemies might breed their greater disorder; and now seeing that his Peo∣ple could no longer endure the fury of the Ene∣mies Rage (even as if it had lightned and thun∣dred, and as though the Earth had shaken) with such Cries and Acclamations as the Turks use in their Assaults for the more Terror of the Ene∣mies, exciting his Army, ran as it were head∣long upon his Adversaries, and so renewed a most terrible Battel. The Persians wonderful Courage endured this unexpected and dreadfull Assault, and with incredible signes of Valour, in that little time of day-light that was left (for the Night began now to approach) continued their manifold slaughters, and at last, being fa∣voured by the darkness of the Night, withdrew themselves with as little loss as possibly they might. Neither durst Must••pha any longer pur∣sue them, but was glad by Night to return to his Camp. Of the success of this Battel the Per∣sians certified their King; as also of the greatness of the Turkish Army, with their further purpose for the annoying thereof. And by the Turks al∣so were presented to Mustapha (who had alrea∣dy sent away Posts with News to Amurath) 5000 Heads, which by their Colour, Countenance, and Beards, bewraied themselves to be Persians, and 3000 Persians alive. Of this Victory Mu∣stapha greatly rejoyced, and to make it seem the greater (seeking by all means to conceal his own Losses, and to raise a greater Terror by the Fame thereof, amongst his Enemies,) caused the Heads of those three thousand that were brought before him alive, to be presently cut from their Shoulders, and gave order, that of those Heads there should be framed a Bul∣wark in those Fields,* 3.8 for a most horrible and uncouth Spectacle.

The same day that Mustapha imployed him∣self about this barbarous and cruel work, there came unto him certain Messengers from Ma∣nucchiar, the younger Son of the Georgian Wi∣dow Dedesmit (a great Prince in that Country) who told him, That with his good favour and leave, Manucchiar their Lord and Master was comming to salute him, and to offer him∣self unto him as his obedient and devoted Ser∣vant. At which news Mustapha redoubling his Joy, gave commandment, That all the Bassa's and Captains of the Army, with all solemn Pomp, with Trumpets, Drums, peals of Ord∣nance, and all other signs of munifical and joyfull Entertainment, should go forth to meet the said Manucchiar, and to acompanie him to his Presence. Which they did accordingly, and so encountering him with all signes of Honour, conducted him to the great Pavilion of Mu∣stapha, who there caused him again to be sa∣luted with like Triumph. Manucchiar dismount∣ed from his Horse, and against his Will be∣holding the strange and uncouth pile of Heads, all pale and filthie to behold, and indeed ima∣gining what the matter meant: yet notwith∣standing, before all other things, having done his due Reverence to the great Bassa, and according to his degree placed himself next to his side, after he had presented him with such Gifts as his Country yielded, he gave him to understand,* 3.9 That for the Honour and Estima∣tion which he bare to the Turkish Valour, he was always devoted to the House of the Otho∣mans; and as he had oftentimes desired to spend his Goods and Life in their Service, so at this present time, moved by his ancient desire, al∣lured by the strange fame of this victorious and wonderful Army, and stirred up by a particular fantasie, to learn the painful and hard Precepts of the Art Military, under such a General, Commander of other Comman∣ders; he offered him all Devotion and Ser∣vice, more than ever he had done to any heretofore, and himself having nothing in the World more deare unto him, consecrated his own Life to his Commandments; desiring that the same might be imployed in the conflicts of War under his Banners, among Warriers and Souldiers of Fame and Renown: and there∣fore besought him to accept of him in the name of Amurath, whose obedient Vassal he vowed himself to remain for ever.

Graciously did Mustapha receive all this Discourse from Manucchiar,* 3.10 and having shew∣ed him again the pile of Heads, together with his Battels, Armour, and Provision of War, told him, That as all these Forces are the Gift of God, who always favoured the righ∣teous Counsels of the Othoman Emperours, in such sort that they lord it over all the World, even to the astonishment of all that live in the World at this day; so had he, for his particular, chosen the better part, in comming now to yield himself, and to submit his Obe∣dience to his Lord, although it had been bet∣ter if he had done it before. And as con∣cerning the desire he had to be his Compa∣nion and Fellow in these warlike Affairs, he did very friendly accept of his comming, and promised him all good Entertainment and as∣sured Safety. And so in exchange of the Pre∣sents which he brought with him, he apparel∣led him in Cloath of Gold, honoured him with a Battel-axe and Targuet wrought with Gold and Ammel, and never permitted him to go from his Pavilion without a train of his Slaves following him.

This Georgian Prince thus solemnly enter∣tained,* 3.11 the General gave order thorough the Camp, That they should the next Morning remove from those Mountains: and now eve∣ry man was putting himself in readiness, when as there rise a most terrible Tempest of Wind and Rain, mixt with Thunder and Lightning; which continued with such Violence by the space of four days together, as if the Heavens had been dissolved into Waters. Whereby it came to pass, that out of the dead Carkasses and Heads before mentioned, issued a most horrible stink; so that thereby, and by the foulness of the Weather, with the other An∣noyances always attending upon so great a Camp, the whole Army was exceedingly trou∣bled, and divers Diseases arose among the Turks. But at the last the Weather breaking

up, Mustapha rise with his Camp, and set for∣ward toward Teflis; and being not able by reason of the foulness of the way to pass any further, that day stayed in the Plains, where the Lake Chielder Giol standeth, and there re∣freshed his sick and wounded Souldiers; remo∣ving thence, the next day about Noon he came to the Castle of Archicheleck, sometime a Castle of the Georgians, but taken from them by Solyman in his Wars against Tamas, and ever since holden by the Turks. Here Musta∣pha surveyed his Army,* 3.12 and by diligent ac∣count taken, found himself to want 40000 of his Souldiers; whereof some were slain in the Battel, some were dead of Sickness, and many, wearie of so long and perillous a Journey, were by Night stolne out of the Camp, and re∣turned to take their ease at home. From thence the Army removed, and lodged at Night near the marish called of the Turks Peruana Giol, or Lake of Slaves; and the next day came to Triala, where at this day are to be seen the Ruins of a great City, and of many Churches; whereof some are yet repaired and maintained by devout Christians, the Reliques of those happy and religious Forces, that with so great and faithful zeale passed the Seas and Mountains through those barbarous Nations in∣to the Holy Land; Men worthy of eternal Praise. The next day the Turks ascended the high and craggie Mountain that standeth up∣on Teflis; from the top whereof descending the day following, they seised upon a Castle of the Georgians, called by the Turks Giurgi Cha∣la. Departing thence, and lodging in certain Plains, the next day they came near to the River that runneth by Teflis.* 3.13 But in these four days march from Archichelec, where Mu∣stapha took view of his Army, many of the Turks, who in feeking for Victuals for them∣selves and their Horses, had straggled from the Army, were cut off by the Georgian Captains, who with a number of their own Country Souldiers secretly followed the Turks Army, and well acquainted with all the ways of the Country, lay in ambush upon such Places as the Victuallers were to pass through, and so suddenly setting upon them, spoyled them at once both of their Goods and Lives.

Mustapha comming to Teflis, found that Ca∣stle empty, for that Daut Chan Lord thereof, hearing of the comming of the Turks, for∣sook the same, and betook himself to the Fields, providing better for himself in so doing, than by staying still in the Castle, to have been there taken Prisoner. This Castle, for the con∣venient Scituation thereof, Mustapha caused to be repaired and fortified, and planted therein an hundred pieces of Artillery, and appointed Mahamet Bassa General Governour of that Place, with a Garrison of six thousand Souldiers; which done, he departed for Siruan. At which very time those of Soria, which had brought a thousand loads of Rent-Corn to the Camp from Aleppo, being themselves in number a thousand Persons, with five hundred others of Omps (in ancient time called Hus, the City of the pati∣ent Iob) and other places of Soria, men neither of Duty bound, nor of themselves willing to follow the Camp, returned homewards towards their own Country; but upon the way they were set upon by Alessandro, Giusuf, and David, (three of the Georgian Lords) and all slain, ex∣cept some few, who by the swiftness of their Horses escaped with Nassardin their Captain.

Now after that Mustapha had passed the des∣cent of the steep Mountains of Teflis, the next day he incamped in certain low Plains; where the Ambassadours of Alessandro, surnamed the Great, Son of Leuent, a Georgian Prince,* 3.14 came unto him, and told him, That their Lord was ready, if it so pleased him, to come unto him to do him Reverence, and by word of mouth to promise him that Devotion he had always in mind borne to the Othoman Emperours. With a glad Heart and chearful Countenance did Mu∣stapha receive these Ambassadors; and presently sent them back to will their Lord to come, and to tell him, That his friendship should be unto him most dear and acceptable. And after their departure, took order with all the Comman∣ders of his Army, to receive him with all the signes of Joy that might be; which at his com∣ing was accordingly by them performed. Who, after he had presented unto the General the rich Gifts he had brought with him, he offered his Obedience to the Bassa, with the most lively Speeches he could possibly devise, calling Amu∣rath his Lord: seeming to take it in evil part, that he passed not through his Territory, where he should (as he said) have had plenty of all things for the relief of his Army; yet hoping that in his return from Siruan he would take it in his way; whereas he should find him most ready to bestow all that he had in the Service of his Lord: telling him moreover, That although he could not, for many urgent respects, go with him in∣to Siruan, yet he would always accompany him in Mind, and continually pray unto the Creator of all things, for his Prosperity and most happy Success.* 3.15 Courteously did Mustapha receive both his Presents and Submission, and in exchange thereof bestowed upon him certain Gifts after the Turkish manner, and in magnifical Terms gave him answer; promising him in his return to pass through his Country: and so dismissed the Persian Duke with like Honour wherewith he was entertained at his coming.

Mustapha, holding on his Journey toward Si∣ruan, through moorish and troublesom ways; in twelve days after he departed from Teflis, came into the Confines of Siruan, near to the River Canac, and there rested on this side the River one day. At which time they of the Ci∣ty of Sechi, bordering upon the Siruanians and Georgians, four days Journey from Sumachia, came to offer themselves to Mustapha, as Sub∣jects to the Turks: Of whose Submission the General graciously accepted, promising to them his assured Protection.

The Turks Army over-wearied with the con∣tinual travel of twelve days march,* 3.16 but yet far more afflicted with hunger, not finding in those Parts so much as one wild beast to assuage their greedy desire of Meat, sought by all means, eve∣ry man for himself, to get something, especially when they understood their General would pass the River into a Country unto them all un∣known, where they were altogether uncertain what to find for their relief. So whilst they were inquiring among themselves, who were able to conduct them to some such place as where they might supply their wants, behold, certain Persians were taken, who being straitly exami∣ned on that point, after much resistance, at last told them, that not far off, after they had passed certain Marishes, where Canac dischargeth it self into Araxis, they should find many Fields full of Rice and Corn in the blade, and a little far∣ther certain fat heards of Cattel, sufficient to relieve the whole Army. Of this News was the General certified, who, although he greatly doubted the subtilty of his Enemies, yet to gratifie his Soul∣diers, and to make them more willing to follow

him into Siruan, he licensed every man that had a desire thereunto, to go and provide himself of Vi∣ctuals, and so suffered all that would to go freely. Whereupon there went of themselves, and were sent by their Captains, about ten thousand servile Persons, with Camels, Horses and Mules, to fetch away this provision of Corn and Cattel: but the Event answered not to their desires. For Tocomac, with the other Persian Captains, and the rest of the Souldiers that were escaped from the overthrow gi∣ven them in the Plains of Chielder, having gathe∣red together the remainder of the Army, and re∣covered such places as they thought safe and friend∣ly for them, carefully attended the marching and passing of the Turkish Army. And being certain∣ly informed by them of Reivan and Georgia what way they kept, and that of necessity they must ar∣rive at the Banks of Canac, they began to devise how they might in some measure be revenged for their former loss, and impeach their Enemies en∣trance into Siruan. But wanting rather strength than courage to assaile the whole Army, they thought it best to stay in ambush in some fit place, untill some part of the Turkish Army (allured with the prey of the Corn and Cattel) should for the releif of their common Necessities descend into those fields; And the rather to draw them on, sent out divers men, who, as if they had gone about their own business, and by chance at unawares had lighted upon the Turks Camp, revealed unto them as a great Secret, what a good Prey was hard by them; and so withdrawing themselves out of sight, privily awaited the coming of the Turks: when as within the space of three days it so fell out, that the aforesaid ten thousand Forragers arrived at the wished place;* 3.17 where they had no sooner begun to charge themselves with the Prey, but they were surprised by the Persians and all slain, saving a few who by hasty flight saved themselves. The noise of this hot Skirmish being heard into the Turkish Host, caused Mustapha to imagine that the matter was fallen out even as indeed it was; and there∣fore rising with his whole Army, hasted with all possible speed to have succou••ed the poor People, who were now all slain. And albeit he came not in so good time as to yield them relief, yet came he very fitly to revenge their Death upon the Per∣sians, staying too long to load themse••ves with the Spoil of their Enemies.

The place from whence the Turks were to have had the aforesaid Booty, was almost in manner of an Island, inclosed with the Rivers of Araxis and Ca∣nac; whereinto Mustapha entred with his whole Power, Deruis Bassa leading the one Wing, as did Beyran Bassa the other, and he himself coming on in the middle with the main Battel. The Persians, seeing Mustapha with all his Forces hasting towards them, and withall, remembring the late overthrow by them received in the Plains of Chielder; began to bethink themselves how much better it had been for them to have contented themselves with the late ••••ughter of the Forragers, and with speed to have got them away out of that Straight, than by staying longer, to be inclosed with the multi∣tude of their Enemies, as that they could now no way escape without most manifest Peril. In this per∣plexity discoursing among themselves, whether it were better to fly, or with so great disadvantage to joyn battel, and so rather to dye honourably, than to live with reproach; at last they resolved to reserve themselves to the further service of their Prince and Country; deeming it rather a point of Wisdom than of Dishonour, not to adventure unto most desperate and assured death, so many worthy men as might in future time stand their Country in good stead: yet did they not see how by flight well to escape, for that they were in such sort strain∣ed within the Rivers, as that there was no ground left for them to ecsape by, than that which con∣trary to their Expectation was by the Turks al∣ready possessed. In these Difficulties every man began to betake himself to his own private Con∣ceit and Fortune. Tocomac with Emir Chan, and other the great Commanders of the Army,* 3.18 were the first that turned their Backs, and by the help of their Couragious Horses got over the River of Canac: whose Example moved many others to at∣tempt the like, though not with like Fortune; for that their Horses being not of such Courage, and out of Breath, lay many of them drowned in the River. Wherewith others being amazed, as per∣ceiving inevitable death in flying present be∣fore their Eyes, and reposing all their hope even in despair, ran as it were headlong in a Rage and Fury upon their Enemies, and in fighting shewed unspeakable Valour: but what was one against an hundred? For there they were also all slain, though worthy of immortal Fame. Thus was the Persian Army quite discomfited in this demy Island, being first stained with the Blood of the Enemy, and af∣terward with the slaughter of the Neighbour and proper Inhabitant, and so became the perpetual Se∣pulchre of a most couragious and warlike People. The Turks in this last Conflict lost not above 3000 men, beside the slaughter of the 10000 Forragers; although Tocomac, to make his loss to seem the more tolerable▪ made report to the King of a great slaugh∣ter made. The Persian Captains, full of sorrow for this unexpected overthrow, with the license of their General departed every man to his several Govern∣ment: as Emanguli Chan to Genge, Seraph Chan to Nassivan, Tocomac himself to Reivan, and all the rest to other Cities, to the Government whereof they were before by the King appointed, and so remain∣ed expecting his further Pleasure from Casbin.

Mustapha was now come to the River of Canac, which he was to pass over into Siruan; and there∣fore made straight Proclamation through his whole Army, That every man should be in readiness a∣gainst the next day to pass the River. At which Proclamation all his People suddenly arose in a tu∣mult, and with injurious Terms, even to his Face, reproved his Folly and Inhumanity, propounding utter danger unto himself, and an universal Con∣fusion unto the whole Army: and therefore pray∣ed him to surcease from proceeding any further, unless he were minded to cast them all away. But his resolute Mind was not by their Threats or Intrea∣ties to be removed, neither gave he them other An∣swer than this, That so had Amurath commanded, and that if all the rest should shew themselves unwilling to obey their Sovereign,* 3.19 he himself would not, nor could not, but would be the first man to attempt and perform that which they all so abhorred and reproved. Valiant Soul∣ers (he said) were discovered and known not in Idleness and Ease, but in great pains taking, and difficult Enter∣prizes: who never ought to be afraid to change this mo∣mentary Life for everlasting Honour, or to shun Death, if the Service of their Prince so required. And for mine own part, said he, I most earnestly request you, that after I have attempted the passage of the River, if any thing happen unto me otherwise than well, yet carry my dead Body to the other side of the River; to the end that if I cannot whilst I yet live execute the Commandment of my So∣vereign, I may yet at least perform the same when I am but a speechless and liveless Carkas: forasmuch as the desire of my Lord is not in any sort to be frustrated, for making too great account of mine own Life.

Divers and sundry murmurings and whisperings followed upon this speech of the General, who not∣withstanding the next morning did first of all wade over the deep and swift River himself: after whom presently followed the Bassa's with all their Slaves, by whose Example the rest also were induced at last

to do the like, and so continued untill the darkness of the Night interrupted their Passage; by which Occasion more than half the Army could not then get over. In this Passage, being with great Tu∣mult and Disorder attempted,* 3.20 it came to pass that about 8000 Persons, carried away with the violence of the River, were miserably drowned, with the great outcry of all the Host. The like hapned also to many Mules, Camels, and Sumpter Horses, upon whose Backs divers Persons being mounted, in hope to have passed dry over the River, were likewise headlong overwhelmed therein. With great Complaints and blasphemous Cursings was the whole Night spent by them that were yet on this side the River, whose fears were not a little increased by the Example of their unfortunate Fel∣lows before drowned. And like enough it was some pestilent Sedition to have ensued thereupon, had there not a shallow Foord by great chance been discovered, which gave safe Passage to those that were left; for in the Passage which the People made that followed Mustapha, the Gravel of the bottom of the River being raised and removed by the heavy Hoofs of the Cattel, was driven down the River to a place where by great good hap there was also a Foord, and there gathered together in a heap, had in such sort raised the depth of the Channel, that it made as it were a shelf for their commodious Passage, so that the remnant of the Army, Carriages, and Artillery passing over the same, there was not so much as one man that pe∣rished. So having with much difficulty as last got over the River of Canac, they rested themselves that day and the next, and there stayed untill the whole Army was mustered, and again put in Or∣der. Removing thence, the day following they encamped in certain barren Champains, where was neither Corn nor Cattel; neither could they perceive or learn, that in those quarters were any Villages at all.* 3.21 By means whereof, the hunger of their Beasts increasing, they were inforced to give their Horses and Mules Leaves and Stalks of very dry and withered Reeds, and such other like things of little or no sustenance at all: and the men them∣selves were fain to satisfie their hunger with those uttermost reliques which they were fain to pick out of such poor Victuals as now by Corruption were become loathsome to mans Nature; and that which worse was, they saw no end of their Mise∣ries they were so entred into. Notwithstanding there was now no looking back, but needs on they must▪ and follow the fortune of their Leaders; among whom Mustapha before all the rest set for∣ward on his determined Journey.* 3.22 He had not long marched, but there was discovered good store of sundry P••••nts, and shortly after a very large plain Country all green and flourishing, and gar∣nished with many Trees; by the only sight where∣of every man was refreshed with the hope of Re∣lief, and with more than ordinary paces hasted untill they were entred into those Champains, abounding with all kind of Corn and Fruits that could be of an hungry man desired. In this place did every man satisfie his Appetite, and forgot in part the sore-passed Calamities. Through this fruit∣ful and pleasant Country Mustapha leading his Ar∣my, at last arrived at Eres, the chief City in that Coast of Siruan, as you travel from Georgia.

This City of Eres was forsaken of a number of her Inhabitants, as soon as it was known that the Turks were come to Canac, who all followed their Governour Samir Chan; who with Ares Chan, Governour of Sumachia, and other the Governours of Sechi, and other Places of Siruan, forsook the Cities, and all together withdrew themselves into the Mountains, as places of more surety, attending the event of these so great Motions: so that as the Turks entred the City undisturbed, so were they with the prey they found therein nothing inrich∣ed, for that in this common danger every man had carried away with him the best things he had. Here stayed Mustapha two and twenty days, du∣ring which time he erected a Fortress in the said City; whereupon he placed two hundred small pieces of Artillery, and for the keeping thereof ap∣pointed Caitas Bassa with a Garrison of five thou∣sand Souldiers. In the mean time also he com∣manded Osman Bassa (one of the voluntary Cap∣tains) with ten thousand men to possess Sumachia, sometime the metropolitical City of that Province, with the Title of Visier and Governour-general of Siruan. Giving him further in charge, that in any case he should clear the passage to Derbent, and give present Advertisements to the Tartarians of his arrival there, whom he supposed by that time to be come into those quarters, for that they had before so faithfully promised to Amurath. Os∣man comming to Sumachia, presently seised upon the City, and was friendly entertained of those that remained there; whom he likewise courteously intreated, without doing or suffering any outrage to be done upon them. Of which his courteous usage they of Derbent understanding, sent present∣ly to offer their City unto him, beseeching him to receive them into his Protection, and to defend them from the Persians; under whom, although they had long lived in subjection, yet differed they from them in the Ceremonies of their Ma∣hometan Superstition, wherein they better agreed with the Turks.

Mustapha having thus brought the Country of Siruan into the Turkish subjection,* 3.23 and finished his Fortress at Eres, and put all things in such or∣der as he thought best; importuned by the Iani∣zaries and the People of Grecia, and somewhat in∣forced by the season of the year, which was now far spent, departed from Eres, and turned his course homeward toward the Country of Alexander, sir∣named the Great, as he had promised in his late passage into Siruan. And having travelled a long Journey, he sent before him certain Engines and Pioneers to make a Bridge over Canac, so without danger to pass over his Army. Having passed the River, he gave notice to Sahamal (one of the Lords of Georgia) of his arrival, who presently came and yielded himself as Vassal to the Turks; and being entertained of the Bassa with great Pomp, and rewarded after the Turkish manner, took his leave, and so returned into his Mountain of Brus.

Mustapha setting again forward, and travelling by Night, because he would not lose the oportuni∣ty of the fair weather, by the errour of his Guides lost his way, and so fell into rough and difficult Passages, whereby he was inforced to stay and wait for day light; which arising, did manifest unto them, that they were now entred into the Countries of his Friend Alexander: and therefore he gave forthwith Proclamation throu•••• all the Army, That no man upon pain of Death should be so hardy as to molest or disquiet any of the Subjects of Alexander, but to have good respect unto them, and to intreat them with all Courte∣sie. The day following, he still travelled on in the same Country, when there arrived from Zaghen certain Ambassadours of Alexanders, with great abundance of Cattel, Corn, Fruits, and other re∣lief sent for a Present to the General, with a so∣lemn excuse that he came not himself, because the Infirmity of his Body would not suffer him. Wherewithall Mustapha rested satisfied, and leaving the City of Zaghen on the right hand, caused the Messengers of Alexander to guide him the way to Teflis, which they so directly did, that within the

space of three days they conducted him thither with his Army, without the feeling of any an∣noyance; from whence they returned, being well rewarded for their pains by the General. Who now come to Teflis,* 3.24 found the Garrison he had there left for the keeping thereof, so hardly pinch∣ed with Famine, that they were glad to eat Cats, Dogs, Sheep-skins, and such like unwonted food; for neither durst they for fear of the Enemy go out of the Castle to provide for themselves, neither if they had so done, had it any thing availed, such was the carefulness of the Enemy in keeping of his things: but now, by the coming of the General, they were relieved with Meat, Money, and plen∣ty of all things. Having stayed there two days, he put himself again upon his way, and with Fire and Sword destroyed whatsoever came in his way in the Champains subject to the said City, only the Sepulchres of Simons Progenitors (Lord of that Country) were left untouched by the Turks Fu∣ry. The next day they travelled over rough and ragged Mountains, full of a thousand difficulties, which were the more increased by wonderfull great Snows that were fallen, by reason whereof, many Souldiers, Horses, Camels, and Mules pe∣rished. In which distress the Army continued two days, during which time the Souldiers were fallen into such disorder, that forgetting the feat of the Enemies Country wherein they were ••very man without regard took up his several lo••••ing apart, some here, some there, where they might find ei∣ther some thick Bush or some small Cottage, or some quiet Valley to shelter themselves in from the Wind, the Snow, and the Storms. Of which dis∣order certain Georgian Lords understanding by the Scouts, which from time to time waited upon the Turks Army, joyned themselves together, and in the Night secretly approached unto it, expecting the Opportunity of performing some notable Ex∣ploit; and having observed, that Hosaine Bey had withdrawn himself with his Regiment from the rest of the Army under certain Mountains, to de∣fend himself from the Storm and Wind; they took the Occasion presented, and so assailing him, slew his Slaves and all his Squadrons, took a great booty of many loads of Money and Apparel, led away with them all his Horses, and whatsoever else they could find, and scarce gave him liesure to save himself, by flying into the Tents of Beyran Bassa. The next morning the Turks removed, and in the Evening came to a Castle called Chiur∣chala, where they stayed a whole day to make provision of Victual; which was attempted by sending abroad many of their Slaves into the Fields, conducted by them of the Castle, who were all miserably cut in pieces by the Georgians. From this Place the Turks Army departed in great hun∣ger, over divers rough places of the Georgians, where they were oftentimes fain to rest themselves; and at last came to the Confines of Dedesmit, of her called the Widows Country. In the entrance whereof,* 3.25 they must needs pass thorough a narrow Straight, between certain Mountains, where the River Araxis windeth it self with a thousand turn∣ings in the low Vallies, a dangerous place, and so narrow, that no more but one man alone could at once pass through it. Between this Straight and a very thick and hilly Wood, they lodged upon the Bank of the said River, and from thence they removed the next morning and travelled over very steep Mountains and rough Forrests, over Ice and Snow, more hard than Marble, and over other hanging Rocks, in such miserable sort, that many Camels, Mules, and Horses, tumbling down headlong into the River, there miserably perished. Through these ruinous Crags, and divers other Miseries, they marched all the next day, and after that another day also, as miserable to the Army as the former; and so at last being sore afflicted with hunger, spoiled of the Enemy, tormented with the hard season of the Year, and scituation of the Place; they arrived in the Territories that lay under Altunchala, or golden Castle, the prince∣ly Widows Palace, where they had all manner of Relief for all the Miseries they had endured since their departure from Chiurchala, by the space of six days; which if it had been a fair common travelled way, might have been performed in one only days Journey.

The Widow, with Alexander her eldest Son,* 3.26 came down from her Castle, and went unto the Pavilion of Mustapha, offering him divers Presents, and promising unto him all faithful Obedience; whom Mustapha courteously received, declaring unto her what honourable entertainment he had given to Manucchiar her younger Son there present, who had been with him in all the Expedition in∣to Siruan. And for the present, dissembling the privy displeasure he bare against Alexander (whom he thought to have been one of them that spoiled the Sorians in their return from the Camp) he embraced him courteously, and prayed her to be content to leave him also there with him; giving her farther to understand, that he would send both her Sons to Constantinople to Amurath, with Letters of Credence for their yielded Obedience, for their Favour shewed to his Army, in giving it so secure Passage, and so many Helps; and lastly, that for their good Deserts, they might be of the said great Sultan both honourably entertained and rewarded. The aged Lady, although her Mind was here∣withall so retroubled, yet outwardly in her Coun∣tenance shewed her self pleased; and seemed cour∣teously to yield that she was of necessity constrain∣ed to grant; as well for that he was already pos∣sessed of one of her Sons, as also for that both her∣self and her whole state were now in his Power; and as it were at his Devotion: and therefore, leaving both her Sons behind her, she returned her self heavy to her Castle.

In this Place Mustapha having refreshed his Ar∣my two days,* 3.27 departed thence toward Chars, and after many days travel, at last arrived at Erzirum, to the great rejoycing of the whole Army, which was there presently discharged by the General, without any mustering at all, and leave given for every man to return into his Country.

Mustapha settling himself in Erzirum,* 3.28 dispatched Posts with Letters of plentiful Advertisements to his great Lord and Master, of all things that had passed; not forgetting to magnifie his own Ex∣ploits above Measure. He certified him of the Battels he had had with the Persians, the Obedi∣ence he had received of the Georgians and Siruani∣ans, the mutiny of his own Souldiers, the Fortress he had built at Eres, the Garrisons left in that Ci∣ty with Caitas Bassa, and in Sumachia with Osman Bassa; and in brief, whatsoever else had passed, and whatsoever he had taken from the Enemy. Neither did he fail to propound unto Amurath what he thought convenient to be attempted the next year, for the strengthning of those places he had already conquered, and for preparing the way for new Enterprizes. And principally he put him in Mind of a Fortification to be made at Chars, a place very fit for any Passage into Georgia or Ar∣menia, by scituation fruitful and commodious both for Men and Cattel. And withall he sent unto him the Widows two Sons Alexander and Manuc∣chiar, the Georgian Princes, certifying him of their Submission, and that he had received in their Coun∣try all good entertainment and friendly welcome: and withall declaring his Opinion, That Manuc∣chiar was the meeter man for Government than

his Brother Alexander, and the readier to do him Service. Greatly did Amurath commend the Va∣lour and Diligence of Mustapha, and highly pleased himself with this conceit, That of these begin∣nings might grow mighty Conquests, to the en∣largement of his Empire, and that by this means he should be able to surpass the Glory of his Pre∣decessors. And the more his ambitious thoughts were occupied about these Wars, the less he trou∣bled himself with thinking how to annoy Europe with his Forces.

It was not long after the departure of Mustapha from Eres, but that the Tartarians, having left the Fens of Meotis, and the unmountable shores of the black Sea, and having passed over the Rocks up∣on Cholchis, and surveyed the frozen Crags of the Mountain Caucasus, were now arrived upon the Confines of Siruan, and there attended the Com∣mandment of the Turks. These Tartarians, being of them that are called Praecopenses, to the num∣ber of thirty thousand, conducted by their Lord and Captain Abdilcherai, a young man of great Va∣lour and Fame, and of a comely Personage, were come, according to the faithful Promise of Tartar Chan, with full Resolution to attempt whatsoever should be commanded them in the Name of Amu∣rath. Now Osman Bassa understanding of their ap∣proach, according to the charge before given him by Mustapha the General, invited them to enter into Siruan, and by increasing of the Turks Forces, to further these beginnings of Amurath's Glory, and these his Conquests, (or more truly to say, these magnifical and famous Terms of Victory) all which was most diligently put in Execution by Abdilcherai; who, having entred the Iron Gates where Derbent standeth, (which by the Turks at this day is called Demir Capi, and signifieth the Gates of Iron) and so from thence passing into the Country of Siruan, there stayed, and thereof gave Advertisement to Osman, as was by him ap∣pointed. Ares Chan, late Governour of Sumachia, who for fear of the great Army of the Turks had abandoned the City, the chief place of his charge, and betaken himself to the safeguard of the Mountains, hearing of the departure of the Turkish General, resolved with the other Gover∣nours of Eres and Sechi (who following his Ex∣ample, had in like manner fled) now to return again to their forsaken Country, and to make proof if he could by any means take revenge of the Injury done unto him by the Turks. So passing under Sumachia, and having put to the Sword certain of Osmans stragling Victuallers that were gone out of the City, he incamped with all his People a little from Sumachia, and by good For∣tune surprised certain Messengers sent from Abdil∣cherai the Tartar, to certifie Osman Bassa of his ar∣rival, and to know his Pleasure what he should put in Execution. These Tartarians, brought before Ares, after much Torture disclosed the Letters they carried, which the Persian Captain read, and con∣sidering the great number of the Tartarians that were come, (for the Letters made mention of thirty thousand) he resolved not to stay any lon∣ger in those quarters, but presently raised his Camp, and retired towards Canac, meaning from thence to certifie the King of those Novelties, and upon the banks of the said River to attend the Kings an∣swer. The Tartarian Captain coming to Suma∣chia, was appointed by the Bassa to pass over the River of Canac into Genge, the Country of Eman∣guli Chan, with the spoil thereof to enrich him∣self, and by all means to make his arrival unto the Persians most terrible. With this charge the Barbarian departed, thirsting now for nothing more than for the blood and spoil of the Enemy; and with posting Journies came to Canac, where Ares Chan was yet incamped; whom he upon the sud∣den most furiously assaulted, and like a devouring flame discomfited all his Host: and taking him alive, sent him to Sumachia to Osman,* 3.29 who forth∣with caused him to be hanged by the Neck out of a Lodging in the same State-house where he had not long before sat as Governour.* 3.30 The Tartarian after that, swimming over the River, and cour∣sing a little above Genge, found Emanguli Chan with his Wife, and all his Family, and a great part of the Nobility of Genge in a Valley hunting the wild Boar; and assailing him, put him to flight, took from him his Wife, all the Ladies, and many Slaves, and slew many of the rest that were come thither to see the sport: and after that rode on to Genge, which he took, and yielded it wholly to the Fury and Lust of his barbarous Souldiers, who left no manner of inhumane Cruelty unat∣tempted, in satisfying their immoderate and bar∣barous Affections. And so being loaded with the Spoyls, and weary with the slaughter of their Ene∣mies, they returned merrily toward Siruan: and passing again over Canac, came to the higher side of Eres into certain low Champains, environed about with Hills, and there having pitched their Tents, without any fear setled themselves to sleep, and to rest their weary Bodies.

In the mean time, and long before these Actions, was New•• ••••ought to the Persian Court of all the Turks 〈◊〉〈◊〉: whereupon the Persian King having gathered new Forces, had dispatched Emir Hamze Mirize, his eldest Son, with 12000 Souldiers to pass into Siruan, to see what hurt the Enemy had done, and to attempt the revenge of the fore∣passed Injuries; but above all things to punish the Villany of them of Sechi, and the other Citys of Siruan, that not induced with any Necessity, had so voluntarily yielded themselves to follow the Obedience and Religion of the Turks. The Per∣sian Prince departing from Casbin, accompanied with his Mother Begum, who would needs follow her beloved Son, was on his way towards Siruan, under the guiding and Government of Mirize Sal∣mas, chief of the Sultans; and had now left be∣hind them the Countries of Ardovil and Caracach, when he was certified by the advertisements come from Ares Chan, of the arrival of Abdilcherai, with his great number of Tartarians; and was thereby at the first strucken into a great quandary, and almost out of comfort: yet, prick'd forward with an honourable desire of Glory and Revenge, he prosecuted his intended enterprise for Siruan, and hastening his Journey,* 3.31 came to Eres long before the King his Father thought he could have so done. This his notable Celerity served him to great purpose, for that Caitass Bassa was boldly gon out of the Fortress, and went spoyling the Country, carrying away with him whatsoever he met with∣all, and committing such Insolencies as hungry Souldiers beyond all honesty use to do in strange and fruitful Countries. But when he was in the midst of these spoyls, and least feared the Enemy, he was suddenly assailed by the Prince; and ha∣ving no means to escape his Fury in this Extremi∣ty, after a fierce and bloody Battel (wherein the Turks although in number few, yet shewed many effects of Valour) he was there slain with all his Souldiers, leaving the Fortress, the Spoils, and the Country committed to his Custody, free to the Pleasure of the Victor: which the Persian Prince having once again gotten into his Possession, took away the two hundred pieces of Artillery that were left in the Fort by Mustapha, and presently sent them to Casbin to his Father.

The Prince, encouraged with so happy a begin∣ning, leaving his Mother at Eres, followed on his Journey toward Sulachia, but by the way descend∣ing

the Hills, he discovered where the Tartarians lay encamped. Whereupon he stood in great doubt, whether to adventure upon so mighty an Enemy, or to content himself with the Victory he had already gotten, and so to return into Per∣sia: to return he thought it too great a shame, and chose rather to adventure himself to most mani∣fest Peril. And therefore descending the Hill, and drawing nigh the Enemy, he perceived that the Army was all laid down to rest, and that their Hor∣ses were some couched, some standing, but all un∣sadled; whereupon, without any stay setting Spurs to his Horse, he pricked forward with all his host, and most terribly assaulted the Tartarians, now buried in their spoils and sleep; and having slain their first and second Watch, although with some loss, among the tumultuary Souldiers he made an universal confusion and slaughter, putting some to flight, killing others, and taking divers of them Captives: Among whom was their General Ab∣dilcherai, who was taken alive, and sent to the King.

* 3.32After these Victories the Persian Prince scoured to Sumachia, and compassed the City round about, wherein the Turkish Bassa Osman sat as Gover∣nour, to the reproach of Persia; and there en∣camping himself, send word to Osman, That if he would yield himself, he would let him depart with Life and Goods, otherw••se, if he w••uld obstinate∣ly hold it out, and not yield the City, which he so unjustly possessed, he should be constrained to sur∣render it by force, and his Life withall. Osman, who as then knew nothing of the Tartarians over∣throw, but still hoped of their return, thought it best to entertain the Prince with fair words untill their coming; and therefore gave him courteous answer, that he was very ready to yield up the City: but withall intreated him, that he would stay but for three days, and grant him time to put all things in readiness, that so he might freely de∣part, as it had pleased him in courtesie to offer. The Prince, glad of such an answer, supposing it to have proceeded of a sincere meaning, expected of the Turk the performance thereof: But Osman meaning nothing less, than to commit himself to the faith of his Enemy, and seeing that the Tartari∣ans, whom he looked for, appeared not, he resol∣ved to save himself by secret flight; doubting, as he had good reason, that if he should longer stay, to be betraied by the Inhabitants of the City them∣selves; and therefore somewhat before the assign∣ed term of the three days appointed for the surren∣dring of the City, he, by the help of a dark Night, and the covert of the high and rough Crags, with great silence withdrew himself out of Sumachia, carrying away with him all hi•• Substance, and so in safety arrived at Derbent.* 3.33 The next Morning the Inhabitants of Sumachia opened the Gates of the City to the Prince: who seeing their Infidelity, first by giving of entertainment to Osman, and now by helping him to escape, without giving him any knowledge thereof, did put in execution the effect of his Wrath and Indignation, which even at Casbin he had conceived in his Mind against them; and with great Cruelty did punish the mi∣serable and unfortunate Citizens, laying their Houses even with the Ground, rasing both the old and new Walls of that City, of late so desired a Receipt for the Turks. But when he was to de∣part thence, he stood in doubt, Whether to go on to Derbent, or to return to Persia; the strength of that City, the approach of Win••e••, and the long Journey he was to take homeward, persuaded him to lay aside the enterprise for Derbent: where∣upon he resolved to return to Casbin, yet first to make his return by them of Eres and Sechi, and upon them, as upon Rebels, to inflict well deserved Punishment. So making his present repair thither, spared neither Sex nor Age, nor any Condition of Persons, but upon them all poured forth his furi∣ous Indignation without exception. Which done, he with his aforesaid Mother Begum, and his Ar∣my, though somewhat diminished, yet victori∣ous and triumphant, returned to Casbin.

Young Abdilcherai the Tartarian was kept safe in the Kings Palace at Casbin,* 3.34 but with such easie Imprisonment as was agreeable to his calling; which was day by day so inlarged, as that he seem∣ed not to live as a Prisoner, but rather as a Com∣panion of those of the Court, and as it were in ap∣parent Liberty. By which occasion, having insinu∣ated himself into the love of Begum the King's Wife, he spent his time in courting her, and she again in entertaining of him in all secret and co∣vert manner. Yet these their mutual Affections and interchangeable Favours passed not so secretly, but that in the Court and all over the City it was a rise Report, That the shameless Lady, prodigal of her Honour, had participated both her bed and her self with the Tartarian Prisoner. Howbeit, nei∣ther the King nor the Pr••nce knew any thing of it. But the King perceiving▪ the young Gentleman to be generally commended, valiant, courteous, and of a comely Feature, and withall nobly born (for he gave it out that he was the Brother of Tartar Chan) perswaded himself, that it would stand with the great good of his state, of a Captive to make him his Son-in-law, by giving him his Daughter in Mariage; whereby he was in good hope there might grow such an amity and union between the Tartarian Praecopenses and himself, as that they would from thenceforth not only refuse to favour Amurath in those Wars, but also become Enemies unto him, and in the favour of Persia, turn their Arms and Affections against him. Which his deep and considerate purpose so dis∣pleased the Sultans of Casbin, that they sought by all means they could possibly devise to avert the King from that so strange a Policy; but all in vain, for the King being fully resolved, and now upon the point to make a conclusion of the Marriage; the Sultans entering into the Palace with their Follow∣ers, and finding there the unfortunate Tartarian,* 3.35 ran him through the Body, and cutting off his privy Members, flapped them upon his Mouth af∣ter a most barbarous and filthy manner.* 3.36 It is re∣ported, that the Queen was then also murdered by them; certain it is, that the poor Lady never after that day saw the light of the Sun: but whether it was put in execution by the appointment of the King her Husband, or that the Sultans did it for the publick Interest, is not certainly known. Up∣on these Murders sprung up many Troubles, and much civil Dissention, threatning the utter Confu∣sion of the Persian Kingdom, to the singular bene∣fit of Amurath. All which tumultuous Disorders the King, by bridling his own Affections, and the Motions of his Son Emir Hamze Mirize, well ap∣peased, procuring at last a perfect Unity, as then most Necessary for the defence of his Kingdom.

Osman Bassa being in Derbent (the only place of refuge now left for the Turks in Siruan) ceased not with all carefulness to devise what he possibly could, for the assuring of that Country (of late won, and now again almost lost) under the Go∣vernment of Amurath. For the better establishing whereof, together with his own safety, he thought it good to enter into Friendship with old Sahamal the Georgian, Lord of the Mountain of Brus. With this man did Osman practice many tokens of good will, and he again interchangeably to∣wards Osman; whereupon there arose great Friend∣ship between them, at leastwise in outward appea∣rance; whereunto in short time there was added

a strait knot of Alliance: for that Osman took to Wife a Daughter of the said Sahamals, the great∣est sign of his sincere love towards him. Never∣theless, shortly after, Osman, upon some reasonable Conjectures, began to suspect (as indeed the truth was) that Sahamal, for all the fair shew of Friend∣ship he made towards him, might for all that re∣ceive some secret order from the Persian King to betray him, and to free the City from the Turks, and so to reduce all that Province unto the ancient Devotion; in which jealous suspicion he was fully confirmed by the Speeches of his Wife, the Daugh∣ter of Sahamal; who, ravished with the Honour, Valour, and Riches of her Husband, could not conceal any thing that she knew devised against him, but frankly told him, That her Father, being secretly reconciled to the Persian King, held Friend∣ship with him, and that Letters went between them of great matters, and particularly of the Af∣fairs of Siruan. Hereupon the Bassa perswaded himself, that all the Friendship of Sahamal was but deep Dissimulation, and the Marriage of his Daugh∣ter nothing but a mean to procure his Death. Ne∣vertheless he made shew unto his Wife, as if he had made no such reckoning of it as indeed he did, but kept it in store to his own safety, and the De∣struction of Sahamal; whom, for all that he still entertained with all Honour and Kindness due un∣to a most loving Father-in-law. But to prevent the malicious purpose of Sahamal, having invited him, according to the custom, to a certain solemn Feast, he acquainted certain Companies of his most trusty and valiant Souldiers with his Determinati∣on, enjoyning them, that as soon as Sahamal was entred into his Court, even in the very dis∣mounting from his Horse, they should all fall upon him, cut off his Head, and put all his retinue to the Sword.* 3.37 Which his cruel command was by them accordingly at Sahamals comming put in ex∣ecution, he in lighting from his Horse being slain, and all his Followers murdered, when forthwith were sent forth by Osman two thousand Horsemen to spoil and sack all the Country of the said Geor∣gian Lord, to the great marvel and astonishment both of far and near. The Persian King hearing of these News, took the matter grievously, as fore∣seeing that the recovery of that Country and Pro∣vince of Siruan would prove a matter of great Dif∣ficulty, and fearing greatly that it would still re∣main (as indeed it doth) in the Possession of the Turks. This was the end of the Turks Attempts against the Persians in Siruan this year 1578, where∣in they lost above seventy thousand men, devou∣red partly with the Sword, and partly with Famine, and the other Miseries of War. And so Winter comming on very sharply, every man withdrew himself from the Field, wholly attending the keep∣ing of that they had already gotten, untill the com∣ing on of the next Spring.

Amurath, advertised by Letters from Mustapha, of all that had hapned in the late Expedition against the Persians,* 3.38 upon these prosperous Successes (which the Bassa had for the advancing of his own Cre∣dit described to be far greater than indeed they were) began to cast many Devices in his Head, touching such matters as were to be attempted the next year. And first, he thought it necessary to send his ••orces again into Siruan, to recover such Places as were first conquered by Mustapha, but af∣terward again subdued by the Persians; so to esta∣blish his Government in that Country. But upon better consideration, he ceased further to think of that matter, for the great hope he had conceived of the aid that was promised him by Tartar Chan, who had faithfully assured both him and Osman, that he would over-run that Province anew, and do great matters in furtherance of the Turks De∣signs; all which for all that fell out to be but win∣dy words; yet in respect of this hope he laied Si∣ruan aside, and committed the defence thereof to the false Promises of the Tartarian, and the Va∣lour of Osman. And pleasing his ambitious Desires with more haughty Thoughts, he began to devise with himself for sending his Army directly to Tau∣ris, there to erect a Fortress; which being strongly fortified, and furnished with a great Garrison of most valiant Souldiers, should never be again subdued by all the power of Persia; and by this means to keep in Subjection all those great Coun∣tries between Tauris and Erzirum. Which his con∣ceit, being of great weight and importance, was much increased by the perswasion of others, very inward with him; every man being almost of Opinion, That it was an easie matter for so great an Host in few days to perform that Service, and to pierce, not only into Tauris, but farther, to pass whithersoever he would desire. Yet after he had more deeply considered of an Enterprise of so great importance, and with more indifferent Judgment compared his own Forces with his Enemies, he be∣gan to find many difficulties and Dangers, which in the heat of his ambitious desires he at the first saw not; for beside the length and tediousness of the Journey, he doubted that in sending his Ar∣my for Tauris, it might be on the other side assail∣ed by the Georgians (of whose obedience he had as yet no great assurance) and on the other side by the Persians, and so brought into great danger; which he was always to fear, whensoever he should have occasion to send new supplies unto the For∣tress by him intended at Tauris. Whereupon, lay∣ing aside all his former Conceits, as too eager and perillous, he resolutely concluded with himself, first to make sure his own Borders, and afterwards by little and little to enter into the Enemies Coun∣try, still fortifying in convenient Places as he went; and so surely, although but slowly, to triumph over his Enemies, rather than by thrusting his Ar∣my headlong upon uncertainties into places strong∣ly fenced both by Nature and the Power of most mighty Enemies, to be inforced with shame to abandon the enterprise so hastily begun.

Of this his Resolution he advertised Mustapha by Writing, giving him in charge,* 3.39 against the next Spring to provide all such things as should be necessary for the building of certain Forts upon the way that leadeth from Erzirum into Georgia: ••hat having made those ways safe, and brought the People under his obedience, he might after∣wards attempt greater matters. Whereupon Mu∣stapha presently directed forth Precepts to the Ci∣ties of Aleppo, of Damasco, Caraemit, and other Places of Soria and Mesopotamia, for the taking up of cunning Workmen, of Pioneers, and such like, to the number of twenty thousand; and likewise wrote to all the Countries, out of which he had raised his Army the last year, That all their Soul∣diers (yea and in greater number also) should be in readiness against the next Spring, to return to the Wars. The rumor whereof he caused to be spread even as far as Aegypt. He commanded also the Taxes and Tenths of those Countries to be collected, and further, used the Chambers of Alep∣po, and other Places, for such masses of Money as he thought necessary for these purposes.

In this while, the two Georgian Brethren, Alex∣ander and Manucchiar, sent (as we have before said) by Mustapha to Amurath at Constantinople, in doubtfull hope, expecting the end for which they were both sent unto the Court; were both examined,* 3.40 and exhorted to embrace the Mahome∣tan Religion, whereunto Manucchiar easily yield∣ed. Whereas on the other side Alexander his el∣der Brother could by no Allurements or means be

induced to consent to so infamous and damnable a change of his Religion, although he knew he should therefore be deprived of his state;* 3.41 but pro∣testing his Obedience at all times to Amurath, and his love to his Brother, requested only, that he might but as a private Man go and live in his Country, there to be buried amongst his Ancestors. Which his request the Turkish Emperour referred to the Discretion of Manucchiar, to do therein as he saw good; who consented thereunto. Hereup∣on Manucchiar was circumcised, and the name of Mustaffa given him, with the Title of the Bassa and Governour of Altunchala, and of all his Mo∣thers and Brothers Countries: and being thus cre∣ated a Turk, had his Brother Alexander, a Christi∣an, committed unto him, and so both returned in∣to their own Countries.

Now in the Persian Court at Casbin, were many Consultations had for the repressing of the Invasi∣ons of the Turks.* 3.42 And among others careful of those matters, Emanguli Chan, Governour of Genge, doubting to lose his honourable Government, by reason of the late sack of his City, and spoil of his Country by the Tartarians; by those Plots that were daily in contriving for the sending of men into Siruan to impeach the Designments of Osman Bassa, and if it were possible, to drive him out of Derbent; took occasion to offer unto the King, up∣on pain of his Head, to defend Siruan, and not to suffer Osman the Turk to attempt any new Forti∣fications, or further Conquests in that Province. Of which his offer the King accepted, and there∣upon the Government of Genge, and guarding of the Country of Siruan against the Forces of Osman, was frankly committed unto him; and command∣ment given to the Governours of Tauris, Reivan, and Nass••••an, and to divers other Captains that were nearest, to be ready at all times with their Power to assist Emanguli Chan, if it should fortune either the Tartarians or Turks, with any great Power to enter into Siruan: which order so taken; was thought sufficient for the Security of that Province.

But how to protect the Georgian Country, was thought to be a matter of great importance, every man being almost of Opinion, That some great Power of the Turks should be sent thither, for the more assurance of the Conquest thereof already be∣gun, and for the Succour of the Fortress at Tef••is, which must needs otherwise fall again into the hand of the Georgians. This matter so troubled the Persian King, as that he seemed to have bent his whole Counsels and Thoughts thereupon: When Simon, a Georgian, a famous Captain, (some∣time Prisoner with Ismahel the late King at Caha∣ca, and by the familiarity he had with him, se∣duced from the Christian Faith; for defence where∣of he had in the time of King Tamas, chosen to live deprived of his Liberty and State) thinking it now a fit time to obtain at the Kings Hand such help as he had long desired, for the recovery of his Dominion usurped by David, otherwise called Daut Chan, his younger Brother (who for the ob∣taining thereof of King Tamas, had voluntarily renounced his Christian Religion) offered now unto the King his faithful Service, for the defence of that part of the Georgian Country wherein Teflis stood (being in right, part of his own Inheritance) against the Turks; reproving by way of Disgrace, his younger Brother of Cowardise, and promising the performance of great matters in himself, both for the Defence of that evil defended Country, and further annoying of the Enemy.* 3.43 With great con∣tent did the Persian King consent to the request of Simon, and named him Chan of all that Kingdom which he possessed before whilst he was a Christi∣an: and sent with him Aliculi Chan into Georgia, with five thousand Horsemen, and certain pieces of Artillery taken at Eres, when Caietas Bassa was slain. Simon afterwards coming to Georgia, was joyfully received of his Country-men, and there pressed about three thousand Souldiers of his own and of his Neighbours; excusing himself that he was become a Persian, not because he preferred the Mahometan superstition before the Christian Re∣ligion, but only so to be delivered from his long Imprisonment, and by that means to maintain his Estate. And in this order were the Affairs of Geor∣gia assured and strengthned in the best manner that might then be.

Now began the Spring to approach, [year 1579] and every man prepared himself to the discontinued Travels of the Wars begun;* 3.44 and now were met together at Erzirum, out of all the wonted Provinces, all the Turks Forces, with all things necessary for the intended War. With this Army, in all things equal with the first, Mustapha set forward, and in twelve days came to Chars, not perceiving in his Souldiers any sign of discontentment at all. And forasmuch as here they were to stay, and to forti∣fie both with Walls and Ditches that ruinated Ci∣ty, and that with as great speed as was possible; there was no Remedy, but that beside the Pioneers and Engineers that were brought for that purpose, many of the Spaoglani, yea and of the Ianizaries also, must be set to work. Whereupon they all suddenly in a tumult, began with bitter Protestati∣ons to tell the General, That their stipends where∣with it pleased the Sultan to favour them, were not bestowed upon them to imploy their Forces and Virtues in such servile Works; but only with their Swords and other Weapons, to exercise that force and hardiness for which they were esteemed worthy of that Honour. Whereunto the Gene∣ral answered in most haughty Terms, and not yielding one jot to their Incivility, but using all means of Authority and Terrour, brought them to work so much as he desired:* 3.45 So that within the space of twenty three days the Townes and Walls were erected, the Ditches digged, the Artillery orderly planted upon the Walls, and the Water brought round about it. Many Inconveniencies happened in the Army while they were busie in this work; and namely upon the twenty fifth day of August, when they had almost even finished the whole Building, the Souldiers endured a most sudden cold by reason of the Snow that then fell in great abun∣dance.* 3.46

Chars thus fortified, the General resolved to send Succours into Georgia to Teflis; without which it was most certain that the Fortress would be yield∣ed to the Georgians, but in what sort to relieve it he remained doubtful. To send part of his Army with some valiant Captain seemed dangerous, and to go himself with all his Forces, would ••ound (as he thought) to his discredit with his great Lord and Master, whom he had already made believe that he had subdued the Georgians, and brought all that Province to his Obedience and Devotion. In this Ambiguity, the desire he had to preserve his Credit with Amurath prevailed; and so he made choice of Hassan Bassa, Son to Muhamet,* 3.47 principal Visier of the Court, a gallant Gentleman, and of great Valour, to whom he delivered between eighteen and twenty thousand Souldiers; joyning unto him one Resuan, Captain of certain Adven∣turers that voluntarily offered themselves to follow the Forces of Hassan; assigning unto him likewise forty thousand Duckets, and many loads of Rice, Meal, and Barley, with other things necessary both for Diet and War, and so sent him away for Teflis.

Hassan with this charge set forward, fully resol∣ved to put these succours into Teflis, or to lose all: and at length came to the famous Streight of Toma∣nis,

where the over-grown Woods on the one side, and the deep Vallies and craggie Rocks on the other, would astonish a right constant Beholder. When upon the sudden, the Persians and the Geor∣gians, under the Conduct of Aliculi Chan and Si∣mon, at unawares set upon the Turks, and joined Battel with them. For these two valiant Captains, remaining for the most part in the Borders of Teflis and Tomanis with 8000 Souldiers, waiting for some Opportunity to annoy either them of the Fort of Teflis, or else such as should come to their Suc∣cours; understanding by their espials, of the com∣ing of Hassan with this aid, had scattered themselves all along the said Streight, in hope there to assail the Turks, and, holpen by the advantage of the Place, to drive them headlong into the deep Val∣ley, and at once to bereave them both of their Goods and Life. But Hassan, careful of nothing more than how to avoid that danger, chose rather to make his Journey through the thick Woods, and so as he might to escape the ambush that the Enemy might lay for him upon that straight Pas∣sage.* 3.48 And so entring with his Army into the Wood, which he was to have left upon his left hand, to discover what might be plotted against him, he was hardly charged by the Enemy, and constrained to fight with a thousand windings and turnings in and out, through a thousand crooked Paths and doubtful Cranks, in a most confused medly, with great slaughter of his Men: who, not accustomed to this kind of Fight, nor acquainted with the scituation of the place, were in the skir∣mish driven fo far, that down they fell, and being not able to recover themselves, were presently slain. And thus with much ado he at length passed the Streight of Tomanis. Hassan, deeming himself much disgraced by suffering his Enemies, in num∣ber so far inferior, to have done him so much harm, and so to have escaped his hands; and fur∣ther, considering that in such Places, sleights and stratagems more avail than open Forces; burning with desire of revenge, would needs stay near un∣to those Streights, as if it had been to refresh his wearied Army, but indeed to try if the Persians would adventure again to trouble him, or no: and appointed Resuan Bassa with certain Bands of the Souldiers of Graece, and of his own Adventurers, to lie in ambush within the covert of the Streight, at∣tentive to every stir of the Enemy. Two days the Turks Army lay thus divided, and were now re∣solved the third day to remove thence towards Teflis; when as the Persian Captains▪ Aliculi Chan and Simon, vainly imagining that this stay of the Turks was for fear of the Persians, foolishly return∣ed, and gave a fresh onset upon the flank of Hassans Squadrons.* 3.49 Who forthwith raising all his Souldi∣ers, and giving a sign to Resuan, with all speed compassed in his Enemies, and straightning them on both sides, took some of them alive, cut in pie∣ces other some, and put all the rest to flight. Among others that were taken alive, was Aliculi Chan, the Persian Captain, who over-rashly char∣ging upon the face of Hassan, fell into his Hand. The next day following (being the eleventh day after Hassans departure from Chars) he joyfully arrived at Teflis,* 3.50 where he found among the poor besieged Turks many Miseries; whereof some were already dead, and some yet sick, for they were so plagued with Famine, that they not only devou••ed their Horses, but even the very Skins of the same Horses, of Sheep, and of Dogs, and in such most miserable wants had passed the time; whom Hassan at his arrival comforted with Gifts and good Words, exhorting them to persist con∣stant in the service of their King, whose Honour (as he said) was never more than there to be re∣spected. And for as much as the Souldiers of the Fort did with one Voice request Hassan to appoint them a new Governour, because they did mislike Mahamet Bassa, who the last year was left by the Ge∣neral in that Fort; Hassan removed the said Maha∣met, and put Amet Bassa in his place: and so after he had filled up the places of the dead Souldiers with a new supply, and set all things in order, he took his leave, recommending the charge and cu∣stody of that Fort to their Trust and Valour. Has∣san returning from Teflis, and being without any trouble come to the Streight of Tomanis, was adverti∣sed by his Scouts, That it was so strongly possessed by the Enemy, and so shut up with Artillery, as that it was not to be passed through: for Simon, thinking (as indeed it fell out) that Hassan would return that way, had so belayed that Streight, as that the Turks could not without most assured loss pass the same: which thing much troubled the Bassa, and filled his head with many Conceits, how he might make his Journey some other way, and de∣cline the danger prepared for him. Thus perplex∣ed, and altogether doubtful what to do, or which way to turn himself; Aliculi Chan the Persian (who to purchase his Liberty could have been content to have done any thing) offered Hassan to shew him a short and safe cut, whereby he might without danger pass with his Army out of that troublesom Country; yet covenanting before, that he should promise him to set him at Liberty for his so good Service. Which his request the Bassa did not stick in large manner to promise, although he af∣terwards to his great dishonour performed not the same. So bending his Journey on the right hand, he was guided by Aliculi through strange and un∣couth wayes, out of those Woods and Dangers, not meeting so much as with one of his Enemies. But when the Persian Duke well hoping for his Liber∣ty, put the Turk in mind of his promise; he with deep and feigned sighs protested, That he was right sorry that he could not perform what he had pro∣mised to do for him, forasmuch as it lay not in his Power to set any man at Liberty, that was taken in Battel by the Souldiers of his great Lord and So∣vereign: yet gave him his faith, that so far as his Intreaties and Favours with the General Mustapha could prevail, he would use all the most earnest means he could to procure his liberty and return to his own Country.

Simon the Georgian,* 3.51 perceiving that the Turks were removed, imagined forthwith that they had taken this new way: but being afterward certified by his faithful Spies, that it was so indeed, he ran all headlong, and as it were desperate, to meet with this so happy an Army. And all inflamed with rage for this great Fortune of the Turks, he fell up∣on the tail of the Turkish Host, which with un∣measurable Fury he wholly destroyed, leading away with him all the People, all the Horses, and all the Treasure of Mahamet Bassa which he brought from Teflis, and all the Treasure of Hassan Bassa likewise. As for Aliculi Chan, whom Simon most greedily sought for, he was sent way in the front of the Army, so that he was not to be rescued. Has∣san holding on his way, came to Chars in the space of eight days after his departure from Teflis, and there presented unto Mustapha the General, the Per∣sian Captain Aliculi, recounting unto him the dan∣gers he had indured, and whatsoever else had hap∣ned in that Expedition. Aliculi, the unfortunate Persian, was by the commandment of Mustapha car∣ried to Erzirum, and there in the Castle committed to Prison. Not long after,* 3.52 Mustapha returned him∣self also to the said City of Erzirum, with his Ar∣my sore weakned and discontented; which was there presently by him discharged.

About the same time that these things were in doing, Amurath, to make a safer and more easie

passage for his Forces into Georgia, sent Vluzales his Admiral with a great Fleet into the Euxine Sea to Mengrelia, called in ancient time Cholchis; who entering the famous River of Phasis (now Fassa) there fortified, and laid such a beginning, that it is now one of the Turks proud Beglerbegships, al∣though those Fortifications, shortly after the depar∣ture of the Admiral, were for the present again by the Mengrelians demolished. And this was the end of the stirs of this year 1579.

Of all these Successes Mustapha afterwards sent Advertisements to the Court to Amurath, recount∣ing unto him the fortifying of Chars, the Deserts of Hassan, as well for the succouring of Teflis, as for the taking of Aliculi the Persian. And because the said General had the year before perswaded Amu∣rath, That the Country of Georgia, and the People thereof, were brought under his Obedience, to the end that he should not marvel at so many Losses and so many Battels, and thereby doubt of some false Informations; he declared unto him, that all these Troubles were not raised by the natural and home-bred Georgians, but by two certain Captains, Aliculi and Simon, sent out of Persia, who had made all these stirs; of which one of them now remain∣ed with him in Prison, for him to determine of at his Pleasure. With great Delight did the Turkish Emperour read all that Mustapha had written,* 3.53 and by two of his Gentlemen-Ushers sent to Hassan a Battle-axe all gilt and set full of Stones, a Targuet of Gold and Pearl, and a rich Garment of Cloth of Gold, in reward of his good Service, for which he greatly commended him; and withall gave or∣der, That Aliculi should be kept where he was in the Castle of Erzirum, in diligent and safe Custody.

These Invasions of the Turks much troubled the Persian King in his Court at Casbin, considering, that now they had both throughly acquainted themselves with all the Passages into Georgia, (in the difficulty and roughness whereof consisted the chief defence of that Province) as also that divers of the Georgian Princes were more than inclining unto the Turks Service; so that he could not but justly fear, that his Enemies would in time begin to pierce into the noble Cities of Media the greater, yea and peradventure even unto Tauris before any of the rest. Which his care of foreign Invasion was doubled with domestical Fears; Mirize Salmas, his chief Visier, and upon whom he most rested, still filling his Head with a jealous Suspition, That Abas Marize's Son (made Governour of Heri, by Tamas his Grandfather,) was about in these Trou∣bles with the Turk, to proclaim himself King of Persia, to the great Ignominy of his Father, and Prejudice of Emir Hamze, his eldest Brother, the worthy and undoubted Heir of that Kingdom. This Mirize Salmas (according to his longing de∣sire) had married a Daughter of his to the said Emir Hamze, with the Consent of the King his Fa∣ther; but yet not content with that Honour, ceased not continually with ambitious Devices, to seek out means how to bring to pass, that the Persian Estate might wholly remain to his Son-in-law, un∣divided and intire from the Participation of his Brethren; and therefore little regarding the Perils that might happen from the Turks, and blinded with the desire of his own greatness, he went about to turn the King (being a man very credulous and inconsiderate) against Abas Marize; either to take him and commit him to Prison, or at least to be∣reave him of all Authority and Command. And the better to perswade the King thereunto, he dis∣covered unto him, how little Abas Marize's Son had respected him in divers Occasions; and that in these late Wars he had not so much as sent forth one man against the Turks, but had forbidden such as were of his Jurisdiction of Heri, to come to Casbin, at such time as they were summoned both by Letters and Commandment, to have passed with Emir Hamze into Siruan; by reason whereof not one of them would stir a foot, answering, That they were enjoyned so to do by Abas Marize, their Lord; who had not only caused himself to be cal∣led King of Heri, but had given it out, that he meant to claim the Succession in the whole King∣dom. These complaints much prevailed with the King, both in respect of the love he bare to Emir Hamze, his eldest Son, and also of the credit he gave to his Visier; especially being accompanied with the crafty packing of the said Visier; who as he was very cunning in such Practises of him∣self, so did he make them much more effectual with the effeminate King, by the means of divers great Ladies, and other Devices that were to him very familiar and usual: Insomuch that the King, carried away with light belief, did continually be∣think himself how to find Opportunity to repress the boldness of his disobedient Son; not forgetting for all that, to make such preparation against the Turks, as should be sufficient to stay their Passage to Tauris, if they had any purpose so to do. But leaving the Persian King to his troubled Cogitati∣ons for a while, let us again return unto the Turks General, the great Bassa Mustapha.

He now lying at Erzirum, after many troubles abroad, was surprised,* 3.54 and almost overwhelmed with unexpected Quarrels at home, many grievous Complaints being made of him to Amurath, where∣by he was induced afterwards to take from him his Generalship, and to call him to the Court to give account of his Actions. Which seemed not to be done without cause, he having before raised a great Discontentment in the Mind of Amurath, by sending such a strong power to the Succours of Teflis; whereby he conjectured, that the Affairs of Georgia were not in such Security as Mustapha had already informed him they were, and also gene∣rally offended the Minds of the Souldiers of his Army, who all in an uprore, accused him of Im∣providence and Prodigality, for that now this se∣cond year he had with so much ado gathered to∣gether such a number of Souldiers, to the trouble of the whole Empire, and infinite charge of their Lord, and yet performed nothing worthy the Glo∣ry of Amurath, or answerable to so great a charge. Which Complaints, although they were of some moment, yet would the Turkish Emperour, for the great Favours he bare unto him his antient Tutor, never have construed them so hardly against him, as for the same to have been induced to have deprived him of his place, if the inveterate envy of Sinan Bassa had not ministred strength and force to these hard Accusations, and set (as it were) an edge upon Amurath to do what he afterwards did.

This Sinan was a most antient Enemy to Musta∣pha, and in all things thought himself his match. For if Mustapha had subdued Cyprus, so had he con∣quered Tripolis, Guletta, with the Kingdom of Tu∣nes in Affricke: and if Mustapha were a man of great Courage, and reverend for his years, Sinan would be his equal both in the one and the other; yea, and did not stick to think himself his better too, for that in the enterprise of Giamen in Arabia, he performed such an Exploit as Mustapha neither durst, nor yet knew how to put in Execution, so carrying away the Glory of that famous Conquest; for which ever after there was between them a con∣tinual heart-burning, one of them envying at the others Glory, and both in Word and Deed, as Oc∣casions fell out, in all things opposing themselves one against the other. At last happens this Oppor∣tunity for Sinan,* 3.55 who taking the occasion of the Complaints of so many against Mustapha▪ caused a great number of them to frame their Supplications

to Amurath, which he for his part did in most ma∣lignant manner inforce and exaggerate against his old Adversary, accusing him, that this second year he had most manifestly shewed himself to have gone unto the Wars, not as a worthy General, de∣sirous of noble and honourable Enterprises, but as a man that would make merchandise of Blood, and of his Souldiers pay; employing the most li∣beral Provision of Corn and Money, not as Re∣wards of well-deserving men, nor to the erecting of such Pabricks as were needful, and might have been built therewithall, but onely to his own pro∣per gain, so to inrich himself with his Peoples los∣ses, to the great shame of his Lord, and consuming of the publick Treasure; adding hereunto, that if the things done by Mustapha were well searched, it would be found, that he had neglected many good Opportunities, attempted many things in vain, and not done any good either to the Emperour or his Souldiers, but only to himself; whom rather than they would follow again as their General, all his People in an uprore shewed themselves rea∣dy and willing to adventure themselves in any other far greater Labour that by their Lord and Sove∣reign should be commanded them.

These and such like Complaints, with the hard Opinion already conceived against him by Amu∣rath, were the occasion why he resolved to put him from his place. Beside that, he thought it a thing dangerous to his state, to suffer one and the self same General any long time to command over so great Armies; deeming it not so much for his Honour, still to employ one man, as to shew that he had variety and choice of Subjects, worthy of so great a charge.* 3.56 And therefore, being desirous to find out the truth of that was reported to him con∣cerning Mustapha, he sent the chief of his Gentle∣men Porters, with fifteen others, to bring him to the Court, with his Chancellour and Treasurer, to shew the accounts of such Monies as he had recei∣ved, and to give up an account of their whole Office. Unto this Messenger had Amurath deliver∣ed three divers Letters, which he should warily shew, as occasion served; one of them was so writ∣ten of purpose, that Mustapha in the receiving thereof might by the same Messengers be strangled; in the second was the Emperours warrant for the doing of that was to them commanded; and in the third was contained, that Mustapha should forthwith send his Chancellour and Treasurer to the Court by those Messengers. Mustapha in the mean time by divers means, but especially by the guilt of his own Conscience, venting the Displea∣sure of the Emperour towards him, and suspecting (as the truth was) his Life to be by those Messen∣gers sought after, at such time as the Captain Por∣ter came to his Camp, found many delays to put him off, and would not in any case be spoken withal. But when the Messenger would indure no longer delay, he was at length admitted to his pre∣sence, having a circle appointed for him, out of which he and his Companions might not stir or approach nearer unto him, the Bassa's Guard standing in Arms round about him. The Messen∣ger perceiving the Bassa's wariness, wilily pluck'd forth the third Letters, concerning the sending of his Chancellour and Treasurer to the Court. Then began the crafty old Bassa to find many ex∣cuses to have delayed the matter; but being hard∣ly pressed by the Messenger, and seeing no other Remedy, he with much difficulty delivered them both, covenanting before with the Messenger, to have both their Lives spared; who coming to Constantinople, were forthwith clapt fast into the Tower called Iadicula, as there to have been se∣verely examined of all the doings of the Bassa, But Mustapha, after long delay, coming at length to Constantinople, the ninth of April in the Spring fol∣lowing, and using the mighty and potent mediati∣on of divers great Ladies,* 3.57 and other his gracious Friends in Court, prevailed so much in that cor∣rupt Government, as that he was again at length received into the Favour of Amurath, without any further proceeding against Him, his Chancellour, or Treasurer, who by his means were afterwards also inlarged and set at liberty; yet was he never after admitted to those Honours, which he per∣swaded himself were of right due unto him, for his good and faithful service of long time done to the Othoman Emperours.

In this time that Mustapha was General at Erzi∣rum, Muhamet the Visier Bassa was treacherously slain at Constantinople; after whom, shortly di∣ed also Achmet Bassa, who succeeded in his place; so that the said sovereign Dignity, in Honour next unto the Turkish Emperour, was by rightful Suc∣cession due to Mustapha, the next Bassa; but that he was not thought worthy of it by him that might, and of right ought to have gratified him there∣with, as shall be a little hereafter declared, when we have briefly set down the sudden and strange death of the said Muhamet the Visier, worthy in all Histories to be registred, as a mirrour for all such as administer Justice in so great place, to look upon.

This Bassa,* 3.58 a man of as great Fame as ever was any that had Government in the Othoman Empire, in the time that he all commanded, had for some light causes deprived a certain Souldier of Constan∣tinople of his yearly Pension, which, with many Labours and Dangers he had gotten to maintain himself; which Pension the Bassa bestowed upon another Souldier, so that the other poor Soul re∣mained in Misery, altogether unprovided for. Unto which miserable estate seeing himself now brought, and not guilty to himself of any Fault worthy so great Punishment, he determined with himself, to revenge the Injury with the Blood of that great Bassa, and to bereave him of Life, that had bereft him of Living; which, because he could not by any fit means put in Execution (by reason of the Guard of Slaves that kept the Person of the Visier, so that no man can come near him that holdeth that high place) except he could by some means acquaint himself in the Visiers House, and so insinuate himself into his acquaintance; he re∣solved to take upon him the rude habit of those religious, which the Turks call Deruislars, and after their manner to present himself every Morning be∣fore the Visier, to ask his Alms, and so he did, counterfeiting withall, a certain kind of folly and lightness of Mind, as do those Deruislars, to make the People believe, that they contemn all worldly things, as men ravished only with heavenly Cogi∣tations; which yet was by some that kn••w him, thought to have hapned in him, through the Grief he had conceived for the loss of his stipend. Muha∣met not only the first time, but also at all other times that this counterfeit Hypocrite came before him, caused him to be comforted with his Alms, and as it were with a kind of private stipend, enjoyn∣ed him every Morning to come unto him into the Divano, and there, together with others appointed for the same purpose▪ to say his devout Prayers, and in singing Praises to their wicked Prophet, to intreat God for his Salvation; for it is a custom of all the Noble-men, that at ordinary hours of Prayers, all their Priests assemble themselves in the Divano, which is made ready for them; and there all-together the infidel Wretches do with their unclean Mouths mumble up their superstitious Prayers, or rather most abominable Blasphemies. By this means did this dissembling Companion so insinuate himself into the Visiers Acquaintan••e,

that the counterfeit fool went in and out of the Divano at his Pleasure, no man gain-saying either his going in or coming out, but daily sat in the Presence of the Visier, and so having said his Pray∣ers, and taken his Alms, with all Reverence quiet∣ly departed. At last, when the crafty Hypocrite thought that the time was come wherein he might most fitly execute his purpose, having utterly re∣solved with himself to die, so that he might satis∣fie the Desire he had of Revenge, so long covertly fostered in his Heart; having conveyed a very sharp Dagger secretly into one of his Sleeves, he went according to his Custom, to require his Alms, with an assured Resolution (when he had said his Prayers, and reached out his hands to receive his wonted Alms) speedily to charge upon the Visier, and with the Dagger to strike him to the Heart. According to the accustomed manner was the counterfeit Hypocrite (for who would ever have suspected so long and so traiterous a designment) admitted into the Divano, where Muhamet the Vi∣sier sat in his House, to give publick audience, and after the usual manner, before any of the suters that attended for answers and dispatch of their bu∣siness suspected any such deceit, he was admitted near to the Visier, and sitting right against him, according to his old wont, poured out those vain Devotions which those hypocritical Barbarians use to mumble up in their Prayers; which being fi∣nished, whilst the Visier simply reacheth unto him his wonted Alms, the traiterous Villain in recei∣ving it, suddenly drew out his Dagger, and once or twice stabbed it into the Visiers Breast, out of which so deadly Wounds gushed out his Blood and Life together. Whereupon the standers by, astoni∣shed with the strangeness of the Act, ran in, but lo the old hoary Visier lay all soiled in his own Blood, deadly pale, and breathing forth his last gasp. The mischievous murderer they presently laid hands upon, and bound him fast; but the Ru∣mor of the strange fact did by and by flie unto the Emperours Ears, who, suspecting that some of the other great Bassa's, desiring to mount into that high Dignity, had provoked the Traitor to do this de∣testable Act, would needs understand of the traite∣rous Murderer, what occasion had moved him so treacherously to kill his Visier. Who resolutely answered him, That he did it to deliver the City of Constantinople from the Tyranny of him, by whom he was undeservedly deprived of his Pen∣sion. But when he could get no other answer of him, he delivered him into the hands of the Slaves of the dead Visier, who with most exquisite Tor∣ments put him to death.

Muhamet thus dead, after him succeeded Achme∣tes the next Bassa, who (as is before said) shortly after died also, so that it was now Mustapha's course to succeed in that chief room, for that he was the third in the order of the Bassaes. But when he had used all the means that he possibly could, to have obtained that so honourable a place by order due unto him; yet could he not find so much grace in the sight of Amurath, his great Lord, as to have it granted him under Seal, although in effect he made him sit as Visier, and all matters of State were brought unto him as chief Visier: but in his stead the Seal was sent to Sinan Bassa, who was now made General for the Persian Wars. Which disgrace not a little discontented Mustapha, fearing le••t some other strange accident should in short time light upon him.

[year 1580] After that Mustapha was thus displaced from his Generalship, Amurath nominated Sinan Bassa to be General in his stead,* 3.59 for this Expedition a∣gainst the Persians, and for the Preservation of Chars and Teflis; giving him sovereign Authority to command, and to set in order all such Prepara∣tions as he should think necessary for such Enter∣prises as he should think good to attempt in his first year; who although by reason of his great favour, he grew haughty and Glorious, yet did he not fores••ow to discourse throughly with himself upon all his Designments: and namely, beside the succouring of Teflis, he determined to build a Fort at Tomanis, to assure the Passage thither from Chars; and withall to attempt all the means he could to induce the Persian King to send Ambassadors for Peace, with such Conditions as should be accepta∣ble to Amurath. With these and such like Dis∣courses did he busie himself whilst he was yet ma∣king preparation to set forwards towards Erzirum.

Of all these changes and alterations was the Per∣sian King advertised, as also that this new Turkish General Sinan was careful how this long War might by some means be appeased, and a good Peace concluded. Upon which occasion, and by the Perswasion of Leuent Ogli, the Georgian, and of Mirize Salmas the Visier, he was induced to send Ambassadors to Constantinople, to demand Peace of Amurath. Upon which Resolution he dispatched Maxut Chan (of some called Maxudes) his Ambassador,* 3.60 with direction that he should go to Sinan, and of him to receive Guides to conduct him to Constantinople with Letters to Amurath, and as much as lay in him, to labour for the pacifying of all these troubles: and in any case to conclude upon it, so that he would be content with Chars and Teflis. With these Instructions the Ambassa∣dor departed, and at length arrived at Chars, and so came to Erzirum, and was from thence conduct∣ed towards Amasia. But when he came to Sivas, he found Sinan the General there encamped, ga∣thering together his Army for the Execution of his Designments: for Sinan, upon the arrival of Musta∣pha, departing from Constantinople the five and twentieth day of April, was now come so far on his way. Of the coming of this Ambassador, the Turks received great Joy, and News thereof was in post sent by Cicala Bassa to the Court. The Per∣sian Ambassador informed Sinan of all that he had to treat with Amurath on the behalf of King Maha∣met; and laboured earnestly to perswade him of the Equity of the Cause, and of his Request; de∣claring unto him, That forasmuch as both the Nations were conjoyned under the Law of Maho∣met their common Prophet (though there seemed some small difference not worth those troubles) it were a very inconvenient thing for them to con∣tend among themselves, and to seek the overthrow or utter destruction of one another; and that there∣fore he was in good hope to obtain of Amurath this desired Peace, if he had no other cause where∣with he found himself agrieved, as in truth he had not. Wherefore he besought the General, that he would with safe Convoy conduct him to Amurath, to the end that, if it were possible, these bloody Wars might take end; at the very report where∣of, the rest of the World rejoyced, and stood at∣tentively waiting to see what would be the issue thereof.

This Ambassador Sinan entertained after the best manner the rudeness of his Nature would afford; and thinking that the very fame of his Valour had wrought in the Minds of his Enemies this Re∣solution, to come to demand Peace, granted unto the Ambassador a sure Convoy to conduct him to Constantinople; and wrote to Amurath in his Letters, all that he thought was fit to be demanded, repre∣senting unto him what great and important mat∣ters (he hoped) might now be obtained. But be∣fore he dismissed the said Ambassador,* 3.61 he advised him not to go to Amurath, without Resolution to offer unto him some great good Conditions, and to yield unto him all that Country which he by

force of Arms had before conquered: for he knew the mind of Amurath very well, that he was resol∣ved in himself, not to yield so much as one hands breadth of that Ground which he had won with the Sword. Which motion of the pround Bassa so troubled the Ambassador, that fearing he should not be able to conclude any thing, he stood in doubt, whether to proceed on his Journey to Con∣stantinople, or to return back again into Persia; but considering better what belonged to his Duty in so weighty a business, and hoping to receive more reasonable Conditions from the mouth of Amurath himself, he gave large words to Sinan, and so with a safe Convoy departed from Sivas, and by long Journeys came to Scutari, and so pas∣sing over that little strait, the fourth of August ar∣rived at Constantinople.

The Persian King in the mean time, stirred up with the report of the Turks Preparations,* 3.62 to cause it to be noised, that he likewise intended some im∣portant matters, commanded all the Chans and Governours of his Kingdom, to meet together with all their Forces at Tauris, where he himself, with the Prince Emir Hamze his Son, met them. And after many Consultations there had for the repressing of the Turkish Invasion (for as yet it was not certainly known what Sinan meant to at∣tempt) he resolved to send Souldiers into Georgia towards Teflis, whether of necessity Succours must be sent by the Turks to them of the Fort; and withall, determined also to go himself with all his Army from Tauris to Caracach, a place very com∣modious and near, to guard both Tauris and Siru∣an, being scituate even in the middest between the one and the other; and there to expect the remo∣ving of Sinan, whose ambitious Nature the King knowing, doubted that he, to surmount Mustapha, would attempt some great Enterprise; yea perad∣venture, to run even upon Tauris. But when it came to the point that he should send some of his Captains into Georgia, he made choice of such as had best experience of those Countries, and were nearest unto him; with whom he sent Tocomac also, and the rest, whose Service he had before used against the Turks: commanding them to joyn their Forces with Simon the Georgian, and by all means possible to annoy the Enemy; whom, if they should perceive to bend for Tauris, they should not fail to follow him; to the end they might joyn to∣gether with him, and so incounter the Enemies Army. All those Captains were resolute men, and led with them ten thousand Souldiers, which be∣ing joyned with them of Georgia, amounted to the number of thirteen thousand: who, arriving at Genge, gave knowledge to Simon of their coming, and that in his behalf they were ready to do great Matters.

Now was the Persian Ambassador with all due honour received at Constantinople, where he was honourably entertained by the great Bassaes of the Court, but especially by Mustapha, who within two days after, suddenly died; of a surfeit taken of eating too much of Musk-melons, and immode∣rate drinking of Zerbet, (a kind of pleasant drink which the Turks use, made of Water and Sugar:) but most men thought him to have poisoned him∣self, as fearing the former indignation of Amurath to be again inflamed by the new complains of the Persian Ambassador against him, for that he in the time of his Generalship, had dishonourably sup∣pressed certain Ambassages sent from the Persian King; which he now fearing to be called in que∣stion for, the former storms as yet scarce well ap∣peased, made himself now away. After his death it was commonly reported, that if he had longer lived, he should have been undoubtedly strangled; which to prevent, he became the worthy Executi∣oner of himself, that had most unjustly caused others to be most shamefully murdered. Which was the more like to be true, and the rather be∣lieved, for that the infinite Wealth he had of long time scraped together, was immediately after his Death taken into the Kings Treasuries, some small portion thereof being left unto his Nephews; a most certain token of Amuraths Indignation against him. The Persian Ambassador having audience the se∣venth of August, with many lively Reasons and much Eloquence, perswaded the Turkish Empe∣rour to desist from the War begun, as contrary to the Will and Pleasure of their common Prophet Mahomet; as also to the Peace, which was so roy∣ally, and with so many Capitulations, not long before concluded between Tamas and Solyman his Grandfather; and was not to have been broken, and Wars raised, but upon some great Quarrel or Injury done; which the Persians had not at any time offered, but had always wished unto him all Happiness, as they had manifestly declared, by sending unto him an Embassage to that purpose by Sultan Tocamac; whereby he might plainly per∣ceive the good mind and zeal the Persian King had for the maintenance of the Peace. And al∣though in the short reign of Ismahel, there was some Rumor raised, that he meant to go unto Ba∣bylonia, and some such like News: yet that was but a youthful part, and an effect of that heat which is commonly proper to such as being kept long in strait Prison, cannot use their Liberty with Moderation, and had therefore received due Pu∣nishment for it, by sudden and unexpected death. But as for the King that now is, he did above all others, imbrace amity with his Majesty, and there∣fore did most earnestly desire, that it would please him to temper his Anger conceived, which had incensed him to take up Arms against a King so much his Friend; being of the same Religion, and better affected towards him than all the rest of the Nations in the World.

This Ambassador the Turkish Emperour dis∣missed without any Resolution at all, but onely gave order, that whatsoever he had to say touch∣ing this Peace, he should communicate it with his Visier. Many were the Discourses which hapned▪ for that the Turk required all those Cities and Countries, which till that time he had conquered with the Sword, or (as their proud manner of Phrase is) whereon his Generals Horse had trod, to be yielded again unto him; and the Ambassa∣dor on the other side, had no warrant from his King to yield any more than that part of Georgia, which is on this side the River of Araxis. Where∣upon the said Ambassador began to fear, lest he should be suspected for a Spy, and so be evil intreat∣ed: wherewithall he did find himself too mani∣festly charged by the hard speech that the Visier used towards him. Being thus doubtful whereup∣on to resolve, perceiving himself strained to the grant of these demands, and receiving also some threatnings withall, he determined with himself to inlarge his Speeches with the Visier in divers and sundry particularities, and to give him good hope that he should be able to perswade with his King, the yielding up of so much as Amurath had and did demand. Hereupon was Maxut Chan the Am∣bassador in friendly manner and without any out∣rage sent from Constantinople to Chars, and Com∣mission given to Sinan (then at Chars) that with∣out delay, and with all fidelity, he should cause the Ambassador to be conducted to Van, and from thence into Persia, wheresoever he did desire; all which was faithfully performed.

But to return again to Sinan the General,* 3.63 who from Sivas had sent the said Ambassadour to Con∣stantinople (as is before declared;) and being de∣parted

thence, arrived at Erzirum, where he took a Survey of his Army, and other Provision necessary for this Expedition: and so from thence was now come to Chars, from whence he dispatch∣ed the Persian Ambassadour, much discontented that no other Conclusion for Peace could be wrought.

* 3.64Maxut Chan at last arriving at the Persian Court, reported unto the King all that had happened in this his Ambassage; the sum whereof was, That Amurath would not condescend to any condition of Peace, unless the whole Country of Siruan might be yielded unto him, for that he had once (as he said) conquered the same. Neither did the same Ambassador forbear to tell the King the Sus∣pition Amurath had conceived of him, to have been a Spie rather than an Ambassador; and of the large Promises he was fain to make to the Turk, to avoid the manifest danger of Imprison∣ment, or Death: all which for all that, now lay in his Majesties Power to perform or not. The King for the present remained well satisfied with that Maxut had done, and in reward of his great travel and expences, gave him the charge of the Cham∣ber at Tauris, naming him the Chamberlain of that rich and great City. Of which new Office (though very honourable, and of great impor∣tance) he took small Pleasure, for that one Emir Chan, his ancient Enemy, was chief Governour of that City, from whom he feared some dangerous treachery; wherefore he appointed his Deputy for the Execution of the Office, and withdrew him∣self from Tauris to Cassangich, a place of his own, there to pass away the time untill it should please the King otherwise to dispose of him. But Emir Chan, who still nourished in his mind the ancient hatred he had conceived against him, took this as a most fit occasion to bring him into disgrace with the King; certifying him, That Maxut, not con∣tented with the great preferment it had pleased him to bestow upon him, had in contempt of his rewards abandoned Tauris, and substituted in his place a most base Person to represent the King's Majesty, and to manage his Treasure: and that he absented himself far from that City and the Court there, having withdrawn himself into the Confines of Turkie, no doubt for some mischievous intent, either to yield himself unto them, or else to have Intelligence with them, and was like enough to be guilty to himself of the great Errour he had already committed, by offering Siruan unto the Turkish King; and making promise of so large Con∣ditions, whereby he had obtained such a sure and safe Convoy to conduct him; when as he had be∣fore discovered himself to be a Favourer of the Turks, and a Traitor to his own King: and that therefore it were good to make trial of his Incli∣nation, and so peradventure to decline some great Mischief, tending to the danger of the Persian State. This malicious Accusation slily contrived, so wrought in the mind of the suspitious King, that he commanded Emir Chan secretly to apprehend Maxut, and to bring him to the Court, and (if he could not by other means) then by torture to wrest from him the truth of all those matters. Glad was Emir to have his Enemy thus put into his hands; and thought it long untill he had brought this shame upon Maxut: who having already heard some inckling thereof, resolved with himself to do any thing, rather than to fall into the Power of his hateful Enemy. And therefore at such time as fifteen tall fellows were for that purpose sent unto him from Emir Chan, who in the Kings name summoned him to the Court; he, without making any shew that he took the matter otherwise than well, entertained them courteously, and made them great chear; but when he perceived them to be overcome with sleep, which crept upon them by reason of the excess wherewith they had over∣charged themselves, he caused them to be straitly bound, and with long Cords hanged them down into a deep Well, and there shut them up secretly covered. Then gathering together the most pre∣cious things he had in his House,* 3.65 and setting his Wives, his Children, his Brethren, and Nephews on Horse-back, fled with all his Family in the Evening, and the next day arrived at Salmas, and was there friendly entertained by the Turkish Bas∣sa, and from thence conveyed to Van, where he was courteously welcomed by Citala Bassa, and honourably accompanied, sent to Sinan the Ge∣neral, who very glad of his coming, sent him with all diligence to Constantinople, to Amurath. And this was in effect the end of the first enter∣parlance of Peace betwixt the Persians and the Turks.

Sinan remained at Chars eight days, and there again surveyed his Army and Provision; and af∣terwards set forward towards Tomanis, with Reso∣lution there to build a Fort. But being come thi∣ther, he could by no means put that his Design∣ment in Execution, by reason of the immoderate Rain, which continually, by the space of eight days fell in such abundance, as that neither did the Sun appear, or the Sky clear. Beside that, Sinan greatly feared lest the Enemy, taking the Oppor∣tunity of this Rain, of the Streight, and of the Building, should assault his Army, and finding it in evil plight, and out of order, greatly endamage it; wherefore, casting off his former Determinati∣on for fortifying at Tomanis, he removed thence, to carry Succours to Teflis. But as soon as he was risen with his Army, and past the Streight, Tal-Ogli, Captain of the Ianizaries of Damasco, and Homar, Sanzack of Saffeto, having received secret intelligence, that hard by, a little out of the way, was good store both of Corn and Cattel; resolved with themselves to go thither to fetch in that boo∣ty; and so with two thousand Souldiers, greedy of Prey, they set forward. Now Simon the Georgian, and the Persians, following the Turks Army a far off, had divided his Souldiers into all such places as where there was either Corn or Water, or any such thing as might allure the Turks to scatter themselves from the Camp; and perceiving these hungry Turks carelesly to run head-long to lay hold on this desired booty, he suddenly fell upon them, and cut them in pieces, being disordered; so that of those two thousand escaped but Tal-Ogli the Captain of the Ianizaries only, Homar the Sanzack, and all the rest being left dead upon the Ground.* 3.66

Sinan holding on his way, in two days came to Teflis; where presently he called a Counsel of all the chief men of his Army; taking order, That every man upon his Oath, should depose the truth touching the greatness of Teflis; which he did, on∣ly in reproach of Mustapha the great Bassa; who most untruly had informed Amurath, That it was as great and populous as Damasco, whereas in truth it was not in any respect to be compared unto that so famous a City. After that, he divided the Treasure and Succours he had brought, among the Souldiers of the Fortress, chearing them up with good Words, and promises of great Matters. And because the Souldiers there in Garrison com∣plained greatly against the Bassa their Captain, he caused a Bill of complaint to be framed against him, and finding him guilty, that he had converted the Souldiers pay to his own use, he condemned him to the Restitution thereof, and so immediately dis∣charging him of his Office, placed in his room Guisuf Bey, a Lord of Georgia; who for the antient Enmity between him and Simon, had yielded

himself to the Turks, and was of them so welcom∣ed, that Sinan trusted him with the Custody of that Fort, which with so many dangers had been maintained and defended till that day.

* 3.67All things thus set in order at Teflis, Sinan with his Army departed thence, and having again pas∣sed the Streight of Tomanis, there came unto him Mustaffad Bassa (afterward Governour of Aleppo) declaring unto him, That not far off was great store of Corn and Cattel, and no body but only a few Georgians to keep the same; and therefore wished him to send forth some to fetch it in, whereof, though it had been much more, his Ar∣my then stood in great need. Sinan was well af∣fected unto this Mustaffad, and therefore the easili∣er induced by him to send for the aforesaid booty; but moved with the fresh remembrance of that which had happened to Tal-Ogli and Homar, he gave order, That to fetch in this Corn and Cattel there should go out 10000 Horse-men and their Servants, among whom was also the same Mustaf∣fad as their General. Now stood Tocomac, Simon, and the other Persian Captains in secret ambush, waiting when any of the Turks should come to fetch in this booty. Whereupon the aforesaid Souldiers being now come, as they desired, and having almost charged all their Mules and Horses with that which best pleased them to make choice of; the hidden Persians all on a sudden issued out of their lurking places among them, and with great slaughter put them to flight, and with such fury pursued the Victory, that they slew of them 7000,* 3.68 carried away many Prisoners alive, and the Mules and Horses laden with the stolne booty. Mustaffad was the first that fled, and the first that brought the unhappy News of that overthrow to Sinan; which was forthwith confirmed by the re∣port of such as had by speedy flight escaped the Fury of the Enemy. Whereupon Sinan dispatch∣ed the Bassa of Caramania with a great Power, charging him wheresoever he should find the Ene∣my, to set upon him; and presently rising him∣self with his whole Camp, followed the said Bas∣sa: but all too late, for the Persians, after the afore∣said Victory, without staying, had withdrawn themselves into their strong Places, known only to such as were well acquainted with the difficult Pas∣sages of Georgia: and having there disposed of their Prey, were now returning to wait some fresh oc∣casion of new slaughter. But when they descried the whole army of the Turks upon the rising of a certain Hill, they were afraid to meet them, yea and stood in some doubt also, lest Sinan should de••cend from the Hill, and so assault them; for which cause they retired themselves again into the strength of the Mountains; yet not with such speed but that the Turks overtook some few of them, and slew about fifty or threescore of them, whose Heads, in sign of Triumph, they carried a good part of the way upon the points of their Spears; and took Prisoners about threescore and ten more.

At last Sinan with all his Army having passed these dangerous Places of Georgia, arrived at Triala, where it was told him, That the Persian King in Person, himself being already departed from Tauris, with an exceeding great Army was coming to bid him Battel. At which News he caused Proclamation to be presently made thorough all his Army, That every man should put himself in readiness for the Voyage to Tauris, whither he himself meant to go to meet with the King his Enemy. In the mean time (as is reported) he dispatched certain Posts to the Persian King, then at Carachach, to intreat him to send another Ambassador to Amurath for Peace, thinking by that means (as some do conje∣cture) to remove the King from the Resolution of comming to assail him, if he had any such mean∣ing. After this Proclamation made, he descended into the open and large Plain of Chielder; where presently he mustered his whole Army, and gave it out, That before he would set forward toward Tauris, he would make trial of the readiness and nimbleness of his Souldiers, in such sort as if they should presently joyn battel with the Enemy; which, without further delay, he put in Execution the next Morning, formally ranging his whole Army in order of Battel, and then sending out some few others to shew themselves upon the top of cer∣tain Hills, as if they had been Enemies that came to seise upon his Army; he caused all his Artillery to be discharged, and commanded every man to skir∣mish and bestir himself altogether after the same manner as if the Enemy had been there present before them: where the thundring of the great and small shot, the thick storms of Arrows, with the brightness of the Armor and Weapons, yield∣ing forth lightnings as if it had been fiery beams, and the noise of Drums and Trumpets, and other Instruments of War, with the Ensignes of blue and yellow flying in the Wind, made such a med∣ly of all things, as if it had been the turmoil of a very battel indeed. In the end he caused the re∣treat to be sounded, and then setting all his Army in order again, made the like shew the second time, and so the third time also;* 3.69 which was indeed per∣formed with the great scorn and derision of his Souldiers, who deemed it rather Childrens play, than any commendation to the proud Bassa. These counterfeit shews of War thus finished, yet did he not set forward toward Tauris, as he had given it out, but loitered eight days in those Plains of Chielder. At which time there arrived out of Per∣sia one Aider the Aga, as an Ambassador from the King, who was by Sinan with great Joy entertain∣ed. Divers were the things by this Ambassador pro∣pounded, such as had Maxut Chan before; but the conclusion of all was, that the Persian King would be content voluntarily to relinquish Chars and Te∣flis, and so remain as he did before, in Amity with Amurath; and so desired Sinan to conclude a peace with his Master, if it might be; as for himself, this Message done, he was presently to return into Persia. For this Peace Sinan promised to deal with Amurath, so that the Persian King would send ano∣ther Ambassador to Constantinople. Upon which Conclusion the said Aider returned into Persia, and at Tauris declared to the King what he had seen, what Promises he had received of Sinan, and with∣all, exhorted him to send a new Ambassador unto the Turkish Court. After this, when the publick Rumor of the coming of the Persian King was found to be false, Sinan, instead of going to Tauris, re∣turned to Chars, where he idely stayed a whole Month, to the general marvelling and murmuring of all his Army, astonished to see themselves (to the great charges of their King, and the disturbance of his whole Kingdom) brought forth not for any honourable Conquest, but as it were only of pur∣pose to make a vain shew of War.

At last he departed from Chars, for that now Winter was come on,* 3.70 and the Frosts and Snows did his Army great harm; and so coming to Er∣zirum, there presently dismissed every man to go and winter in his own Country; but remained still himself in the same City. From whence he by speedy Posts diligently advertised Amurath of the Succours he had left at Teflis, of the losses he had received from the Enemy, of all that which was by Mustapha misreported, of the coming of the Persian Ambassador to him, of the Promises made unto him touching a new Ambassador, and to be short, of all his whole Actions. Besides all this, he advertised Amurath, That the Enterprise of Persia

was a very hard, long, and difficult matter, and such a one as needed another manner of Preparation than had been as yet appointed for it; and that if he desired to subdue Persia, it was then very neces∣sary that he should speak with him at large, and discourse upon many particularities, which could not so well without exceeding tediousness be de∣clared by writing. After that, he sent other Mes∣sengers also, to sollicite Amurath for his return to Constantinople; continually telling him, That it was not possible to signifie by Writing, what he purposed to report to him by word of mouth, for the better accomplishing of the enterprise begun. Nothing in the World did Sinan abhor more than this War, having his mind altogether bent against the Affairs of the Christians in Europe, and there∣fore sought by all means possible for the diverting of those Wars from the East, into some other quarters. At last he wrought so much, he intreated so much, he writ so many Letters, and sollicited the matter so earnestly, that Amurath was per∣swaded to send for him to Constantinople, as soon as ever he was certified of the arrival of the new Ambassador from Persia, of whom Sinan had be∣fore advertised him. For he was resolved either to grow to a peace with the said Ambassadour, if he came with honourable Conditions; or if he came not, or, that after his comming they could not agree upon the Peace, then to put in Executi∣on those his Conceits, whereof he must needs in particular talk with Sinan by word of Mouth. At length the promised Ambassadour, called Ebraim Chan, a Man of great Eloquence, and highly ho∣noured in Persia, came to Sinan; whereof Sinan gave present Intelligence to Amurath, beseeching him again to permit him to come to Constantinople. Which his request Amurath then granted. Where∣upon Sinan forthwith returned to the Court, where he attended the universal Government of the whole Empire. At his first coming to the pre∣sence of Amurath, (wherein he discoursed not with him of any thing, but of the coming of the Persi∣an Ambassadour) the conditions were set down which they were to require for the reducing of the Capitulations of this Peace to a good end. After which agreement, the Ambassadour being now come, and most magnificently received in Constan∣tinople, had audience. At which time he with much glorious Speech laboured to perswade Amu∣rath, That his King had a most ardent desire to be reconciled unto him, and to joyn his Forces with his, against the Enemies of the Mahometan Religion; and that for that purpose he was now especially come thither: which his good purpose, if it were answered with like zeal on his part, there would thereof ensue the greatest Unity and Friendship that ever was between any Mahometan Princes. Whereunto Amurath gave him no other answer, but that he should thereof talk with his Visier, and with him intreat of all matters con∣cerning the Peace: and so he was by Amurath en∣tertained and dismissed both at one time.

Now had Amurath called to Constantinople his eldest Son Mahomet, [year 1581] (who afterward succeeded him in the Empire) being then about sixteen years old,* 3.71 to circumcise him, according to the Cu∣stom of the Turks; following therein the invete∣rate Law of the Hebrews. Unto which Solemni∣ty many Christian Princes were solemnly invited; who accordingly sent thither their Ambassadours with great Gifts and Presents, in token of Peace and Confederacy; namely, Rodulphus the Empe∣rour, Henry the III. the French King. Stephen King of Polonia, the State of Venice, the King of Persia, the Moor Kings of Morocco and Fez, the Princes of Moldavia, Valachia, and others. With all Tri∣umph and Joy was the Circumcision of this young Prince solemnised by the space of forty days and forty nights, in the great market Place of Constan∣tinople; where all the Ambassadours aforesaid had their Scaffolds prepared and furnished according to their Degrees and States, and received such enter∣tainment as might be shewed at such a kind of barbarous Spectacle: only the Persian Ambassador, who had also his Scaffold several to himself, but not regarded as the rest, rejoyced not at these Feasts and Triumphs: for among sundry other wrongs and scorn done by the Commandment of Amu∣rath unto the Persian Nation, (as by hanging up certain counterfeit Pictures of Persians made of laths and sticks, and then burning them, and in many scornfull sorts abusing them) the Turk, for the great displeasure he had conceived for the harm done to Osman Bassa and the Turks in Siruan much about that time, and for the disdain he had taken against Ebraim Chan (as one not condescending to the conditions of Peace which he expected, nor yielding to any more than the other Ambassador had done before, seemed to have come as a Spie to mark the Turkish Affairs, or to mock Amurath, rather than to put in execution any good matter to pacifie the Minds of the two mighty Princes) commanded the standing, before appointed for him, in disgrace of him to be cast down, and him∣self and all hisfollowers to be shut up as close Pri∣soners in the house of Mahamet Bassa at Constanti∣nople; where he was so straightly kept, that though an hundred of his followers there died of the Plague, which shortly after began to wax hot in the City, yet could he not obtain so much favour as to be removed into some other place,* 3.72 but there was in∣forced to tarry it out, untill that afterward order was taken, he should be carried thence as Prisoner to Erzirum. To end these Solemnities, Mahomet the young Prince was circumcised, not publickly, but in his Fathers Chamber, by Mechmet one of the inferiour Bassaes, sometime the Emperour So∣lymans Barber.

Now whilst Sinan, as great Visier, sat command∣ing in Constantinople, the Garisons of Chars and Te∣flis (kept in by the Enemy, and having received none other relief than a little which Sinan before his departure from Erzirum had by good hap cau∣sed to be secretly conveyed unto them) were thought to be driven to great wants. Which thing Sinan right well knew, and fearing lest those two places, which had with so much ado been both gained and maintained, should for want of new Succours fall again into the hand of the Enemy: he both boldly and freely counselled Amurath to send a new Garrison to Van, for the safety of the Country thereabouts, and then, under the Con∣duct of some valiant Captain, to send Succours to Teflis: upon which point Amurath asked Sinan his Opinion, and willed him to bethink himself of some fit man. Hereupon, Sinan propounded divers unto him, but none of them pleased him; for why, he was before resolved, in despight of Sinan, and of his Counsel, to bestow this charge upon Maha∣met Bassa, Nephew to Mustapha the late Bassa, and for his sake hated of Sinan. This Bassa Mahamet he sent to Erzirum, with the Title of the Bassa of that Province; honouring him withall with the name of General of the Army for Teflis. And pre∣sently gave commandment to Hassan the Bassa of Caraemit, to Mustaffa, sometime called Manucchiar the Georgian, to all the Sanzacks, the Curdi, and the Souldiers of Erzirum, that they should resort to the standard of Mahamet their General, and so to follow him to Teflis. Whereupon there assem∣bled together out of all the said places about five and twenty thousand Souldiers, with all things necessary for the relief of the distressed Garrison which was in Teflis. Commandment was also

given to the Bassaes of Aleppo and Maras, to repair to Van with all their Souldiers, and there to abide till Winter; which they accordingly did, not mo∣lested nor troubled by any Enemy.

In the end of August, Mahamet Bassa departed from Erzirum, with the Bassa of Caraemit, and all his Army, carrying with him Money, Corn, and all other things needfull for the relief of Teflis, and in eight days came to Chars, and from thence to Archelec, not troubled by any. At Archelec he found Mustaffa (otherwise called Manucchiar) the Georgian, with all his Souldiers, whom the Gene∣ral most joyfully entertained, and honoured him with Gifts, and withall admonished him to conti∣nue in is Obedience to Amurath, and to conduct him with his Army the shortest and safest way to Teflis; for that some were of Opinion, that it were best to go by Tomanis; and some other, by the way of Mustaffa his Country: wherein Mustaffa did rea∣dily resolve him, that the easiest and shortest way lay through his own Country, being also in his Opinion the safest. This counsel of Mustapha plea∣sed Mahamet greatly, so that he made choice of him to be the guide of his Army, reposing him∣self wholly upon his good direction; and so de∣parted thence toward Teflis, passing through Altun∣chala and Carachala, both belonging to the said Georgian, abounding with all things necessary for the sustenance of man, neither were they ever di∣sturbed by any Enemy. Having passed Mustapha's Country, they came to a friendly Castle called Gori, from whence they discovered in certain fields a great Army of the Georgians mingled with Per∣sians, but apparelled after the manner of Georgia; these were those Captains of Persia, sent from the Persian King (as in other years before) to aid the Georgians; who secretly conjoyned with Simon Chan the Georgian, had changed their Apparel, be∣cause the treaty of Peace should not be disturbed, and their King accounted unjust of his Word; who under a colour of a treaty of Peace, whilst Amurath attended nothing else but to succour and defend his conquered Countries, without purpose to annoy any other places, went about to procure the destruction of the Turks. These then, as soon as they saw the Turkish Army, and perceived that they also themselves were by them descried, sent Heraulds unto them with haughty words of defi∣ance,* 3.73 and to offer them battel. With great Grief of Mind did the Bassa receive this proud defiance; but having no other purpose but only to bring his Succours safe to Teflis, he dismissed the Heraulds, and studied by all means he could to shun Battel. That Evening he was favoured in his purpose by the great and continual Rain which then fell, and served for a reasonable excuse of his delay: but the next day proving fair, and the Sun shining bright, both the Armies marched in sight the one of the other all day, untill about four hours and an half before night, at which time the Turks ar∣rived near to a River that separated the one Ar∣my from the other. There the Bassa fell in Con∣sultation with Mustapha, whether they should pass over the River before Night, or stay on that side they were untill the next Morning: In which case Mustaffa advised him to stay, as fearing lest the Ene∣my should set upon the Army, disordered in passing the River, and so annoy them. Notwithstanding the General disliked this Advice of Mustapha, ha∣ving taken a strong conceit, even upon the first discovery of the Enemy, that there was some in∣telligence and compact between Mustapha and the Persians, and that to that end he had maliciously perswaded him to come that way, and not by the way of Tomanis; and therefore the Bassa thinking, that if there were any such Plot laid between Mu∣stapha and the Enemy, to set it in some confusion, would not in any case follow the Counsel of the suspected Georgian, to stay that Night; but com∣manded, that with the greatest speed that might be, all his Souldiers with their Treasure and Corn should pass over the River, to the end, that before Night, he might on the other side of the River in∣camp his Army in some good place, to the scorn and derision of his Enem••es. Mahamet his Lieute∣nant, a bold young man, and an hardy, was the first that ventured over, and after him the Carri∣ages of Mony, and of Corn, and then the whole Army, with such speed, that some of the confused Multitude were drowned in the passage, being ra∣ther troden down with the Horses and Camels, than brought to their deaths either by the depth of the Channel, or swiftness of the River.

As soon as the Georgians perceived that the Turks had passed the River, without staying untill they might settle themselves in any good order, they in great haste and fury ran upon them, and present∣ly assailed them, whilest they were yet all in con∣fusion and out of order; by reason whereof the Turks, although they turned their faces upon their Enemy, and made some good resistance, yet in short time you might have seen the Banks of the River in many places stained with the Turkish Blood, and many Carkases of the Turks here and there scattered, without any apparent loss among the Georgians and Persians.* 3.74 Amongst them that fell in this slaughter, were a number of Sanzacks, of the Curdi, and Mesopotamians; which the rest per∣ceiving, and by the overthrow of their own, con∣jecturing the loss of others, turned their backs and fled; the like did the remnant of the Mesopotami∣ans, and after them at last the whole Army: whom the Georgians pressed so sore in their flight, that many of the Turks, seeing no other way to escape, cast themselves into the River, and so (though hardly) escaped with their Lives. Great was the shame, great was the confusion, but great∣est was the loss they received, for that in the heat of the Battel, the Kings Mony and Corn was ta∣ken by the Georgians and Persians, every man sa∣ving only so much for himself as he could secretly hide upon his own Body, or convey by the means of some trusty slave, which by the help of their swift Horses, was preserved rather by Fortune than by Valour.

The Turks, thus discomfited and spoiled of their relief, the next Morning gathered themselves to∣gether again one with another, cursing the Hea∣vens, the King, and their adverse Fortune: some of them also threatning the Georgian Renegate Mu∣stapha, as though all this mischief had hapned through his treachery and secret Intelligence with the Enemy. Notwithstanding,* 3.75 when they found that they had still remaining so much Money, and other easements as might suffice to comfort the af∣flicted Minds of the Souldiers besieged in the Fort, they resolved to hold on their way towards Teflis; and in their Journey used such speed, that the day following they arrived there in the Evening. But when they of the Fort saw their Friends whom they had so long expected, arrived in such bad sort, and so evil furnished, they were astonished and wonderfully grieved at this common loss, and all in a confusion protested to Mahamet, That they would abandon the place, if they had not forth∣with necessary Provision made for them. But the General, after he had with large Promises mitiga∣ted their first Furies and Insolencies, presently in the Morning caused a Divano, or Counsel to be cal∣led in the Castle, where, having gathered together all the chief Men in his Army, he spake unto them in this manner;

FOR as much as it hath pleased God, that so great and important an occasion of Victory, which was offered unto us for the Honour and Glory of every one of us,* 3.76 is now fallen out so unfortunately, that it hath not only not ministred unto us any matter of triumphing over our Enemies, as we should have done, but rather hath made them (I know not how) to carry away from us both the Triumph, and also our Armour, our Horses, our Slaves, and our Spoils; yea, and (the re∣membrance whereof doth most grievously trouble and afflict me) our Sultans Money, and our publick muni∣tion and forces solemnly delivered to our Conduct, is now become a booty and a prey unto them; that the Honour which might have made every one of us fa∣mous among noble and valorous Souldiers, is now fal∣len from our foreheads, and, to our great detriment, doth adorn the heads of Strangers, or rather of our Enemies: and that notwithstanding all this, we are now come to those couragious Souldiers, which with their great Valour have defended this Fort even in the midst of their Enemies Weapons and Treacheries; and to whom we should yield that aid and relief which the virtue of every one of their Minds doth deserve, and which King Amurath had put into our hands to bring hither unto them: there is now no remedy, but to resolve upon some good means, that we fall not wholly into the utter disgrace of our Lord and King; and that is, To maintain these Souldiers in the custo∣dy and defence of this Fort: and though it be with all our wants, and all our own dishonours, to comfort these that have so long time looked for us, and so well deserved all manner of relief. We cannot excuse our selves, that our Enemies were better than we, either in number, or Instruments of War; for both in the one and the other we were far beyond them: neither yet can we say, that they set upon us by Night, or at una∣wares; for when we saw their number, their Wea∣pons, their Horses, and finally their approach, and their manner of assault, yet we would needs pass over the River, and joyn battel with them: which we now know hath fallen out very lamentable unto us, because we were more ready to take our flight, than to endure the fight; and to use our feet, than to occupie our hands. And therefore it is very requisite, as well to satisfie the rigour of Iustice, as to perform the Duty of Souldiers, that we suffer not our Lord and King to lose his Money, which he trusted into our hands, and which we have lost, not by strength, nor by any treache∣rous stratagem of our Enemies, but by our own too too important fear, and too base a regard of our Lives, before which, it was the duty of every one of us to have preferred the care of Honour. For, if by fighting and courageous sustaining the assaults of our Enemies, though they had been stronger, and better armed than we, this misfortune had hapned unto us, and that we could in any sort have represented to the King and the World an honourable and bloody Battel, we should not now have had any need to seek means how to repay this loss, and to restore the thing that violent∣ly was taken from us by such as were more mighty than our selves, and these honourable Souldiers should more easily have digested with us this lamentable Ca∣lamity. But we have lost that Money, and in very deed having as it were willingly bestowed it upon the Georgians and Persians, to redeem our Lives, and to save us from their Fury, are bound to repay it, or else for ever hereafter to be challenged as lawful debtors to the King for it. And therefore, my good Friends and Companions, if you will take a good course, let every one of us, without further Consultation, put his hand into his private Purse (if he have not foolishly cast that also into the hands of the ravenous Enemy) and with our own Money let us succour the Necessity of these men, and have regard to the Honour of our King. So shall we make our flight less blame worthy, we shall justifie our Actions more honestly, and that which is of greatest importance, we shall better pacifie the wrath of Amurath, which he might most justly conceive against us. I my self before you all am most ready to disburse four thousand duckets towards it, if it shall please you all to follow me accordingly; we shall deliver these Souldiers from their great Necessity, and acquit our selves from the intricate bonds of most troublesome displeasures.

There might a man have seen a thousand Coun∣tenances changed a thousand manner of ways; for one softly whispered many a cur••e and shame upon the King, upon Mahamet, yea, and upon God himself; another denied to disburse any thing, another determined privily to steal away; and some said one thing, and some another: but in the end every man was induced to follow the Exam∣ple of Mahamet,* 3.77 and thereupon having made a Purse according to every mans ability, there was collected thirty thousand Duckets among them. And presently after, word was sent to Leuent Ogli at Zaghen, to send thither Grain, Muttons, and other necessary Provisions, that they might the better continue the defence of the Fort.

Two days only stayed Mahamet in Teflis, and having changed such Souldiers as desired to be dismissed, and also appointed Homar Bassa Gover∣nour of Teflis, instead of Giusuf that there governed before, he departed. But before his departure Con∣sultation was had, Whether they should keep the way of Tomanis, or the way they came through the Country of Mustaffa the Georgian: and in the end they resolved to keep the way of Tomanis, and thereupon order was taken that they should all pass the River. The Curdi were the first that went over, and had already pitched their Tents upon the farther side of the Water; when the General began to revoke his former order, and sent them word, That they should return, because he was now determined to go back the same way he came. At which message the Sanzacks were in a Rage, and in plain terms sent him answer, That these mutabilities beseemed not them, being men ac∣customed to War, but to be rather Childrens play, than manly Resolution; and that for their parts they were minded not to change their Journey, but would go on the same way they had begun: and so forwards they went (say the General what he could) and by the way of Tomanis arrived at Chars long before Mahamet, who was much grie∣ved at this their so great disobedience: but seeing no other remedy, he with the Bassa of Caraemit and Mustapha the Georgian, put themselves on their Journey, even by the same way they came to Te∣flis. At last Mahamet arrived at Altunchala, the chief Castle of Mustaffa the Georgian, and burning with the desire of revenge of those losses, (which he thought himself to have received by the Trea∣chery of Mustapha) or, as some thought, seeking by this means to make Amurath believe, that in truth all the forepassed mischiefs had happened not thorough their cowardise, but through the treache∣rous and malicious devices of the Georgian, and so to make their received losses seem more pardonable, he devised with himsel•• how to find out such a plot, as that Mustapha might upon the sudden be taken away, as guilty of so foul a Treason.* 3.78 And that he had devised, was in this sort; To call a Coun∣cil into his own Pavilion, as if he had received some commandement from the Court; and having caused Mustapha to come into that room, whilst the said counterfeit commandement should be in reading, to cause his Lieutenant, with those chief of his band that stood about him, to fall upon him, and presently to cut off his head. This pre∣tended Council was accordingly called, wherein sat the Bassa himself, and with him the Bassa of Caraemit, certain Sanzacks, subject to the Jurisdi∣ction

of Erzirum, the Capagi Bassa, or chief Gen∣tleman Usher, and the Generals Lieutenant; with whom he had upon their solemn oaths for secresie, communicated his intended deceit. The Georgian Mustapha was also called accordingly; who, both because he was beloved of more than one, and had also used all diligent Circumspection, but especial∣ly having heard in the Army some private whis∣perings of such a matter, knew full well of all that was devised against him, and therefore provided also for his own defence. But as touching his go∣ing to the Counsel, he thought he might not de∣ny so to do, lest by his absence he might seem guilty of the fault whereof he was (peradventure not without cause) suspected; and thereby to leave his Cities for a prey to their Enemies, now in the heart of his Country. And therefore resolving to go, he devised how so to do with most safety, and so, as if need should be, he might be able to turn the mischief intended against him, upon the head of the General himself. And therefore having chosen out fifty of his most faithful and resolute Souldiers, he commanded them to follow him to the Counsel appointed in the Generals Pavilion; and being come thither, to stay there ready and at∣tentive at his first and one only call, suddenly and forcibly to rush into the Pavilion with their Wea∣pons; and rather than any wrong should be done unto him, to shew their Valour against the Turks, without exception of any Person whatsoever. These men, by Nature Enemies unto the Turks, understanding well his meaning, settled themselves upon the Execution; and taking unto them some other also of their faithful and trusty friends, fol∣lowed him even to the Pavilion of Mahamet; where Mustaffa entring into the place of Counsel, desired of the General to know what his pleasure was; who presently caused the counterfeit Com∣mandement to be r••ad; whereunto Mustaffa gave an attentive Ear. But when the other Bassaes and Sanzancks began to sit down (contrary to the manner of the Turks, who, whensoever any Com∣mandement of the Emperours is in reading, use always to stand up, and not to sit down untill it be full read) the Georgian took his leave, promising to be ever ready to perform, not only that order of the Kings, but also whatsoever else he should com∣mand. And so being about to depart, the Capigi Bassi (or great Usher) of Mahamet came unto him, and plucking him by the sleeve, would have for∣ced him to sit down.* 3.79 Then Mustaffa crying out aloud, drew his sword, wherewith he struck Ma∣hamets Lieutenant, that was right against him; and with his le••t hand having raught the roll from his pate, with his right hand suddenly (to the great astonishment of all that were present) at one only blow parted his Head, his Neck, and his Breast in twain, even to his very Stomach; so that he died (a strange spectacle to behold) being thus cut in sunder, wit•• his cleft head and two shoulders hang∣ing down upon their several sides. After this first, he redoubled his second stroke, aiming at the head of the Bassa of Caraemit; but it being defended with the writhen rolls of the Turbant, it slipped down by his Ear; yet so, that with a piece of the said Turbant it carried his Ear quite away, with a little also of the flesh of his Cheek; and all en∣raged, eagerly assailed Mahamet Bassa the General, (who now all in confusion was risen up in the tumult) and wounded him with five mortal Wounds; which were yet afterwards by cunning hand healed, when they had brought him even to Death's door. At the cry of this Georgian, all his People rushed in together; upon whose confused tumult, and the fear that Mustaffa through his Fury had struck into the Turks, the Camp was present∣ly raised; and every man with all speed departing thence, put himself on his way towards Chars, whither also were brought the two wounded Bas∣saes, and the rest that were ill handled and great∣ly scared with these sudden and uncouth stirs.

Of all this Treachery intended against him, Mustapha sent present Information to the Turk∣ish Emperour; finding himself greatly grieved, at the false suspition that Mahamet had wrongfully conceived against him, to his great dishonour: and wrought so cunningly, that Amurath, in token of his good liking and contentment, sent him both Cloth of Gold, and a Battel-axe all gilt. Mahamet on the other side intermedling here and there with all the art that possibly he could devise, all hateful and injurious terms, sent large advertise∣ments of all the misfortunes that had happened; and aggravated to the King, both the Treacheries of Mustaffa, and also the slender security of those Ways and Countries.

As soon as Amurath understood the Calamities of his Souldiers, the loss of his Mony, the great dishonour of his People, and the apparent dan∣ger wherein the Fort of Teflis stood, when it was like to be abandoned; all inflamed with Rage and Anger, he called unto him the Bassaes of his Court, (among whom sat as chief, the proud and haughty Sinan) and rated them all exceedingly; reproving their leud Counsel, and recounting the losses that he had from time to time received, as if they had hapned through their defaults, and especially Si∣nan, as the principal occasion of all these Mischiefs: who, like an improvident fool (as he said) would needs relinquish the charge of his Army, and like a King, sit idle at Constantinople, standing (as it were) at some publick Triumph to behold and hear the Miseries and Misfortunes of others; having before, in the time that Mustapha was General, most vainly boasted, with the like power that he had, to fetch the Persian King out of Casbin, and to deliver him in bonds to Amurath, but had in deed performed nothing worth the remembrance. Sinan could do no less but make answer to the wrathful King,* 3.80 yet not with such Mildness and Modesty as in such a case he should peradventure have done; but in proud and peremptory manner, without any reverence or regard, told him plainly, That as the last year, a little before his return to Constantinople, Succours had been conveyed to Te∣flis without any loss or trouble (as in truth they were) even so had they been this year also, if he had put his advice in Execution, as much as he des∣pised and contemned it; for he did then give him to understand, that Mahamet Bassa could not be a fit man for so great a charge; and that it was ne∣cessary to have chosen in his room some other Cap∣tain of Valour and Discretion; but seeing he would needs make choice of the fame unfit man, he was not now to blame any other for his Errour, but only himself. As for his coming to Constantinople, it was a thing long before thought most needful; not only for his advice, how the matter of Peace might be brought to some good pass; but also be∣cause if that treaty came not to the desired issue, then he had to talk with him how he might com∣pass the overthrow of his Enemy: which thing as yet he had no fit time to declare unto him, but was now ready to reveal it, if it were so his Plea∣sure. Wonderfully was Amurath grieved with this sullen answer, when he con••idered that a slave of his own, should so arrogantly and manifes••ly re∣prove him of folly and improvidence. Notwith∣standing, being desirous to know of him what that secret and important matter was, which he had to reveal unto him, for the easie compassing of his commenced Enterprise; he dissembled his discon∣tentment conceived against him, and commanded him to disclose those his Devices which he had to

utter. Sinan in brief, of all his Advices, propound∣ed these two things; first, his Counsel was, not to proceed in this War as they had hitherto done; by seeking with Forts and Fo••tresses to hold and keep the Enemies Countries; for that their Trea∣sures were not able to yield such store of Money, as was sufficient for the maintenance of so many and so great Garrisons: contrary to the Opinion of Mustapha (of late dead) who with great pertina∣cy had perswaded that dangerous, chargeable, and difficult manner of War. His second Advice was, that the true means to bring this War to the wished end, consisted especially in the Resolution of Amu∣rath himself, who, if he would go in Person, and against so mighty a King oppose the Person of a King, then might he most assuredly promise unto himself all speedy and honourable Victory, for that at the only name of his coming, the Persians would easily come to any Agreement; or if not, he might then proceed in his Wars, and so obtain most glorious Conquests. This his Advice so lit∣tle pleased the effeminate King, that instead of the great Opinion he before held of him, he now con∣ceived an envious affection against him: and a further suspition (fostred by the great Ladies of the Court, especially Amuraths Mother) That Sinan had thus Counselled the King, himself to go in Person, not for any good could come thereof, but only that so he might find means for the Prince, his Son, to make himself King, and to drive out his Father. Which suspition was in such sort nourish∣ed in the Mind of Amurath, especially being assu∣red of the great affection which the Prince carried towards Sinan, and he likewise towards him, that he resolved to rid him out of his sight; and so depriving him of all charge, presently banished him the Court, and out of Constantinople to Demo∣tica (a City of Thrace) from whence afterwards he by most humble Supplication obtained to be removed to Marmara, a little beyond Selymbria. And into his place of Visiership, was preferred Sci∣aus Bassa (who had married Amurath's Sister) an Hungarian born,* 3.81 a goodly Personage, and of ho∣nourable Judgment; but above all men, a seller of Justice and Preferments, and yet a great friend to the Peace with the Christian Princes, which Sinan had always most wickedly maligned.

The Persian Captains in the mean time, with their Spoils, [year 1582] and divers of their Enemies Ensignes, were with great Joy received at home in Persia; but when the Discord that fell out between Maha∣met Bassa and Mustaffa the Georgian was also report∣ed, the former Joy was redoubled; every man being of Opinion▪ that thes•• Discords might be great im∣pediments unto 〈…〉〈…〉 further attempts into Persia; which it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they would the next year attempt, to the 〈…〉〈…〉 of Nassivan and Tauris.* 3.82 Upon which 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Persian King, perceiving that he could not have a fitter Oppor∣tunity to imploy himself against Abas Mirize his Son (then with him in disgrace) determined with himself, to leave the matters on this side of his Kingdom in their present state, and to march to∣ward H••ri: whereunto he was earnestly sollicited by his elder Son Emir Hamze Mirize, but especially by Mirize Salmas, his Visier. Upon which Reso∣lution, committing the defence of Reivan, Nassivan, and that side of his Kingdom, to Emir Chan, Go∣vernour of Tauris; he set forward himself with his Army towards Casbin, and so marching through divers Provinces, arrived at length at Sasua••, being on that side the chief of all the Cities subject to the Jurisdiction of Heri: which City he took by force, and without delay caused the Governour thereof to be beheaded, although he alledged a thousand excuses for himself, and objected a thou∣sand Accusations more against the seditious Visier. The King after this, departing thence, and having also put to death certain Captains and Sultans, that were accused by the Visier to be Confederates in the Rebellion of his Son, he arrived at last at the desired City of Heri.* 3.83 Very strong is this City by Scituation, compassed about with a good Wall, and watered with deep Channels of running Springs, conveyed into it by Tamerlane their Foun∣der or Restorer: beside that, there was in it many valiant Captains, Enemies to Mirize Salmas, ready to lay down their Lives in defence of themselves, and of Abas their Lord; so that the winning there∣of, could not but prove both long and difficult. As soon as the King approached the City, he felt in himself many troubled Passions arising of Grief and Pity; it grieved him to think that he should beget so graceless a Son, who, instead of maintain∣ing his State and Honour, should seek his Ruine and Destruction: it grieved him also to remember the Blood of his Subjects, before spilt upon so strange an occasion; and scarcely durst he enter into the Cogitation, thenceforth to shed any more of the Blood of his People. Nevertheless, being still more and more sollicited by his Visier, he at∣tempted to understand the mind of his Son; and (if it might be possible) to get him into his hands. But whiles the King▪ travelling with these thoughts, lay with his Army before Heri, Abas Mirize in the mean time, writ divers Letters to his Father and to his Brother; wherein he besought them, That they would make known unto him the Occasion of this their stir; for if desire of Rule had moved them to seek the deprivation of him, being their Son and Brother, from the Honour he lawfully possessed, and which his Father himself procured for him of his Grandfather Tamas, they ought to abandon their Imagination; for that he was al∣ways ready to spend his Wealth and his Blood, together with his Estate, in their Service, and ac∣knowledged his Father to be his good Father and King: but if they were not induced hereunto for this cause, but by a desire to revenge some trespas∣ses that he had committed to the Prejudice of the Crown of Persia, or his Fathers Honour, he was most ready to submit himself to any amends; and with all reason, to yield unto them the Kingdom, yea the whole World, and even his own Life, the rather to satisfie their Minds with a more full Con∣tentation. With twice and thrice reading over, were these affectionate Letters considered and di∣gested: and at last, both the Father and the Bro∣ther, perceiving in them such liberality of Words, and overcome with Pity, or if not with Pity, yet with great admiration and contentment, they de∣termined to put the matter in practise; and mo∣derating their desire of revenge, to attempt the re∣ducing of the young mans Mind to some good pass. Whereupon they wrote back unto him, That no greedy de••ire to usurp his Government, had induced them to make so great a Voyage, to trouble so much People, and to shed such abun∣dance of Blood, but only his disobedience and pre∣sumption, in that he had caused himself to be cal∣led the King of Persia; and had not sent so much as one Captain to aid them in the late Wars against the Turks. Glad was Abas, the young Prin••••, wh••n he understood the Accusations that were laid against him; hoping to make it manifest be∣fore all men, how the King and his Brother were misinformed in these particularities: and therefore incontinently did write back unto them, That if they would faithfully promise him, honourably, and without any outrage to receive his Ambassa∣dors, he would send unto them such evident mat∣ter, and so clear Information touching those his Accusations, as that they should not only clearly perceive that there was never any such kind of

thought in him, but also that he had always desi∣red and laboured the contrary: and would more∣over open unto them such matter, as in respect of other men, and not of himself, might cause their coming to prove profitable and commodious to all the Kingdom of Persia. Which his request they both solemnly promised faithfully to perform, be∣ing very desirous to understand what those strange Novelties should be. Whereupon Abas Mirize sent unto them two of his chief Counsellors, men of great account and reverence both for Years and Wisdom,* 3.84 with full Instructions; who, after many Speeches, in the end swearing (according to their custom) by the Creator that spread out the Air, that founded the Earth upon the Deeps, that adorn∣ed the Heaven with Stars, that poured abroad the Water, that made the Water; and briefly, of no∣thing, brought forth all things, swearing by the head of Ali, and by the Religion of their Prophet Mahomet, that such perverse thoughts never entred into the head of Abas Mirize: they alleged ma∣ny Testimonies and manifest Proofs, that most loy∣ally, in all due time, as well when he was advan∣ced to the Kingdom of Persia, as also in his Battels against the Turks, his Son had always caused de∣vout Prayers and Supplications to be made to God for his Prosperity; neither ever desired to hear any other, but happy and fortunate success of him. They brought with them a thousand and a thou∣sand Precepts and loyal Letters, which the young man had caused to be written, as occasions requi∣red, to the Governours that were his Subjects, for the Government of the State, wherein he never named himself King of Persia, but only, Your King and Governour of Heri. They prayed the King also, to cause a diligent Process to be framed against his Son; and if there should be found in him any sign or shadow of so wicked a suspition, then to take from him his Estate and Liberty; offering themselves to remain as Hostages for him. But when all this should be done,* 3.85 and Abas found altogether free from these unjust Accusations, then (falling even to the Earth and kissing it) they besought him, and as it were conjured him, not to leave the matter thus imperfect, to the Preju∣dice of his Blood; but returning to his Counsellor, to take information likewise, upon what mind and consideration he had advised the King, to take up∣on him this unorderly and dangerous Voyage; where no doubt he should find nothing in him, but malignant, ambitious, and wicked Affections; and such an even deserved, that with his Blood there should be revenged all the Blood of those, which till that hour had been brought to their un∣worthy and undeserved Deaths. And for as much as nothing remained, whereof the Visier had in∣formed the King against his Son, but the com∣mandment that was given by Abas Mirize to the Governours under him, That they should not go to the Wars against the Turks: they confessed in Truth, that such an order was taken, but not to that wicked and traiterous end and purpose as was reported to the King by his great Counsellor, but only in respect of an Invasion justly feared in those quarters by the Tartarian Iesselbas; who by divers inrodes had already done great harm in the Coun∣try about Heri, and put young Abas and his Coun∣sellors in such a fear, that they durst not disfurnish their Cities of their Guards and Forces; and there∣fore had commanded the said Governours, not to go to war against the Turks, but to stay and ex∣pect further direction. And that all this was by writing signified unto the Visier himself; which he of a malicious mind had concealed, only to try, if in these common troubles he could bring to pass, that Abas Mirize and the King might be taken away, and Emir Hamze succeed in his place; and so he himself remain the Superintendent of his Son-in-Law, and Moderator of that most famous Kingdom. Of which so treacherous a purpose, they (for all that) thought Emir Hamze the young Prince altogether ignorant, (knowing his honou∣rable Disposition and Love towards his own kin∣dred) but imputed it only to the immoderate and ambitious desire of the wicked Traitor Mirize Sal∣mas.

Of these grave Speeches of the Ambassadors, Mahamet the Father (by nature credulous) began to make great Construction; and deeply to consider of their so earnest and important requests; which seemed unto him so upright and equal, as that he could not chuse but hearken unto the same. And therefore, calling unto him the Governours, the Captains, the Judges, and Treasurers of all the Ci∣ties that were subject to Heri: he demanded of them, how and in what sort they esteemed of Abas Mirize, and in what degree of Honour he desired to be esteemed of them; and of them all received one answer, That they held him for their Lord and Lieutenant to the King of Casbin, and that he himself had always desired to be so taken and thought of: for proof whereof, every one of them brought in divers Letters, Precepts, and Orders, wherein he never caused himself to be honoured with any other Title, but only, Your King of He∣ri. He demanded further, Whether any such Wars were attempted by the Tartarian Iesselbas, or not; whereof he received a large and solmen Informa∣tion, that so it was; to the great detriment of all those Territories. And thus the King was through∣ly perswaded of the Innocency of his Son; who before was noted unto him by his Visier, to be an obstinate Rebel. Upon which Occasion only, although he might justly have put him to Death, as Authour of so great troubles and bloodshed; yet, because he would be better informed of the truth of the Accusations laid against him by the Ambas∣sadors, he resolved to make a curious and diligent inquisition thereof: and therefore, first of all, in great secresie he examined Emir Hamze, his eldest Son, wherefore he had advised this Journey against his Brother Abas, whom he had found guiltless of all those Crimes that were objected against him? Whereunto the Prince answered, That he had no other certainty of the pretended evil behaviour of his Brother, but only that which proceeded from the great credit that he always gave to his Father-in-law Mirize Salmas, to whom, as to a chief Coun∣sellor, his Father-in-law, and Protector of the King∣dom, he had always yielded assured credence; and so discharged the whole Tempests of all those Mis∣chiefs upon the Visier. Touching whom, the King made diligent Inquisition, as well among those of the Court, as of the Army; and thereby found him guilty of all that the Ambassadours of Heri had accused him: and that being always acquaint∣ed with the true Occasions which restrained the Governours of Heri (subject to Abas Mirize) from going to the War against the Turks, he had most maliciously concealed the same, of purpose to hatch such a strange and dangerous discontentment, as had wrought the unworthy Death of many great men, and almost defiled the hands of the Father with the innocent blood of his guiltless Son.* 3.86 For which so foul a Treason the false Visier was wor∣thily condemned to die; and his wily head by the commandement of the King, struck from his Car∣kass. Justly rewarded, with the same Punishment which he unjustly sought to have converted upon others; and with his own destruction pacified the Dissentions and Battels that were risen between the two Princes. And so the two Brethren being re∣conciled together, and the Son to the Father; after that Abas had again promised his wished Obedi∣ence

(which he afterwards most dutifully perform∣ed) King Mahamet returned with the Prince to∣wards Casbin; where, by reason of new and unex∣pected Motions of the Turks, he had now been long looked for and desired.

Amurath, through the rough Speeches of Sinan, was more and more setled in his purpose for the continuing of the Persian War; accounting it so much the more to his own Glory, as it should in happy success fall out contrary to the Opinion of many: and thereupon began to bethink himself, whom he might chuse for his General, to whom he might commit so great a charge. Among the Bassaes of the Court there was one Ferat, a man of ripe years, but yet fierce of courage, tough in opi∣nion,* 3.87 in counsel as hardy as might beseem his age, ready for all sudden and strange adventures, but above all, a Vassal most devoted to the King; of this man, at last he was resolved to make choice, to have the leading of his Army: and therefore calling him apart, declared unto him what he had in himself purposed; encouraging him to take the charge upon him, with a firm resolution to per∣form all things answerable to so worthy an enter∣prise, with the opinion he had conceived of his Valour. Very willingly did Ferat accept of this new Office, and thought himself (as indeed he was) highly favoured by the King; and thereup∣on made him a large promise, to employ his strength, his wit, and uttermost devoire, to put in execution whatsoever should be offered unto him, either by occasion, or by his Royal Command∣ment.

At first Amurath had no other purpose to em∣ploy him any further, but only to assure the Pas∣sage to Teflis, and so into all Georgia; and to have destroyed the Country of Mustapha the Georgian, who had so audaciously injured the Lieutenant of Amurath, and put his whole Army in Confusion; but being certainly advertised of the troubles in Persia between the King and his Son, he changed his purpose, and commanded Ferat to employ all his Forces to erect a Fortress at Reivan, a place be∣longing unto Tocomac, and to assure the Passage from Chars to Reivan; for so they should be re∣venged of many harms they had received by him, and lay open the way to the City of Tauris, to the great glory of Amurath. As for Mustapha the Geor∣gian, although he had well deserved to be chastised for his rash attempt against Mahamet Bassa, being then his General, yet he willed Ferat to dissemble his evil Opinion of him; and (if it were possible) so to work, as to use him as an Instrument to con∣vey Treasure and Succours to Teflis: for by this means the Passage being made safe, all Georgia would without any more Fortresses be subdued, and then the next year they might attempt the en∣terprise for Tauris.

Highly did Ferat commend the Devices of Amu∣rath his Lord, and shewed himself ready for any attempt. And so the time being come wherein it behoved them to set on foot their important De∣signments, [year 1583] in the beginning of the year 1583, Com∣mandments were sent out to all the Cities of the Empire, which were wont to make their appea∣rance at these Wars, That upon fresh summons, they should be ready to return against the Persians, and to put in Execution that should be enjoyned them by their new General. The Fame where∣of flew as far as Soria, Iurie, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, to Balsara, to Sivas, to Maras, to all By∣thinia, Capadocia, Cilicia, Armenia; yea and be∣yond Constantinople, to the Borders of Hungary and Graece, and in brief, to all the Regions that were wont to come to this War:* 3.88 all which sent their Captains and Souldiers accordingly. And so at last General Ferat departing from Constantinople, and passing over to Scutari by the way of Amasia and of Sivas, came to Erzirum, where he took a view of all his Army and Provision: and from thence in eight days arrived at Chars, conducted by the Persian fugitive Maxut Chan;* 3.89 and from Chars, set himself on his way towards Reivan. Three days before he came to Reivan, of certain Ruins of an old Castle which the Turks call Aggia Chalasi (or the Castle of Strangers) he erected a new Fortress, and left in it a Garrison of four hun∣dred Souldiers, with a Sanzack, and certain pieces of Ordnance, and then went to Reivan. This Country is distant from Tauris eight or nine days Journey; between which two places are scituate Nassivan, Chiulfal, Marant, and Sofian; all enriched with goodly Gardens and pleasant Greens: but in the way are many craggy Mountains to be climed, and sundry hard Passages either for Army or Tra∣veller.

Here then did Ferat encamp himself with his Army; and taking advice of his chief Captains,* 3.90 where he should build the Fort; they all with one consent advised him to seise upon the Houses and Gardens of Tocomac, and there to fortifie. Which he accordingly did, enclosing the Gardens with strong Walls and deep Ditches round about, whereinto he conveyed Water from a certain Ri∣ver, that comming down from the Mountains, ran into Araxis. Which Work was performed with such Expedition, that within the space of fifteen days the Fortress was finished, being in circuit seven hundred and fifty yards. It grieved Tocomac ex∣ceedingly thus to lose his Country and Dwelling, and so much the more, because it hapned so sud∣denly, and as it were unlooked for. He himself, as soon as he understood that the Turkish Army was coming to that Coast, having withdrawn himself and his Men of War out of the City he could not keep, sought by all means to be revenged, if not al∣together, yet in some part, of this so great an Injury. And therefore he wrote unto the King at Corazan, to Emir Chan at Tauris, to Simon in Georgia; he ga∣thered Souldiers out of the Villages, and used all his possible indeavour to enable himself to annoy the Enemies Army: but from none of these places could he receive any help, the King being so far off in Wars against his Son, the Georgian being bu∣sied by hindering any Relief to be brought to the besieged in Teflis; as for Emir Chan (who by solemn promise unto the King before his departure to He∣ri, had undertaken the defence of that side of the Kingdom against the Turks) he either would not, or could not stir; neither sent so much as one Soul∣dier, having, as some supposed, secret Intelligence with General Ferat, not to disturb him in this his Work. So Tocomac, destitute of all other help, and not able of himself to do much against so mighty an Enemy; yet ceased not to lay such privy Am∣bushes for the Turks as he could, killing of them sometimes 100, sometime an 150, and sometimes more, as they fell into his danger. And to ease his Stomach against Emir Chan, (who sitting still at Tauris, as it were to behold his Misery, would not so much as shake a Sword against these spoil∣ing Turks) he spared not to dispatch certain Horse∣men in haste to the King at Corazan, and by elo∣quent Letters to amplifie the cowardise of Emir Chan; intermedling withall some causes of Suspiti∣on, that he had some intelligence with the Turkish General.

Ferat having thus built this new Fort at Reivan, as Amurath had commanded, and furnished it with Artillery, and all other things needful for the de∣fence thereof; appointed Sinan Bassa (the Son of Cicala, a Renegate of Genoa, and by Selymus the late Emperour, in the flower of his Youth created Aga, or Captain of the Ianizaries) with a Garri∣son

of eight thousand Souldiers to keep the same. And so departing thence, by the way of Aggia Cha∣lasi, in ten days arrived with his Army at Chars.

Ferat had not long stayed at Chars, but strange News were brought thither, That Mustapha the Georgian (to whom Amurath had sent thirty thou∣sand Duckats, by two of his Cap••gi and two of his Chiaus, to have by him been conveyed to Teflis for the Relief of them in the Fort) was revolted from the Turkish Obedience, and being now be∣come a Rebel, had left that Fortress in manifest danger to yield, if by some other means it were not relieved. Which strange Novelties exceeding∣ly troubled the General; who, to know the certain∣ty thereof, called before him all such as were the Messengers of this Misfortune: by whom he was certainly informed, That Mustapha, the two Capi∣gi, and the Chiaus, having put themselves upon their way towards Teflis with the Treasure, guard∣ed with a Convoy of five hundred of his Souldiers, in the mid way had met with his Cousin Simon the Georgian; by whom he was perswaded to re∣turn again to his antient Faith and Religion, which he had to the great Peril of his Soul so prophanely abandoned, and to shake off the Service of Amu∣rath, which would yield him no other recompence than an hard and infamous Captivity, and in the end some fraudulent and treacherous Death: and that his Perswasion had so prevailed with Musta∣pha, that he caused the two Capigi and the Chiaus to be apprehended and presently beheaded; and dividing the Treasure with his said Cousin, had with him and his other Kinsmen vowed a solemn and perpetual Confederacy; and so having with∣drawn themselves to their wonted Passages, lay there in wait for such Succours as should by the Turks be brought to Teflis.

When Ferat understood these and such other Particularities, he all in a Fury swore that he would not return to Erzirum untill he had put all the Country of Mustapha to Fire and Sword: yet first he thought it needful to relieve Teflis, which would otherwise be in danger to be yielded to the Ene∣my: and for that purpose made choice of Hassan Bassa, who in the last year of the Generalship of Mustapha, had most courageously conveyed the like Succours, and taken Aliculi Chan. Unto him therefore did the General assign forty thousand Duckets, with other Provision necessary for that Service; and for the more Security, appointed him fifteen thousand of the most choice and valiant Souldiers in all the Army, to conduct the same. In ten days space Hassan Bassa went and came from Teflis, having in his Journey to and fro had many Skirmishes with the Georgians, wherein he lost some few men, without any other loss worth the remembrance.

After this, the General sent one Resuan Bassa with six thousand Souldiers to spoil the Country of Mu∣stapha the Georgian, the late Renegate, but now be∣come a Rebel to the Turk; which Resuan, with∣out any long stay over-ran all his Territory, burnt his Towns, and committed most uncouth outrages, which extended even unto the poor insensible Trees, and carried away with him many captive Souls, with much Corn and Cattel, like a raging Tempest destroying whatsoever came in his way. Now was the General also retired to Arda∣chan, whither came Resuan to meet him with his foresaid Booty.* 3.91 But because they had now per∣formed what they had before intended, and the approach of Winter perswaded their return, they removed from Ardachan, and by the way of Olti retired to Erzirum, from whence all the Souldiers were licensed to depart to their several Places of abode, and a memorial sent to Amurath, of all the Actions had been performed; and especially of the good service done by Hassan Bassa; who for the same was now once again honoured by the King, with Cloth of Gold, a Battel-axe and Tar∣guet all gilt.

About this time, one Podolovius, a Gentleman of Polonia, sent by Stephen King of Polonia, to Con∣stantinople, by the leave of Amurath to buy certain Horses in Anatolia; returning homewards with four and twenty goodly Horses which he had bought, was notwithstanding the Great Turks Pass, by his Commandment stayed upon the way, all his men (in number four and thirty) slain, except∣ing one Boy, who getting into a Wood, escaped, and Podolovius his Head struck off. The Horses brought back to Constantinople, were by the ap∣pointment of Amurath, some bestowed into his own Stable, and the rest given among the Bassaes, oftentimes pointed at with the Fingers of the Turks, in derision of the Polonian King. This Amurath commanded to be done, in revenge of an outrage done by the Polonian Cossacks against the Turks; whereof News was but even then brought to the Court.

The nine and twentieth day of November of this present year 1583, died Hama Cadum,* 3.92 the Widow of the late Emperour Selymus the second, and Mo∣ther of this Amurath, and lieth buried by her Hus∣band Selymus, and his five Sons, strangled by their Brother Amurath.

All the rest of this year 1583, Ferat spent at Er∣zirum, and afterwards sent out his ordinary Com∣mandments to all the accustomed Cities, to sum∣mon the Souldiers against the next Spring in the year 1584, [year 1584] gathering together a greater number of pioneers and Engineers than ever had been ga∣thered in these Wars heretofore;* 3.93 and withall gave it out, That he would go to Nassivan, and there do great Matters. At which report the Persi∣an was much moved, and began to cast many things in their Heads about it; but above all others, the King, who understanding at Casbin of all that had before hapned at Reivan, and of the new Pre∣parations of the Turks,* 3.94 began to fear that they would this year pass to Tauris, or at least (as was reported) to Nassivan, and in those places built new Fortresses, to the great danger of the Persian Empire: and therefore, retaining still such Forces as he brought with him from Heri, and command∣ing as many more as he could out of all the Cities that were subject unto him, to follow him to Tau∣ris, he arrived there with his Army, not long after the arrival of Ferat Bassa at Erzirum. This unex∣pected coming of the Persian King with so great an Army to Tauris, filled the World with Expe∣ctation of great Matters to have been done by him against the Turks; insomuch that Ferat the Ge∣neral, before he would proceed any further, thought it good to advertise Amurath of the matter: decla∣ring unto him, That his desire was to go to Nas∣sivan, and there to build a Fortress, according to his Commandment, so to lay open a Passage to Tauris: but having received certain Intelligence, that the Persian King was come to Tauris with an huge Army, and full Resolution to encounter him; he thought it his Duty not to put in Execution his aforesaid Determination, without his express Com∣mandment. Unto whom Amurath presently wrote back, that the matter so standing, he should not go to Nassivan, but only employ his Forces to assure the Passage to Tomanis and Lori, that so the Fort of Teflis might the year following be relieved by some small Band, without sending of any great Army for the conveying of Succours thither. This new Commandment of his Lord, Ferat kept se∣cret to himself; causing the Rumour of his going to Nassivan to be more and more increased; of pur∣pose to feed the Opinion that the Persians had be∣fore

conceived of his coming thither; and so de∣luding them, with less danger to build the Forts he had intended, for the quieting of those most dangerous Passages of Lori and Tomanis.

Upon this Resolution Ferat having gathered together his People, with all things necessary for his purpose, removed with his Army from Erzi∣rum towards Chars, where he stayed ten days to take a new survey both of his Souldiers and Provi∣sion. And so departing thence, set forward toward Lori; sending before him Hassan Bassa with five thousand light Horsemen to scour the Country even to Tomanis, and to learn what he possibly could of the Enemies purposes, and the State of Georgia. Which thing Hassan dutifully performed, speedily scouring over all the Woods, and disclo∣sing all the Passages from thence to Lori, and so to Tomanis, without meeting with any upon whom to assay his Valour, more than certain Robbers upon the high-way, whom he caused to be slain, (as men altogether ignorant of the Georgian and Persian Affairs) and their Heads to be set on the tops of their Launces, and so returned again to Lo∣ri: where having stayed one day, he met with the General, to whom he recounted all that had happened in that his Excursion. Ferat being come to Lori, there incamped his Army. This place did sometime belong to Simon the Georgian, well strengthned with an high Cas••le, compassed about with very deep Ditches, and a thick Wall almost a mile in circuit, but was then somewhat weakned with time: it is distant from Teflis about two days Journey of a Carriers pace. Upon this Castle Fe∣rat seised; and having repaired the Walls, and strengthned the breaches, he placed therein Ali Bas∣sa of Graece, with seven thousand Souldiers for the defence thereof, and planted upon the Walls two hundred small pieces of Ordnance. And so when he had seen all things there in good order, depart∣ed thence with his Army towards Tomanis, having before commanded Ali Bassa, at some convenient time to fortifie Saitan Chalasi a Castle about ten miles distant from Lori, and therein to place a convenient Garrison of Soldiers and Artillery.

* 3.95Four days were they going from Lori to Toma∣nis, being ordinarily but one days work from the one place to the other: but now the General would needs so make it, to take the spoil of those rich Fields, abounding with Corn, Cattel, and Fruit, and to leave unto the Country-People a lamenta∣ble remembrance of his being there. At last being come to Tomanis (in times past a Castle of Simons, but by reason of these Wars, by him then aban∣doned) he began to consult with the other Cap∣tains, how and where the Fort should be erected, for the assurance of that Country. But after many Discourses, it was at last concluded not to fortifie in that Castle, as being too far from the Straight, to make that dangerous Passage safe and secure; but to go a little further, and to build a Fortress upon the very Mouth of the Straight. So the Ar∣my marching forward a few miles, at the very en∣trance of the narrow Passage found the Ruines of another Castle, and near thereunto stayed them∣selves. This steep headlong Castle was so com∣passed round about with a thick Wood, which hindered all discovery afar off, that it was not convenient to found such a Castle there, from whence their Ordnance could neither avail them to whom the defence thereof should be committed, neither indamage those that should come to offend it. And therefore the General commanded, that every man with all his Endeavours should lay to his hand for the cutting down of that thick Wood, and making way through thick and thin, to lay it for an open Campaign, that was before the Re∣ceptacle of a thousand dangerous Treacheries. In very short space were the Trees laid along on the Ground, the place made lightsome and open, and a very commodious Scituation prepared for the Foundation of a Castle. The plot of the old rui∣ned Castle was compassed about with a Wall of a thousand and seven hundred yards,* 3.96 and in the midst thereof was erected a strong Keep, sundry Lodgings and Chambers builded, and 200 pieces of Ordnance distributed upon the new Walls. Af∣ter that, the General sent Resuan Bassa, and the Bassa of Caraemit, with 20000 of his most choice Souldiers, to convey Succours to Teflis: who marching closely together in the direct way, in one day arrived at the said Fort; wherein they bestow∣ed their Supplies; and changing the Governour thereof, substituted in his room one Bagli, being then upon this occasion only called a Bassa. Whilst Resuan yet lay thus incamped under Teflis, Daut Chan, the Brother of Simon, who in the beginning of these Wars, at the coming of Mustapha the Turks General into Georgia, had fled out of Teflis, came now with all his Family, and offered him∣self as a subject and devoted Vassal to the Turk∣ish Emperour: whom Resuan entertained with great Promises and large assurances of all good Success, according to his desire.

In the mean while News was brought to Simon, That General Ferat staying at the Straights of To∣manis with his Army, had sent Resuan Bassa with a far less number than indeed he had, to succour Teflis: Upon which report he took Courage to encounter Resuan, and to give him Battel. Upon which Resolution without further delay, being accompanied but with 4000 Georgians, partly Sub∣jects of his own, and partly of Manucchiars, he with all speed possible went against Resuan. But whilst Simon was going thitherwards, General Fe∣rat fearing the worst, had already by chance dis∣patched away the two Bassaes of Caramania and Maras, with 10000 Souldiers, to the end that joyn∣ing themselves with the Souldiers of Resuan, they should at all adventures be so much the stronger. Now Simon going resolutely on, found Resuan in∣camped with 6000 Souldiers only, at the foot of an Hill, on the back-side whereof lay all the rest of the Army, and presently gave a charge upon him; when the Souldiers behind the Hill being aware of his coming, were ready all at once with their Weapons to receive him. Who now per∣ceiving his Errour, repented himself to have so rash∣ly assaulted his Enemies, seeing now no other Re∣medy but to be utterly undone. But seeing that he had now so far ingaged himself, as that he could not by flight but increase his Grief, and make the issue more lamentable; with these few Souldi∣ers which he had, he indured the Fury of the great Army of Resuan, so that on both sides there was joyned a most cruel Battel: wherein the strange and unusual Valour of those few Christians was much to be wondred at. Yet in the end the huge number of the Turkish Swords and Spears so pre∣vailed upon that small number of the Georgians, as that they were brought to great Extremity; yea Simon himself having his Horse slain under him, fell down headlong to the ground,* 3.97 and in his fall was very near to have been taken Prisoner, as was his Lieutenant, and many other his Follow∣ers, had he not been relieved by an unexpected and marvellous chance: for whilst the Battel was even at the greatest heat between them, Resuan discovered the two Bassaes of Caramania and Ma∣ras, who (as is before said) were newly sent by General Ferat to succour him; but both by the said Resuan, and also by the rest of his Army, were indeed thought to be Persians; whereupon they were incontinently surprised with a sudden fear, insomuch that they now became very doubt∣ful

of the Victory, whereof they thought them∣selves before assured. In this suspence and doubt∣fulness of Mind the Battel was also intermitted, and the Victory by the sight of those their Friends disturbed; whereby the Georgians, and especially Simon, whose estate was almost desperate, took the Opportunity to escape and save themselves; lea∣ving behind them most sure signs of their Valour among the Turks, of whom many remained there slain, many wounded, and many filled with great marvail and unexpected fear. Thus escaped poor Simon with the remainder of his followers into his known places of Refuge, there to bewail the Death and Captivity of his Subjects. But Resuan after he had discovered the Bassaes approaching towards him, to be his known Friends and well Willers, fretted in himself exceedingly, that Simon had so escaped his hands; yet holding on his way to To∣manis, he arrived there in great Triumph, draw∣ing the Standards of Simon all along the Ground, and causing many of the heads of the Georgians to be carried upon his Souldiers Launces, to the great joy of General Ferat, to whom he delivered all the Prisoners taken in the Battel, and wicked Daut Chan, who having in times past renounced his first Faith, was become a Persian; and now again de∣spising the vain superstition of the Persians, had yielded himself to the vanity of the Turks, and made himself a voluntary Slave to Amurath.

Now was the year so far spent, that every man began to fear the Winters approach; and there∣fore the General determined to remove thence, and to withdraw himself into places of more safety. And so having set all things in order in the new Fort, he appointed Hassan to be the Bassa of Toma∣nis, and left with him eight thousand select Souldi∣ers chosen out of all the Army, for the defence of that Fort and the Country thereabout. Deeply had Ferat laid up the outrage committed by Mustaffa the Georgian (being now returned to his old name of Manucchiar) in taking away the Kings treasure, and killing the two Capigi and the Chiaus: and therefore he resolved with himself, not to return to Chars or Erzirum, unless he had first passed into the Country of the said Georgian, and in most cru∣el manner revenged those notable injuries before received.* 3.98 In three days he arrived at Triala, and there incamped. But lying there, such an unwont∣ed Dearth and Scarcity of all things rise in the Ar∣my, but especially of Victuals, that every five bu∣shels and a half of Wheat was sold for five hun∣dred Duckats, to the universal calamity of the whole Army.

From this place, the General was minded to go on forwards towards the Country of Manucchiar; but whilst he was upon the raising of his Tents, one Veis Bassa of Aleppo came unto him, and told him, That it was not good now to spend the time in wandring about those Countries, for that there were three very great Enemies confederate toge∣ther, to make this enterprise very difficult, and al∣most impossible and desperate: one was the sea∣son of the year, being now full of Snows, Frost, and Tempest; another was, the want and scarcity of all things necessary, especially of Victual; the third was, the People of Georgia, who by a common uni∣ting of themselves together, and peradventure aided by the Persians, might work some notable mischief against the Army. This Speech of Veis so much offended the General, that he most sharply rebuked him, and with bitter termes reproved him, telling him flatly, That he well perceived that he was brought up among Mountains and Villages, and of a Villain (as he was) upon some superflui∣ty of grace, or foolish importunity, advanced to the honour of a Bassa, and that therefore he should not have presumed so much as to think it lawful for him, so impudently and malapertly to come and give him such advertisements; whereas it had been his duty rather to have held his peace, and to have hearkened to the commandments of his bet∣ters and superiours, yielding himself obedient and devoted with all his power to perform the same. With this rebuke the General passed on to Arche∣lech, burning, and in a manner destroying the Country before him, though indeed it was in ami∣ty and confederacy with the Turks. But the Inha∣bitants of Archelech upon the coming of the Turks had abandoned the City, and for fear withdrawn themselves into the Mountains. In Archelech Ferat incamped, and stayed the space of four days among the rocky craggs, and in a barren soil, yielding neces∣sary sustenance neither for man nor beast; so that every man there endured unspeakable miseries: yet for the space of four days the Souldiers with patience endured this so great a Calamity. But in the end, the fall of a huge Snow being added to these Ex∣tremities, did so greatly increase their griefs, that all the Janizaries and Spaoglans of Constantinople arose in a Tumult, and coming before Ferat, in despightful and contemptuous manner, with very haughty and resolute terms said unto him:

AND how long shall we endure this thy tedious and insolent Government?* 3.99 Where is the due Commi∣seration that thou oughtest to bear toward the Vassals of thy Sovereign, thou rustical and unreasonable Captain? Dost thou think happily, that we keep our Harlots as thou dost, under thy sumpteous Pavilions, all fat and in good plight, with delicate Viands, whilst others live in Misery? Dost thou believe that we have as thou hast, our dainty Sugars, Spices, and Conserves, where∣by to restore us, in the common Calamity of others? And that we have at command, Meat and precious Wines, which thou minglest with thy clear and plea∣sant Water, partly provided for thee by the Art of the cunning Doctors, and partly brought to thee from far Places? From this day forward it will be no longer en∣dured, that so much People should continue in this Fa∣mine, afflicted with Nakedness, and many other Incon∣veniencies: and therefore get thy self up and return toward Erzirum; otherwise we shall be inforced to do that which will breed more displeasure unto thee, than to any man living.

The General in a great Agony presently called a Councel, wherein it was concluded, That they should all send their strong sumpter Horses to Ar∣dachan, and the rest to follow him into Manucchi∣ars Country, whether he had appointed to go on∣ly to make an inrode, and with the spoil and booty of that Country to refresh the Minds of his Souldi∣ers, afflicted with the Miseries both past and pre∣sent. This Commandment of the Generals they all readily obeyed, as well because he promised them a speedy Voyage, as also for that every man desired the sack of Altunchala and other the Ter∣ritories of Munucchiar. So Ferat holding on his Journey thorough certain low Vallies between the high and craggie Mountains, continually accom∣panied with great Famine and Scarcity, at length brought his Army to Clisca, a place belonging to Manucchiar, but as then for fear of the Turks quite abandoned and forsaken by the Inhabitants; who with their Wives and Children, and all the best stuff they had, were fled into remote and safe pla∣ces untill the Fury of the Enemy was overpassed. In the Fields near unto this place (bounding with Corn and Cattel, and plenty of Fruit) the Gene∣ral refreshed his whole Army; and hoping that all the Souldiers would like it well to stay a while in that such ease, determined with himself to erect a Fort in that Place. And with this Resolution gave commandment to Resuan Bassa to go up to

the Tower, and in the top thereof to set up an Ensign, with a Proclamation and publick Report, That he would in the Name of Amurath there erect a Fort, and fortifie it as he had done the other Forts before. Resuan accompanied with Amurath the Bassa of Caramania, according to the com∣mandment of the General, in the top of the Tow∣er set up an Ensign or two; which as soon as the Souldiers had espied, the forenamed Ianizaries and Spaoglans, thinking themselves too much abu∣sed by the General, arising again all in an uprore, replenished with Fury and Indignation, ran up in a rage to take down the Ensig••s that were set up upon the Tower, and taking them in their hands, rapt the said Resuan once or twice about the pate, discharging withall a thousand injurious and de∣spightful Words upon him, and sharply rebuked him. And then returning to the General (who was now come thither himself to countenance the Action of Resuan) with Gestures full of despight, contempt and disdain, reviling him with many shameful and scornful Terms, they protested un∣to him;

* 3.100THat they were not come to the Wars to exercise the Occupation of Masons and Dawbers, and to be employed in such vile and dishonourable Offices; but only to manage their Weapons, and thereby to demerit their ordinary Wages, and to purchase to themselves Glory and Renown at the Kings hand. And therefore if he loved his Head, and would not see those Armes turned against himself, which hitherto had been the Revengers of the Enemies Injuries, he should resolve with himself, to leave these new Buildings, and these unseasonable Designments, and giving place to the con∣trary season of the year, to have due care of their common Desires and Necessity.

Whilst they were yet thus expostulating the matter with him, one more bold than the rest, and more forgetful of his Duty, did not stick to assault the General, and to threaten him to wreak his Fu∣ry upon him; which in that Tumult had happily been done, had not the Bassa of Caramania lent the General his own Horse, and so conducted him to his Pavilion. Yet was he nevertheless still pur∣sued by the tumultuous Souldiers, and again sharp∣ly accused for the stay that he made there, and for not resolving presently to remove thence; and at last after many reproachful Speeches, told expresly, That if he did not the next morning remove out of those quarters, without all fail he should lose his Life for it. For all that, Ferat disdaining to yield to them, that should of Duty have been rea∣dy and obedient at every beck of his; and seeking by all means (notwithstanding all this stir) to stay there so long time as should be sufficient to build a Fort, that would so much offend Manucchiar; an∣swered them again:

* 3.101THat he made no account of their threatning him with his Life, which he had always offered to lay down for any service of his King. But if they had no care to serve their Sovereign in this new Building, they might go their wayes; as for himself he was re∣solutely minded to obey his Lord in whatsoever he had commanded him; for the honour of whom every one of them ought to think their Lives very well bestowed.

Upon this answer there followed divers railings and cursings against the King, against the General, and against them all; and in this confused tumult every man betook himself to his Weapons; in every corner was heard grumblings and whisper∣ings full of Wrath and Indignation; so that there was a great fear of some dangerous event, but grea∣ter was the Suspition of the Generals Life. And now every man had withdrawn himself to the guarding of such things a•• he esteemed most; when suddenly and in a trice you might have seen the Pavilions of all the Bassaes and Captains fall down flat to the Ground,* 3.102 all the Cords thereof be∣ing cut insunder by the wrathful Souldiers; and as it were in a moment, all the Muttons and other Cattel the General and Bassaes led with them for their ordinary use, were seised upon by the same Souldiers, and guarded with all diligence possible. And so far was it off that any man durst challenge or revenge this their Insolency, that they themselves turning afresh upon their General, being now in a maze and deadly fear, began now the third time to threaten him, That if he did not forthwith re∣move from those Countries, and turn his Journey towards Erzirum, those Vallies and Fields should without all fail become the Sepulchres of the Bas∣saes, and those Hills retain the eternal Memory of so bloody a day.

With a little Liberality might the General have done with this People whatsoever he had listed, but being loth to gratifie them in any thing, he was inforced to perform their proud and arrogant de∣mands, and to his great shame, to obey them, whom with right usage he might have made obe∣dient to himself; and therefore to avoid their de∣spightful Threats, to his exceeding great reproach, he was glad even as they had commanded, to re∣move out of those quarters. The first day he arrived at Ardachan, with the great trouble of all his Soul∣diers; for whereas the Journey was wont to be two days work ordinarily, as well in respect of the length of the way, as the difficulty of the Passage; the General would now needs have it done in one, the rather thereby to grieve his Souldiers. But of this his wilfulness he received even the same day the just reward; for that the Chariots wherein his Women rid were conveyed away, together with the Eunuchs that were their Keepers: some say by the Georgians that lay in wait for such a Prey; others say by the Ianizaries, who the more to di∣shonour their General, wrought him this Injury.

Great was the reproach that Ferat received in the Army, but far greater at Constantinople, when these News were there known; but there was no remedy, he must now perforce indure it, and dis∣contented as he was, keep on his way towards Er∣zirum.* 3.103 In Ardachan he took a survey of his Ar∣my, and there gave his Souldiers leave to depart: himself afterwards arriving at Erzirum, hated of all his Souldiers, envied by his Captains, derided for the loss of his Women, and fallen into the disgrace of every man. No less than the rest was the Tur∣kish Emperour discontented with him also; first for that he had done nothing worth speaking of, in revenge of the shameful Injury done by Manuc∣chiar the Georgian, and yet so mightily discontent∣ed his Souldiers: and secondly, for that without any care he had suffered Aliculi Chan the Persian Prisoner to escape away, about whose flight it was thought he could not chuse but have some Intelli∣gence. For Ferat, after he was by new order from the Court, to divert his Journey from Nassivan, to the Straights and narrow Passages of Georgia, being de∣sirous to be throughly informed of those dangerous ways; in this second year when he removed from Erzirum, took Aliculi Chan out of Prison, of pur∣pose to use him as his guide in those dangerous Straights, and therefore carried him under a Guard (whatsoever it was afterwards) of his most faith∣ful Vassals, still intreating him well, and taking such order as that he wanted nothing; at last being come to the Straights of Tomanis in Georgia, where the Castle (as it was before said) was erected, he from thence secretly escaped into Persia. The man∣ner of his escape is diversly reported; some say,

That Ferat in discharge of his Promise, for his good Direction had gratified him with his Liber∣ty. Others say, That Ferat corrupted with Money, gave him Opportunity to escape; some others (with more probability) That his escape was made neither for Money, nor discharge of promise; but by the only Vigilancy of Aliculi himself, and the sleepiness of his Keepers; and that watching the Opportunity of the Night (a friend to all escapes) he started away. Howsoever it was, in fine, he was delivered from his long Captivity, to the dis∣credit of Ferat, and returned into Persia, to perform such Interprises against the Turks; as shall be here∣after declared.

General Ferat (before his departure out of Geor∣gia) had commanded Aly,* 3.104 the Bassa of Graecia (whom he lef••, as is before declared, in the new Castle of Lori) to fortifie a certain Castle called Saitan Chas (in our Language, The Castle of the Devil) which he with great Diligence performed, and left therein fifty pieces of Artillery, and a thou∣sand Souldiers under the charge of a Sanzack; and so quieted the Passages from Fort to Fort, as that all the ways from Reivan to Chars, and from Chars to Teflis, were made easie and safe; and all the means taken away whereby the Enemy might be able to plot any new Treachery upon those Passa∣ges, which was no small piece of good Service.

The Persian King in the mean time lying at Tauris with his Army, understanding that the Turks had changed their purpose from Nassivan to Georgia, so that there was no further need to im∣ploy his Army against them for the defence of Tau∣ris or Nassivan; at last resolved with himself to licence his Souldiers to depart, and to apply him∣self to remove private Revenges. For calling Emir Chan unto him, whom he had left Governour of Tauris, and General for that part of his Kingdom; he required of him the occasion, why he had not performed the great Promises which he had made to him before his departure to Heri, nor done his indeavour to hinder the Turks Fabrick at Reivan; and why he went not out with other Souldiers ap∣pointed for that purpose, and namely with the Turcomans (as he had promised) to revenge so great an Injury, and in best manner he could, to have indamaged the Turkish Forces? Sun∣dry excuses did Emir Chan alledge for the co∣louring of his manifest default, but none sufficient to clear him of the Crimes objected against him by the King and the Sultans;* 3.105 wherefore he was by the King adjudged to have his Eyes burnt out with an hot Iron; and so deprived of his sight, to be dispoiled of all his Goods, and shut up in close Prison. Which heavy doom was without further delay accordingly put in Execution; whereof within the space of a few Months, the wicked Chan (but yet a famous Souldier) miserably died in Prison. Whose Death so highly offended the Tur∣coman Nation, (who had him always in great Estimation) that they absolutely denied their de∣fences for the Crown of Persia: and the more, when they heard that the King had bestowed the room of Emir Chan upon Aliculi; who although he had in many respects deserved all Preferment, yet for that he was an ancient Enemy to certain Turcoman Captains, they would not in any wise indure that he should be exalted to so great an Honour. And therefore they waxed more disdainful and ill af∣fected towards the King, whereby the Persian For∣ces became the more weakned and divided.

The Turks notwithstanding the League yet in Force betwixt Amurath and Rodolph the Christian Emperour that now is, did many times make In∣cursions into the upper part of Hungary, burning the Country Villages, and carr••ing away the Peo∣ple into Captivity; but in their return, they were oftentimes cut off by the Emperours Souldiers and slain. Which being reported at Constantinople, much moved the Turkish Tyrant: but when he understood that his men had without any cause made those inrodes into the Territory of the Christians, and so received the foresaid Losses, he was again appeased, and in the beginning of this year 1584, renewed the League betwixt him and the Emperour for eight years more.

Ferat from Erzirum advertised Amurath of all that had hapned in his late Expedition; desiring him to command what he would have taken in hand the next Spring. But besides this informati∣on from him, there wanted not many others which did the like also, although in another manner: declaring unto the King (and that in an odious sort) the whole proceedings of Ferat, the escape of Aliculi Chan, the shameful loss of his Women, his Quarrels with the Ianizaries, his falling out with Veis Bassa, a man well regarded of Amurath him∣self, the Disorders of his whole Camp for his want of Discretion; and to be short, the particularities of all such Actions as had not altogether so hono∣rably been by him performed that year: Causes of themselves sufficient to induce the King to remove the said Ferat from his Generalship. To which occa∣sions, were also added sundry other secret respects: for ever since the last departure of Ferat from Erzi∣rum, Amurath had still in his head, the next year following to attempt the Enterprise of Tauris, and thereby to stir up through the World a famous Report of his Conquest correspondent to his Great∣ness. Now among the Captains whom he esteem∣ed to be worthy men, to whom he might with trust commit this so great an enterprise, he bethought himself of Osman Bassa, left at Sumachia in Siruan by General Mustapha in the first year of this War: who having in that Province remained ever since, had without any help of the Tartarians, by his own Industry and Valour, to the great Content∣ment of Amurath, brought that large Country in∣to a reasonable Obedience to the Turkish Empire; and that which most of all pleased the Turkish Emperour, had in a Country so far distant, main∣tained his Army, wherewith he had done all this without any Expences at all to his King; having now a good while levied his Souldiers Stipends up∣on the Lands and Territories of that Region; and still exercised a kind of Government and Sove∣raignty over those Places. Of all which his good Proceedings, he had caused Intelligence from time to time to be sent unto the Court; by which means, and other Favourers which he had about the King, there was fostred in the mind of Amurath a won∣derful good Opinion of him; so that now with∣out delay he resolved to send for him to Constanti∣nople;* 3.106 and for that purpose, before Ferat was arri∣ved at Erzirum, he had dispatched certain Capigi and Chiaus to call this famous warriour unto him: yet wanted there not some (and those not of the meanest sort) that went about to hinder both his coming to the Court, and also these Designments of so great importance. For Sciaus the chief Visier (who rather for the comeliness of his person and alliance with the King, than for any other his Vir∣tues, was mounted to that high room) did great∣ly fear, lest Osman, whose course it was to sit next unto him in the order of the greatest Bassaes, partly for his experience in matters of War, and partly for the good Affection the King did bear unto him, should at his coming to Constantinople perswade the King to what he listed, and so perad∣venture take from him the chiefest Office, and get into his hands the whole Government of the Em∣pire, whereby so great wealth was to be gained. Wherefore to rid himself of these Fears, he cast about by all means to keep him from coming to

the Court: but because that to attempt the same openly, might prove a matter both difficult and dan∣gerous, he thought it better to make trial of a more commodious and secret means. This Sciaus in consideration of many Gifts bestowed upon him by Mahamet the Cuman-Tartar King, had many times excused him to Amurath of divers Accusati∣ons which Osman by his Letters had laid to his charge; for not aiding him in the subduing of Si∣ruan, as he was both by promise and duty bound: and for all his oversights alleadged such reasons in his behalf, as if they did not altogether perswade Amurath to be kind unto him, yet at the least not to carry a mind of revenge against him; and had so far proceeded in countenancing this Tartarian King, that there was betwixt them confirmed an interchangeable Amity and mutual Confederacy. Him Sciaus imagined to find willing and ready by all means possible, to hinder the coming of Os∣man his Enemy to the Court, if he were but made acquainted with the matter. And therefore Sciaus, as soon as he understood the certain Resolution of Amurath, to call Osman to the Court, secretly wrote to the Tartarian King, who lay incamped near to the Haven of Caffa upon the Fens of Meotis; cer∣tifying him, That Osman was to come to the Court; and that therefore it were good for him to call to mind, how great an Enemy he had been to him, and how much he had indeavoured by Letters to Amurath, to return all his Hatred and Displeasure against him; and withall, That if he was able to do so much by Letters, as if Sciaus had not de∣fended him with very reasonable Excuses, the King had executed his wrathful Indignation upon him to his great danger; he should then imagine with himself, what Osman should be able to do, when he should come in Person to the Presence of Amu∣rath, and without any Mediator, between them∣selves determine of all matters what they should think convenient. These, and peradventure worse Letters which Sciaus wrote to the Tar∣tar, ministred matter enough unto him to resolve to do what he might, not to suffer so pernitious an Enemy of his to arrive at Constantinople; and especi∣ally perceiving that Sciaus, in whose breast he re∣posed all his Hope and all his Protection, did so greatly fea•• his coming.* 3.107 Wherefore to rid him∣self of that Fear, he commanded twelve thousand Souldiers, that changing their Weapons and Ap∣parel, they should go and lie in wait for Osman in the Borders between Cholchis and Iberia, towards the Tartarian Nomades, by which way he was to come; and so making an assault upon him, to bereave him of his Life. Hoping that such an out∣rage once done, could not, or would not, be im∣puted to his procurement, but rather to the Tartar Nomades, or to the Mengrellians, or to the Georgi∣ans, or to the Muscovites, or to the Robbers by the High-way; and to be short, rather to any body else, than to him. This Commandment of the Tartar King, was accordingly by the Souldiers put in Practice; who without further stay joyned them∣selves together, and so rode towards the Place ap∣pointed.

And now were the Messengers sent from Amu∣rath, come to Osman, who presently put himself on his way towards Constantinople, having left behind him at Derbent and Sumachia, two Bassaes, thought to be the most sufficient men in Seruania; having also appointed very good orders in the same, and an assured establishment of all those Countries and Places which Mustapha first had subdued, and he himself had afterwards maintained under the Obe∣dience of Amurath. He had also provided for the safety of his own Person, in passing those trouble∣some and dangerous Passages through which he was to travel, by chusing out four thousand Soul∣diers which he had tried in divers Battels, and brought up under his own Discipline; through whose Valour he doubted not safely to pass through the Treacheries of the Albanians, and the popu∣lous squadrons as well of the Tartarians as of the Mengrellians.

Thus departed he from Derbent, and coasting along the Rocks of Caucasus (that at all times of the year are all white and hoary with continual Snows) leaving on his left hand Media, Iberia, and Cholchis; and on the right hand, the famous Ri∣vers of Tanais and Volga, even at his first entrance unto the Shores of the Euxine Sea,* 3.108 he was by the above named twelve thousand Tartarians, being apparelled like Theeves that lie upon those ways, suddenly assailed and fought withall. But like as an huge Rock lying open to Tempest and Waves, standing fast and unmoveable in it self, resisteth the thunderings and rushings of the great and fearful Billows: so stood Osman fast and firm, and cou∣ragiously sustained this treacherous assault, turning the bold Countenances of his resolute Souldiers, against the rebellious multitude of those traiterous Squadrons; who, as is their manner in the begin∣ing, used great force, but finding so stout resistance in those few, whom they had thought with their only looks and shoutings to have put to flight, they began at length to quail.* 3.109 Which Osman quickly perceiving, couragiously forced upon them, and in a very short space, and with a very small loss of his own, put those Tartarians to flight, killing a number of them, and also taking many of them Prisoners; by whom Osman was afterwards in∣formed (as the truth was) that their King for fear that he had conceived, lest when he came to Con∣stantinople he would procure his Destruction from Amurath, had sent this Army to seek his Death. Of which Treason Osman caused a perfect process to be made, together with the Dispositions of the Tartarian Prisoners, which he sent the shortest way he could devise to Amurath at Constantinople, with Letters declaring all that had passed, inflaming him to revenge so dangerous an Injury, and so wicked a Practice. Amurath receiving these Advertisements from Osman, according to the Necessity of the mat∣ter, took order that Vluzales his Admiral with cer∣tain Gallies well appointed, should pass over to Caffa to fetch Osman; and withall to carry with him Islan, a Brother of the Tartar Kings, com∣manding Osman by Letters, that he should (to the terror of others) put to death the treacherous King, and place his Brother in his room.

This Tartar King was one of those mighty Princes, who basely yielding to the Othoman Pow∣er, led under them a most vile and troublesome Life, as their Tributaries and Vassals, always at command; whose younger Brother Islan, (presum∣ing of the sufficiency of himself and the favour of the People) going to Constantinople, became a Suiter unto the Turkish Emperour, to have his eldest Brother thrust out of his Kingdom, as a man for his evil Government hated of his Subjects, and to be placed himself in his room. Which his suit was so crossed by the Ambassadors of the King's Bro∣ther (who spared for no cost in the behalf of their Master) that the ambitious Youth was sent from the Turks Court to Iconium, and there clapt fast up in Prison; where apparelled like an Eremit, he led his Life altogether conformable to his Misery, with such a kind of external Innocency, as if he had been void of all hope or ambitious desire of a Kingdom, but rather like a forlorn and unhappy wretch with vain Affliction and impious Devotion to prepare himself to a laudable and honourable Death. But whilst he thus lived, sequestred from all worldly Cogitations, upon the discovery of the King his Brothers Rebellion, he was in more than

post hast sent for to Constantinople, and put into the Gallies bound for Caffa, with Letters to Osman of the tenour aforesaid.* 3.110 Now in the mean time Osman had by cunning means got into his hands this Tartar King, being, as is reported, betrayed by his own Counsellors, corrupted by the Turks Gold; whom with his two Sons Osman upon the receit of the aforesaid Letters from Amurath, caus∣ed to be presently strangled with a Bow-string, and Islan his younger Brother to be saluted King in his Place, yet as Vassal to Amurath. This shame∣ful death, the usual reward of the Turkish Friend∣ship, was thought justly to have hapned unto his Tartar King, for that he long before, supported by Amurath, had most unnaturally deposed his aged Father from that Kingdom, just revenge now pro∣secuting his so great Disloyalty.

Osman embarked himself at the forenamed Gal∣lies at the Port of Caffa, passing over the Euxine Sea, and entering into the Thracian Bosphorus, ar∣rived at Constantinople; where he was received with great Pomp and singular significations of good Love. But with most evident and express kinds of Joy was he saluted by Amurath himself, when by his own Speech and Presence he declared unto him every particularity of the matters that had hapned in his long and important Voyage, and in lively manner represented unto him the Perils and Tra∣vels that he had passed, and the Conquests that he had made in Si••uan.* 3.111 After all which Discourses, Amurath who longed after nothing more, than to see the Persian King somewhat bridled, and the fa∣mous City of Tauris brought under his own Sub∣jection, began to enter into Conference with Os∣man about that Enterprise, and in the end would needs know throughly of him, what issue he could promise him of this his desire: and in what sort by his Advice and Counsel the Forces should be im∣ployed, and the Armies disposed for the subduing of that City, which over all the Nations of the World was so famous and so great an honour to the Persian Kingdom. To all which demands his Answer and Resolution was,* 3.112 That forsomuch as the matters of Georgia were now well settled, the treacherous Passages by the new built Forts assu∣red, and the Province of Siruan under his Obedi∣ence established, there was now no cause why he should any longer foreslow so famous an Enter∣prise, but by the Conquest of Tauris, and erecting of a Fort in that proud City, to bring a Terrour upon all Persia, and to raise a glorious renown of so mighty a Conquest among the Nations of Eu∣rope; for the accomplishment whereof, he thought that either the same Army, or at the most a very little greater would suffice, so that it were raised of the best and choicest Souldiers.

By reason of one of the Letters which Sciaus Bassa had written to the late Tartar King, and by the Instigation of the young Sultan Mahomets Mo∣ther (jealous of the near alliance of the great Bassa with her Husband, as prejudicial and dangerous to her Son) Amurath had in the open Divano depri∣ved the said Sciaus from the Office of the chief Visier, and hardly pardoning him his Life, at the Intercession of his Wife, being his Sister had bani∣shed him the Court, so that he lived afterwards about Calcedon, upon the Borders of Asia, not far from Constantinople, in a close Palace he had there built for his own Pleasure;* 3.113 in whose room he ap∣pointed Osman to be chief Visier; and to honour him the more, nominated him the General of his Army against the Persians. Such Power hath Vir∣tue, that even from the very scum of the rascal sort, and out of the rustical rout of Mountain Pea∣sants (which notwithstanding cannot be truly ju∣stified of this Osman, his Father being Beglerbeg of Damasco, and his Mother, the Daughter of the Beglerbeg of Babylon) it doth oftentimes in the course of this variable World draw divers men into Prin∣ces Courts, and advance them to the highest Dig∣nities. Truth it is, that from a private Souldier, though well born, he by sundry degrees grew up to the highest Honour of that so great an Empire, and was at one instant created the chief Counsellor and General of the Othoman Forces. Great was the Joy that Osman conceived hereat; and great was the desire he had to make himself worthy of so honourable Favours; and the greater Confidence he perceived that Amurath had reposed in him, the more eagerly was he spurred on to any thing pos∣sible whereby he might shew himself to have de∣served the same. And therefore advising with himself, that forasmuch as the greatness of the En∣terprise required a greater Army than was levied in former years, so it was necessary also for him the sooner to send out his Advertisements into all his subject Provinces, and by his own example to stir up the other Captains and Souldiers even in the Winter (though it were as yet somewhat trouble∣some) to pass over to Scutari, and from thence to Angori, to Amasia, to Sivas: and there in those Territories to drive out the time, untill his Soul∣diers which were summoned, were all gathered to∣gether. And because upon this his great speed it might peradventure fall out, that the Enemy mis∣doubting his purpose for Tauris, might provide a greater Army than they would otherwise, he caus∣ed it to be given out, That he must go for Nassivan; to the end, that the Persians so beguiled, should not regard the gathering of so mighty an Army as they could have done if they should have heard of the Turks coming to Tauris; and so the Gene∣ral cousening Rumour flew, not only through all the Cities subject to the Turks, but into the Countries of the Persians also; who notwithstand∣ing being very jealous of the City of Tauris, and fearing that the matter would fall out, as indeed afterward it did, ceased not make most curious and diligent inquiry about it. And although the dis∣grace offered to his Ambassadour at Constantinople, disswaded him from sending any other for treaty of Peace: yet to spie out the Secrets of the Turks, and to understand the certainty of their purpose for Nassivan or Tauris, he sent divers Messengers to Osman, as if he had meant to feel his mind touch∣ing a Peace; but in very deed for nothing else but to sound his Designments: which for all that, he could not with all the cunning he could use possi∣bly discover, but still remained doubtful as at the first, the Fame still running for Nassivan.

In the beginning of this year, now growing to∣wards an end, Amurath sent one Mustapha, one of the meanest of his Chiaus, unto Stephen King of Polonia, to excuse the Death of Podolovius (so shame∣fully murthered as is before declared) as if the same had hapned by the Insolency of certain Soul∣diers, and not by his Commandment; who the better to colour the matter, had brought with him two base Fellows, as Authours of that outrage, for the King to take revenge upon; but were indeed no such men as they were pretended to be, but ra∣ther (as it was thought) men before condemned for some other Fact worthy of Death, and now sent thither to serve that purpose: for whom the Chiaus (in proud and threatning manner in the name of his Master) required to have present Re∣stitution made of all such goods as the Polonian Cos∣sacks had not long before taken from the Turks, and the Captain of the said Cossacks to be deliver∣ed also unto him, to be carried to Amurath; and so hardly urged the matter, that (notwithstanding the unworthy Death of Podolovius and his Follow∣ers, and the taking away of his Horses) all the goods taken by the Cossacks, were forthwith resto∣red;

which the Chiaus almost in triumphant man∣ner presented unto Amurath at Constantinople.

This Summer also, Amurath disporting himself with his Mutes, was almost dead. These Mutes are lusty strong Fellows, deprived of their Speech; who nevertheless certain by signs can both aptly express their own Conceits, and understand the meaning of others: these men for their Secresie are the cruel Ministers of the Turkish Tyrants most horrible Commands; and therefore of them had in great regard. With these Mutes mounted up∣on fair and fat, but heavy and unready Horses, was Amurath, upon a light and ready Horse, sporting himself (as the manner of the Turkish Emperours is) riding sometime about one, sometime about another; and striking now the Horse, now the Man, at his Pleasure, when suddenly he was taken with a fit of the falling Sickness, his old Disease; and so falling from his Horse, was taken up for dead: insomuch, that the Ianizaries supposing him to have been indeed dead, after their wonted manner fell to the spoyling of the Christians and Jews, and were proceeding to further outrages, had not their Aga or Captain to restrain their Insolency, to the Terror of the rest, hanged up one of them taken in the manner, and certain others in the habit of Ianizaries. Nevertheless▪ Amurath shortly after recovered again, and to appease that Rumor of his Death (openly upon their Sabbath, which is the Friday) rid from his Palace to the Temple of So∣phia;* 3.114 where I with many others saw him (saith Leunclavius) his Countenance yet all pale and dis∣coloured.

* 3.115This year also hapned such a chance as had like to have raised new Wars betwixt the Turks and the Venetians; which, forasmuch as it is worth the reporting, I thought it not good in silence to pass over. The Widow of Ramadan Bassa, late Gover∣nour of Tripolis in Barbarie, with her Son, her Fa∣mily, and a great number of Slaves of both sorts, being about to depart from Tripolis to Constantino∣ple, had rigged up a fair Gally for the transport∣ing of her self and her Substance, reported to be worth eight hundred thousand Duckats; upon which Galley for her more safety, she had joyned two others, as Consorts. Thus embarked, she came to the Mouth of the Adriatick; where sailing by Curfu, she was by force of Tempest driven into the Gulf of the Adriatick. At which time one Petrus Emus, one of the Venetian Senators, with certain Gallies, had the charge for the keeping of that Sea against Pirats, and all other Enemies whatsoever. He hearing of the Turks coming into the Gulf, with∣out delay set upon them; and being too strong for them, took them all; and having them now in his Power, exercised most barbarous Cruelty, as well upon the Women as the Men: for having slain the Men, in number two hundred and fifty, and the Son of Ramadan in his Mothers lap, he caused the Women, being before ravished, to have their Breasts cut off, and afterwards to be cast over∣board into the Sea, being in number about forty. The Brother of Emus chancing upon a beautiful Virgin, was by her most earnestly intreated to have spared her Honour; and the rather, for that (as she said) she was a Christian, taken Prisoner about twelve years before in Cyprus; since which time she had lived in most miserable Captivity among the Turks; and being now fallen by good hap into the hands of a noble Venetian, was in good hope to be set at Liberty inviolated; which she most humbly besought him for the love of God to do, and not to imbrue his hands with her guilt∣less Blood, or to dishonour himself by forcing of her. But all she could say prevailed nothing with the cruel and unbridled Youth, who after he had at his Pleasure abused her, cast her with the rest into the Sea. It is thought that Emus suffered this so great an outrage (and so far unbeseeming the Ho∣nour of the Venetians) to be done,* 3.116 to the intent that none should be left alive to bewray the great∣ness of the Booty, or of the Villany there commit∣ted; which was nevertheless (God so appointing it) revealed by one of the Turks, who saved by a Surgeon of Crete which knew him, and after∣wards coming to Constantinople, openly declared the same. With the odious report whereof, the Turks were so enraged, that in every corner of the City a man might have heard them threatning unto the Venetians most cruel Revenge; yea they had much ado to hold their hands from the Bilo or Governour of the Venetian Merchants in Constan∣tinople, and to forbear to spit in his Face, as he went in the Streets▪ At that time was one Iohan, Franciscus Maurocenus (or as they commonly call him, Moresin) Bilo at Constantinople;* 3.117 who under∣standing that Amurath in his Rage was about to ••end one of the great Gentlemen of his Court, whom the Turks call Zausii, (the great Turks usu∣al Ambassadors) to Venice about that matter, found means to have him stayed at Constantinople, and another of less Authority sent to expostulate the matter with the Senate, and in the Name of Amurath, to require to have the Offendor punish∣ed, and the Gallies with the Slaves and Goods re∣stored; so should the League betwixt him and them continue firm; whereas otherwise he should be constrained by force of Arms to revenge the Wrongs done to his Subjects. This Message being by the said Messenger delivered at Venice, the Se∣nators after diligent Examination of the matter, re∣turned this answer; That the Widow of Rama∣dan with her Family coming to Zacynthus, an Island of theirs, was there honourably entertained, and presented with certain courteous Presents; but de∣parting thence, and coming to Cephalenia, another of their Islands, her People running on Land, con∣trary to the Conditions of the League, made spoil of whatsoever they could light upon, sparing nei∣ther Man nor Beast; of which their Insolency their Proveditor understanding, and making after them, found them in Arms within the Gulf; and coming near unto them, was neither by them sa∣luted, as the manner at Sea is, neither was any top∣sail struck, in token that the command of that Sea belonged unto the Venetians, all which they ought by the League to have done; for which their out∣rages and proud Contempt, their Proveditor had taken so sharp a Revenge; nevertheless, they pro∣mised in that case to do what beseemed them in Reason and Justice to do, for the satisfying of his desire. With which so reasonable an answer, Amurath seemed to be well contented; but being indeed loth to intangle himself with Wars against that mighty State at Sea, his Wars against the Per∣sians being not yet finished; yet shortly after,* 3.118 Emus was for his dishonourable and cruel dealing with the Lady and her Family, worthily condemned and beheaded, and the Gallies with all the Goods and Slaves restored.* 3.119 This great Woman had in those Gallies four hundred Christian Slaves, all which upon the taking of the Gallies were (as the manner is) set at Liberty, for whom the Venetians made Restitution of as many others of the Turks.

Ramadan Bassa, the Husband of the aforesaid great Lady, was Governour of Tripolis in Barbary, and of the Country thereabouts; who having Wars with one of the barbarous Kings of the Moors, went out against him with all his Forces, wherein were certain Companies of Ianizaries, sent by Amurath from Constantinople. Now in this Country, as in many other places of Africk, are great and desart Sands, over which whosoever is to pass, must provide himself both of Victuals and

skilful Guides; without which they are not with∣out danger to be passed. Ramadan with his Army unprovided both of the one and the other, having entred these Desarts, was at length brought to that case, that he could neither go forward, neither without loss of his men,* 3.120 return. Yet at length he retired, and got home, but not without the loss of some of his People, and the manifest danger of his whole Army; for which his improvidence the Janizaries fell into such a rage, that not respecting the honour of the man, or regarding the displeasure of their Sovereign, they fell upon him and slew him. At which their Insolency if Amurath did wink, and pass it over unpunished, let no man marvel; for why, the antient obedience of those martial men is not now as it was in former times, when they were with a more severe Discipline go∣verned; but now grown proud and insolent (as the manner of men is living in continual pay) with Weapons in their hands doubt no•• to do whatso∣ever seemeth unto themselves best, be it never so foul or unreasonable. Which although it be in many places of this History to be seen; yet for the more manifestation thereof, I thought it not amiss here briefly to set down an Example or two of their notorious Insolency.

Not many years before, the Janizaries in Cyprus with like Insolency slew Achmetes Bassa,* 3.121 Gover∣nour of that Island; pretending for the colour of so foul a fact, that he had defrauded them of their pay, and oppressed them of the Country with in∣tolerable exactions. Amurath highly offended with this their Disloyalty in killing their General, whom they had never before complained of; thought it much to concern the Majesty of himself, and the repressing of the like Insolency in others, not to suffer it to go unpunished; and for that purpose sent another new Governour into Cyprus, with ten Gallies furnished as well in other necessa∣ry Provision, as with such a convenient number of Souldiers as might suffice to chastise the Insolen∣cy of the chief Offendors. This new Governour arrived in Cyprus, dissembling the secret Com∣mandment he had for the executing of the Trans∣gressors; by certain trusty men gave it out among the Janizaries, That Amurath was so far from be∣ing angry with the death of Achmetes, as that he thought him worthily slain by the Janizaries, for defrauding them of their Wages, and oppressing of his other Subjects. Which report the new Go∣vernour had of purpose given out, to put them in Security, and without further trouble to bring them into his danger. Hereupon the Janizaries chearful∣ly and with all due Reverence received their new Governour;* 3.122 but shortly after to be sure, they by an unexpected guile when as nothing was less fear∣ed, compassed in all the new come Souldiers, and slew them every Mothers Son; and not so con∣tented, seised also upon the Gallies that brought them. Which second outrage, though Amurath took in evil part, as seeing his Majesty therein con∣temned, yet was he content to pass it over, being loth to add edomestical Troubles to the great War he had in hand with the Persian.

* 3.123But to end this matter with the Opinion of their own greatest Bassaes, concerning these master∣ful men. It fortuned that whilst Busbequius (Am∣bassador for Ferdinand the Emperour, unto Soly∣man) lay in the Turks Camp, at such time as Soly∣man in Person himself was gon▪ over the Straight in Asia, to countenance his eldest Son Solymus against his younger Brother Bajazet, That upon a light Quarrel (though heavily taken) between the Fol∣lowers of the said Ambassador, and certain Jani∣zaries washing themselves at the Sea-side, the Am∣bassador for the quieting thereof was glad to use the help of Rustan the great Bassa, Solyman's Son-in-Law; who understanding of the matter by a Messenger sent of purpose, adviseth the Ambassa∣dor to cut off all occasion of Contention with those most naughty Fellows; asking him further, if he knew not that it was now the time of War, in which time they so raigned, as that Solyman him∣self was not able to rule them, but stood in fear of them. Which speech fell not rashly from Ru∣stan, a man right well acquainted with his Lord and Masters Grief; for that most notable Prince feared nothing more, than lest some secret and dangerous▪ Treason should lie hidden among the Janizaries, which breaking out upon the sudden, might work his final Destruction; whereof he needed not to seek for any further Example, than to his Grandfather Bajazet. For, as true it is, That great are the Commodities of a perpetual Army of a Princes own; so are the Incommodities also not small, if they be not carefully met withall; but e∣specially for that the Prince is ever in doubt of Re∣bellion; and that it is still in the Power of those armed Souldiers, at their Pleasure to translate the Kingdom to whom they list. Whereof there have been many great Examples, although there are many ways for the remedying of the same.

But now that we have by occasion of the Oc∣currents of that time a little stept out of the way, [year 1585] let us return again unto the Wars of Persia, the chief Object of Amuraths haughty Designs. Now according to the Commandments gon out through all the Cities of the Empire, the Souldiers of all sorts began to flock together; and all those that were either desirous to be established in their for∣mer Charges and Governments, or ambitiously sought to be now promoted, repaired to Osman, as unto a King▪ and the sovereign Moderator of the Turkish Empire, presenting him very large and liberal Gifts, whereby he gathered together a huge heap of infinite Treasure; and so entertaining them with all affable Courtesie, and promising both Rewards and Honours to such as would fol∣low him in his purposed Expedition, he levied a wonderful great number both of Men and Monies. And now was the time come that called him away to go towards Erzirum, where he was greatly expect∣ed of his huge Army there assembled together. And notwithstanding the great dearth of Victual that commonly raigneth in those quarters, yet thither he must, where he arrived about the latter end of the Month of Iuly, in the year 1585: and there taking a view of his whole Army, and of all the Provision necessary for so important and famous an Enterprise, he daily laboured to hasten his de∣parture. In this City of Erzirum were met together all the Souldiers of the Provinces that were wont to send help, but yet in greater number than ever was gathered by any General before: for that every man forsook his own private Business, and upon assured hopes of new Rewards and unwont∣ed Honours, were all induced to follow the Fame of this their new Visier and General: only the People of Egypt and Damasco were busied with other more private Quarrels at home, whereof be∣cause they were both of great Importance, and also fell out at this very instant (leaving Osman with his Army for a while at Erzirum) I will in as few words as I may, make a brief rehearsal.

Amurath had heretofore taken Hassan Bassa the Eunuch out of the Seraglio,* 3.124 from the charge he had there to serve in the Queens Court, and at her instance sent him as Bassa to Caire the great City of Egypt. Which great Office, beside the Honour belonging unto it, is also beneficial to them whose good hap it is to be advanced thereunto; the Ri∣ches, the multitude of People inhabiting therein being so great, that it seemeth not to be one City, but rather to contain within the large Circuit

thereof, many Cities. This man being exceeding covetous, and therefore desirous to handle the mat∣ter in such sort, as that he should little need to seek for any more such grants at the Kings hands, sought by all manner of means to oppress the whole Nation, and by all Importunities to wring and extort from them Rewards and Bribes, with∣out regard of Honesty or Reason. By which his sinister and corrupt dealing he had now made himself so odious and intolerable to the People in general, that they in great number, and many times, began to go to Constantinople, and with hum∣ble petitions to request the King to take from them such a cruel and unjust Governour; so that ge∣nerally in the Court there was no talk but of the Villanies and Mischiefs that were reported of the covetous Eunuch. At last Amurath seeing these publick Exclamations went daily so far, as that he could not for shame let them go any further with∣out due Punishment, he resolved with himself to call him to the Court; and having sent unto him certain Messengers, admonished him sundry times to return home. But the Eunuch loth to leave so fit an occasion to enrich himself, did still delay his return, alledging divers feigned Excuses for his longer stay. Which thing when Amurath under∣stood, thinking himself thereby deluded, he deter∣mined to provide for so great a disorder, and by punishing of the mischievous Eunuch, to satisfie in some part the discontented Minds of his oppressed Subjects in Caire.

* 3.125There sate at that time among the chief Bassaes of the Court, one Ebrain (or as most call him, Ibrahim) by Nation a Sclav••nian, a young man of the age of thirty two years, or thereabouts, of very fair Conditions, and of a reasonable Judg∣ment; upon whom Amurath himself had determi∣ned to bestow his own Daughter to Wife, and so to make him his Son-in-law. And therefore be∣ing now minded to remove the Eunuch from his Office, and to satisfie the City; and being also willing withall to give means to his said Son-in-law to enrich himself, he resolved to send him as Gene∣ral Sindick and sovereign Judge in Egypt; giving him in particular charge, to remember how wick∣edly his Predecessor had dealt before him. And so this new Bassa took his Journey towards Egypt, although there ran before him a great Rumour of his coming, and of the great Authority where∣with he was sent. At which Report, as the Egypti∣ans rested content and joyful, so the Eunuch wax∣ed very sad and sorrowful; perswading him∣self, that this alteration could not but engender some strange issue and effect against him. Where∣upon advising himself to provide better for his own Affairs and safety of his Life, he resolved not to stay the coming of the new Governour; but de∣parting out of Egypt, he with great Care and Cir∣cumspection for fear of meeting with Ebrain, tra∣velled towards Constantinople in hope to appease the Kings Wrath, or at least by mediation of Bribes, and by the Intercession of the Queen, to find him more favourable than he should find Ebrain; who without doubt would not have spared any Extre∣mity or Cruelty, to have bereaft him both of his Goods and Life together. Amurath advertised from Ebrain, of the sudden flight of the Eunuch Bassa out of Egypt, and hearing withall, that he kept not the high way from Caire to Constantino∣ple, began to fear, lest when he came into Soria, he should flie into Persia to the King, and so work him double and treble damage; as one that had already gathered a huge Treasure, and having long lived in the Court, knew the most secret Af∣fairs thereof, and had learned all the privie Devices and Fashions of the Seraglio. Whereupon he with all Diligence dispatched his Imbrahur Bassi (whom we call Master of his Horse) with forty of his Capigi (all Gentlemen Ushers, and Officers of most secret and nearest Rooms about him) with charge and commandment, that if they met him they should bring him to the Court; using all the Aid and Assistance of his People that might be requisite: and for that purpose delivered unto him very ef∣fectual and large Letters, after the best manner of the Court. This Messenger with his appointed train departed, and without any extraordinary inquiry, found the Eunuch in Soria, incamped in the Plains near unto the City now called Aman, but in times past Apamea, the principal City of that Country.* 3.126 As soon as the Eunuch understood of the coming of the Imbrahur himself, he gave or∣der to his guard of Slaves, which in great number with Spears and Harcubuses did ordinarily keep his Pavilion, that they should not grant entrance into his Tent to any, but only unto the Imbrahur himself, and if need were, by ••orce to keep the rest of the Capigi from coming in. Which order was in very good time given; for as soon as the Kings Officer had discovered the Tents of the fugitive Bassa, in all hast he ran towards the same, and seeking out the greatest among them, went present∣ly thither, to have entred with all his Followers; but the Slaves being in Armour, opposed themselves against them, and permitting only the Imbrahur to enter in, entertained the rest of his Train with∣out. The Imbrahur being come in, read unto him the Commandment which he had from the King to bring him to the Court; and most instantly moved him, that without any further resistance, he would quietly go with him. To whom the wa∣ry Eunuch answered, Behold, how without any cal∣ling of the King, or conducting by you, I come of my self, well assured to find not only Pardon and Pity, but also Favour and Grace in the sight of my Lord; whose upright and mild Nature the wicked Treacheries of my false Accusers cannot abuse, to the Prejudice of me an Innocent. And so without more ado they went all to Constantinople; the Eunuch still stand∣ing upon his Guard.

The politick and crafty Eunuch had in this mean time dispatched divers Posts with Letters to the Sultan Ladies, certifying them of his coming, and principally beseeching the Queen to protect him, and to appease the Kings wrathful Indignati∣on that happily he might have conceived against him; and so at length they arrived at Scutari. As soon as Amurath understood of his coming thither,* 3.127 he caused all the Treasure which he had gather∣ed, to be taken from him, with all the rest of his private Substance, and the wretch himself to be clapt up in Prison in the Iadicula or seven Tow∣ers. Where after he had languished many Days, still fearing some deadly blow, he at length re∣ceived from the Queen, an unexpected, but most welcome Advertisement, That he should be of good chear and quiet himself, for that his Wealth had already saved his Life, and that she hoped in short time to procure him also his Liberty. Which indeed she brought to pass; for she her self made earnest Petition to Amurath her Husband, that for∣asmuch as he had bereaft her Eunuch of all his Goods, he would yet at lea••t deliver him out of Prison, and restore him unto her again. Which Request of the Queens was granted accordingly, and the Eunuch enlarged; but the Treasure that he so unjustly scraped together in Egypt, that re∣mained still among the Gold and other Jewels of the Kings.

But Ebrain Bassa with his new Commission now arrived in Egypt, had in short space by far mort sinister means than had the Eunuch before him, scrap'd together such an infinite heap of Riches, as was able only of it self to make him worthy of

his promised Wife, and therefore he was called home to the Court, to accomplish the intended Marriage. With this Commandment to return to Constantinople, he received also in charge, to make his Journey through the People of Drusia; and such as he should find loyal, to confirm them in their due Obedience, and to make them pay their antient Duties; but such as he should find stubborn and disobedient, he should quite root them out and destroy them. This Commandment Ebrain presently put in Execution, and having packed up together all the Riches he had gathered in the time of his Government, and raised good store of Souldiers in that Province, he took with him thirteen Sanzacks, that were ordinarily accustom∣ed to sit as Assistants under the Government of the Bassa in the ruling of the populous Territories of Caire, and so set forwards towards Gaza, passing over those vast and huge Wildernesses of Sand that lie between Caire and Gaza. From Gaza, joyning the Sanzack thereof with him, he went to Ierusa∣lem; and from thence, causing the Sanzack there also to follow his Train, he turned by Saffetto, by Lezium, by Naplos (called in times past Samaria) still taking with him the Sanzacks of all those places, and at last turned himself towards Dama∣sco; so that before he joyned with the band of Damasco, he had gotten together eighteen Sanzacks, with all their Squadrons of Souldiers and Slaves. Besides these, he had also his own private Court, which was wonderfully populous, and two hun∣dred Ianizaries of Constantinople, whom Amurath would needs have him to take with him at his de∣parture from the Court, so that he had in his Ar∣my almost twelve thousand Horsemen. From Damasco, Veis the Bassa was come as far as Ierusa∣lem to meet him, with all the Souldiers under his Government, in number about two thousand Per∣sons. Besides that, there came unto him by the way of Sidon, the Aga of the Ianizaries of Cyprus, with all the band of that desolate and destroyed Island; which Captain with his Souldiers was transported over into the Main, in those Gallies that by the Kings appointment were sent to fetch Ebrain; who, now strengthned with all these Souldiers, had pur∣posed the utter ruine of the disobedient Drusians, and the raising of his own Glory, by triumphing over them.

These Drusians, against whom these great Pre∣parations were now made by this new Captain,* 3.128 and of whom the Turkish Emperour is so suspici∣ous and doubtful, are supposed to be by descent Frenchmen, the reliques of those that with great Devotion did in times past fight those memorable and Christian Battels in Iury, and recovered the holy City; but being afterwards brought low, partly by the Plague, and partly by the Fury of the Barbarians, mingled their Seed with the cir∣cumcised Nation, and so together with their Au∣thority and Command, lost also their first Faith and Religion; yet so, that they grew into an ha∣tred of the Turkish Superstition, and abhorring the Circumcision of the Jews, betook themselves to a new Prophet of their own called Isman, whose Doctrine they follow. The right Drusians live un∣circumcised, neither do they forbear Wine, as do the Turks; they make it lawful among them (most unlawfully) to marry with their own Daugh∣ters; the Turkish Government they have sought by all means to eschew, notwithstanding all the Endeavours and Attempts of the Turkish Ty∣rants, but especially of Selymus the second, yet have they always been subject to their own natu∣ral Princes, and would never admit any Captain or Governour of the Turks within the Countries which they possessed. They are a People very warlike, stout, resolute, and religious observers of their own Superstitions; in Battel they use the Harquebuze and Scimitar, yet some of them at this day do serve with Lances and Darts; they are apparelled after the manner of the Eastern Peo∣ple, with a Turbant on their Heads, and Breeches they never wear, but instead thereof they cover those parts with their Coat, which reacheth down to their Knees, bu••toning it up before; their feed∣ing is gross, and of Mountain Meats;* 3.129 they inha∣bit all the Country that is invironed within the Confines of Ioppa, above Caesarea and Palestina, and within the Rivers of Orantes and Iordan, stretch∣ing it self even to the Plain of Damasco, near to the Hills that compass it about upon the Coast of Mount Libanus. They were all in times past good Friends and Confederates, so that they were great∣ly esteemed; but now being at variance, through greediness and covetousness, they were divided among themselves, one seeking the Destruction of another. At this time they were governed by five chief Captains or Governours;* 3.130 one of them was called Ebne-Man, and of the Turks Man-Ogli; ano∣ther Serafadin; the third Mahamet Ebne-Mansur; the fourth Ebne-Frec; and the fifth Ali-Ebne-Car∣fus, by the Turks called Ali-Carfus-Ogli. Under these (who indeed carry the Title and Authority of an Emir, that is to say, King or Chief) there are divers their Lieutenants or Deputies, whom they call their Macademi or Agents. Ebne-Man or Man-Og∣li inhabited the Mountains and Fields that are con∣tained under the Jurisdictions of Caesarea, of Ptole∣maida, of Tyrus, and of Sidon, and had his resi∣dence for most part upon the Hill, in a Town cal∣led Andera; he was very mighty in Men and Ar∣mour, and since the time that by Treachery his Father was Murthered by Mustapha then Bassa of Damasco, always a deadly Enemy to the Name of the Turks. Ebne-Frec, Ebne-Carfus, and Ebne-Mansur were always great Friends; but now espe∣cially at the coming of Ebrain Bassa they shewed themselves more straightly confederated together. Serafadin and Man-Ogli were ever opposite against them; so that the one side procuring the overthrow of the other, they lost their Strength, and left no means to defend themselves against the Turks, who had not long lain in wait for their Liberty. Now as soon as the News came among them, That Ebra∣in being departed from Caire, was coming into So∣ria to subdue them; the three Confederates above named resolved among themselves to go and meet this great Bassa, and to submit themselves unto him, of purpose to turn all the intended Mischief upon Serafadin and Man-Ogli their Enemies. And so having packed up great store of Money,* 3.131 Cloth of Silk, Cloth of Woollen, and Cloth of Gold, with many Loads of Silks, and other things of exceed∣ing Value, every one of the three being accom∣panied, one with about two thousand, another with about three thousand men, they put themselves up∣on their Journey towards Ebrain, and met him at Ierusalem, where he was already arrived. This their coming Ebrain took in wonderful good part; and courteously accepted those their rich and great Presents which they brought him; and by the offers of their Fidelity, and the grievous Accusa∣tions they made against the other two Drusian Lords their Enemies, began to conceive great hope of his intended enterprise; for why, he saw that nothing could more easily compass their overthrow, than this their Discord. Being thus accompanied, he came by the way of Damasco to the Champaign of Bocca, and there incamped. This was in the Month of Iuly this year 1585. The whole Army that was with Ebrain, reckoning also the Souldiers of the three Drusian Lords, was about the number of twenty thousand Horsemen strong. In this place there came People out of all the quarters there∣abouts,

with Presents to honour the Bassa; to whom he likewise yielded such small Favours as his co∣vetous Nature could afford them.

From this place also Ebrain presently sent Letters to Serafadin and Ebneman, whereby he invited them to come unto him, to acknowledge their Obedience unto the Sultan; for that otherwise they might assure themselves to be in short time de∣prived both of their Estates and Lives. For all that, Man-Ogli would not by any means come in. But Serafadin being poor both in Wealth and Forces, resolved to come, in hope by rich Presents to pur∣chase his Attonement with the great Bassa. And therefore having packed up together divers loads of Silk, great store of Money, and many Cloaths of good Value and Beauty,* 3.132 and also attended upon with divers of his Subjects, he arrived at last at the Pavilion of Ebrain, with these his rich Presents; which were there readily received, and he himself with great Attention heard; whose Speech in ef∣fect tended to no other thing, but only to perswade the Bassa, That he had always been a devoted Vassal unto Amurath, and that he had carried a continual desire to be imployed in any his Service; and that now being led by the same Affection, and assured of his Favour, by the friendly and cour∣teous offers made him in his Letters, he was come to shew himself unto him to be the same man, and so proferred him whatsoever lay in his slender Pow∣er to perform. Whereunto Ebrain made no answer at all, but only asked him the cause why he lived continually in Discord and Brawls with the three Emirs (who also sate at that time in the same Pa∣vilion.) Whereunto Serafadin answered, That it was not long of him, who as one desirous of Peace, had not long time taken up A••ms, but in the just defence of himself, against the Injuries of those his Enemies, who because they were more mighty than he, sought continually to oppress him. Here∣at the three Conspirators arose, and with their grim looks bewraying their inward hatred, falsly charg∣ed him to have been ever the Authority of those Brawls; adding moreover, That his Insolency was at that time grown so great, as that no strange Vessel durst for fear of him arrive at the Ports of Sidon, Tyrus, or Berito; nor any Merchant or Mer∣chandise pass over the Plains; but that those Coun∣tries, as though they were a prey and spoil to the Theeves of Arabia, were generally shunned of all Travellors both by Sea and Land, to the great hinderance of the Sultans Customs. Serafadin would hereunto have gladly replyed, but prevent∣ed by Ebrain, and surcharged with many injurious Words, was committed to the Custody of the two hundred Ianizaries of Constantinople. And so be∣ing by them brought into a rotten Tent that was appointed for him, was every Night from thence forward put in the Stocks fast chained, and conti∣nually guarded with a trusty Guard of the same Ianizaries. In the mean time came the answer of Man-Ogli, who wrote back unto the great Bassa Ebrain, as followeth;

* 4.1TO the Lord of Lords, Sovereign above the Great Ones, the mighty, the noble Captain Cousin to the grand Lord, and worthiest among the elect of the Pro∣phet Mahomet▪ the noble and famous Lord Ebraim Bassa, God give good success to his haughty Enterprises, and Prosperity in all his Honour. I wish (even as thou dost lovingly invite and exhort me) that I might come before thee, and follow thee, and serve thee always in any occasion that it may happen thee to stand in need of my help. For I know that thou wouldest rest assured of the Reverence that I bear towards thy Lord, and of the most fervent desire wherein I live to serve him, and to imploy both my Life and my Substance in his Ser∣vice: whereof I have also given some Testimony, though but small, in the managing of his Customs that I have received; wherein I have always so carried my self, as that I am not his Debtor of one aspre; a thing I wis that Ebne Mansur (who is now with thee) hath not done. For although by his coming to meet thee even as far as Jerusalem, he would make a shew of his Fi∣delity, yet doth he usurp more than two hundred thou∣sand Duckats of the Kings, which he doth most unjust∣ly detain from him of his Customs. But my hard For∣tune will not grant me the Favour that I may come unto thee; for there are at this time present with thee three of mine Enemies, who (I know well) being not contented to have always disquieted and troubled my estate, do now seek to bring me into so great hatred with thy heart, that if thou haddest me in thy hands, thou wouldest without any Consideration bereave me of my Life. And I am assured, that this sending for me importeth no other thing, but only a desire thou hast to imprison me, and so to kill me; for I know how much thou art given to great Enterprises. Besides this, my coming is also hindered by mine antient Oath that I took; when being as yet but a Child, I saw mine own Father so villainously betrayed by the murthering sword of Mustapha, being at that time the Bassa of Damas∣co; who under the colour of unfeigned Friendship, got him into his hand, and traiterously struck off his Head. For in truth I carry the Image of my Fathers reve∣rend Head, all pale, and yet as it were breathing, im∣printed in my Mind, which oftentimes presenteth it self unto me, as well sleeping in the Darkness of the Night, as also waking in the Light of the Day; and talking with me, calleth to my remembrance the Infi∣delity of the murthering Tyrant, and exhorteth me to keep my self aloof from the hands of the mighty. And therefore I neither can nor may obey thy Requests, and in that respect it grieveth me, that I shall seem disobe∣dient unto thee, being in any other Action, and in all my Cogitations wholly addicted to do any Service no•• only to thee, who art most worthy to be reverenced of far greater Persons than I am, but also to every the least Vassals of Amurath. Thou wilt pardon me I hope, and thou shalt well perceive, that if there be any thing near me that may be acceptable unto thee, all that I have whatsoever, though in respect of thy self it may seem vile and base, yet is it thine, and is now reserved wholly for thee, and not for me. Fare∣well, and command me, and hold me excused upon these just Causes which thou hearest, for my being so backward in coming to honour thee, as my Duty re∣quireth.

The poor and the least among the Slaves of the grand Lord, The Son of Man.

Ebrain perceiving by this Letter the Resolution of Man-Ogli,* 4.2 resolved also in himself to go upon him with all his Army, and either by force or sleight to get him into his Hands; or at least to draw from him so many Harquebuzes, and as great Gifts and Tributes as possibly he might; and therefore rising with his Camp, and turning him∣self toward the Country of Man-Ogli, he burned and destroyed four and twenty of his Towns, and so mounting up certain Rocks of Libanus, upon the top of a large Hill (that standeth over Andara and other Places belonging to Man-Ogli) he incamped himself. But whilst the Army was thus marching forward,* 4.3 Veis Bassa of Damasco with a great part of his People, and his son the Sanzack of Ierusalem, with his Souldiers likewise, to the number of fif∣teen hundred Persons, having separated themselves from the rest of the Army in manner of a rereward; as they were busie in raising their Tents, upon the sudden were furiously assaulted by a great band of Drusians of the Faction of Man-Ogli, and discom∣fited. Which Victory the Drusians so prosecuted,

that they became Lords of the Pavilions, the Wealth and Armour of the Turks; and leading away with them their Horses and their Carriages, put to the Sword five hundred Persons, and scarce gave any leisure of escape either to the Bassa the Father, or the Sanzack his Son, who fled straight to Ierusalem, and never returned again to Ebrain; but Veis his Father still followed the Army with those few men which he had left, and was thought worthy of all men to be pitied.

Upon the Hill aforesaid, Ebrain continued twen∣ty four days together, with abundance of all things necessary for Victual; during which time he at∣tended nothing else, but to try all Devices how he might draw Money and Presents from Man-Ogli, or how he might train him into his Hands. For the compassing whereof, he dispatched one Gomeda (Ebne-Mansurs Agent) to Man-Ogli,* 4.4 being in An∣drea; to tell him, That forasmuch as he would not give credit to the promise which he made him, nor to adventure himself into the hand of his Friend, he should send unto him all the Harquebuzes he had; for that the Sultans Pleasure was, that his People that went not to the Wars in his Service, should not be furnished with so great store of Wea∣pons, to the danger of their Neighbours, and of the Subjects themselves. With great Grief of Mind did Man-Ogli behold the Messenger, as the Man whom he well knew to be the Agent of his deadly Enemy; yet in regard of him that sent him, he forbore to do him Injury, or to give him any Reproach; telling him, That all his People and Weapons were dispersed abroad over his Territo∣ry, so that he could not tell what Harquebuzes to send him; with which cold Answer Gomeda re∣turned. Which thing when Ali Bassa of Aleppo understood, he offered himself to the General, that he would go unto him, and that to some better purpose. Many Reasons did Ali Bassa use to per∣swade the wary Drusian to come and yield his Obedience to Ebrain, swearing that no harm should be done unto him; and withall promising him great and honourable Favours. But never could he remove the resolute and provident Mind of Man-Ogli, or win him to yield himself into the hands of a Man, whom he thought to be so mur∣derous; yet at last with much ado, he prevailed so much with the Drusian Lord, that in sign of the Reverence he did bear towards the General, and of his Obedience towards Amurath, he was con∣tent to send a Present to Ebrain. And thereupon gave him 320 Harquebuzes, 20 packs of Andarine Silks, and fifty thousand Duckats to carry to the Bassa for a Gift, and to reconcile him unto him. For the better effecting whereof, he sent his own Mother to the great Bassa, who in the behalf of her Son performed a very worthy Message, excu∣sing him as well in respect of his Enemies that sate there so near unto him, as also in regard of his Oath which he had solemnly sworn, That for the Treachery of Mustapha he would never commit himself into the hands of a Turk; and therefore besought him to accept of the Gifts that were sent him; and withall a Mind and Heart most ready to serve and obey the King in all Occasions; and that he would hold him excused, for that his Ex∣cuses were both just and reasonable. Whereunto the Turk replyed,* 4.5 That although she had found so foul a Fault in Mustapha, who under the assurance of his Promise and Fidelity had betrayed her Hus∣band; yet for all that she ought not to fear any such wicked or infamous Act at his hands, who stood upon his Honour and the Word of a Souldier; and so by Oath protesting all faithful and constant Friendship towards him, in token of his sincere meaning, he cast a white vail about her Neck, and put another upon himself, and the third he gave her in her hands; willing her to report to her Son the Oaths he had made, and to carry him that Vail, and bring him with her, protesting no other∣wise to intreat him, but as a Friend and a Brother; the peaceable old Woman went her way accor∣dingly; but she neither could nor would go about to alter the purpose of her Son, but returned to Ebrain such answer as did not greatly please him. After which time, he sought more than ever he did before, to get the wary Drusian into his hands, or at least, without regard of shame to draw from him more Presents and Weapons. And therefore once again he sent the crafty Gomeda, to exhort him upon Faith and Promise given, to come unto him; but for all the cra••t and lying Speeches that the treacherous Messenger could cunningly use, he could obtain nothing of the Drusian Lord, but good words only. Yet at last after much fineness he pre∣vailed so much, as that Man-Ogli was contented by him to send another Present to Ebrain, with an express Condition notwithstanding, that he should cause Ebrain to depart out of those quarters, and that he should not himself return any more to re∣quest any thing farther of him. Which he very largely promised, only desiring him to send a good number of Harquebuzes, thereby to content the Bassa fully; so he gave him fifty thousand Duckats more, and four hundred and fourscore Harquebu∣zes, with a thousand Goats, an hundred and fifty Camels, an hundred and fifty Buffes, a thousand Oxen, and two hundred Weathers. With this rich Present came Gomeda to Ebrain, declaring un∣to him that this he had got from him, upon pro∣mise that he should not molest the Drusian any more. For which promise so made, Ebrain sharply reproved Gomeda, and threatned to make him know what it was to take upon him so dangerous a Li∣berty; and for the greater despight both to the one and to the other, Ebrain would needs have Go∣meda himself to return again with like Message to trouble the Drusian. Whereunto although he went in great fear of some Mischief by the hands of Man-Ogli, yet was there no remedy but needs he must follow the command of him, in whose Pow∣er it was to take from him both his Honour and Life; and therefore on he went. But as soon as Man-Ogli saw Gomeda (thinking as truth was, that he came again about his wonted Request) he was with the very sight of him so far moved, as that he was even at the point to have thrown a dart at him, and so to have dispatched him, had not the regard of more dangerous effects staid his fury; yet spared he not with ignominious words and deadly Threats to disburden his Choler. Notwith∣standing Gomeda could do no less but accomplish the effect of his fraudulent Requests; and so wrought with him, that he drew from him four Burbens more of Harquebuzes, ten Swords, and ten gilt Daggers, certain silver Belts, ten packs of Silk, and some few pence; causing him withall to pro∣test unto him, never to suffer himself to be perswa∣ded to come again unto him; for if he did, he threatned to kill him, happen after what might of it. With exceeding Joy and Triumph did Ebrain receive this Present, and thinking now with himself that he had gotten a sufficient booty from him, he determined to rise with his Army, and to sack all the rest of Man-Oglies Country. Which he performed accordingly, and being conducted by Emir Ebne-frec, burnt Andrea, the place of Man-Ogli's Residence, and in two days burned and de∣stroyed nineteen other of his Towns, with unspeak∣able Cruelty committing all things to Fire and Sword. After all this sacking and rasing, Ebrain sent divers Messengers to Man-Ogli, to try whether he would yet be perswaded to come unto him; but nothing could move the resolute Drusian to commit

himself into his hands, but rather increased his Constancy to avoid a most certain Death. Now the great Bassa still thirsting after Blood and Re∣venge,* 4.6 understanding by a Spie, that the Captain of Andrea (being one of the Factors of Man-Ogli) with three hundred and fifty Souldiers was got up to a certain Hill, into a Place of great Security, he sent Emir Ebne-frec to entice him, and to tell him, That seeing his Lord Man-Ogli would not come and yield himself, he should come unto him; which if he would do, he would assuredly in de∣spight of Man-Ogli, make him a Sanzack of some of those Places which he most desired. The ambiti∣ous and unheedy Macademo suffered himself to be easily perswaded, and being accompanied with his three hundred and fifty Followers, went with the said Ebne-frec, and came at last to the Pavilion of Ebrain, having first caused his aforesaid men to stay, being in a Valley two or three Miles off. But Ebra∣in would not so much as see the Macademo, although both in respect of the nimbleness of his Person, and also the fierceness of his Looks, he was worthy to be looked upon; but commanded him to keep in a several place from Serafadin, and in the mean time devised how he might with least loss of his own men, put to death those three hundred and fifty the Macademoes Followers; which was by training them, by means of the said Ebne-frec, into a certain Vine-yard, and so having brought them into a Straight, suddenly to set upon them and kill them. Which was accordingly performed; for being by the treacherous Emir brought into the place appointed for their slaughter, fearing nothing less, they were suddenly inclosed by the Turks Sanzacks or Ianizaries, and slain every Mothers Son. This Massacre thus finished, Ebrain com∣manded the Macademo to be brought before him, and without delay to be stripped and flaied quick; who being come, stoutly upbraided Ebrain with his Promise and his Oath▪ and amongst other Speeches which he uttered whilst they stripped him; said, Cut me off my Members, and first putting them into the Privities of that infamous Ebrains Wife, put them afterwards into the Mouth of himself; for so (I trow) he will be contented and satisfied with my Flesh. And to them that were the Executioners of his plainful Death, he said, It is your great good For∣tune indeed, that with such Violence and needless De∣formity, you are now able to spill my Blood, and to take my Life from me; whereas none of you all had been able, or once durst, man to man, to have drawn one drop of it from me, no nor to have indured by Counte∣nance. But go too, proceed in your wicked and unsati∣able desire of my Blood, and fulfil the cruel command of your Visier; for in the end there will also light upon you the just reward of this so villanous a Fact. With these and other such like Speeches the miserable wretch was stripped,* 4.7 and three great slashes made on his Back, where they began to flea him; he in the mean time not ceasing to blaspheme their Re∣ligion, and to curse their King, and their false Pro∣phet also. But the barbarous Souldiers proceeding in their cruel Action, made other like gashes upon his Breast and Stomach; and so drawing the Skin downward, could not bring it to his Navel before he was with the Extremity of the Pain, dead. Af∣ter this, Ebrain caused the Followers of Serafadin (in number about a hundred and fifty) to be cru∣elly slain, and all his Country to be most misera∣bly wasted, he himself still remaining in Chains.

Whilst the Fire and Sword thus raged in the Drusian Country, Ebrain by speedy Posts sent to Sidon, where his Gallies lay at rode, commanded, That disbarking four thousand Souldiers, they should sack all those Countries along the Sea-coast, even as far as Caesarea in Palestine, sparing neither Age nor Sex, nor any Person of Condition what∣soever. Which his cruel command was present∣ly put in Execution; and three thousand Souls brought away Captives, great Booties made of much rich Merchandise, many Towns burnt, sun∣dry Castles rased and laid even with the Ground; and to be short, all the whole Country of Serafa∣din and Man-Ogli laied utterly waste and desolate.

Ebrain was now in readiness to depart for Con∣stantinople, where he was by Amurath expected; as well for his Gold, as the accomplishment of the Marriage. But bethinking himself, that whatso∣ever hitherto he had done, would be accounted either little or nothing, unless he provided in some sort for the quieting of those People under the Turkish Obedience, he determined to nominate one of the three Drusian Emirs that came to him to Ierusalem, to be Bassa of all those Regions. And because Emir Aly Ebne-Carfus was the richest and most obedient of them all, he thought good to commit that charge unto him, and honoured him with that Dignity; yet not without a Bribe, but for the price of an hundred thousand Duckats. Wherefore he apparelled him in Cloth of Gold, gave him a Horsemans Mase, and a Sword all gilt, and delivered unto him the Kings Commissi∣on, causing him withall, to swear Faith and Obe∣dience to Amurata. And so having (at least to shew) set in order the Affairs of those Mountains, which an hundred of the Turks great Captains had in former time vainly attempted, he returned to Damasco, where he staied 12 days, by shameful shifts extorting Money from divers Persons. At last having no more to do in those parts, he turned himself towards Gazir and Baruto, Places under the Government of Ebne-Mansur, where he arri∣ved with all his Army, and found the Gallies which he had left in the Port of Sidon, now in the Haven of Baruto, as he had before commanded. Now upon a certain Hill above Baruto near unto the Sea, Ebrain had pitched his own Tent only, and none other; and having sent all the rest of his best and goodly things which he meant to carry with him to Constantinople aboard the Gallies, shrowded himself only under that narrow and base Tent. Thither he called Ebne-Mansur; and in pleasant manner told him,* 4.8 That now it was time for him to make payment of the Debt of an hun∣dred and threescore thousand Duckats which he owed the King's Lord for the Custom of Tripoli and Baruto; for that he could not longer stay in those quarters, but was to return to Constantinople, which he knew how to do, unless he carried with him the discharge of that Debt. Whereunto Eb∣ne-Mansur made Answer, That it would not be long before his Macadamoes would come with his Monies, and that then he would without fur∣ther delay make Payment. Which thing Ebrain well knew to be an excuse, and therefore deter∣mined with himself to thrust him into the Gallies; and because he could not carry the Money unto the King, yet at the least to bring him his Debtor. But forasmuch as he doubted to put this his Deter∣mination openly in Execution, for fear of some Insurrection amongst the People, as well for that he was within the Territories of the said Ebne-Man∣sur, as for that he saw him greatly beloved and favoured of the other two Drusian Lords, Ebne-frec and Ebne-carfus, he therefore thought it better Po∣licy by concealing this his purpose, to shew him in his outward Actions all good Countenance, and by secret and subtil means to take him Prisoner. Whereupon he deceitfully told him, That foras∣much as he was to stay there for his Business that Night, and was resolved the next day to make a road into the Country of Man-Ogli, he therefore prayed him to do him the Favour to be his Guide, and for that purpose, when he should send for him

at Midnight, that he would come unto him very secretly, because he was minded to depart without any stir, only with five hundred men in his Com∣pany. The Drusian Lord verily believed the mat∣ter that so it was, and withall was in good hope by that means to find some way to escape his hands. Whereupon being called up at Midnight,* 4.9 he rea∣dily went to the Tent of Ebrain, who presently charging him (whom all men thought he had es∣peciall affected) with many abominable and foul terms, caused a Chain to be cast about his Neck, and his Armes; and so fast bound to be carried into the Gallies. And yet not so contented, took the spoil of all his Country, whereby there was levied such a Prey as was marvellous to behold; for besides Money (whereof there was a very huge sum) the store of Cloths of Silk and Gold, was such, and so great, as might better beseem some great Prince, than such a mountain rustical Lord as he was. When the Bassa had conveyed all this into his Gallies, he sailed to Tripoli, where he found Serafadin in the Custody of Veis Bassa and Aly Bassa; and having stayed there some few days, wherein he committed sundry villainous and abo∣minable Robberies, he caused the said Serafadin to be put into the Gallies, with all his Silks and other Wealth, and so departed for Constantinople; where at such time as he entered into the Channel of the City, accompanied with four and twenty Gallies, he was encountered and received by a wonderful number of his Friends and Favourites, and saluted with an honourable Peal of Artillery out of the Se∣raglio. Iohn Thomas Minadoi the best Reporter of this History, as also of the late Wars betwixt the Turks and the Persians, being then at Constantinople, and having (as he reported of himself) good means to see the bountiful and beautiful Presents which the spoiling and ravenous Bassa gave the Turkish King;* 4.10 reporteth the sum thereof to have been a million of Gold, besides the yearly Reve∣nue of Caire, amounting to six hundred thousand Duckats, with threescore Horses most richly gar∣nished, of singular beauty, but especially of the Arabian Race, a live Elephant, and a live Giraff••e (which is a beast like a Camel and a Panther) two great Crocodiles dead, a Chair of massie Gold richly set w••th precious Stones; a Casket also be∣set with prec••ous Stones and Gold, many Packs of most fine Cloaths, Wollen, and Silks, certain other Cloaths with Fringe of Gold and Silver, and the Barbarian cut-work, most fine Linnen of Alex∣andria, and all the Harquebuzes taken from the Drusians;* 4.11 besides sundry rich Presents given by the proud Bassa to the great Ladies of the Court, reported by Leunclavius to have been worth two hundred thousand Sultanines.

But now forasmuch as we have before made mention of the Sanzack of Ierusalem, and his flight, it shall not be altogether impertinent to our Histo∣ry (though somewhat out of time) in few words to declare what passed between him and the Ara∣bians of Palestine, a little before the coming of Ebrain the great Bassa into those quarters; by which little, the desirous Reader may easily per∣ceive the woful and troublesome state of that some time most blessed and fruitful, but now most mi∣serable and barren Land of Jury, and of those Pla∣ces in Holy Writ so much renowned.

In the Confines of Sodom, and in the Places that lie not only between the Lake Asphaltites and Da∣masco,* 4.12 but also in the Plains and in the Vallies of Iericho and of Samaria, and in other Places about Bethlehem, Emaus, Bethanie, Bethfage, Capharnaum, Nazareth, Levir, Bethsaida, Naplos, and other Towns of Name thereabouts, there do haunt and live certain Arabian Captains; who spreading themselves even as far as Rama and Ioppa, over-run at their Pleasure all the Countries there round about, and continually commit grievous outrages as well against the said Cities, as also upon the Goods and Wealth, not only of the Inhabitants there, but also of the Strangers; yea and their In∣solency oftentimes groweth so great, that they dare to assault the fenced Cities, beside the spoiling of Travellers, that by reason of their business have occasion to pass from one City to another. They are good Horse-men, but use no Armour; their Horses are very swift to run, and spare of Diet, and are themselves bold and adventurous Theeves. These Arabians having had Intelligence, that the aforesaid ambitious Youth, appointed Sanzack of Ierusalem, was in mind to raise all the Sanzacks thereabout; and joyning himself with them, and his Father the Bassa of Damasco, to restrain their insolent Liberty, and to work their Destruction, resolved with themselves not to stay, untill he and his Confederates were ready; but rather by sun∣dry Invasions by him, even unto the Gates of Ie∣rusalem, to provoke him to come out into the Field. And the rather to induce him so to do, they com∣pacted with a certain Subbassi of Bethlehem, their Friend, to encourage and animate the Sanzack thereunto, by promising unto him good Success and prosperous Events. The ambitious young man, seduced with the glorious Perswasions of the false Subbassi, of whom he made good reckoning, and provoked by their Insolencies, resolved (as they had wished) to issue out of the City into the open Field; and thereupon having armed an hun∣dred of his Vassals, and raised all the Horsemen that were under his Government, to the number of six hundred, he made a road towards Iericho, sending before defiance unto them; against whom the Arabians came accordingly, and with their Ar∣rows and Indian Canes overwhelming his Harque∣buzes, as if it had been a raging Flood, wrought him great wo; when in the very nick, the Battel yet being at the hottest, the traiterous Subbassi fled towards Bethlehem, and left the Souldiers of Ieru∣salem in the hands of the Arabians, who put most part of them to the edge of the Sword, and scarce∣ly gave Liberty to the Sanzack to save himself by flight. The Sanzack certainly informed of this Fraud of the dissembling Subbassi, to be revenged upon him, began also in like manner to dissemble w••th him, feigning that he would once more try his Forces against the same Arabians; and so used the matter, that the Subbassi arming himself, came unto him, without any Suspition of the Mischief intended against him. But as soon as he was come, the Sanzack took him alive,* 4.13 and presently caused him in most cruel manner to be flain quick.

Thus having passed over the Troubles that stay∣ed the People of Egypt and Damasco, and the Coun∣tries thereabouts, from resorting to Osman the Turks great General at Erzirum; let us again return thi∣ther where we left him, taking a view of the Pre∣parations against the Persian; and prosecute those Affairs, which of all others most exercised the For∣ces of the two mightiest Mahometan Monarchs; and with the Expectation thereof, filled the World from the East to the West.

The straight Commandment from Amurath, to∣gether with the Fame and Reputation of Osman the General, had drawn together such a world of People of all sorts to Erzirum, as that it seemed not the Power of one King alone, but rather the united Forces of many Kings. Wherefore Osman perceiving that he had gathered together too great a number of People, and too huge an Army, and that it might so fall out that he might want Victu∣al for so great a Multitude (neither so greatly fear∣ing his Enemies Forces, as that he needed to lead so populous an Army against them) determined

to discharge a great number of such as he thought most weak, and least able to endure travel; so that out of this great Multitude he drew out about for∣ty thousand Persons, who liberally, according to every mans Ability, redeeming the ordinary Perils of the Wars, returned home to their own dwel∣lings. And so in Osmans Army remained the num∣ber of an hundred and fourscore thousand Persons, or thereabouts.* 4.14 With this Multitude the General departed from Erzirum (about the eleventh of August this year 1585) towards Tauris, continuing for all that, the Speech for Nassivan. But he had scarce marched two days, when divers Souldiers of Graecia and Constantinople presented themselves before him, upbraiding him with great Improvi∣dence, and telling him, that they began already to feel the want of Victual, by wanting the same day their ordinary allowance of Corn for their Horses; so that if in the beginning, and as it were in the entrance of so long a Journey, they felt such want, they could not tell with what Judgment or Discretion he meant to lead so great a Company so far as Nassivan; not by what cunning conceit he had presumed to sustain so great an Army in the Service of their Lord. Osman quietly heard their Complaints, and presently provided for them, by causing such store of Barley to be distributed among them, as they desired; and severely punish∣ed the Officers that had the charge for the allow∣ance of Corn, who most covetously began to make Merchandise of the common Provision, by con∣verting it to their own private Uses. And having thus quieted their troubled Minds, he proceeded on his Journey, and by the way of Hassan Cha∣lassi and of Chars, arrived upon the Calderan Plains, famous for the memorable Battels there fought between Selymus and Hysmael. In these Plains he took a general review of his Army, where∣in there wanted a number, that by reason of Sick∣ness being not able to continue the Journey, were inforced to stay behind, some in one Place, some in another. Removing thence, he took the way, not to Nassivan, as he had still hitherto given it out he would, but now directly to Tauris. Which so sudden an alteration of the Journey, as soon as the Souldiers of Graece and Constantinople heard, they fell into a great Rage, and coming again be∣fore the General, revelled with him in this sort to his Face.

* 4.15AND what are we, thou Villain, thou Turk, thou Dolt, whom thou handlest in this sort? We are neither Oxen nor Sheep of the Mountains, for the lead∣ing of whom thou thinkest thou art come out; neither can we brook these thy Lies and Deceits. If thou hast publickly professed to lead us to Nassivan, and by that speech hast trained us from the farthest bounds of Graecia, to what end now, after thou hast wearied us so much, dost thou deceive us with such Vanities, and prolong our Iourney, and set before us such strange and important dangers as our Minds never once thought on? But if this was thy first purpose and intent, and that now, not foolishly or by chance, but upon Preme∣ditation and good Advice thou changest thine Opinion, why diddest thou dismiss so many Souldiers, as might have made the Army more terrible and stronger for the enterprise of Tauris? Dost thou think that by suf∣fering others to redeem their Liberties, and so to increase thy Riches, thou shalt set our Lives to sale, and to make us slaves to the Persians?

At these arrogant Speeches, the General was ex∣ceedingly troubled;* 4.16 seeing his good meaning, and the earnest desire he had to advance the Majesty and Glory of his King, taken in so evil part, and those his best Souldiers so highly offended. And although he could indeed have readily used the sharpest and hardest Provisions and Remedies for it, that in such Occasions are ordinarily applyed; yet upon good Advice he forbare so to do, and instead of Rigour and Punishment, resolved to work by more easie means. Whereupon, causing many of the Captains and chief men among those seditious Souldiers to come before him, he first per∣swaded them, That the former speech for Nassivan was not raised at all by him, nor that he was minded at that time to go for Tauris; but all that was done, he had done to fulfill the Commandment of the Sultan, who had charged him so to do, to the end to lessen the Persian Preparations; which they would undoubtedly have made far greater, if the speech had been given out at the first for Tauris. Which his princely Care of their Safety, they for their parts ought willingly to further, for that in so doing they should still preserve that great Opinion which both the King and the World had conceived of their Valour and Fidelity. Neither needed they to fear that the Souldiers which were dismissed might weaken the Army, for that they them∣selves were not only sufficient to pierce into Tauris, and to open the way upon the Enemies, but to daunt them even with their Looks; and that those which were discharged, had but purged the hoast of all Cow∣ardise, and left nothing in it but Virtue and Courage. By this mild answer of the General, the tumultu∣ous Souldiers were sufficiently pacified, but much better apaied and contented they were, as soon as he put his hand to the common Purse, and be∣stowed among them all a small quantity of Monies; for by this his kind usage, all their Stomacks were overcome, and they themselves became so willing and so courageous, that now they durst venture not to Tauris only, but to Casbin, yea even to the farthest parts of all the Persian Kingdom.

These important outrages thus appeased, the General turned himself with all his Army towards Coy, a City scituate beyond Van, in the midst be∣tween Tauris and the Martian Mere, where he re∣freshed his Army with all things he could desire. From Coy he passed to Marant, a City subject to the Persians; plentiful also of all things needful for Man or Beast. From thence he leaned down towards Soffian; a fruitful Place, subject also to the Persians; from whence he began to discover Tau∣ris. Great was the Joy of the whole Camp,* 4.17 and now the mutinous Souldiers of Graece and Constan∣tinople could highly commend the Advice of the General, or rather of Amurath himself, in giving out the Rumour of Nass••van for Tauris, as the on∣ly means whereby they were in quiet come so far, the Persians being wholly occupied (as they suppo∣sed) about Nassivan; insomuch that every man being waxen courageous, and replenished with Joy, without any fear at all began proudly to plot un∣to themselves nothing but Sackings, Pillings, taking of Prisoners, Ravishments, Robberies, and all those insolent and outrageous Actions that use rashly to proceed from the greedy Affections of those barba∣rous Victors; especially they of the Vauward, who being desirous of Booty, and to discover the Ene∣mies Country, descended down towards certain pleasant Gardens full of all sorts of Trees, Springs, and Fruits; wh••re having satisfied their Appetites, they withdrew them••elves to a certain little River near to a Bridge called The Bridge of Salt-water, and there staied at pleasure attending the coming of the Army. But even whilst they were thus injoyning the Water, the Fruits, the Shade, the green-Grass,* 4.18 and other Delights of the Place, the Persian Prince Emir Hamze, King Mahamets eldest Son, who with ten thousand good Souldiers had closely couched himself, watching still when some of the Enemies Bands should come down to those resting Places, suddenly set upon them with such Speed, Courage and Fury, that as if it had been a lightning, and

in a manner without any resistance he over-ran all those Turks, and dispersed them, putting to the Sword about seven thousand of them. And so leading away with him many Prisoners, Horses, Slaves, with sundry Ensigns and Turkish Drums, he withdrew himself back towards his blind Father, who lay then encamped about twelve miles from Tauris, with fifty thousand Souldiers or thereabouts; Aliculi Chan Governour of Tauris being left in the City with 4000 Souldiers only. A greater Army than this, not exceeding the number of threescore and four thousand Men, was not the Persian K. able to levie; the principal occasion whereof was the death of Emir Chan, for which the Turcoman Na∣tion being waxen rebellious and disobedient, would not by any means be brought to defend that City, whereof Aliculi Chan their Capital Enemy was now Governour; and from Cheilan and Heri there came not so much as one Souldier to relieve the Necessities of Persia. So that with these small For∣ces in comparison of the Enemies, the Persian King had no stomach to meet the Turkish Army in plain Battel, but sought how he might with as lit∣tle loss to himself as possibly he could, make trial of his Forces, and by all politick means to weaken and annoy his strong Enemy.

Osman understanding of this discomfiture of his Vauward,* 4.19 forthwith dispatched Sinan Bassa the Son of Cicala, and Mahamet the Bassa of Caraemit, with fourteen thousand Souldiers to pursue the victorious Prince: who in their pursuit used such Expedition, that at length they overtook him in the way to∣wards his Fathers Camp. But as soon as the Prince saw the Turks so near him, that without a dange∣rous and shameful flight he could not avoid the Battel, couragiously he turned his Face, and joyn∣ed with them a most bloody conflict; which be∣ing begun two hours before Night, was most fiercely maintained until that the Darkness of the Night bereaving them of the use of their Weapons, enforced both the one side and the other to retire. Which was done with the notable loss of the Turks, who in this second conflict (as it was com∣monly reported) lost six thousand men; and had (as it was thought) suffered a general slaughter, had not the Night interrupted so uncouth an Acti∣on, well worthy of a thousand Day-lights. So that hitherto the Turks sustained the loss of more than ten thousand Souldiers, and yet had scarce disco∣vered or seen the City which they so greedily longed after.

The next Morning the Turks Camp removed and came within two Miles of Tauris, where they incamped. But whilst they were setting up their Tents, Aliculi Chan issuing out of the City with all his Garrison and such of the Citizens as were fit to bear Arms, set upon the Face of the Vauward, being now renewed, and with many cunning turnings and windings so charged them, that with great loss he forced them to retire even unto the main Battel; where after he had espied the great Artillery, he without hurt withdrew himself again to the City. The Confusion of the Turks in this Skirmish was notable, for in a very small time the Vauward was disordered, and almost three thou∣sand slain. But Aliculi not so contented, in the shutting in of the Evening sallied out of the City the second time, and swiftly running along that side of the Army that lay towards Tauris, slew the Bassa of Maras, and did great harm in that quarter; which done, without any staying he fled to the Kings Camp, and forsook the Defence of that sorrowful City which he could not hold. Ne∣vertheless the Taurisians, as many of them as re∣mained in the City, gathered themselves together to the Gates of the City, well armed, prepared to make a bloody entrance for the Turks whensoever they should come. All the Night was spent in watching without rest on either side, and yet no∣thing attempted; but upon the break of the day, a great multitude of the servile sort of the Turks, and of the common rascal rout, without any order from their Captains, armed with Corselets, Spears, and Swords, went to the City with Resolution to have sacked it, and so to have enriched themselves with the Spoil and Pillage of that wealthy City. But when they came to the guarded Gates of the City,* 4.20 they found there contrary to their Expecta∣tion, a terrible Rescue, and were inforced there to joyn an hard and mortal Battel; so that the Walls, the Entrance, yea and all the Ground thereabouts was bathed with Blood, and as it were, covered with Weapons and dead Carkasses. And yet for all that, though the Persians stood fast and firm at the arrival of this servile rout, at last they were constrained to yield the entrance, being overcome by the Multitude of them that out of the Camp flowed in upon them like a Flood; and retiring into the City, now astonished and amazed on eve∣ry side, they fortified themselves in their Houses under the Ground, and in the corners and winding turnings of the Streets; from whence with their Arrows and some few Harquebuzes, they did the Turks that entred, great harm. Yet were they not able to kill and destroy so many of their Enemies, but that at the last they were too mighty for them, and wrought many grievous Mischiefs in that wo∣ful City. And so a great number of this rascal People that remained alive, returned to the Turk∣ish Camp, carrying away with them too manifest Tokens of the poor oppressed City; wherein the miserable Woman and impotent Souls stood em∣bracing and straining the Doors and Posts of their Houses, and kissing their native Soil, with Prayers, Mournings, and Complaints, bewailing their pre∣sent Miseries, and yet fearing worse to come. Os∣man the General now made acquainted with these Calamities, caused Proclamation to be published, That no man should be so hardy as to molest the Taurisians, and in the mean time went himself about the City, viewing throughly the Scituation of it, and surveying the Place wherein he might both incamp himself safely, and with better Foun∣dation and greater Security erect a Castle or Fort, for the more assurance of that conquered Country.

The City of Tauris seated at the foot of the Hill Orantes,* 4.21 about eight days Journey from the Caspian Sea, and is subject to Winds, Cold, and Snow; yet of a very wholesome Air, abounding with all things necessary for mans Life; and wonderful rich, with perpetual concourse of Merchandise brought thither out of the East, to be conveyed unto the West; and also of others brought out of these Western Parts, to be dispersed into the East▪ It is very populous, so that it feedeth almost two hundred thousand Persons; but yet open to the Fury of every Army, without Walls, and unfor∣tified. The Buildings (after the manner of those of the East) are of burnt Clay, rather low than high. For all things it carrieth the Name, and was the Place of the Persian Kings Resistance, until such time as that the late King Tamas removed his seat from thence further into his Kingdom to Casbin; nevertheless both before and since, although it had been sundry times molested by the Inrodes and Fury of the Turkish Emperours, yet was it still in great Estimation and Renown.

Of this City Osman Bassa having taken diligent view, caused his Tents to be pitched on the South side thereof, where was a spacious Garden all flou∣rishing and beautiful, replenished with sundry kind of Trees and sweet smelling Plants, and a thousand Fountains and Brooks derived from a pretty River,

which with his pleasant Stream divided the Gar∣den from the City of Tauris; and was of so great Beauty, that for the delicacy thereof it was by the Country Inhabitants called Sec••is Genet (that is to say) the eight Paradises; and was in times past the standing House of their Kings, while they kept their Residence in this City; and after they had withdrawn their Seat from thence to Casbin, be∣came the Habitation and Place of aboad for the Governours of Tauris. Of these Gardens and Pla∣ces Osman made choice to build his Castle in; whereof he gave the model himself, and command∣ed that all the whole Circuit of those pleasant Greens should be invironed with Walls, and Tren∣ches digged round about them to convey the Wa∣ter from the aforesaid River. Which was accord∣ingly begun with the greatest care that possibly might be; the Foundation of the imbattelled Walls laid, the Ditches digged fourteen foot broad, and a mans height in depth; and in the space of six and thirty days the whole work finished and brought to an end;* 4.22 great store of Artillery mount∣ed upon the Walls, and divers Baths, Lodgings, and such other Houses necessary for the Turkish uses, built within the Castle. The first day of this building Osman fell sick of a Feaver, with a bloody Flux; which haply was the cause both of the slow∣ness of the Building, and of many other losses that afterwards hapned, as shall be hereafter declared.

* 4.23Five days after the building of the Castle was begun, News was brought into the Turkish Camp, That eight Ianizaries and divers Spaoglans were seen strangled in a Bath within the City of Tauris. Whereupon the Zaini, Spahini, and Ianizaries came presently unto the General, declaring unto him, That although he had with too much Cle∣mency given order, That no man should hurt or molest the Taurisians, and that according to his Pleasure, every man had used Modesty towards them, and Obedience to him; yet the Taurisians themselves had most audaciously strangled in one of their Baths eight Ianizaries, and certain Spa∣oglans, which Injury and Insolency (they said) in their Judgment was not to be suffered. This out∣rage so moved the General, that without any fur∣ther delay he commanded the City to be sacked, leaving it wholly to the Pleasure of his Souldiers; who forthwith so used the matter, not as if they would have revenged an Injury, but rather at once have brought an utter Destruction upon the whole City.* 4.24 Every place was filled with Slaughter, Ra∣vishment, Rapine, and Murther; Virgins were defloured, Men-children defiled with horrible and unspeakable Sins; Yonglings snatched out of their Parents Arms, Houses layed even with the Ground and burnt, Riches and Money carried away, and in brief, all things ruinated and wasted. Neither were these Mischiefs committed once on∣ly, but the second followed worse than the first, and the third upon that worse than the second; so that it was a misery almost inexplicable, to behold that City so populous, so rich, sometimes the Court and Palace of the Persian Kings, and honour of that Empire, now subject to the Fury of the Turks, plunged in Calamity and utter Destruction.

The woful Advertisement hereof sore troubled the Persian King, but the young Prince his Son much more; who, moved with the Passions of most in∣ward Grief, Disdain, and Despair, and desiring no∣thing more than Revenge, resolved to attempt any thing whereby to requite so great a Wrong. In which Resolution having confirmed his Army, he commanded 500 of his Horsemen to present them∣selves even to the very sight of the Enemies Tents, and as it were to dare them to Battel. Which thing they performed accordingly, and made a gallant shew of themselves. At the discovery whereof, the Turks imagining that the Persians were come in great number to assail the Army, order was given by the sick General, That Cicala Bassa and Mahamet the Bassa of Caraemit, with the Peo∣ple of Graecia, and all their own Forces, should go to encounter the Enemy; who presently, with their Ensigns displaid, under which there stood about four and thirty thousand strong, besides a number of servile People, yet men exercised in Labours and Perils, in all, well near forty thousand, set forward. Now the five hundred Persians, with a marvellous cunning kind of skirmishing, dallied with the Tur∣kish Souldiers, and drew them forward for the space of eight Miles and more; and being brought so far on, and now forewearied with the skirmish, were lustily assailed by the Persian Prince, who with part of his Army (to the number of about twenty thousand Persons) courageously set upon the two Bassaes, and joyned with them the deadli∣est and cruellest Battel that ever was written of. Wherein the Persians, having given a most peril∣lous Onset, and done great harm, it was thought that they would have contented themselves with so lucky an Encounter, and so retired; which the Turks minding to prevent, and not to return with∣out a notable Victory, hardly pressed upon them, hoping in the end to put them to flight, and so to give them a bloody and deadly overthrow. But the Persians, having quietly and with great assurance for a reasonable space endured their charge, at last as if they had been fresh men, made head upon them afresh, and began a most terrible Battel anew, wherein the Bassa of Caraemit (above named) was put to flight, and being wholly dismaied and discomfited, fled back again to the Camp, carrying with him the most manifest tokens of the unhap∣py issue of the Battel. Cicala, the other Bassa, not∣withstanding valiantly and with great cunning still sustained the Fury of the Persians, labouring by all means to encourage his Souldiers, and to have restored the Battel; but when he had done what he could, overcome at last by greater Va∣lour, he was inforced to betake himself to flight also; and so altogether discomfited, came to the Camp without any Ensign,* 4.25 having left behind him eight thousand of his Souldiers dead upon the Ground.

The Persian Prince, encouraged with this so for∣tunate a Victory, by speedy Heraulds sent to the sick Visier (whom he thought notwithstanding to have been in Health) and gave him to under∣stand, that if he were willing to fight, he was rea∣dy for him, and in what sort soever it pleased him to accept of Battel, to make him good account of his Valour; and to cause him to know, not only that Amurath his Master had most unjustly raised this War, but also that it had been good for himself not to have taken the same in hand. Of this offer Osman accepted; but being not able himself to go and answer the Prince in Person hand to hand, by reason of his Sickness, which every hour mortally increased, he sent out all his Captains with his Army to dare him Battel.

The Prince lay ten miles or thereabouts distant from the Camp of Osman, towards whom the Turks set forward in this manner; The main Bat∣tel was guided by the Bassa of Caraemit and Sinan Cicala, with all the Souldiers of Assiria and Baby∣lon; the left Wing was led by the Bassa of Nato∣lia, with the Band of Graecia; and the right wing was conducted by Amurath Bassa of Caramania, with the People of Soria; to the number of threescore thousand, beside such as were left behind at Tauris, with the trusty guard of the Ianizaries, and the Artillery, for the safeguard of the Sick Visier. In this order they confronted the Persian Prince, who was himself in the midst of his Army, with all his

People in very good order; having on the one side the Souldiers of Persia and Hircania, and on the other them of Parthia and Antropatia, in all, to the number of forty thousand. The Turks fear∣ed nothing more, than that the Persians fetching a great compass about, should with all Celerity and Fury set upon their Tents, and the Riches they had laid up together in their Pavilions; and therefore at every motion of theirs they continually feared this sudden out-road; whereof they had such e∣special care, that retiring themselves as much as they might, and feigning as if they had given Place to the Persians, it wanted not much but that they had brought them even within the just level and mark of their Artillery. Which the Persians perceiving, without any further dallying hardly began to assail the main Body of the Battel.* 4.26 The Prince himself being entred amongst the Souldiers of the Bassa of Caraemit (who as General sustained the Place of Osman) and pressing into the midst of the Battel, dispatched every man that came in his way; and having singled out the Bassa from the rest, smote off his Head, and gave it to one of his Followers to carry upon the top of his Launce. Which being openly descried, brought a great Terrour upon the Turks, and exceedingly encou∣raged the Persians, who embrued with the Blood of their Enemies, and intermingling themselves more and more among them, made of them a most confused and general slaughter; wherein be∣side the Bassa before-named, there died also the Bassa of Trabszonda, the Sanzacke of Brusia, with five other Sanzacks, and as it was commonly re∣ported, twenty thousand Turks more. It fell also to the Lot of Amurath Bassa of Caramania to be there taken Prisoner, with divers other common Souldiers. But Night coming now on, and the Persians being come somewhat too nigh the Turkish Artillery, they gave over the fight, and withdrew themselves back to the Place where the King lay incamped with the rest of his Army.

But now were divers days spent, wherein the new Fortress at Tauris (as we have before said) was fully finished, when the Souldiers of Graecia and Constantinople, wearied to see their Friends and Fellows thus slain before their Faces, and having also safely laid up in their own Custody such Preys and Booties as they had gotten in the sack of the City, resolved with themselves to procure their own departure, and so much the rather, for that the Winter was now fast coming on. And foras∣much as the General was through the immoderate flux of blood brought weak, and in despair of Life, and quite abandoned of all hope by his Phy∣sicians, and therefore not to be spoken withall, they were fain by the Mouth of such as were their trusty Friends about him, to represent unto him the Necessity of their return, and withal after ma∣ny reverend Intreaties, caused it also to be signi∣fied unto him, That if he stood obstinate, and would needs stay dallying out the time in those dangerous Places where no such need was, they should be inforced to withdraw themselves▪ and to forsake him. Osman, who had now nothing else to do in those Countries, but only to leave some convenient Garrison in the new Fortress at Tauris, liberally promised to satisfie their Requests, by de∣parting thence the next Morning.* 4.27 So calling unto him Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of Tripolis, a man of a crafty and cruel Nature, made him Gover∣nour and Keeper of the new built Fortress at Tau∣ris. And the more to incourage him to take that charge upon him, he gave him freely for the space of three whole years, not only the Office and Au∣thority▪ but also the Rents and Revenues of the Bassa of Caraemit, lately slain by the Persian Prince, and withal honoured him with the Title of a Bas∣sa of the Court; so that having finished his three years Office of Caraemit, he was then to go and sit among the sovereign seats of the Bassaes of the Porta. The Bassa seeing so fair and so high a way for him to mount to those high honours (greater than which there is none in the Turkish Empire) readily accepted the offer, and dispatching his Lieu∣tenant to Caraemit, to the Government of those Countries in his Absence, with an hundred of his own Followers, setled himself in the said Fort with a Garrison of twelve thousand Souldiers, furnished with all necessary Provision until the next Spring. The General having thus set all things in order,* 4.28 and carefully provided for the safety of the For∣tress, departed according to his Promise, and the same Morning (which was the fourscore and se∣venth day after his departure from Erzirum) came to a Place called Sancazan, seven Miles distant from Tauris.

The Turks were now upon the point of their in∣camping, in a confused disorder and hurliburly, when those that were hindermost in the Army heard the neighng of Horses, and the noise of Drums and Trumpets, as if it had been the coming of an Army. Which when the whole Camp understood, they ran headlong and disordered as they were, to the rescue, on that side where the noise of the Horses and warlike Instruments was heard. But whilst the Turks were thus intentively busied on that side to expect the coming of the Enemy, the Persian Prince without any sign or token of Battel, with 28000 Horsemen was ready upon them on the other side;* 4.29 who having discovered the Ca∣mels and other Carriages, whereupon their Booty, their Spoils and their Riches were laden, which they had taken in Tauris, beside much of their Provision of Victuals for the sustenance of the Ar∣my, he turned upon them, and with a provident and safe Convoy had taken for a Prey eighteen thousand of the Camels and Mules well loaden with the same Booties and Victuals; which the Prince sent presently away with six thousand of his Soul∣diers, and he himself with his two and twenty thousand Persians entred into the Turks Army, who now to withstand his assault, had on that side also made head against him. A gallant thing it was, and terrible withall, to see what a mortal Battel was made, what singular Prowess shewed even pre∣sently in the fore-front of the Battel; for in a mo∣ment you might have seen the Tents and Pavili∣ons turned upside down, and their incamping Lodgings replenished with dead Carkasses and Blood, victorious Death ranging and reigning in every Corner. The Turks themselves were astoni∣shed and marvelled to see their Enemies (so few in number, and intermingled among so populous an Army of warlike People) more like fatal Mi∣nisters of Death, than mortal men, to brandish their Swords over them, as if it had lightned, and to make so general a slaughter; and do to this day with great Admiration recount the Valour and Prowess of the Persians. But they all now doubt∣ing lest the Enemy in this Fury should forcibly have entred the very Lodgings of the sick Visier, it was commanded (not by himself, for he lay now at the last gasp, but by him who at that time commanded in his Name) That without delay the Artillery should be unbarred and dis∣charged: which in that Medly and Confusion of both Armies, without any Exception or Distincti∣on of Persons, overthrew both Friends and Foes, and did more harm perhaps among the Turks them∣selves, than among the Persians: for at the first thundring noise thereof the Prince with all speed retired; after whom presently followed all the rest: so that the Turks which remained behind, were more annoied with the deadly shot, than were the

Persians, who flying away, could not feel the damage, but that the Turks must first be well pay∣ed for their Labour. The Turks pursuing the fly∣ing Persians, made shew as if they would gladly have overtaken them; but Night coming on, they feared to proceed any further than they might without Danger return.* 4.30 In this Battel of Sancazan were slain twenty thousand Turks, without any notable loss of the Persians.

Among the rest, in the same place died the Vi∣sier Osman,* 4.31 General of the late dreadful, but now desolate Army; not by the hand of the Enemy, but consumed with the vehemency of an Ague, and flux of Blood. Whose Death notwithstand∣ing was kept secret from the whole Army, every man verily thinking, that it was but only the con∣tinuance of his Sickness, because the Charets where∣in he lay, were still kept close; and in his Name Ci∣cala Bassa (for so he had appointed in his will) gave out Answers and Commandments to the whole Army. Nevertheless it was disclosed to the Persi∣ans by means of three young men, who in the Life of Osman having charge of his Jewels and Treasure, were with the best thereof and the fair∣est of his Horses fled to the Persian King, to whom they revealed the Death of the General. The Per∣sians, who before had thought it not possible for so great cowardise and dishonou••able kind of fight∣ing and ordering of an Army to have proceed∣ed from the Virtue and Valour of Osman, of whose worth they had too manifest a trial and experience in times past, now understanding of his Death, were thereby incouraged to attempt the utter over∣throw of the Turkish remnant, and so to give them an honourable farewel. Whereupon the Persian Prince with 14000 men followed the Turks, who had now raised their Camp, and were removed to a certain River of Salt-water, not far from Sanca∣zan, where the Prince caused a few Tents to be pitched, about four or five miles distant from the Turkish Camp, the aforesaid Brook running in the midst between the two Armies. Now the Prince had purposed to have assailed the Turks in the Morning, whilst they were lodging their Carriages, hoping in that Confusion to have wrought them some notable Mischief; which his designment was revealed unto the Turks by one of his Spies whom they had caught. And therefore they did neither rise so early in the Morning as their manner was, nor load their stuff until such time as they were all armed, and on Horseback ready to receive their Enemies. By which their wary and unusual manner of rising, the Persians perceived that their purpose was by some means discovered. And yet considering that if they should lose this occasion, they should find no other good Opportunity to annoy them before the next Spring, they utterly resolved to adventure the assault; and having ob∣served that the Enemies Artillery was on the right side of the Army, they in the sight of every man began to enter on the left. But the Turks present∣ly so uncovered and unbarred their Artillery against the assailants, as was to their great loss and danger. Howbeit they were so nimble and so quick to shroud themselves under the Enemies Ar∣my, and to avoid the mischievous Tempest, that being come now very near the Turks Squadrons, they must needs joyn Battel with them. The Per∣sians had purposed before, as soon as they saw the Turks begin to stir, to retire, and so to draw them on into a very filthy and deep marish; which be∣ing then dry, was not feared or doubted of any, but only by those that were acquainted therewithal, or born thereabouts. Which their policy the Re∣bel Maxut Chan, and with him Daut Chan (as be∣ing well acquainted with those places) perceiving, gave notice thereof to Cicala Bassa, who presently caused a great compassing wing to be made, com∣manding them to set upon the Persians, and to charge them home; which was forthwith put in Execution, so that their fore-front opened it self with very large and spacious corners upon the Prince; who no sooner saw this their unwonted order of coming on, but by and by he perceived that his purpose was discovered; and thereupon without any stay he began to retire, calling his People af∣ter him; which could not so suddenly be done, but that three thousand of them remained behind, all miserably stifled, overtrodden in the mire; with very little loss to the Turks. And this only battel of five that were fought under Tauris, and in those quarters, was less hurtful to the Turks than to the Persians.

The Prince returned to the King his Fathers Camp, returning unto him the whole Action, to∣gether with the departure of the Enemy. And so the Turks came to Salmas, where the Death of the General was published; from Salmas they went afterwards to Van, where they took a survey of their Army, and found wanting therein about fourscore and five thousand Persons, or as some say more. At Van all the Souldiers were dismissed;* 4.32 and Cicala from thence gave notice to Amurath at Constantinople, of all that hapned. Where first was published the Death of Osman the General, (for whom were made many signs of great sorrow) and together with his Death, were blazed the bloody and mortal Actions that were in that Ex∣pedition performed; so that the whole City seem∣ed to be greatly discomforted; and in many pla∣ces were heard much secret railing upon the King, many Curses of this War, and insolent Maledicti∣ons of these manifold Mischiefs. After that, was dispersed the great Fame of the new Fortress ere∣cted at Tauris, of the sacking of the City, and of all the loss that had hapned therein; and a gene∣ral Edict published in the Kings Name, That through all the Cities of his Empire they should make solemn Feasts, with other express Tokens of Joy and Rejoycing; which was accordingly done both in Constantinople and other Places. There was also word sent to the Ambassadors of Hungary, of France, of Venice, and of other Countries, That they should do the like; but they all with one ac∣cord answered, That it was never the Custom of Ambassadours to make any such signs of Rejoy∣cing, but only when the King himself in Person re∣turned from any the like Victories.

In the mean time Consultation was held at Van, for the sending of Succours to Teflis in Georgia; unto which important Service, Daut Chan to de∣serve some Reward at Amurath's hand, offered himself; unto whom Cicala Bassa delivered thirty thousand Cecchini to be conveyed to the Fort at Teflis. Which piece of service the Renegate per∣formed, and without trouble relieved the Souldi∣ers in the Fort; which was so well accepted of Amurath, that he for the same good Service ho∣noured him with the Dignity of the Bassa of Ma∣ras. Maxut Chan also the other Persian Rebel, that guided the Turkish Army to Roivan, and afterwards to Taurio, was in like manner by the same Amurath honoured with the great rich Office of the Bassa of Aleppo.* 4.33

The Miseries the Turkish Army endured in this Expedition for Tauris, beside the Losses before re∣hearsed, were wonderful; for as the Sanzack of Aman (a City of Soria, called in ancient time Apamea) present in all this Action, reporteth in a Letter which he wrote to Ali Bassa of Aleppo, there was such a dearth in the Turks Army, that they were enforced to give their Camels Bisquet and Rice, and when that failed, they gave them their pack-Saddles to eat, and after that, pieces of Wood

beaten into Powder, and at last the very Earth; which dearth endured untill they arrived at Van. And at Tauris, whilst the Fortress was in building, they were of necessity constrained to give their Horses their Dung in very drie Powder. By reason whereof there followed a grievous mortality of Horses, Camels, Mules, and Men; and the stink which grew of this Mortality was so great, that every man was fain to carry a piece of a strong smel∣ling Onion under his Nose, to avoid the heaviness thereof.

The Fort so lately built in the Royal City of Tauris, exceedingly grieved the Persians in gene∣ral, but especially the King and the Prince his Son; to let it alone, they reckoned it too great a shame, and how to demolish it they knew not well, find∣ing themselves not only destitute of Artillery, but also of such sufficient strength as was requisite for performance of so great an Enterprise; yet, prick'd on with desire of Glory, and the necessity of the Cause, they determined even in the depth of Win∣ter to gather new Forces, and with Trenches of Earth to approach the Ditch, and to try if they could advance a Countermu••e as high as their Walls, and so to attain to the Conquest thereof. But in the gathering of their Men they discovered new Difficulties; for, to hire any Souldiers either from Heri or Cheilan, was denied them by Abas and Amet Chan; and their Turcoman Nation, which might have been the readiest and the nearest at such a need, for the late Death of Emir Chan, and for the Succession of Aliculi, were grown very con∣tumatious; so that neither the King, nor the Prince, nor the Presidents and Governours of that Kingdom, could tell which way to turn themselves. At last, for the common safety, they determined to draw the Turcomans to a Reconciliation; ho∣ping that by promising them any honest Satisfacti∣on for the wrong wherewith they challenged them∣selves grieved for the Death of their Captain, they would become more tractable to do them Service in their common Necessities. Whereupon the King sent kind Letters to the Heads and Captains of those Nations, and principally to Mahamet Chan, and to Chalife the Sultan; declaring plainly unto them the Perils of his State, and of the Liberty of the whole Kingdom, with the Confidence he had in their Valour; and that therefore forgetting all that was past, as done not in shame or scorn of their Nation, but only for Zeal and Love to the Kingdom, they would demand such Satisfaction as they desired, and that he would be ready to agree to any just request they should make. To which Letters they readily answered, that they would come unto him, to put in Execution what∣soever he should for the common Necessity or Ho∣nour of his State command. Now they had craf∣tily amongst themselves already concluded not to suffer any other to sit in the room of Emir Chan their late Governour, but only young Tamas the Kings third Son. Which Conclusion they had plotted to themselves, with a Resolution in the end, to cause him to be accepted for King at Cas∣bin, in despight of the King himself and of the Prince Hamze; nothing regarding, that by this Action far greater Troubles would arise in Persia than ever were yet heard of; but only being whol∣ly bent to revenge the Death of one only Emir Chan.* 4.34 With this malicious and fraudulent Reso∣lution, they to the number of ten thousand (under the conduct of two Captains, Mahamet and Calife) went to the King, in all Reverence offering them∣selves with all readiness to be employed in the en∣terprise whereunto they were called. The old cre∣dulous King, not suspecting any mischief plotted by these secret Rebels, was greatly comforted at their coming; and although by some of his Sultans that had felt some inckling of this Conspiracy, he was advised to deal circumspectly and warily with them, and not commit any matter of importance to their trust; yet did he think every hour a thou∣sand untill he had offered them Satisfaction; pro∣mising them, that what Captain soever they would desire in the room of Emir Chan, if it were possible, they should have him. Whereunto the dissem∣bling Mahamet Chan made answer, That their de∣sire above all things, was to do him Pleasure and Service▪ not doubting but he would appoint them such a Chieftain, as should be valorous, noble, and acceptable unto them. The King could stay no longer, but frankly declared unto them, That to assure them of his good will, and to give them an Hostage in pawn thereof, he had made choice of young Tamas his Son, to succeed in the room of Emir Chan their late Governour. As soon as Maha∣met Chan heard this Resolution of the King, who beside all expectation, voluntarily of himself yielded them the means to put in Execution what they had maliciously before contrived against the Peace and Liberty of the Kingdom; he became more jocund than he was wont to be, and outwardly shewed himself ready for whatsoever the King would com∣mand him; and in the Names of the rest, yielded also ••••rge Promises of Fidelity and Obedience, so that the matter might be performed for which he had now given his Word.

The King, who desired nothing more than to see the Fort of Tauris raised (which could hardly be done without the help of those Turcomans) con∣trary to the Advice of the wisest of the Sultans, and of the Prince, secretly, and as it were by stealth, gave his young Son Tamas into the hands of Mahamet, as chief of all the Turcomans. Who, to nourish the good Opinion and Credulity of the King, and to secure the Prince and the Sultans, gave a lustie beginning, by the help of his Followers, with Trenches and Rampiers to approach the Fort. Neither was there any great time spent therein; for they had now almost made their Trenches and Mounts even with the Enemies Wall, and the Ditch it self was almost filled up with Earth, so that there wanted but little more Labour to begin the desired assault; when, contrary to all Mens Ex∣pectation, the false and wicked.* 4.35 Traitor Mahamet Chan with all his Turcomans, leading away with them the Child Tamas, departed in the Night∣time, and upon a sudden, from so noble and ho∣nourable an enterprise; and, blinded with desire to put in Execution his ill-hatched purpose, co∣vertly and without any noise, removed from the besieged Walls, and put himself on his way to∣wards Casbin; still terming Tamas by the Name of the King of Persia, and sundry ways abusing and mocking the poor old King and the Prince. This so sudden and so dangerous a Rebellion, whereby not only so honourable and so necessary an enterprise was to be abandoned, but the whole state of the Kingdom like to be indangered, ex∣ceedingly grieved all good men, but most of all the old King and the Prince his Son; who, no less care∣ful of his rightful Succession, than was the aged King of his present Estate, both now hazarded by this Rebellion; wholly incensed with Grief and Anguish of Mind, began to cast a thousand De∣vices in his troubled Head, what course to take, and what to resolve upon. To abandon the siege it grieved him above measure, and to suffer so per∣nicious a Rebellion to go forward, seemed too dangerous for the State of Persia; and to provide for both these Mischiefs at once, was altogether impossible. In these huge Waves of contrary Thoughts, he resolved at last to turn himself against the Turcomans, and to suppress that Rebel∣lion, as most dangerous to the State. And so with

twelve thousand Souldiers, and a part also of the Kings ordinary Guard, all courageous and hardy men, he followed after the rebellious Turcomans; and marching directly toward Casbin, he over∣took rhem at a place called Calisteza, a daies Jour∣ney on this side Casbin, and there joyned Battel with them. Wherein, many of them being sorry for that they had done, would not so much as draw their Swords against the Prince; many others fled also away for fear, so that he easily obtained a wished Victory over them. The seditious Maha∣met Chan was taken Prisoner,* 4.36 and by the Princes Commandment presently beheaded; so was also Calife the Sultan, and divers other Captains of this pestilent Conspiracy. Young Tamas was also taken, and by the Direction of the Prince sent to the Ca∣stle of Chahaca. Five thousand Turcomans of the late Followers of the Rebel Mahamet, fled out of the Battel towards Babylon by the way of Siras, and yielded themselves to Solyman, Bassa of that City; who afterwards repenting themselves of their Folly, sought to return again into the Favour of their King, but all in vain; so that being become Rebels to the one, and suspected to the other, they did at one time lose their Country, their Liberty, their Honour, and the Favour of all Men, as well Friends as Foes. The Prince after this Victory held on his way to Casbin, and there staying, la∣boured to gather the dispersed Turcomans, especi∣ally those that (moved with the honesty of the cause) would not bear Arms in so unjust an Acti∣on; intending afterwards to return to Tauris, to attend the besieging and conquest of the Fort. This was the end of this dangerous Rebellion, the chief cause that Tauris was not again recovered out of the hands of the Turks, to the great weakning of the Persian Kingdom.

* 4.37Now Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa Governour of the Castle of Tauris, fearing lest the Persian Prince would with a greater Army again return to the siege; perceiving himself to wax every day wea∣ker and weaker, by reason that many of his men secretly fled from him, beside them that perished with Sickness, and others slain in adventuring too boldly to go abroad to seek for Victuals; sent Ad∣vertisement thereof to Cicala Bassa at Van; signi∣fying further unto him by Writing, That if the Prince should again return to assault the Fort, he should of Necessity be enforced to yield it; and that therefore, as he tendered the honour of his Sultan, he would be careful to send him Suc∣cour, whereby he might be able to maintain the Fort; adding moreover, That now it was most easily to be done, because there was no Forces of the Enemies in those quarters, saving only a few which remained about the King, lying twelve miles off from Tauris. Cicala, moved with the im∣portance of the enterprise propounded, and withal desirous to gain some credit of Glory and Renown with his King, entertained the Advices of Giaffer, and getting him to horse with a train of three thou∣sand Harquebuzers, and good store of Munition, set forward toward Tauris. The Persian King ad∣vertised thereof, sent out Spies to learn what way they held, meaning to meet them and to set upon them; but these Spies coming near to Salmas, were apprehended by the fore-runners of Cicala, and being put to Torture, revealed at last, how that their King was in Arms, and on his way to∣wards Sancazan. At which News Cicala was greatly astonished, as well for the danger wherein∣to the Forces and Munition which he had with him were likely to fall, as also for that by any loss which his Troops should sustain in this Expedition, the City of Van (being indeed the greater and most noble frontier Town in all those Countries) must needs be in hazard to be lost, having left in it but his Lieutenant with a very few Souldiers. Whereupon he determined to relinquish this dan∣gerous enterprise, and to withdraw himself back to the Defence and Preservation of the City com∣mitted to his Trust and Government. But although these expected and desired Succours were not con∣veyed to Tauris as was intended, yet had Giaffer as good Fortune as he could wish; for the Preparati∣ons of the Prince were so long and troublesome, and his return so much prolonged, that there was time enough yielded unto the Turks great General, now newly chosen (as by and by shall be decla∣red) to go with a strong Army into those quar∣ters, and so to preserve all that which the only Ex∣pedition and Celerity of the Enemy might have put in great hazard, and almost have brought to a desperate case.

In the mean time, Amurath the Turkish Empe∣rour was greatly troubled at Constantinople in ma∣king choice of a new General; on the one side, Os∣man Bassa having by his last Will left Sinan Cicala to be his Successour, as a man of approved Valour; and the many dangers he had run through in the late Service about Tauris, with the great favours he had in the Court, did not a little incline the King to his Election: on the other side, he heard of a publick Rumour spread amongst the Souldiers, that they could by no means indure to be com∣manded by so young a Captain; and that some in plain tearms should say, That they would not obey him: Which caused Amurath to doubt, that some dangerous discord might thereof ensue in the Ar∣my, if he should proceed to make choice of him. Then there was also Ferat Bassa, the same man which had already sustained the charge before Os∣man, who now very ambitiously sought again for this Honour, having of late performed some good Service to the good liking of the King. Of any other to make better choice he had none, so that he stood in great doubt what to do. In the end, be∣cause he was in good time to provide for his Af∣fairs, he made choice of Ferat Bassa, the same man whom he had before mad proof of: a man of great Fidelity, of an honourable Carriage, and al∣ready experienced in the leading and command∣ing of such an Army, to whom he granted the or∣dinary Authority, to mannage at his pleasure such Affairs of the Empire as concerned his Journey. Upon this Resolution, general Precepts were sent out to all Cities within the Kingdom, to the Bas∣saes and other Governours, with special Command∣ment, That all their Souldiers, together with their Taxes, Tenths, Munitions, Victuals, Armour, Ar∣tificers, and to be short, all their necessary Furni∣ture and Provision should be ready and in order, upon the first warning should be sent them the next Spring. Great provision of Money was made, and in Soria (besides the ordinary sum that is be∣stowed upon the yearly pay of Souldiers in Reivan,* 4.38 Erzirum, Lori, Tomanis, Teflis, and Chars, which swallow up all the Revenue of that Country, and of the City of Tripoli, amounting to the sum of six hundred thousand Duckats) there was taken up in prest of private Merchants in the City of Aleppo on∣ly, the sum of threescore thousand Cecchini, to be repaied unto them with the first Monies that should be received by the Officers of his Custom-houses. A matter that moved an extraordinary grudging among the People, for that it seemed to every man a very strange and intolerable Exaction, beside so many grievances laid upon them, for Corn, for Carriages, for Pioneers, and for Workmen, to en∣dure this burden also of lending their Money, with∣out hope of Restitution thereof: yea and indeed every man did greatly wonder how they were thus ill-advised, to make it known to the Christi∣an Princes what scarcity and want of Money they

had. The General had also with him four hun∣dred pieces of Artillery, and did beside so work the matter, as that Maxut Chan (who was appointed Bassa of Aleppo) was granted unto him to be the guide of his Army, as he had been of Osmans; and that Cicala Bassa of Van (scarce his good friend) was removed from thence, and sent farther off out of his way as Bassa to Babylon.

[year 1586] And thus having put all things in readiness, he departed from Constantinople in the Month of April, in the year 1586,* 4.39 and passing over the Strait into Asia, came to Sivas something later than he should have done, being hindred partly by the Plague, which then raged exceedingly in Constantinople, and partly by other occasions incident to such Actions. At Sivas he staied so long for the coming together of his Army, and in mustering Men, that it was the latter end of Iuly before he departed thence; staying indeed the longer at Sivas, by reason of the exceeding Dearth and want of Victuals at Erzirum: which Dearth was also so great in Aleppo, that a Venice bushel of Wheat was sold for twelve Cec∣chini.

Ferat yet making his abode at Sivas, but ready to depart, was advertised by certain Posts sent from Giaffer the Bassa of Tauris, how that the Persian Prince was hourly expected with a great Army, and that if he did foreslow to send Succours, and to prevent the coming of the Prince, and so give him time and leisure to assault the Castle, he doubt∣ed greatly how he should be able to hold the same. Upon which Advertisement Ferat presently re∣moved, and so hasted his Journey, that about the beginning of August he was at Erzirum; and still hearing more and more of the Princes coming, staied not there, but hasted to Van; where having gathered together all his Souldiers, and taken a new Survey of his Army, he departed thence; and being presently come into the open and large Cham∣pains, to make proof of the readiness of his Soul∣diers, he marshalled them in such sort as if he should forthwith have joyned Battel with the Enemy, and so in seemly order marched on.

The Turkish General continually feared, lest the Persians should come upon him with some sudden assault; besides that, the constant report of the Princes coming to Tauris with his Army, much in∣creased his troubled Thoughts. But on the other side, he reposed great Confidence in the Conspira∣cy that was now plotted against the Life of the Prince, with the privity of Aliculi Chan the Pro∣tector and Champion of Abas Mirize of Heri, who under the colour of accompanying the Prince to assist his Forces, had resolutely concluded with him∣self, and absolutely promised Abas (having also given Intelligence thereof to the Turks General) to rid the Prince Hamze of his Life; or at least (which he thought might more easily be brought to pass) in the sundry Revolutions and variable Chances of the Battel, at some time or other to make him fall into the hands of Ferat, and so to settle his Lord and Master Abas in his Estate. Upon these Trea∣cheries Ferat grounding himself, began with grea∣ter Confidence to dispose his Designments, and somewhat less to fear the Fame of the huge Prepa∣rations of Persia against him. Which Preparations in truth, as by most wicked Devices and malicious Conspiracies they were turned quite contrary from that end whereunto the Prince Hamze had conti∣nually appointed them; so if they had been em∣ployed with such Faith and Fidelity as so righteous a cause required, without all doubt the Writers of our time should have had matter enough in this 86 year to shew and represent unto the World such Accidents as should be nothing inferiour to those of the year before-going. But forasmuch as Rebellion and Discord, the two inferiour Ministers of the Devil, have for the utter undoing and over∣throw of the Glory of Persia, continually favour∣ed the Turks Army,* 4.40 no marvel it is that the Persi∣an Nation cannot vaunt of any Revenge taken for the Indignities offered them by their Enemies; and that our Writers cannot chuse but write of the true and undoubted Victories of the Turks, and the bare Shadows of the Persian Exploits; which notwith∣standing many Christians vainly believe, because they most earnestly desire them to be true, although they do see to the contrary, the manifest prosper∣ing and evident Conquests which the Turks have in divers their States and Countries.

The Persian Prince about the latter end of Iuly arrived at Tauris with the greatest part of his Ar∣my, where he (contrary to the Opinion of all men) staied not, for what cause is uncertain. But understanding that Zeinel Bassa of Salmas, by Na∣tion a Curdo, lay encamped before the City, who of a Persian was become a Turk, and had done great harm against the State of Persia; he determi∣ned suddenly to set upon him, and to chastise him for his Rebellion. According to which Resoluti∣on, being accompanied with twelve thousand Soul∣diers, he rode to Salmas, where finding Zeinel with all his People encamped as he had been before in∣formed, he gave him the assault. Zeinel more ready to flie than to fight, and his Souldiers as ready as he, fled presently, and fell before the Persians, so that the Bassa himself with a few others had much ado to escape and save themselves in the closest Corners thereabouts, leaving the City committed to his charge, for a prey unto the angry Enemy; who entering into the same, sacked and spoiled it, exer∣cising thereon all such Cruelties, as partly the na∣tural desires of Souldiers use to practise, and partly such as the Turks themselves shewed unto them in that miserable and most lamentable sacking of Tau∣ris the last year. The like Spoils did the Persian Army in all those quarters round about, and so would have peradventure returned to Tauris, but that certain Spies arrived upon them, with Adver∣tisement, That the Bassa of Reivan being issued out of his Fortress with fifteen hundred Harquebu∣siers, had committed the like outrages in the Vil∣lages and Fields thereabouts, as the Prince had done about Salmas. With which News the Prince was greatly moved; and immediately rising with his Army, and marching towards Reivan, not far from the City encountered the Bassa; who discovering the Enemies Forces afar off, began in great disor∣der to flie and retire into his Fort, leaving the greatest part of his Souldiers (making not so much speed in flight as himself) to the Fury of the Prince, who put them all to the Sword, and did what harm he possibly could in all the Places thereabouts.

At the very same time great Troubles arose in the Drusian Country; for Man-Ogli the valiant Drusian (of whom we have before spoken) in Re∣venge of the Injuries done unto him and his Peo∣ple by Ebrain Bassa, and by a valiant kind of Re∣stitution to recompence himself of all those Bribes and Presents, which by so many shifts and subtilties were by the covetous Bassa wrung from him (as is before declared) had now taken up Arms, and having wasted and sacked all the Territory of Eb∣ne-Mansur, and of his other Enemies who had yield∣ed their Obedience unto the Turks, without lett forced all that Country with sudden Invasions and Inrodes, even very near unto the Cities of Balbecke and Tripoli, and did there exceeding harm. For redress whereof, Amurath was glad to dispatch away from the Court Ali Bassa born at Aleppo, with the Title of the Bassa of Damasco, and with Autho∣rity to muster fresh Souldiers, and so wholly to at∣tend the utter Subversion of Man-Ogli. But com∣ing thither, he found all again quiet, so that his

Presence in that Country served rather for a Re∣conciliation and Peace-making amongst them, than for the prosecuting of any further War; which at that time was most necessary for the Turks to be avoided, as well for want of Money in the com∣mon Treasury, as for the exceeding scarcity of Victuals.

Now the Persian Prince having made an end of the Outroads and Spoils before-mentioned, retired himself to Tauris, and so towards his Fathers Camp, where the rest of his Army was now arrived, to the number of about forty thousand; of whom the Prince dispatched away the Souldiers of Heri, to the number of eight thousand, under the con∣duct of the traiterous Aliculi Chan their General; and part also of the Turcomans, under the leading of Emanguli Chan; with special charge, That they should by the way, in places of most advantage, meet and receive the Enemies Army, and in those narrow and troublesome Passages to do them what mischief they possible could. Which the Prince thus appointed, thinking by this means to weaken the Enemies Forces, and so at their arrival at Tau∣ris, to come upon them with all his Power, and so utterly to destroy them.

* 4.41Both these Captains departed accordingly, ma∣king shew that they would with all Affection ac∣complish the Commandment of their Prince; yet never was there heard any service of moment put in Execution by them; for Aliculi full of Treason, after their departure began to alledge many forced Reasons and Excuses, Why they should surcease from meeting with the Turks; and Emanguli as yet utterly ignorant of the wicked Purposes and mischievous Treachery of Aliculi, suffered himself to be misled by him also. By the Delays and Neg∣ligence of these two Persian Captains,* 4.42 the Turkish General took leisure, without any loss or hinderance at all, to arrive at Tauris, and to put the desired Succours into the Fort; at what time the Persian Prince by good hap had got Knowledge of the Treachery of Aliculi, and of the Designments which many of the Sultans had lately contrived, for the betraying of him alive into the hands of the Turkish General. Of which Suspition he being greatly afraid, durst not only not trust himself to perform those Battels that he had before determi∣ned to have performed, but quite abandoning this noble and honourable enterprise, wholly employed all his Care and Study for the safety of his own Person, and so left the Triumph of the Matter in the Power of the Turks. And thus those great Hopes and Expectations which the Persians had conceived of great Exploits to have been done against the Enemy, did not only prove vain and come to no good issue, but contrariwise by this disco∣very were converted into most strange Disturban∣ces, and all Persia thereby endured sundry Altera∣tions and Revolutions of most important Conse∣quences. For both Aliculi Chan and his Compli∣ces were pursued by the Prince, as Rebels and Trai∣tors; and also Abas Mirize of Heri was manifestly discovered for a wicked and treacherous contriver of his Brothers Death; whereby the common Mischiefs were encreased more than ever they were before, and the publick Calamities yielded greater hopes unto the Turks, than they had ever before conceived in all the course of these Wars.

When Ferat had thus relieved them in the Ca∣stle of Tauris, leaving for the Custody thereof Gi∣affer the Bassa with his former Companies, he re∣turned towards Erzirum, having first caused a Fort to be erected at Curchive Tauris, a Place near unto Tauris; another at Coy, and the third at Cum; in every one of which Forts he left a convenient number of Souldiers, with all things necessary and sufficient for their maintenance, and defence of the Places they were to keep. He sent also Succours to the Fort at Teflis in Georgia, which they had long expected, and now most joyfully received. But the Persian Prince having hunted Aliculi Chan out of the quarters of Tauris, thought himself now whol∣ly delivered from the great fear of Treason and Rebellion, wherein he of late lived; and there∣fore in as great hast as he could, put himself on his Journey towards Genge; in which place having gathered together a good number of Souldiers, he determined to remove thence, to intercept the Suc∣cours that were by the Turks to be brought to Te∣flis. Now he had always found Emanguli Chan to be both faithful and wise, and in him he reposed an assured Confidence for performing any enter∣prise that he had in hand, and communicated with him every Device that he had conceived in these Wars. And therefore he made head and joyned with him; and lodging most familiarly in his Ci∣ty, he stayed there for the setting in order and dis∣posing of his aforesaid Designment, being very de∣sirous not to let such an Opportunity to overslip, without Signification unto the World of some no∣table Novelty, which might be correspondent to the Fame that of matters passed and performed the year before, was now spread and published abroad over all the World. But when he was even at the very fairest to have put this his desire in Ex∣ecution,* 4.43 and least of all feared any Treachery or Treason, upon a sudden in the Night-time as he slept upon a Pallat he was miserably strucken through the Body, by an Eunuch of his that attend∣ed upon him, and so the most resplendent and bright lustre that ever shined in Persia, was utterly extinguished. What was the occasion thereof, and who procured his Death, divers and sundry are the Opinions of Men. Some think that his Brother Abas Mirize of Heri, who had before conspired to have had him betrayed into the hands of the Turk∣ish General, had now by force of Money and Gifts induced the wicked Eunuch thereunto. Others deemed it not to have been done without the pri∣vity of his Father, as more desirous to prefer Abas Mirize his other Son unto the Kingdom. Divers others do diversly reason of the matter; so that to affirm of a certainty, that thus or thus the Death of so worthy a Prince was procured, were great rashness; and therefore we leave it, with the fur∣ther process of the Persian State, unto the further discovery of Time, the antient Mother of Truth:

Notwithstanding the League betwixt the Chri∣stian Emperour Rodolph the second, and Amurath the great Turk, many sharp Skirmishes oftentimes fell out betwixt the Christians and the Turks, upon the Frontiers of their Territories and Dominions, especially in Hungary, Croatia, and Stiria; as now in the latter end of this year 1586. in the Month of December, the Turks, after their insolent man∣ner making an inrode into the Borders of Croatia, received a notable overthrow by the Christians, being in number much fewer; where amongst others, the Bassa of Bosna with his Brother was slain, whose Head with certain Prisoners was sent to Vienna to Ernestus Arch-duke of Austria, the Em∣perours Brother. This Bassa of Bosna and his Bro∣ther, slain in this Conflict (as we have said) are reported to have been the Sons of Muhamet the late great Visier, by one of the Daughters of Sely∣mus the second, Amurath's Sister. For divers years following, Amurath did no great matter worth the Remembrance, contenting himself (as it should seem) with that he had already got from the Per∣sians; and holding his league in some reasonable sort with the Christians: yet not so, but that ma∣ny a bloody broyl, tending at last even to the breach of the League, passed betwixt the Turks and the Christians; which for the Continuation

of the History we will briefly set down, [year 1587] as they are unto us by the Writers of our time reported.

In February the year following, which was the year 1587,* 4.44 the Christians, provoked by the often outrages of the Turks, setting upon the Castle of Koppan, not far from the lake of Balaton, being then frozen, by good fortune surprised it. There was at that time in the Castle three of the Turks Sanzacks, and about a thousand Turks, of whom an hundred and ninety of the better sort, with se∣venty Women, besides divers of the meaner sort, fell into the hands of the Christians; the rest saving themselves by flight, or by creeping into secret corners; an hundred Horses for service were there taken also, and so much Booty as was esteemed to be worth forty thousand Duckats. Of the three Sanzacks that were there present, Alis Sanzack of Koppan was taken, and brought first to Vienna, and afterward presented to the Emperour; Another of them standing upon his defence in a vault under Ground, was there smothered; the third escaped by flight, but was afterwards the same year taken with divers others, as shall be forthwith declared.

The eighth of August following, four of the Turks great Commanders in Hungary, viz. The Bassa of Ziget, the Sanzacks of Mohas, of Quinque Ecclesiae, and the new Sanzack of Koppan, with five thousand Souldiers, brake into the borders of the Christians, and in most cruel manner destroyed se∣venteen Country Villages about Limbach; carry∣ing away with them all the miserable Country People, with the spoil of the Country. Whereof George County Serinus (Son to that most valiant County Nicholas Serinus slain at Ziget) Comman∣der of the Garrison of Canisia, understanding, with as much speed as was possible raised such Forces as he was able out of his Territory betwixt the Ri∣vers of Drauus and Mura, and calling unto his aid the County Nadasti, the Lord Bathianius, and some other valiant Captains that had the charge of those Frontiers; with such diligence took the Streights and Passages whereby the Turks must needs return among the Marishes, that the Turks coming back again that way with a very rich Prey ••nd many Prisoners, being in the break of the day hardly charged by those most expert and resolute Souldiers, in those streight and troublesome Passa∣ges about a mile from Canisia, were at length dis∣comfited and put to flight with such a miserable slaughter, that many of them yielded up their Sci∣miters, pittifully crying for Mercy; other some fled back into the Woods and Forrests, and many running headlong into the Marishes, there perish∣ed, or sticking fast in the deep mud, cried together for mercy and help of their Enemies. In this Con∣flict Muhamet the Sanzack of Quinque Ecclesiae (Son to Haly Bassa, slain in the Battel of Lepanto) was taken Prisoner. Sinan Beg Sanzack of Mohaz, thinking to escape through the Marish, stuck fast with his Horse, and was shot through the Head with a small shot, and there died. The Bassa of Ziget, with Chasan the new Sanzack of Koppan, seeing all desperate and lost, fled betimes out of the Battel; but he of Koppan, wandering up and down in the Woods, was the next night after the Battel with others taken; the Bassa of Ziget, almost spent with Hunger and Grief of Mind, escaped on foot seven days after to Bresenza. There were ta∣ken of the Turks a thousand three hundred, of whom many died afterwards of their Wounds. In this Battel there was slain of the Turks, with them that perished in the Marishes and Woods, about 2000, and of the Turks Horses were taken about 1500. All the Prey before taken by the Turks, with the miserable Captives, was again recovered. The number of them that performed this notable Service, was in all but fifteen hundred foot, and five hundred horse; of whom there was but eleven slain, but most of the rest wounded. Four hundred heads of the slain Turks were (after the manner of those bordering Souldiers) carried for shew to Ca∣nisia, with five hundred Prisoners. The Christian Souldiers, with the help of the Country People, ceased not for certain days to hunt after the Turks that were fled into the Woods, as after wild Beasts, of whom they found a great number; divers others also seeing no means to escape, came forth of their lurking Places, and yielded themselves.

Amurath understanding of all these Troubles that had so happened,* 4.45 commanded Aly the Bassa of Buda to be strangled, for that he had broken the League, and not restrained the Insolency of his Sanzacks, whom he might have commanded; and in his stead placed Sinan Bassa, whom, before in disgrace, he had now at the request of his Wife again received into Favour,* 4.46 and restored to his former Dignity. About this time also Sigismund (the King of Sweden's Son) now after the Death of King Stephen chosen King of Polonia, and Maxi∣milian the Emperous Brother rejected; even in the beginning of his Reign sought to renew the League which Stephen's Predecessor, and other the Polonian Kings had before made with Amurath and his Predecessors, the Turkish Sultans. And to that purpose writ unto him as followeth.

Sigismund the Third, King of Polonia, un∣to Amurath the Third, Emperour of the Turks, sendeth greeting.

THE Almighty long keep and preserve your Majesty in Health and Honour. Most Mighty Prince,* 5.1 our best beloved Friend and Neighbour, after that we by the Grace and Goodness of God were chosen to go∣vern the Kingdom of Polonia, and the Ambassadors of that Kingdom had signified so much unto us; we, pro∣viding us of Necessaries, came to Danske the eighteenth of October, from whence we send John Zamogil our Secretary, to give your Majesty to understand of this our coming. For being told by the Polonian Ambassa∣dors, That we were chosen unto the Government of that Kingdom, upon Condition, That according unto the Custom of our Predecessors the Polonian Kings, we should keep Love and Friendship with the most ex∣cellent * 5.2 Mussulman Emperours; we promise unto your Sovereign Majesty, that we are willing with the like or greater Zeal and Devotion, to continue that Amity and Friendship with your most excellent Majesty and the Othoman Emperours your Successors. For confirmation whereof, so soon as we shall come unto Cra∣covia the regal City of Polonia, and there be crown∣ed, we will forthwith send our great Ambassador unto your Majesty. In the mean time we most earnestly request your Majesty, that our Kingdom may on your Majesties behalf rest in Safety and Peace; which we perswade our selves you will easily grant. So wish∣ing unto you all Health and Happiness, we bid you farewell. From Danske the 18th of October, in the year 1587, and of our Reign the first.

Unto which the Kings Request and Letters, Amurath not long after returned this Answer in Writing.

Amurath the Third, Emperour of the Turks, unto Sigismund King of Polonia, greeting.

I Take it well, and as a token of your Love,* 6.1 that your Ambassador John Zamogil came with your Let∣ters unto our most high and glorious Court, the refuge of distressed Princes; wherein you have given us to understand, how that instead of the most excellent and famous King Stephen, of worthy Memory, late King of

Polonia; you, descended of the same noble Stock and Race of the Polonian Kings, are by the free election of the whole State of the famous Kingdom of Polonia, and the great Kingdom of Lithuania, chosen King of Polonia; and being sent for by lawful Ambassadors, by the Favour and Goodness of God, to be come unto the City of Danske, and from thence to be about to go unto Cracovia, the chief City of the Kingdom of Po∣lonia. And when you are there arrived, to send your Ambassador unto our most high and glorious Court, to confirm, preserve, and establish the League and Amity commodious and necessary for both our Kingdoms, ho∣noured and kept by your antient Predecessors, with our Grandfathers and Great-Grandfathers; yea, and that with greater Zeal and Devotion than any your noble Ancestors. And therefore your Ambassador in your Name requesteth, That no Invasion on our behalf be made into the Borders of the Kingdom of Polonia, or any harm there done; and that the most noble Tartar Prince Isbam Gerai (whom God bless) should be warn∣ed, that he neither make nor suffer any Incursion to be made into the Confines of the Kingdom of Polonia. All which things in your Letters contained, with the rest which your Ambassador hath by word of mouth de∣livered, are with speed orderly by us conceived. Know you therefore our most stately and magnificent Court to be always open unto such as resort thereunto, and that from thence never man had repulse, neither shall hereafter have; wherefore it beseemeth you, as soon as these our Letters shall be brought unto you, to open your Eyes, and to beware that nothing be on your part done against the Majesty of our Court, and the League; and that our Peace and Amity be neither in much or little disturbed, but as best beseemeth, well and sincerely kept; and so perswade your self it shall on our part also be most inviolately observed. Our Letters are also direct∣ed unto the most excellent Tartar Prince Isbam Gerai (whom God bless) straightly charging and command∣ing him, not to make or suffer any Incursion to be made into the Borders of Polonia. In brief, the League and Amity shall on our part be religiously kept; and whoso∣ever shall presume to do any harm unto the Kingdom or Confines of Polonia, shall therefore without fail re∣ceive from us due Punishment. So on your part also it is requisite that the same be done, and that in De∣claration of your Love, you forget not oftentimes to in∣timate unto our most high and glorious Court, such cer∣tain Occurrents and News as shall happen in those parts, which shall be unto us a sign of your sincere Love and Friendship. So know you, and give credit un∣to this our Seal from Constantinople.

Neither was King Sigismund unmindful of this his Promise before made for the sending of his Ambassadour; but being possessed of the Polonian Kingdom, sent Christopher Dziercius (his Secreta∣ry) Ambassador unto Amurath for the confirming of the League; which he hath ever since so firm∣ly kept with the Turk, that he could never by any Entreaty of the Emperour, or of the Princes Ele∣ctors, or others, or in respect of the common dan∣ger, be drawn into the Fellowship of this long and religious War, so hardly maintained by the Em∣perour and some few other Christian Princes his Confederates; first against Amurath, whilst he li∣ved, and ever since against Mahomet his Son, which now reigneth; the issue whereof, God grant it prove not as well unto the Polonians as others far∣ther off, in fine, lamentable.

The year following, Ferat (yet the Turks Gene∣ral in Persia) took the City of Genge, [year 1588] being before for fear of the Turks quite abandoned and ••orsaken by the Inhabitants;* 6.2 who yet, upon his Faith given for their Safety, returned again, yielding to pay unto the Turk a yearly Tribute of five thousand Duckats. But when he would have gone further into the Enemies Country, having part of his Ar∣my cut off by the way, he was by his mutinous Souldiers fouly entreated, wounded, and enforced to retire. Cicala Bassa also passing over the River Euphrates, had in those quarters divers bloody Skirmishes with the Persians, sometime carrying away the better, and sometime the worse, as the Fortune of the Field served. Until at length, Amu∣rath himself, no less weary than his People of that long and chargeable War, and the Persian King also inclining to Peace; he, by the perswasion of Sinan Bassa (but lately before received into Favour) was now contented to be intreated to hearken unto the same; moved thereunto, as well by reason of new Troubles then in other Places arising, as for the great Famine and Plague then raging in Con∣stantinople. And considering withal what a great Territory he had won from the Persians, and how necessary it was for him by Peace to confirm him∣self in those his new Conquests, and by the build∣ing of certain strong Forts for the Succour of one another, and by the placing of his Timariots there∣in, to assure the same unto him; all which with∣out Peace he could not possibly do, as the old Bas∣sa right wisely told him. For which Reasons he yielded to Peace; and so Ambassadors passing to and fro, a Peace was at length agreed upon be∣twixt these two great Mahometan Princes; the Turk covenanting to keep unto himself the Places he had already gained; namely, Tauris, Genge, Si∣ruan, and Chars, with all the Profits thereof arising, for the maintenance of his Garrisons and Timari∣ots there. Whereof it was thought new stirs would presently arise; the Turks grown insolent of their late Victories, being not able to content themselves with the Conditions of the League; and the Persi∣ans not willing to live in continual fear of the Turks, especially seeing themselves to be daily by them more and more oppressed; and withal doubt∣ing lest the Turks, after they had taken fast footing in those new conquered Countries, and so grown strong, and gotten better Knowledge of the Passa∣ges, should, (after their ambitious manner) seek to possess themselves of the rest; not keeping the Covenants agreed upon betwixt them, nor at all regarding the Capitulations of the League. Which was nevertheless (as we said) on both sides for the space of ten years orderly confirmed, with all due Circumstances and Ceremonies, in like Occurrents by the great Potentates of the World used; and for the more assurance thereof, one of the Persian King's Sons, or, as some others say, one of his Ne∣phews, given unto the Turks in Hostage, as Amu∣rath required.

These long Wars thus ended, shortly after a great Sedition was raised at Constantinople by the Souldiers of the Court, which,* 6.3 returning out of Persia, with great Insolency demanded their Pay. For the satisfying of whom, by the consent of the great Sultan himself, the Value of the Coin was in∣hansed, and a new kind of Subsidy for levying of Money imposed upon the Subjects in general, none excepted; who, standing upon their antient Liberties and Priviledges, refused to pay it, especi∣ally the Ianizaries and other Souldiers of the Court. Wherefore their Aga or Captain was com∣manded to appease them, and to perswade them to pay the demanded Tribute; in attempting whereof he was in danger to have been slain by the insolent Ianizaries; and yet nevertheless for prevailing no more with them, was in displeasure thrust out of his Office, and another placed in his room, that should have married Amurath's Daugh∣ter; of whom for all that, the Ianizaries would not accept in any case, but threw Stones at him, and threatned to kill him.* 6.4 The next Night a great Fire arose in the City, for the quenching whereof, the Ianizaries were commanded (as their

Duty was) to put to their helping hands; which they not only most obstinately refused to do, but also kept back others that brought Water for the quenching thereof, and, together with the other Souldiers of the Court, did what they might to make it burn the faster. With the rage of this Fire were consumed seven of their Temples, twenty five great Inns, fifteen thousand Houses, with ma∣ny Warehouses and Shops. To appease this dan∣gerous stir, and to prevent further mischief, com∣mandment was given to the Beglerbeg of Graecia and David Passy a Jew (the first Authors of this new Imposition) that they should either gather the aforesaid Tribute by them devised, and pay the Souldiers, or by some other means to give them Contentment. But here began the Priests publick∣ly to perswade the People from payment of this new Tribute, or any other such like; perswading them in any case to defend their antient Liberties and Customs; whereupon the Churches were by the Priests shut up, publick Prayers for the Health of the Sultan intermitted, the Bassaes Houses as∣saulted, and all the City on a new hurly burly. For the appeasing whereof, Amurath was glad to yield unto the Ianizaries, to pay the Souldiers out of his own Treasury, to revoke his Mandates gi∣ven out for the exaction of the new tribute, and to deliver the two Perswaders thereof to the Pleasure of the Ianizaries; who drew them up and down the Streets at Horses Tails, and afterwards cutting off their Heads, in scorn tossed them from hand to hand one to another, as if they had been Ten∣nise Balls.

* 6.5About the latter end of September, Sinan, Bassa of Buda, having with the assistance of the Sanzacks about Fille, raised an Army of eleven thousand Souldiers, with purpose to have spoiled all the up∣per part of Hungary, came the sixth of October be∣fore the Castle of Putnoc, and gave thereunto sum∣mons; but finding them in the Castle better pro∣vided and more resolute than he had before sup∣posed, he departed thence, and passing the River Schayo, came to Sixo, a Town of about five hun∣dred Houses, which after a sore battery he took, and burnt it down to the Ground.* 6.6 In the mean while, Claudius Russel, General for the Wars in that part of Hungary, having assembled his Forces, came upon him, and after a hard fight put him to the worse, when he had slain of his Turks about two thousand five hundred, besides three hundred other drowned in the River Schayo. Shortly after, the Christians in like manner breaking into the Frontiers of the Turks, took from them the Ca∣stles of Blavenstein, Gestes, with some other small Forts thereabouts in the upper part of Hungary.

[year 1589] Sinan, for that he had contrary to the League, and without the Commandment of Amurath, so unfortunately attempted War in Hungary, was the next year in great Displeasure sent for to Constanti∣nople, and Ferat, Bassa of Bosna (late General of the Turks Army against the Persians, and now but new∣ly come home) placed in his room at Buda.

Amurath, before not ignorant of the great Pre∣paration that Philip the King of Spain had made, and of the invincible Armado (as it was termed) by him set forth for the Invasion of England (the Fame whereof had long before filled a great part of the World) as also of the evil Success thereof the last year, viz. 1588; and of the purpose her Majesty of England had for the troubling of his rich Trade, especially into the West Indies, and for the relieving of Don Anthonio, by him driven out of Portugal; wrote unto her about this time con∣cerning those and such like matters as had been moved by her Agent, as followeth:

Amurath the Third, Emperour of the Turks, unto Elizabeth Queen of England, France,* 7.1 and Ireland, greeting.

MOST Honourable Matron of the Christian Re∣ligion, Mirror of Chastity,* 7.2 adorned with the Brightness of Sovereignty and Power amongst the most chast Women of the People which serve Iesu, Mistriss of great Kingdoms, reputed of greatest Majesty and Praise among the Nazarites, Elizabeth Queen of En∣gland, to whom we wish a most happy and prosperous Reign. You shall understand by our high and Imperial Letters directed unto you, how that your Orator, resiant in our stately and magnificent Court, hath presented unto the Throne of our Majesty a certain writing, wherein he hath certified us, how that about four years ago you have made war upon the King of Spain▪ for the abating and breaking of his Forces, wherewith he threatneth all other Christian Princes, and purpo∣seth to make himself the sole Monarch both of them and all the World beside. As also, how that the same King of Spain hath by force taken from Don Antho∣nio (lawfully created King of Portugal) his King∣dom; and that your Intention is, that his Ships which go and come into the Indies may from henceforth be embarred and stayed from that Navigation; wherein are yearly brought into Spain, precious Stones, Spices, Gold and Silver, esteemed worth many millions, where∣with the aforesaid King, as with a great Treasure en∣riched, hath means to molest and trouble all other Christian Princes; which if he shall still proceed to do, he will make himself daily stronger and stronger, and such an one as may not easily be weakned. After that, your aforesaid Orator requested our Highness, in the beginning of the next Spring to send out our Imperial Fleet against him, being assured that the King of Spain could not be able easily to withstand it, for that he had now already received a great overthrow by your Fleet; and being scarce able to withstand you alone, if he should be on divers parts invaded, must needs be over∣come, to the great benefit of all the Christian Princes, as also of our Imperial State. Besides this, that where∣as the aforesaid Don Anthonio is by force driven out and deprived of his Kingdom, that we (to the imita∣tion of our noble Progenitors of happy Memory, whose Graves the Almighty lighten) should also give the Aid and Succour of our magnificent State, as did they unto all such as had recourse unto their high Courts and Pallaces for relief. In brief, all these things, with many others which your aforesaid Orator hath at large declared unto our Imperial Throne, we have well understood, and laid them up in our deep remem∣brance. But forasmuch as we have for many years past made Wars in Persia, with a full Resoluti∣on and intent utterly to conquer and subdue the King∣dom of that accursed Persian Heretick, and to joyn the same unto our antient Dominions; and now by the Grace of God, and help of our great Prophet, are now upon the point for the satisfying of our desire; that once done, due Provision shall be assigned unto all such things as you have of us requested or desired. Where∣fore, if you shall sincerely and purely continue the bond of Amity and Friendship with our high Court, you shall find no more secure Refuge or safer Harbour of good Will or Love. So at length all things shall go well and according to your Hearts desire in your Wars with Spain, under the shadow of our happy Throne. And forasmuch as the King of Spain hath by Fraud and Deceit got whatsoever he holdeth, without doubt these deceitful Deceivers shall by the Power of God in short time be dispatched and taken out of the way. In the mean time we exhort you not to lose any Opportunity or Time, but to be always vigilant, and according to the Conventions betwixt us, favourable unto our Friends, and unto our Enemies a Foe. And give notice here to our high Court, of all the new Wars which you

shall understand of concerning the said King of Spain, for the behoof both of your self and us. To be brief, your Ambassador, after he had with all care and dili∣gence dispatched his Ambassage, and here left in his place one Edward Bardon his Deputy and Agent, now by our leave maketh his return towards your Kingdom, being for the good and faithful Service he here did, worthy to be of you esteemed, honoured, and before others promoted; who when he hath obtained of you all those his deserved Honours and Preferments, let him or some other principal Ambassador without delay be appointed to our Imperial Court, to continue this Office of Legation. This we thought good to have you certified of under our most honourable Seal, where∣unto you may give undoubted Credence. From our Im∣perial Palace at Constantinople, the 15th of this blessed Month * 7.3 Ramazan, 1589.

Yet for all these fair shews, it may seem unto him that looketh more near into the state of the Turkish Affairs at those times, and that which hath ensued since, that Amurath, glad of the Discord of these two so great Christian Princes, and not well assured of his new Conquests in Persia, had no great mind to the Invasion of Spain, as too far from the strength of his Empire, an Enterprise not to be so easily managed by Sea, as were the Wars he short∣ly after undertook against the Christian Emperour Rodolph by Land; wherewith for all that (God be thanked) he found his hands full all the remain∣der of his Life, as did also his Son Mahomet that reigned after him.

* 7.4About this time also the Polonian Borderers (whom they call Cossacks) a rough and warlike kind of People, after their wonted manner making an in∣rode upon the Turks and Tartarians, upon the sud∣den surprised Koslaw, a Port Town within a days Journey of Caffa, where they had the spoil of ma∣ny rich Warehouses of the Turks Merchants, and the rifling of certain Ships lying there in Harbour; and having taken their Pleasure, burnt the rest, and so with a great booty returned to their lurking Places. With which Injury the Tartars, provoked and set on by the Turks, to the number of forty thousand, brake into Podolia and the Provinces near unto Polonia, and resting in no place, but burn∣ing the Country before them, s••ew the poor Coun∣try People without Mercy, and making havock of all that they light upon, besides the spoil, carried away with them many thousands of most misera∣ble Captives; the greatest part whereof for all that the Polonians rescued, with the notable slaughter of the Enemy, surprised in their return. Whereupon such unkindness rise between the Turkish Emperour and Sigismund the Polonian King, that it was thought it would have broken out into open Wars, had not the Polonian by his Ambassadors and the Mediati∣on of the Queen of England, wisely appeased the angry Turk, and so again renewed his League.

Amurath, now at Peace with the World, from which he by Nature abhorred not, [year 1590] and sitting idle and melancholy at home,* 7.5 was perswaded by the Bassaes his Counsellors, to take some new War in hand; for that great Empires (as they said) could not without the continual use of Arms long stand or continue; as appeared by the Roman State, which so long as it was at Wars with Carthage, or their great Captains and Commanders occupied in arms against their Neighbour Princes, still re∣mained triumphant, and commanded over a great part of the World; but giving it self to Ease and Pleasure, and the Martial Men not after their wont∣ed manner imployed, it in short time by Civil Dis∣cord fell, and of the Mistress of the World, became it self a Prey even unto the basest Nations. Which old Cato in his great Wisdom foreseeing, cryed out in the Senate, That the Souldiers and Men of War were to be kept still busied in Arms far from home, for that in so doing, all should go well with the State, and the Glory thereof increase. Where∣unto the Othoman Emperours, his noble Progeni∣tors, having respect, propounded not Peace as the end of their Wars (as do other weak Princes ha∣ving their own Forces in distrust) but as invinci∣ble Conquerours, still sowed Wars upon Wars, making one Victory the beginning of another; whereby they not only brought that their Empire unto that greatness it was now of, but by such con∣tinual Imployment made their Souldiers more cou∣rageous and ready, and also kept them from Rebel∣lions and Tumults; whereunto in time of Peace, and living at ease, these Martial men are most commonly inclined, learning (as all others do) by doing nothing, to do that is evil and naught. Eve∣ry thing (as they said) was by the same means to be maintained, whereby it was at the first increas∣ed; and that therefore great Empires, as they were by Wars begun and augmented, so were they by continual Wars also to be from time to time esta∣blished; whereas otherwise the Souldiers living in Peace, and forgetting their Martial Prowess, would for most part grow cowardly, as giving themselves over to the Love of their own Dwellings, of their Wives, and of their Children, and other Pleasures; or else, converting their Studies to Merchandise, or other profitable Trades, would in time forget the use of Arms, and be thereunto again hardly drawn; unto the great weakning of his strength both by Sea and Land, and the diminishing of the number of his great Commanders and expert Captains, not to be had without the continual use of War. With these and such like Reasons, the great Bassaes of the Court perswaded Amurath, That he must of necessity take some new Expedition in hand, and not to suffer his valiant Souldiers, but now lately returned out of Persia, to grow lazie or insolent for lack of Imployment. Which they did not so much for the Love of their Prince, or Zeal unto the State, as for their own particular profit? especially the two old Bassaes Sinan and Ferat, the envious Com∣petitors the one of the others Honour; who, al∣though they both, much and almost all command∣ed both in Peace and War, yet was their Honours greater, and their Profit far more, in commanding of the Turks great Armies abroad, than in sitting in the Divano at home; unto which no less honour∣able than profitable Preferment they both with like Ambition aspired, accompanied with the hot de∣sires of their great and many Favorites both at home and elsewhere. These Perswasions well pleased Amurath; who although he were himself no Souldier, yet was he desirous of new Conquests, and to increase his Name; accounting it no less honour unto himself, by his Servants at his appoint∣ment to perform great things, than it was unto his Ancestors to do that they did themselves in Person. But in this so serious a matter,* 7.6 and of so great con∣sequence, Amurath at the first could not tell what best to resolve upon; not for that he was not de∣sirous of Wars, but because as yet he certainly knew not against whom he might with greatest Profit and least Difficulty and Danger convert his Forces; upon which point his Counsellors agreed not, but for divers Reasons were of divers Opini∣ons. Which, forasmuch as they contain matters of greatest importance of all things then in the World done, but especially concerning the Profit of the Christian Common-wealth, I shall not think it un∣worthy my Labour, to set them down in such or∣der as I find them credibly reported; having moreover in them many Letters and most weighty matters not yet come to all mens Knowledge; as also opening the Devices of the Turkish Tyrant against the Christian Princes; a motive not only for

them to joyn in Counsel together how to withstand him, but for the common Christian Common∣weals sake to forget and forgive all their private Displeasures, and with their united Forces and Power honourably and courageously to make War upon him, and so at length by the Mercy of God to overthrow him, together with his tyran∣nical Empire, the greatest Terror of our time.

* 7.7The great Bassaes, concerning the intended War, were of eight sundry Opinions; whereof the first was, That the Wars against the Persian should be renewed; the second, For the Invasion of the King of Morocco and Fez; the third, For War to be ta∣ken in hand against the King of Spain; the fourth, For the besieging again of Malta; the fifth was, To set upon the Venetians; the sixth, For the invading of some part of Italy; the seventh, For the King of Polonia; the eighth and last was, For War to be made upon the Emperour and the Kingdom of Hungary. With all the which aforesaid Princes, except the Spaniard, although the Turk were then in League, and could not with all or any of them make War, without the notable breach of his Faith and Honour; yet was that never made que∣stion or scruple of, but only, which might best stand with the Profit of his State for him to set up∣on; his barbarous Law allowing him that Liber∣ty, for the more assuring of his State, or inlarging of his Empire, to break all Faith and Promise, es∣pecially with the Christians; not more in any thing to be pittied, than in reposing any Credit or Con∣fidence in the Faith of such a miscreant.

* 7.8The Reasons the great Bassaes alleged for the renewing of the Persian War, were, For that the Per∣sian King was of himself like to break the League so lately with him concluded, so soon as he should know the Turks entangled in any other War; mo∣ved thereunto, as well for the recovery of his Country, to his great dishonour lost, as also in Re∣venge of so many and so great Injuries to him of late done by the Turkish Emperours. Beside that, the Christian Princes would perswade him and prick him forward thereunto; especially the Spaniard, who for the nearness of India might without his great charge procure him so to do, and also con∣veniently furnish him with great Ordnance and Canoneers, which it was well known he of late did. The Countries also but lately conquered, were not yet (as they said) in quietness or safety, and the Fortresses therein but of late built, together with the Garrisons therein, to be in great danger, being for the length of the way, and difficulty of the Passage, not to be still speedily relieved; inso∣much, that if the Persians did them no other harm, but only to forrage and waste the Country about them, they should bring the Inhabitants into such distress, as that those new conquered Countries were again by the Defendants to be forsaken, or else they must themselves with hunger perish. True Glory (they said) consisted not so much in con∣quering, as in the use of the Conquest, and the Prosecution of the happy Victory; and that there∣fore Amurath should take heed, that he provoked not the Wrath and Indignation of the great Pro∣phet Mahomet against him; who having by his good Favour and Guide obtained more Victories than any of his Predecessors against the Enemies of his Religion, ought as a religious and devout Prince severely to revenge the wrong done by them both to God and man. Unto which religious War Vsbeg Han the Tartar King, as also the Prince of Geilan offered their ready help; as for the event of the Victory, now as good as in his hand, he was to judge by the success of his former Wars. Neither that he need to fear the Persian Horsemen, although they used Arabian Horses, being by his men many times shamefully put to flight; or yet to doubt lest the Georgians, in favour of the Persians, should take up Arms, for that many of them were already under his Obeisance, and subject unto the Bassa of Teflis, and other his Commanders; the rest were his Vassals, or else such, as following the Fortune of their Princes Simon and Alexander, sought after no greater matter, but contenting themselves with their own Country, although but small, thought themselves well if they might keep and defend the same; by Nature and Scituation so strong, as that there is scarce any way unto it, by reason of the high and broken Mountains, the thick Woods, and streight Passages.

The second Opinion which was delivered,* 7.9 was for the Transportation of his Wars into Affrick against the King of Morocco, commonly called the Seriphe; and that for these Causes most, It would be a great shame and reproach (as they said) unto the Othoman Empire, that it was not yet able to subdue these Moors and People of Affrick, in num∣ber but few; neither was it less shame or disho∣nour unto the Othoman Emperours, to have so small a Territory in Affrica, being the third part of the World, which by reason of the nearness unto Italy, had long time held Wars with the Romans. Beside that, Algiers and Tunis could never be safe∣ly kept by the Turks; neither that the Subjects and Pirats which inhabited those Cities would ever be contented or at quiet, untill they had again got that Kingdom into their hands. The Promontory of Aguero, and Port of Larace (two Ports without the Streights) were (as they said) to be taken, as Pla∣ces very commodious for the Turks Friends, seeking in those Seas after Booty; and for the securing of their Trade. And although the Seriphe were him∣self a Mahometan, and held his Kingdom as a Tri∣butary unto the Othoman Empire; yet had he se∣cret Intelligence with the Spaniard and the Knights of Malta, whereby they not long since had upon the sudden almost surprised Tripolis, he in the mean time as it were winking thereat. And that altho the Spaniard possessed in Affrick, Maraschebir, Oran, Pegnon, Tanger, Arzilia, Mazaga, Ceute or Septa, Places whereby he might help and assist the Moors; yet might his Force and Attempts by a strong Fleet be easily hindered, and Spain it self in∣fested. Beside that, the Spaniards had yet in such fresh remembrance the loss of Tunis and Guletta (Places by them thought inexpugnable, and yet by Sinan Bassa to his immortal Praise taken) as that they would not for the Moors sake easily seem to attempt any great thing against the victorious Turks.

The third Opinion was concerning the War to be made against them of Malta,* 7.10 which was by a strong Fleet to be performed; for that the Gallies of Malta did daily great hurt, as well unto the Turks Merchants, as unto such as for Devotion-sake travelled by Sea unto Mecha. And that there∣fore the War was thither to be transferred, not only for religions sake and to assecure the Passage thither from the Incursions of the Malteses, but in Revenge of the old and late Injuries by them done; and especially to blot out the Infamy and Disgrace which the great Sultan Solyman had incurred, at such time as he had in vain besieged that Island; and to requite the loss by him there sustained. Be∣side that, they also alleged the common Com∣plaints of the Subjects; for that there were many which pitiously lamented the Misery and Cala∣mity, some of their Friends, some their Kinsfolk, whom they knew to live in most woful Servitude with those Knights, and whom they most earnest∣ly desired to have now set at Liberty; complain∣ing his Subjects to have been so far from suffering of any such things from those Knights in the time of his Ancestors, as that contrariwise they them∣selves

were by them driven out of the Island of the Rhodes, the strongest Bulwark of the Christian Common-weal toward the East. Being moreover worthy also to be chastised, for that they had hol∣pen the rebellious Moors with all kind of Munition, and had themselves attempted to have surprised Modon.

* 7.11In the fourth place were they which were of Opinion, that it were best for him to make War upon the King of Spain. These men alleged it to be impossible for the Turkish Empire to aspire unto the Monarchy of the whole World (where∣unto all the Turks Actions and Devices were al∣ways as at a certain mark directed) except the Spaniard's great Strength and Power were first weakned, wherein he seemed to surpass all other the Christian Kings and Princes; and that there was no fear lest he should besiege Algiers, which he knew to be now much better fortified than it was in the time of the Emperour Charles the fifth. And that although the Spaniards without ceasing besought their King for the undertaking of that Expedition, by reason of the new Losses and Harms which they daily received from the Pyrats of Affrica; yet would he not hearken unto their Request, for fear of the Danger imminent both to himself and his Subjects from the Enemies Fleet, which he should in so doing draw into the Spanish Seas; neither would the Spanish Gallies easily come into the Turks Countries in the East, for being too far from their own Country, which for the most part stood in need of their help. And that the King of Spain was with the Multitude of his Busi∣ness, or other his urgent Affairs still so hindred, as that he could not suddenly put in Execution what his Counsel for the Wars should decree. As also how much it was to be gathered by that which hapned not long since at Preveza and Navarinum, That the Spaniards shunned the Othoman Forces; as also how warily the King dealt in all his Affairs, lest at length against his Will he should be enforced to enter into Wars with the Turk, was most mani∣fest; as was to be seen when as of late about the end of the Persian War he refused to give Aid un∣to the Persian King whom he might have holpen, and was so before wont to do. And in case that he would stand upon his Guard, and by force seek to repel force; yet should he scarce have so much Strength as (beside those Wars which he now ma∣keth in divers Places) to be able to undertake also a new War, and to find so many Souldiers, with so much Coin and other things necessary for so great a War. It stood him in hand (as they said) to defend the Low-Countries, and to recover again the Provinces there lost, which of themselves won∣derful strong, both by reason of the Sea and the Multitude of the Rivers, were also with wonderful Courage and Pertinacy defended by the Inhabi∣tants, for their Liberty and Religions sake. Where∣unto the English (at deadly hatred with the Spani∣ard) might many ways give great help, if they should invade Portugal, or with their Ships lie in wait for his Indian Fleet, or make Incursions into other his Kingdoms, as they did not long since at the Groine and Cadez; Places most fit to trouble Spain, and to hinder his Traffick into the Indies or other Places. Beside that, he was at that time so intangled with his Wars in France, as that he could scarce find how to dispatch himself thereof, without the loss of his Honour and Credit. And admit he should make Peace with the aforesaid Princes, in such sort as that he should not from thenceforth from them receive any harm; yet were other means to be sought and taken in hand for his farther disturbance, as by troubling his rich Trade for Spices and other Merchandise, whereof he reapeth great Profit; as also if need were, by driving his Ships out of the Persian Gulf, by the help of those Gallies which still lie at road at Possi∣dium, which we now call Suez. And that the For∣tresses and strong holds he there possesseth, were to be set upon, and if it might be, taken from him; as was once attempted against the Portugals at Diu and Ormuz; the like whereof Alphonsus Albuquer∣cius (the King of Portugal's Viceroy in India) at∣tempted, when as with his light Horsemen running through that Country, he thought upon a sudden to have spoiled Mecha, and to have robbed the Sepulchre of Mahomet (as had hapned under the Empire of the Sultans) and as Trajan the Empe∣rour had long since in like manner attempted to rage and spo••l. Those Places which he possessed in Affrick were (as they said) to be set upon, and the Coast of Spain towards the Mediterranean to be infested; so at length, to gratifie the Moors his Sub∣jects, who still instantly requested the same, that so they might more safely traffick and travel, and that so the Moors might at length be delivered from the imperious command of the Spaniards; of which exploit Sultan Selymus, lately before dead, was in his life time well perswaded; but might now at this time be much more commodiously done, for that the Moorish Nation was now great∣ly increased, and much oppressed by the Spaniards; and having got great Wealth by the Trade of Merchandise, even by Nature or Religion, had conceived a mortal hatred against the Spaniards; whereunto might not a little avail the Ports in Af∣frick, whereinto the Turks Fleet might at all times in safety retire. And in brief, that which was of greatest importance to the better success of this War, the French King and the Queen of England, had of their own accord promised the Continuati∣on of their Wars, and that the French King should invade Navarre, and by force of Arms recover the right he pretended unto that Kingdom; whilst in the mean time the Queen of England should not only trouble him in the West Indies, and other Places of the Ocean toward the North and West, but might also stir up new Broils in the Kingdom of Portugal, where most part of the People with great impatience bear the proud command of the Spani∣ard; as perswaded (and that truly) all their Pro∣sperity and Quietness to have been lost, together with their last King, their true and lawful Sove∣reign. For he, at Peace with the Kings of France and England, exceedingly thereby enriched his Subjects by Traffick; whereas, since they fell into the Hands of the Spaniard, they daily complain of their new Losses and Dangers by Reason of his perpetual Wars. Moreover, that there was to be found great store of exiled Spaniards dispersed here and there, which being malecontent and weary of the Spanish Government, were fled not only out of Portugal, but even out of Arragon and other parts of his Kingdom; which now living in France, England, and Constantinople, both secretly and openly, liberally offered great helps; the like whereof many of the Moors also promised. All which together seemed to promise a most easie Ex∣pedition and certain Victory, if any should upon the sudden invade Spain; for that there was almost no use of Arms, the Inhabitants at home seldom times exercising themselves therein; neither in Places needful having any ordinary Garrisons, and but few Horses fit for Service. And that in fine it was to be considered, Spain to be greatly bared of men which knew how valiantly and cou∣rageously to manage Arms, for the often choice they make of them, which almost most daily trans∣ported into the Indies, Italy, and the Low-Countries, whereby the strength of his Country must needs be exceedingly impaired; so that if they should be invaded with any strong and mighty Army,

they might seem hardly able to be holpen or de∣fended by their own People, but should need the Aid and help of the other near Provinces sub∣ject unto this Kingdom; which if they should be either letted, or stay to come in good time, they should leave so much the more easie Victory unto their Enemies.

* 7.12In the fifth place were they which went about to perswade Amurath to break his League with the Venetians; using Reasons rather probable than true, although they might seem unto the Turks less doubtful, for that men easily and willingly be∣lieve such things as they themselves desire. These men went about to prove no Expedition to be less difficult than this, as judging of things present, by the event of former Wars passed; wherein the Turks had always taken something from the Vene∣tians: who to redeem their Peace, were divers ways enforced to satisfie the Turks. That the Ve∣netian Common-wealth was afraid of the Turks, and abhorred War, was manifest (they said) in that, that in all Actions it had propounded unto it self Peace, as the end thereof; and after the man∣ner of their Ancestors, never entred into Wars, but enforced thereunto: and would happily upon the first denouncing of Wars, willingly depart with certain Places, for fear of greater harm, or to be utterly overcome, as it appeared they did in the yielding up of Cyprus. The Power and Force whereof was not so great, as that it could alone stand against the great Sultan; and to confederate it self with others, would require no small delay, for the great and many Difficulties which commonly used to arise in making of Leagues; not being now so conjoyned with the Spaniard as in times past, of whose aid it being of late destitute, was constrain∣ed to make an hard Peace with Selymus. And if so be the Spaniard would needs joyn himself unto the Venetians against the Turks, yet that he could by no means afford unto them such Aid and Sup∣plies as were of necessity to be required unto so great a War, he himself being in his Wars other∣wise so intangled; as for all other Confederation they could make without him, to be but weak and to no purpose. That which the Pope could do here∣in, to be but little; for albeit he should according to his Duty exhort other Christian Princes to give Aid, and to stir them up unto this War, yet that beside some little supply of Money hardly drawn out of his own Coffers, and the Ecclesiastical Reve∣nues, he could scarcely perform any thing more; or when he had done his uttermost devoir, could but joyn five Gallies of his own unto the Venetian Fleet; which, with the Gallies of the Duke of Savoy, of the Knights of Malta, and of the Florentines, could but make a Fleet of some twenty Gallies, which was but a small matter. Besides that, the Turks were perswaded, that betwixt the Venetian State and the other Christian Princes was no such Friendship and good Agreement, as the greatness of the im∣minent Danger of that War, and as the necessity of the cause would require; and that hitherto their Treasures had been so exhausted in paying the Debt they were run into in the last War, and in building of Fortresses, that happily they were not now so furnished with Coin, as was requisite for the defraying of so great a War. And unto this War against the Venetians, consented almost all the Visier Bassaes; differing only in this, Where, or against what Place of the Venetian Territory this War were to be first begun; some naming one place,* 7.13 and some another (for divers Reasons them thereunto leading) which for brevity we pass over.

Othersome of the Bassaes in the sixth place, re∣jecting all the former Opinions concerning the War to be taken in hand, would have had all the Forces of the Othoman Empire, as well by Land as Sea, to have been converted against Italy; for that otherwise the Turks should never come unto the Monarchy of the whole World (whereunto as at a mark they had directed all their Actions) except they did first subdue Italy. For that this Country; as the Center of the whole World, was wont to give both Counsel and Aid unto the rest of the Limbs, whereby the Devices of others were crossed; and that the Romans had at length commanded over all the World, especially for that they held in Pos∣session this Country. Hereat did the Hunnes, the Alani and Gothes; the Vandales, the Frenchmen, Spaniards, and Sarasins, direct all their Thoughts and Cogitations. In fine, they concluded, That no Expedition could be taken in hand more honoura∣ble or profitable than this; for that Italy was a Queen amongst other Provinces, for commodious Scituation, the wholesomness of the Air, the plenty of all things necessary for Mans Life, for great, fair, and most rich Cities, for the antient Glory and Majesty of the Roman Empire, and many other Causes also. Neither that this Expedition was to be deemed of much Difficulty, for that Ita∣ly was under the Rule of divers Princes, unto whose command most of their Subjects unwil∣lingly obeyed; as also, for that the Inhabitants of that Country had now for many years lived in continual Peace, and were therefore the more effe∣minate and fearful, and so unfit for the Wars; and that if that Expedition were in one or divers places taken in hand before the Corn were full ripe, the Turks in that so fruitful a Country could never want Necessaries for them to live upon; whereas the Inhabitants in great number wanting the same, and shut up within the Walls and Forti∣fications of their Cities and strong Towns, should be brought into extream wants; which was the more evidently to be seen, for that at this time wherein they were at Peace, they had not Corn sufficient in the Country for such a multitude of People to live upon, but were glad to have it brought unto them from other Places, especially from Peloponesus, Constantinople, and the Cities up∣on the Coast of the great Ocean. Furthermore, that it was to be considered, that most part of the Italians lived by no other means than by their handy Labour, or the trade of Merchandise; of which means if they were deprived, they should in short time be brought to that point, as to be glad to accept of such Conditions as the Victor should propound unto them, or as Tributaries, to submit themselves unto the Othoman Government. Nei∣ther that the Souldiers would unwillingly be drawn unto that War; for that they were not to pass through barren Regions of the Enemy, frozen with Ice, or desolate, either by rough Woods or inacces∣sible Mountains; but were all the way thither to travel through their own Country, and as it were in the sight of their own Houses; and if the Turks could oftentimes enter so far, when as they had their Confines more remote, and their Passages more difficult, that the same might now much more easily be effected, when as they had a far greater Opportunity, and their Enemies so near at hand.

The seventh Opinion was theirs which thought it best to have the War transferred into Polonia,* 7.14 and from thence into Hungary and Germany; for which they alleged these Reasons: First, for that they thought it a disgrace unto the Majesty and Reputation of the Othoman Empire, That the King of Polonia had sometime refused to pay his Tribute due (for so the Turks account of all such Presents as are unto their Sultan usually sent by their Neigh∣bour Princes, of Courtesie) and that therefore he was by force of Arms to be compelled thereunto.

Which they thought would the more easily be obtained, for that there was much secret hatred and heart-burning amongst the Polonian Nobility. Neither that it would be any difficult or dange∣rous War to be taken in hand; forasmuch as Po∣lonia was confined with Moldavia, the Tartars, and the Sanzacks of Acherman, Bendera, and Vosia; and moreover, for that the Turks could never have any assured or full Possession of Moldavia or Valachia, except the Insolency of the Polonians were repres∣sed; the Vayvods of which Countries, when they had enriched themselves with much Wealth, used still to flie into the Kingdom of Polonia. Besides that, they should thereby revenge themselves for the Injuries done them by the Cossacks, and have more free and safe Traffick into Muscovia, and bring a Terrour upon the Duke of Muscovia, by reason of the nearness of the Country; which great Duke was an Impediment unto the Othoman Em∣perour, that he conquered not the whole Kingdom of Persia. And when they had by this means by little and little drawn unto Germany, happily it might so come to pass, as that the Christian Empe∣rour should thereby receive some notable loss, his Empire being still more and more exposed and en∣vironed with the Turks Forces and Garrisons, Polo∣nia they said to be a plain and open Country, nei∣ther to have any strong Places for to withstand them, and the Inhabitants to have small skill in Martial Affairs, for that they had now long lived in Peace. For as for the War that they had with Maximilian the Arch-duke of Austria, it continued not long, and King Stephen in the late Wars he had with the Muscovite, used for most part the Hun∣garian Souldiers, and ended those Wars rather by besieging than fighting.

* 7.15They which in the eighth and last place deliver∣ed their Opinions concerning the intended War, perswaded to have it converted upon the Christian Emperour; whom the Turks call the King of Vi∣enna. The Causes they alleged for the beginning of this War was, For that the Vscocchi were grown so insolent as to make good prise of the Turks both by Sea and Land; in such sort, as that not only for the harms which they did, but even for the Majesty and Honour of the Othoman Empire, their Insolency was not longer to be suffered. By whose Injuries it was especially brought to pass, that the Merchants, to their great hinderance in private, and the Sultans great loss in common, having left the Town of Narenta or Narona in the Turks Do∣minion, had removed their Mart to Salona (now called Spalato) a Town of the Venetians; and that yet for all that was not so sufficiently provided for the Security of the said Merchants, although there were Peace betwixt the Emperour and the Veneti∣ans; for that these unruly men for most part living upon the spoil, troubled all both by Sea and Land with their Robberies, driving away mens Cattel, burning the Villages, and taking away the young Babes out of the Mothers Arms and Laps. Where∣by it was easily to be seen what mind they were of; and that it was not to be doubted, but that if Occasion should serve for them to surprise any of the Turks strong holds upon the Frontiers, they would with all their Power attempt the same; which, what a Dishonour and Infamy (not to speak of the loss) it would be unto the whole Othoman Empire, every man might easily guess. Neither that it was unknown, how little the Christian Em∣perour had esteemed of the Turk, at such time as he was in War with the Persian, paying his Tri∣bute too late at his Pleasure; an evident sign ra∣ther of violating than of establishing the League. And that the good Success of this War was not to be deemed either difficult or doubtful; for that the attempt might be given both by Croatia, Hungary, and Austria, Countries abounding with all things necessary for the maintenance of a great Army; as also for that they were almost to travel all the way in the Turks own Territory. Beside that, the chief Fortresses of Hungary, namely Belgrade, Buda, and Alba Regalis, with many other strong places, were already holden by the Turks Garrisons, whi∣ther their Armies might in all cases of Extremity in safety retire, or out of the same Garrisons re∣pair their Losses, if any should be. The Roman Empire (as they said) was more desirous of Peace than War; and the Princes, of nothing more care∣ful, than how to heap up and preserve their Trea∣sures; and the People of Germany, for that of long they had had no Wars, to be less fit now to bear Arms, and worse to be commanded by their Captains; always having in distrust the Hungari∣ans, the Italians, and Spaniards, for that those Na∣tions are not beloved, but rather hated of the Ger∣mans, being not at Unity among themselves, but divided, especially about matters of Religion. Nei∣ther that it was to be feared, lest foreign Princes should give Aid unto the Emperour in this War; The Polonian and Transilvanian, to live now in peace with the Turk, and therefore would by no means turn the heat of this War into their own Bosoms; as also, for that the Polonians were afraid, lest in so doing, they should be driven out of their Coun∣try, and enforced to remove themselves toward the frozen Sea; and the Transilvanian, having re∣ceived his Sovereignty from the Turk, no less in fear (if he should so do) to be of him again stript and spoiled of the same; as for the King of Spain, al∣though he were of such Power, as might afford unto the House of Austria great Aid, yet that he was in other Places now too much busied: and that the Bishop of Rome could not in all Places be ready to serve his turn; the Princes of Italy would not spend their Subjects and Treasures to pleasure another man; and that the Venetian State would not rashly stir up the Turks Arms against themselves, but rather at ease expect the event of the War, than to entangle themselves with other mens Dan∣gers. These were the chief Opinions of the great Bassaes concerning the War to be taken in hand, not so much proceeding from any ripe or sound Advice, (as commonly they do) but rather from a certain barbarous Insolency and Contempt of others; wherewith, they moved, do oftentimes vainly perswade them of the easie performance of divers Expeditions; which in proof they find to be not only most difficult, but unto themselves also most pernicious.

In this so great diversity of Opinions,* 7.16 Amurath stood long in doubt what to resolve upon; de∣sirous he was in all places to shew his Power, and (if it were possible) to exceed the Glory of his Pre∣decessors, as he thought himself to have already done in Persia; having, as he boasted, by his Ser∣vants there performed more than they could them∣selves in Person with their mighty Armies. Where∣fore, contenting himself with that he had already done in the East, he resolved now to turn his For∣ces against the Christian Emperour towards the West, and that for divers respects. First, it grieved him to see the Honour of the House of Austria, and that it durst to make head against him; be∣sides that, to make War upon a Country confi∣ning upon his own, would be a thing far less Difficulty than was the Persian War, where his Ar∣mies were now still to be led through his own peace∣able Countries, from whence they were to be at all times plentifully relieved with Victuals and whatsoever else they needed. In which Opinion he was also confirmed by Sinan Bassa, who having in vain perswaded him to have made War against the Venetians, furthered now this War; in hope

thereby to recover his Credit and Reputation (be∣fore greatly impaired abroad by the little he did in Persia, as also at Constantinople, by the discord be∣twixt him and Ferat Bassa, commonly called the Black Serpent) as also to increase his Wealth and Riches; which shortly after sorted to his desire, be∣ing by the great Sultan Amurath appointed Gene∣ral for those Wars. But above all others, Hassan Bassa of Bosna furthered this matter, in hope there∣by to have gained great Riches, (as the Turks man∣ner is) together with the greatest Honours of the Field, as he was most vainly perswaded by his cold Prophets, to whom he gave no small credit. He therefore daily certified Amurath of the harms which the Vscocchi and other the Arch-duke's Servants and Subjects did upon the Frontiers of his Territories; telling him of their Burnings, Spoilings and Robbings, inciting him to begin his War in Croatia, and so to continue the same ei∣ther against the Emperour, or the Venetians, or else upon the sudden that way to break into Italy, as had sometime the like been done in the time of Mahomet, Bajazet, and Solyman, his noble Progeni∣tors; whereby to bring a great Terrour upon all the Princes of Italy, and to enrich his Souldiers with rich Spoils. By which his importunity he (as a most mortal Enemy not onely unto the House of Austria, but unto all Christendom) got leave to begin those stirs in the Frontiers of the Empire, which were first fatal unto himself, and have ever since even until this day notably exercised the Arms of these two last Othoman Emperours Amu∣rath and Mahomet; as also the Christian Emperour, with others his Friends and Confederates. Yet un∣to this leave granted unto the Bassa, was this Con∣dition at the first annexed, That he should not seem to do it by the Commandment of Amurath, but of himself, under colour to restrain the Vsocchi; who, as well by Land as by Sea (as he pretended) spoiled both the Christians and Turks, by the great liberty of the Princes of Austria, having small care to chasten them.

Now was it no great matter for Hassan Bassa to do what Amurath his great Lord and Master had commanded, for the disturbing of the Peace betwixt him and the Christian Emperour; the Turks Leagues with their neighbour Princes being seldom so reli∣giously kept, but that as well their Souldiers in Gar∣rison upon their Frontiers by Land, as their Ad∣venturers by Sea, might, to keep themselves doing, upon a Military Insolency (as the Turks term it) now and then at their pleasures make incursions for booty both by Sea and Land: which, answered with the like from their Neighbours so molested, there never wanted new Grievances, and just cau∣ses of Complaint, to the stirring up of greater trou∣bles even amongst the greatest Princes. The Veneti∣ans thus wronged at Sea, [year 1591] and their Merchants rob∣bed; by their Ambassadors complained at Constan∣tinople of the Injuries done them by the Turks Pi∣rats, requiring to have them called home and Ju∣stice done upon them. In like manner the Empe∣rour also, seeing many things both this year and the next attempted by Hassan Bassa in Croatia, and the other Turks in Hungary, contrary to the League, to the great disturbance of his Subjects in both those Countries, by his Ambassador then lying at Constantinople complained of these Outrages, desi∣ring to know whether they were done by the con∣sent and knowledge of Amurath or not; and if not, then to require that order might be taken for the restraining thereof; which was accordingly done, and those Incursions for a while stayed, and the former Peace continued. Amurath still making shew as if he were willing that the League agreed upon for eight years, should not be in any wise on his part infringed. At which time the Persian King's Son (the League not long before concluded) died in the Turks Court, where he lay in Hostage; whose dead body Amurath caused to be honourably sent home to his Father into Persia,* 7.17 with an Apology in defence of himself, against the suspicion concei∣ved by some, That he should have been the cause of the untimely death of that young Prince; still urging withal the confirmation of the League, which by the death of the Prince was like enough to have been broken. Whereof Amurath was the more desirous, for that perswaded by his Bassa's (as is aforesaid) to make Wars with the Emperour (al∣though he notably dissembled the same) he was in hope thereby to add unto his Empire the reliques of Hungary, with some good part of the Territory of the House of Austria also, and so to open himself a way into the heart of Germany. For which purposes he now caused very great preparation to be made, and a strong Army to be raised; and at the same time put a great Fleet of Gallies into the Archipela∣go, for the safety of his Islands in that Sea.

According to these Designments, [year 1592] the Bassa of Bosna, by the Commandment of Amurath, with an Army of fifty thousand entred into Croatia, and without resistance, burnt and destroyed the Coun∣try before him, sparing nothing that came in his way. And not so contented, laid siege to the City of Wihitz, being the metropolitical City of that Country, strongly scituate as it were in an Island, compassed about with the River Vna. Which Ci∣ty, after he had sore battered and twice assaulted, was by the distressed Defendants (now despairing of relief, and unable longer to hold it out) yielded unto the Bassa upon Composition,* 7.18 That the Ger∣man Souldiers there in Garrison, might in safety with bag and baggage depart; and that such of the Christian Citizens as would, might there still remain without hurt from the Turks, either in Body or Goods. Which Conditions the Bassa faithfully performed to the Garrison Souldiers, whom, in number but four hundred, he sent with safe con∣voy into their own Territory: but afterwards, con∣trary to his faith and promise, exercised all manner of Turkish Tyranny upon the poor Citizens. The Emperour, troubled with this unexpected Invasion of the Turks, sent the Lord Petzen (whom he had many times imployed in Embassages to the Turk) to pray Aid of the German Princes against the com∣mon Enemy. Who, according to the greatness of the danger, in large terms promised their help. The first that made head was Ernestus, Arch-duke of Austria, the Emperour's Brother, who with five thousand Souldiers came from Vienna to Savaria, commonly called Greis, the Metropolis of Stiria; to whom repaired daily more strength out of Ca∣rinthia.

In the mean time,* 7.19 the Turks Army daily increa∣sing in Croatia, inclosed six thousand Foot-men any five hundred Horse-men of the Christians, who had taken the Mountains, Woods, and streight Pas∣sages, and so hardly beset them, that of all that number few escaped with life: amongst whom many valiant Souldiers and expert Captains were slain; namely Iames Prants, George Plesbach, and Iohn Welverdurff. The Bassa, after the barbarous manner of the Turks, to make his Victory seem more famous, laded six Waggons with the Heads of the slain Christians. The Turks thus raging in Croatia, brought a general fear upon all Hungary, Bavaria, Bohemia, Stiria, Carinthia, Silesia, and the rest of the Provinces thereabouts. Whereupon the Emperour, calling together the States of Silesia and Moldavia, declared unto them the imminent dan∣ger; perswading them to ioyn their Forces with the rest, for the repulsing of so dangerous an Ene∣my, and so imminent a Danger.

After long delay, Ernestus the Arch-duke, the tenth of August came to the Emperour his Brother, with the Ambassadors of Hungary; and the seventh day after were called together the Embassadors of the Kingdoms and Provinces of the Empire; where it was throughly debated, how the Turks were to be resisted, and their attempts infringed; as also from whence Forces, Money, and other Warlike provisi∣on was to be raised: For now it was manifestly seen, that longer to delay the matter was dange∣rous▪ and the rather; for that the Beglerbeg or great Commander of Grecia, with threescore thou∣sand select Souldiers both Horse and Foot, of long time exercised in the Persian War, was e're long expected; who, joyning with the rest of the Turks Army, might do great matters both in Hungary and the Places adjoyning. For preventing of which so great and manifest dangers, they sate daily in Counsel in Prague, yea oftentimes even from morn∣ing untill night; for the Hungarians, and especial∣ly the Lord Nadasti, a most noble and valiant Gen∣tleman amongst them, instantly urged to have Suc∣cours sent into Hungary; forasmuch as the Turk∣ish Emperour, if he should get into his hands the rest of the Towns and Castles yet holden by the Christians in Hungary, it was to be feared lest he should in short time after endanger the whole state of Germany: the strength whereof the Turk feared not so much, as he did those poor reliques of Hun∣gary. Others were no less careful of the dangers of Croatia and Stiria, as more proper to themselves, the Enemy now there raging. In these so great dan∣gers, the Hungarians, with the rest of the distressed, cried upon the Emperour for help; and he like∣wise called upon the Princes of the Empire. Divers Assemblies were made in Bohemia, Hungary, Mora∣via, Silesia, and the other Provinces of the Empe∣rours, and Embassadors sent from almost all the German Princes to the Emperour: all was full of Consultation, but as for help that came in very slow∣ly; yet such as was to be had, was forthwith sent into Croatia, to defend the Fortresses there against the further attempts and proceedings of the furious Enemy.

* 7.20The eighteenth of September, the Turks, with all warlike Provision upon the sudden by Night as∣saulted the strong Castle of Toccay in the upper Hungary, in hope to have surprised it; but finding it a matter of more Difficulty than they had before imagined, they departed thence, and attempted the lesser Comara, which, standing in a marish Ground, was also easily defended. At which time also the Bassa of Buda with his Power entred into the Frontiers of the Christians, but having well viewed the Cities, Towns, Castles, and Forts upon those Borders, and finding nothing for his purpose, he without any thing doing returned again to Buda.

The six and twentieth day of September, Hassan, the Bassa of Bosna, incamped with his Army betwixt the Rivers of Kulp and Sauus, and in the Darkness of the Night passing over part of his Army into Turopolis,* 7.21 with Fire and Sword most miserably spoiled all that pleasant and fertile Island; the Lord of Bonny, to whom the keeping thereof was committed, labouring in vain to defend the same.

About the end of this Month, the Bassa of Ziget, with the Sanzacks of Mohas, Koppan, and Quinque Ecclesiae, and other Turks of great name, came with a strong Army, and encamped between Ziget and Rodesto. And shortly after News was brought to the Emperours Court, that Kanysia, a City of Sti∣ria (not far from the River Zala) was hardly be∣sieged by the Enemy, and that the Turks in com∣ing thither had taken many Christian Captives▪ whom they had sent to be sold at Constantinople; and that there was in the Turks Army about an hundred and sixty thousand men. But forasmuch as the Christian Army daily increased also, and was now grown to the number of threescore thou∣sand men, began to hope well that the Enemies Rage would be stayed from any further proceed∣ing. About the same time, Ernestus, the Arch-duke, appointed General of the Army, with the Marquess (Son to Ferdinand the Arch-duke) his Lieutenant, came both unto the Army.

In these Preparations, about the beginning of October, heavy News was brought unto the Empe∣rours Court, how that 7000 men, whom he but a little before had sent into Croatia under the Con∣duct of Thomas Artelius Beane, George Gleichspa∣cher, and Dionysius Denke, to hinder the Course of the Turks Proceedings, being incamped betwixt Wihitz and Carolstat, and having the twelfth of September discovered from an high Hill certain Companies of the Turks, (which were indeed of purpose come thither to view the Army of the Christians) sent out fifty Horsemen to discover the Turks Army where it lay, and what it attempted. Who, finding no more of the Turks than those whom they had before seen from the Mountain, returned again unto the Army with such simple Intelligence: whereunto the Christians giving Cre∣dit, became secure in their Tents, as Men out of Fear of the Enemy, and so kept but negligent Watch. But in this so great Security, the Enemy on a sudden came upon them, and with an hun∣dred thousand men brake into their Trenches; where the Christian Foot-men for all that, for the space of four hours maintained a notable fight, wherein many were on both sides slain. But the poor Christians being beset round, and oppressed with the Multitude of their Enemies, were slain almost all; yet the Captains seeing the Danger, by speedy flight saved their Lives; for which their Cowardise and careless Negligence, they were af∣terwards apprehended and beheaded. Almost all the common Souldiers were there slain; yea such as fell alive into the hand of the Enemy, were most cruelly cut in pieces. The spoil also of the Tents of the Christians fell unto the Enemy; wherein, beside the abundance of other things, they found sixty thousand Dollars, brought but two days before from the Lintz for the Souldiers pay: The Turks, after their barbarous manner, in Osten∣tation of their Victory, laded fourteen Waggons with the Heads of the slain Christians, which they sent unto divers places thereabouts. This was in∣deed a great Victory, but gained by the Turks with much Blood; for the Christians, fighting as men desperate, slew of their Enemies about twelve thousand, and died themselves as men rather with number oppressed, than with true Valour van∣quished.

The Night following, the Turks upon the sud∣den in the dead time of the Night surprised the Castle of St. George,* 7.22 and without respect of Age or Sex, cruelly put to the Sword all them that were therein, except an hundred and fifty Persons, whom they carried away Captives; and so setting the Castle on fire, departed. At the same time divers Companies of the Turks were seen about Siseg, who led away with them about six hundred Christians into most miserable Captivity. And that nothing might be wanting unto the Calamities of this so miserable a wasted Country, three hundred Wag∣gons charged with all manner of Provision, sent out of the Provinces thereby for the Relief of the Garrison Souldiers in Croatia, were all intercepted by the Turks, and so ••arried away.* 7.23

The Emperour, considering these Proceedings of the Turks, and that their Strength daily increased, gave notice by Writing, to all the Princes and States of the Empire, what Incursions the Turks

had of late made into Croatia and the Frontiers of Hungary, with other Places near unto them; and that the Beglerbeg of Graecia, with the Bassaes of Bosna, Buda, and Temeswar, without regard of the League yet in Force, had taken divers Cities, Towns, Castles, and strong Places, and so extend∣ed the bounds of their Dominion above forty Ger∣man Miles, having slain or carried away into Cap∣tivity the poor Inhabitants of those Countries; and now to be grown to that height of Pride, that ex∣cept their farther Proceedings were with like For∣ces repressed, they would in short time set Foot in∣to Germany it self, and possessing themselves of Sti∣ria and Carinthia, would from thence daily more and more incroach upon the Empire; which to hinder, was not in his Power only, but required their help in general. Wherefore he requested them now at length, in so publick a Danger to open their Coffers, and to send out their Forces against the common Enemy. Which Request of the Em∣perour, with the due Consideration of so great a Danger, moved not only the Princes and States of the Empire, but others also farther off, to yield li∣beral Contribution unto so necessary and general a Carse.

The Turks now hearing of the great Preparation of the Christian Princes, beside the Army which was already in the Field, and that they had made a strong Bridg over the River of Drauus, which they had also fortified, thereby in safety at their Pleasure to transport their Army; without further delay furnished such Places as they had gotten with strong Garrisons, and so withdrew themselves into their own Territory; which they did the ra∣ther, for that the Plague then raged sore in Con∣stantinople, insomuch that there died a thousand a day. Which Contagion had also taken hold of the Turkish Army; so that the Christians for fear of Infection, forthwith shew what Turk soever fell into their hands. And thus ended the Troubles of this year, being as it were an Introduction for greater to ensue the year following.

[year 1593] The Turks, together with the beginning of the new year, began also their wonted Incursions into the Frontiers of the Christians.* 7.24 They of the Gar∣rison of Petrinia, (a strong Fort, but lately, and contrary to the League, built by the Turks upon the River of Colapis or Kulp, for the further Invasion of Croatia) made daily Incursions out of that new Fort, and entring into the Island Turopolis, spoiled and burnt the Town and Castle of Beck-Vochobinam, and having made a great slaughter, carried away with them 400 Prisoners. And in Hungary the Turkish Garrisons, to supply their Wants, made di∣vers Inrodes upon the Christians, and did exceeding much harm; of which Adventures, six hundred in passing over the frozen Lake, were all drowned in the midst thereof. In another place, three thou∣sand of them near unto Nuhuse, divided themselves into two Companies; whereof the one shewed it self in the sight of the Towns-men, the other still lying in ambush. They of the Town, upon the sight of these Turks, sallied out, and causing them to retire, followed them so far, that they were past the Place where the rest of the Turks lay; who presently starting up, ran with all speed toward the Town, in hope to have surprised it, and wanted not much of that they desired; for there was scarce an hundred of the Germans there in Garrison left in the Town, who had scarce so much time as to draw up the Bridges; which done, they with the great Ordnance from the Walls, en∣forced the Turks to retire and forsake the Town. About the same time also, the Turks in Garrison at Petrinia, sallying out upon the sudden, took the Town of Martenize, which they spoiled; and ha∣ving slain and taken about seven hundred Persons, set fire on the Town, and so returned, having lost in this Exploit not past an hundred and fifty of their own Men. Not long after, the same Garri∣son Souldiers of Petrinia took another Castle three miles distant from the River of Kulp, whereinto the Christians dwelling round about had for fear of the Enemy conveyed all their Wealth, with great store of Victuals; all which the Turks took, and having slain six hundred-men in the Castle, return∣ed with an exceeding rich booty to Petrinia; which they bought with the Lives of five hundred of their Fellows, slain in taking of the Castle. With like Insolency did also the other Garrisons of the Turks rage in all the other parts of Hungary. About Sassovia in the upper Hungary, they carried away about three hundred Christian Captives. And in the nether part of Hungary, they took the strong Castle of S. Hedwig, upon the Lake of Balaton, which they spoiled and burnt; and so likewise the Castle of Isna: but attempting the lesser Coma∣ra, they were by the Garrison Souldiers valiantly repulsed. They also fortified the Castle of Stock, which they had but a little before taken, that so it might serve for a safe Refuge for their Adventu∣rers. Which their manifold Outrages, contrary to the League, evidently declared the desire they had to begin that bloody War which presently af∣ter ensued; and was indeed the more suspected, for that at the same time the Emperours Ambassa∣dor, Frederick Corcowitts, was by the Command∣ment of Amurath shut up close in his House at Con∣stantinople, and not suffered to speak with any man, neither to write or to send any Messenger to the Emperour; which caused him the more to suspect some great matter to be by the Turk intended, and therefore began to raise new Forces. The Hunga∣rians and Bohemians also seeing their Towns and Castles thus taken, their Provinces spoiled, infinite number of People led away into Captivity, and the Enemy daily increasing in strength; at length agreed upon their own Charges to maintain a cer∣tain number both of horse and foot, for the repres∣sing of these the Turkish Incursions.

Now although the Emperour knew right well all these Outrages of the Turks, contrary unto the League, could not be done without the knowledge and good-liking also of Amurath (as before inform∣ed thereof by his Ambassador from Constantinople) yet, to shew himself willing to have the League on his behalf kept, as also to make a further proof of Amurath his Resolution for Peace or War, he wrote unto him as followeth:

Rodolph the Second, Emperour of the Ro∣mans, unto Amurath the Third, King of the Turks,

WHereas nothing is hitherto on our behalf omitted for the preservation and conti∣nuance of the League and Amity betwixt your most Excellent Majesty and Us,* 8.1 by the renewed Capitulations of Peace; and that we have with all sincerity and love performed, and are hereaf∣ter ready to perform whatsoever is on our part to be performed and done; and as we have hither∣to, so for ever hereafter also make offer of the same; we most assuredly promise unto our selves on your Majesties behalf, that you in like man∣ner will not suffer any thing on your part to be wanting; but gladly and willingly to do all things which shall be meet and needful for the preservation and keeping of this our mutual love and friendship. Upon which good hope ground∣ing our selves, to declare our plain meaning and sincerity indeed, we will cause our honourable Present (which is now ready) to be brought unto

your most Royal Majesty, at such time as shall be agreed upon betwixt our Ambassador and you; unto whom in all such matters as he by our Com∣mandment shall have to deal with your most Excellent Majesty, your Visiers, or Servants, we request you to give full Credence. In the mean time, your Excellency shall do well to provide, that as we have now severely commanded our Subjects to keep the Peace upon our Frontiers, so that your Souldiers also make no Incursions as Enemies into our Territories, nor do in them any harm, but to endeavour themselves also to Peace and Quietness; and especially, that all such things, as contrary to the Capitulations of the League have been there of late taken from our People, or otherwise unjustly possessed, may be again restored, the Losses recompenced, the new Fort of Petrinia demolished, and the Bassa of Bos∣na and others, the Authours of breaking of the League, punished and displaced; whereby we shall gather your Royal Majesties most noble and kind affection towards Us and our State, which, as it shall be a thing most just, so shall it be a sin∣gular Confirmation of our League. But concern∣ing these Matters, and others to the same belong∣ing, our Ambassador is to declare our Mind more at large, that so our prest desire for the continu∣ance of our League and Friendship with your Ma∣jesty, may more plainly be known. So wish we all Health and Prosperity unto your most Royal Majesty. From Prague the eighth of March, 1593.

The Emperour also, at the same time, and to the same purpose, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Sinan Bassa in this sort:

Rodolph the Second, Emperour of the Ro∣mans, to Sinan Bassa, the Chief Visier, greeting:

* 9.1WE write at this present unto your most Ex∣cellent Emperour, our most honoured Friend and Neighbour, concerning such matters as we thought fit for the Preservation of the Peace and League betwixt us, lest haply other∣wise we might seem to have forgotten our Duty. Now it shall well-beseem your uprightness and good will, which we have at other times proved, for the high Place and Authority which you hold (and which we rejoyce to be again restored unto you) to give unto these things such easie passage before his Majesty; as that we may acknowledge your kindness and favour, and have occasion therefore to shew our selves unto you thankful. First, we offer our selves most ready to continue the Peace, and to perform whatsoever is accord∣ing to the conventions of the renewed Peace on our part to be performed; as also to send the ho∣nourable Present (which is not as yet by us sent) when as our Ambassador shall have with you ap∣pointed any certain time wherein it may be sent. And we also assuredly hope so to prevail with your Emperour, that on your part the Places within our Territories, by your People forcibly possessed, together with all such things as have been wrongfully taken away, may be again re∣stored, and the Fort of Petrinia razed. The Bassa of Bosna also (who we think would have been kept within the compass of Duty, if you had at that time held the Place of the chief Visier) and whosoever else, guilty of the wicked breach of the League, to be worthily according to their deserts punished and displaced, and your Souldiers severe∣ly charged not to make any farther Incursions, nor to do any thing that may ••end to the breach of the League▪ as we likewise shall with new and strait Commands most carefully restrain our Gar∣rison Souldiers upon our Frontiers, from all such Incursions and Enemies Actions. But of these things our Ambassador is more fully and at large to entreat with you; unto whose Speech we desire such Credence to be given as unto our own; and we will so provide, that you shall have good proof of our great good will towards you. From Prague the eighth of March, 1593.

Vnto which the Emperours Letters, Sinan return∣ed answer as followeth:

Sinan Bassa, Chief Visier to Amurath the Third, Emperour of the Turks; unto Ro∣dolph the Second, Emperour of the Romans, greeting.

BY these we give your Majesty to understand,* 10.1 That two of your Majesties Letters were brought hither before we were chosen and confir∣med Chief Visier in this most Royal Court; wherein your Majesty excuses your self, and shews the causes why the sending of the wonted Presents hath been so long deferred, by laying the fault upon the Insolency of our Garrison Souldiers in Bosna, and the breach of the publick Peace; Which your Letters being by us read before our most mighty Emperour, his Highness in great choler burst out into these words, And thy Son, the Beglerbeg of Buda, hath still hitherto writ, and given us to understand, that the usual Presents would certainly come, and that the King of Vienna would not in any case consent unto the breach of the League, or of the Amity betwixt us and him; and yet for all that, the Presents are not hitherto come; wherefore thy Sons Writings and Relations are not true. But now the Bassa of Bosna hath sent word unto the Court, That your Majesty will not send them, and all your doings to be but meer deceit and fraud. For which cause our most Mighty Empe∣rour hath removed my Son from his Place in Buda, and rewarded the Bassa of Bosna with ho∣nourable Garments, whereas my Son is for your Majesties sake displaced. Now on our behalf no∣thing is done against the Peace, but our Souldiers as with a Bridle kept in; whereas on your Maje∣sties part excursions and harms into the Territo∣ries of our Emperour never cease, especially into Bosna, whereinto your Souldiers have of late in warlike manner broken, although they were by our Garrisons over-come, their great Ordnance taken▪ and brought hither unto the Court. Where∣fore, seeing the case so standeth, your Majesty is to resolve us upon two points; whereof the first is, Whether you be minded to keep friendship with us as beseemeth; and to send hither the two last years Presents, or not? And the second, Whe∣ther you will set at liberty our Captive Sanzacks, or no? Now if your Majesty shall be content to keep the League, and within these two Months next, to send the two years Presents, as also to dis∣miss our Sanzacks; the League shall on our part be likewise undoubtedly kept, your Territo∣ries shall be in no case molested, such Christian Captives as your Majesty shall require, be inlar∣ged, and a most firm and sure Friendship by us continued. Whereas if you shall upon any cause or excuse longer delay the sending of those ho∣nourable Presents, and unto these our Demands send us nothing but certain vain and windy An∣swers; let God on High be therefore for ever praised: for now our most Mighty and Victori∣ous Emperour, who wanteth neither Ability nor Power, hath Commanded, That we our self should in Person go in this War; and putting our Confidence in the Highest, with the Army of the right-believing Turks to come into those Parts.

And therefore assure your Majesty, that we will not fail there to encounter you; at which time shall appear unto the World, what is by God our Creator (whose Holy Name be for ever blessed) in his deep Wisdom pre-ordained and set down for Us. Wherefore, seeing that all which con∣cerneth the League, together with the safety and quiet of our People on both sides, is unto your Majesty thus declared; you are to consider the End, and to follow our good Advice; whereas if otherwise you shall be the cause of the breach of this so wholsom a Peace and Unity, (which we hitherto have so sincerely and firmly kept) the excuse thereof both in this World and in the World to come, shall lie upon your self. Now we request of you no more, but forthwith to send us answer of these our Letters. As for the rest, well may he speed that taketh the right way. From Constantinople the last of the Month * 10.2 Giuma Zuleuel, in the year of our Holy Prophet Mahomet 10001.

Yet for all these fair offers of Peace thus made by Sinan Bassa in his Letters, was his purpose nothing less than to have performed the same, seeking one∣ly to have drawn the two years Presents from the Emperour, amounting to a great sum of Money, and so nevertheless to have prosecuted the inteded War; the Emperour being the onely man of whom Amurath his great Master had, amongst all the Christian Princes, made choice of to exercise his force upon. Of all which things the Emperour was not ignorant, being thereof (as we said) fully before by his Ambassador advertised from Con∣stantinople.

These Troubles of the Spring thus past, ensued the Summer much more troublesome, for Hassan, Bassa of Bosna, chief author and deviser of these Broils, ceased not, for the increase of his Credit, to work what mischief he could against the Christians that bordered upon him. This great Bassa mortal∣ly hated the Governour, or as some call him, the Abbot of Siseg, a strong Castle scituate upon the borders of that part of Croatia, yet holden by the Christians, where the River Kulp falleth into the famous River of Sauus or Saw, (and was indeed the very Bulwark of that Countrey) the cause of which his hatred is reported to have been this. The year before, the Bassa had sent a Messenger to this Abbot, to require him to deliver the Castle or Monastery unto him; which Messenger for cer∣tain days the Abbot entertained with many ho∣nourable Speeches, learning in the mean time of him so much as he possibly could of the Bassaes in∣tention, with what Power, in what Place, and with what Engines he had determined to besiege the Castle. In the mean time it was discovered, that his Steward had long before plotted with the Turk to have betrayed the Castle, and had for certain years past received of him a yearly Pension. Up∣on which occasion, the Abbot caused both the Messenger and his own Steward to be apprehend∣ed, and so fast bound hand and foot, to be cast out at a Window of the Castle into the River of Saw. The Bassa seeing his Messenger not to return, sent, another to the Abbot; grievously threatning him, if he did not send him back again his Messenger; Whereunto the Abbot answered, That he had dis∣missed him certain days before, and therefore marvelled if he were not as yet returned; ne∣vertheless concerning his demand, That he was re∣solved to yield the Monastery unto the Bassa, against whose Forces he saw himself unable to hold it; requesting only, that it would please him to send some men of account to receive it at his hand, for that it would be no small dishonour unto him to deliver it up unto common Souldiers. The Bas∣sa, glad of this message, sent forthwith certain prin∣cipal men of great account, hoping now without any loss to have that strong Place yielded unto him, which had so long time stood in his way. Three days after, certain Troops of Horse-men, sent from the Bassa, came to the Monastery, as was appointed, and finding the Gates open, entred, first the Noblemen, and after them five hundred others, or thereabouts; who were no sooner with∣in the Gates, but that the Portcullis was let fall, and certain murthering Pieces (secretly placed in the Court for that purpose) discharged; with the vio∣lence whereof, the Turks that were already entred, were most miserably rent in pieces, their Heads, Arms, and Legs, flying in the Air; when present∣ly the Garrison Souldiers, starting out of their lurk∣ing places, made a quick dispatch of all them that had escaped the fury of the great Artillery. The rest of the Turks, shut out, hearing the noise and cry of them within, turning their Horses, betook them∣selves to speedy flight. The great Bassa, hearing of this slaughter of his men, and how he had been deceived; swore in great rage by his Mahomet, to raze this Monastery down to the ground, and to pluck the Abbot's skin over his ears: and so by threatning Letters gave him to understand, as fol∣loweth:

Hassan, Bassa of Bosna, unto the Abbot of Siseg.

It is not to thee unknown,* 11.1 how often we have sent unto thee our Messengers with Letters, declaring unto thee our Love and good Will; requesting thee in friendly sort, and without further resistance, to yield up unto us thy Fortress of Siseg, not longer to be by thee holden. Vnto which our Request thou hast hitherto most wilfully at thy Pleasure opposed thy self, not with∣out the slaughter of our men; and in so doing, hast given cause unto the great Sultan to overthrow and raze that thy Fortress, whereof thou for the Emperour wilt needs be the chief. Thinkest thou it will ••e for thy good, or yet well taken, that thou hast so shameful∣ly and perfidiously circumvented and slain our Ambas∣sadors and Servants sent unto thee? Nay, assure thy self, that if Mahomet grant us Life, we will never give over the siege of that thy Fort, wherein thou so much trustest, until I have before thy Face overthrown it, and (if thy God shall give thee alive into my hands) have pluck'd thy Skin over thine Ears, to the great re∣proach and shame of the Christians; for I am fully resolved, not to depart from this place, but to continue the siege thereof until I have it. Let a little time yet pass, and thou shalt see thy self on every side besieged, thy Fort with more and greater pieces of Artillery than ever, battered, and our Power strong enough to con∣strain thee. Thou hast hitherto put thy greatest hope and comfort in the * 11.2 Banne Erodius, for whom, by the help of Mahomet we are too much strong. In brief, we are of nothing more careful than how to get thee into our Power; which if we do, look not for any Mer∣cy at our hands.

Neither was the Bassa unmindful of his Promise, or of the loss he had received,* 11.3 but now in the be∣ginning of Iune, with an Army of thirty thousand Horse and Foot, came and besieged the Fortress of Trenschiin, which with continual Battery and often Assaults he at length took, sacked the Town, slew most part of the Inhabitants, except 800, or there∣abouts of the younger sort, which he carried away with him into Captivity.* 11.4 And being proud of this Victory, removed thence by a Bridge which he had made, passed over the River, and so the twel••th of Iune, came and incamped before the Monastery of Siseg; and after vain summons given to the same, the next day caused his great Ordnance to be planted, and with great Fury thundering against

the Walls, in short time overthrew the new Tow∣er, in the fall whereof two of the Christian Cano∣neers perished. This furious Battery he maintain∣ed by the space of ten days w••thout intermission, giving no time of rest unto the besieged; so that it seemed not possible for the Monastery to be any long time defended, if it were not with speed re∣lieved. The Bishop of Zagrabia, and Rupertus Eggenberg, General of the Emperors Forces that then were at Zagrabia, gave knowledge thereof to Andrew Lord Aversberg, Governour of Carolstat, craving his aid and counsel: who calling together his own Forces, raised a good number of good Horse and Foot, and called also unto him the bor∣dering Horsemen of Karnia and Carainia; who the 17th day of Iune met all together not far from Instawitz, and there tarried that night. The next day, passing over the River Sauus near unto Zagra∣bia, they joyned themselves with the Emperors Forces, and matched the 19th day in good order to Sceline, where they expected the coming of County Serinus. The 20th day Peter Herdelius with his Hussars, and the Lord Stephen Graswein, came into the Camp, with many of those light Horsemen whom the Hungarians called Vscocchi. The 21st day they lodged at Gradium, still expect∣ing the coming of the County Serinus, who, other∣wise busied, could not come. The next day af∣ter, a Souldier sent out from the besieged, came into the Camp, who gave the Captains to under∣stand, that except they made haste that day to re∣lieve the distressed Monastery, it would undoubt∣edly be lost, for that the Enemy had made it assault∣able, and would that night give the assault; and the defendants doubting how they should be able to maintain the Place, began before his departure thence to think of composition with the Enemy. Upon which news, the Captains forthwith began to consult among themselves, what course to take in so doubtful and dangerous a case: where Avers∣berg was of opinion, that it were best to march on, and to give the Enemy Battel; with whom also agreed the Lord Rederen: the rest of the Captains being of a contrary mind, for that the strength of the Christians compared to the Turks▪ was too weak; and therefore they thought it better in time to re∣tire whilst▪ they yet might, than to hazard unto most manifest peril the lives of so many valiant men, at so great odds. At which counsel Avers∣berg was at the first much moved, but afterwards (as he was a man of great eloquence) plainly set before them the necessity of the Cause, and with lively Reasons cheared up the fearful Croati∣ans; notably perswading them all in general, to but their whole trust and confidence in God, to whom it was as easie to give Victory by few, as by many: and to fight like valiant men, for their Religion, their Countrey, their Lives, their Wives, their Children and Friends, and whatsoever else they held dear, against that cowardly Enemy, whose valour never brought him into the Field, but only the vain trust he had in his multitude; and would therefore no doubt easily be put to flight, if he should contrary to his expectation find himself but a little hardly laid unto. With these and other like Reasons he prevailed so much, that they all yielded to his opinion, and with one consent resolved to go against the Enemy, and to do what they might to relieve their be∣sieged Friends. So upon a sign given, the whole Army (in number not above 4000) forthwith re∣moved, and with great speed hasted towards the Enemy; and being come within a mile of the Camp,* 11.5 put themselves in order of Battel. The Turks by their Espials understanding of the ap∣proach of the Christians, brought all their Horse∣men over the River of Kulp, by a Bridge which they had made, and having put themselves in or∣der, came on to joyn Battel with the Christians: who had in their Vauntgard placed the Croatians and Hussars; in the left wing them of Carolstat, and the Hasquebusiers of Karnia; in the right wing the borderers of Carainia, all Horsemen; in the main Battel the rest of the Souldiers, with the Horsemen of Silesia, under the conduct of Sigis∣mund Paradise; the Rereward was inclosed with three Companies of the Emperors Souldiers. The Croatians and Hussars in the Vantgard gave the first charge upon the Enemy: but having for a good space made a great Fight, they were about to have retired, and, discouraged with the multi∣tude of the Enemies, were even upon the point to have fled: when Aversberg (General of the Chri∣stian Army) came on with his Squadron, and not only restored the Battel, but so resolutely charged the main Battel of the Turks, that the Bassa was constrained at the first to retire, and afterwards to fly, after whom all the rest of the Army followed▪ The Christians still keeping their array, pursued them with great speed,* 11.6 and coming to the new made Bridge before them, took from them that passage, to the great discomfiture of the Turks; who seeing the miserable slaughter of themselves, and no way to escape, ran headlong some into the River Odera, some into Kulp, and were there for the most part drowned; the rest were all slain by the Christians, before determined not to take any Prisoners. In the mean time, the Turks that re∣mained at the Siege, understanding of the over∣throw of their fellows, set fire on their Powder and other Provision, and so in great fear betook them∣selves to flight. Whose Tents the Christians im∣mediately after took, and in them nine great pie∣ces of Artillery, and good store of great Shot of 44 and 45 pound weight apiece, with the sumptuous Pavilion of the Bassa, and much other rich Spoil, which was all carried into the Monastery of Siseg. The number of the Turks slain in this Battel, and drowned in the Rivers,* 11.7 is of divers diversly re∣ported, but most agree upon 18000. And a∣mongst them was Hassan Bassa himself, found in the River near unto the Bridge, known by his most rich and sumptuous Apparel; and near unto him Mahomet-Beg, and Achmet-Beg. In other pla∣ces were also found the dead Bodies of Saffer-Beg, the Bassaes Brother, of Menibeg, Haramatan-Beg, Curti▪ Beg, O perd Beg, and Goschus, the Bassaes chief Counsellor, and Master of his Houshold. But of all others, the untimely death of Sinan-Beg, A∣murath's Nephew, his Sisters only Son, sent thi∣ther to have learned the Feats of Arms under Has∣san the great Bassa, was of the Turks most lament∣ed. Of 20000 Turks that came over the River Kulp, scarcely 2000 escaped. This so great a Vi∣ctory obtained, all the Army of the Christians went thrice about the Monastery, and every time fal∣ling all down upon their knees, gave unto God most hearty thanks for the same, as by him mira∣culously given, and not by themselves won; and afterwards made all the shew of joy and gladness they could possibly devise.

Siseg thus delivered, and the Turks Army over∣thrown, the Christians with all speed laid siege to Petrinia, the strong new Fort of the Turks, which they for the space of five days most furiously bat∣tered: but hearing that the great Governour of Graecia (whom the Turks call the Beglerbeg of Ro∣mania▪) was with a great power coming to the re∣lief of the Fort, they raised their Siege, brake up their Army,* 11.8 and returned every man to his wont∣ed charge.

Whilst these things were in doing at Petrinia, a Post came from Constantinople to Buda, who brought thither the first news of the overthrow of

Siseg; for the report thereof was not as yet come to Buda; wherefore the Bassa called unto him the Messenger, Authour of so bad News, and diligent∣ly examined him of the truth thereof; who told him, That at his departure from Constantinople, no∣thing was there known of that loss, but that upon the way as he came, he met with divers Horse∣men, but lately escaped from the slaughter, who told him of a certainty, that the Bassa was slain, and his Army destroyed. Whereunto the Bassa of Buda replyed, That he was happy in his Death, for that if he had by chance escaped, he should for his Indiscretion undoubtedly have suffered some other more shameful Death at the Court.

When News of the aforesaid Victory was brought to the Emperour at Prague, he command∣ed publick Prayers, with thanksgiving to Almigh∣ty God to be made in all Churches; and sent a Messenger with Letters to Amurath, to know of him how he understood these insolent Proceedings of his Souldiers, and especially this late Expedition of the Bassa of Bosna and his Complices, contrary to the League, yet in force betwixt them. After which Messenger he sent also the Lord Popelius, with the yearly Present (or rather Tribute) he used to send unto the Turkish Emperour at Constan∣tinople; yet with this charge, that when he was come as far as Comara in the Borders of Hungary, he should there stay until the return of the afore∣said Messenger; who, if he brought Tidings of Peace from Amurath, then to proceed on his Jour∣ney to the Turks Court; otherwise, to return again with his Present; as he afterwards did. For Amu∣rath, enraged with the notable loss received at Si∣seg, and prick'd forward with the Tears and Pray∣ers of his Sister (desirous of nothing more than to be revenged for the death of her Son) the seventh of August caused open War to be proclaimed against the Christian Emperour, both at Constantinople and Buda. The managing whereof he committed to Sinan Bassa, the old Enemy of the Christians, his Lieutenant-General, and perswader of this War; who, departing from Constantinople with an Army of forty thousand, wherein were 5600 Ianizaries, was by Amurath himself and the great Men of the Court brought a mile on his way; having in charge from the great Sultan, by the assistance of the Beglerbeg of Graece, the Bassaes of Buda and Te∣mesware, and other his Sanzacks and Commanders in that part of his Empire, to revenge the Death of his Nephew, and the Dishonour received at Siseg;

This War Amurath with great Pride denounced unto the Christian Emperour, and the rest of the Princes his Confederates in this sort.

Amurath the Third, by the Grace of the great God in Heaven, the only Monarch of the World, a great and mighty God on Earth, an invincible Caesar, King of all Kings, from the East unto the West, Sultan of Babylon, Sovereign of the most noble Families of Persia and Armenia, triumphant Victor of Hierusalem, Lord possessor of the Sepul∣chre of the crucified God, Subverter and sworn Enemy of the Christians, and of all them that call upon the Name of Christ.* 12.1

WE denounce unto thee, Rodolph the Emperour, and to all the German Nation taking part with thee, unto the great Bishop also, all the Cardinals and Bishops, to all your Sons and Subjects; we earnest∣l•• (I say) by our Crown and Empire denounce unto you open War. And give you to understand, that our purpose is, with the Power of thirteen Kingdoms, and certain hundred thousands of men, Horse and Foot, with our Turks and Turkish Armes, yea, with all our Strength and Power (such as neither thou nor any of thine hath ever yet seen or heard of, much less had any proof of) to besiege you in your chief and Metropo∣litical Cities, and with Fire and Sword to persecute you and all yours, and whosoever shall give you help, to burn, destroy, and kill, and with the most exquisite Torments we can devise, to torture unto Death, and slay such Christian Captives as shall fall into our hands, or else to keep them as Dogs, Captives in perpetual Mi∣sery; to empale upon Stakes your fairest Sons and Daughters; and, to the further shame and reproach of you and yours, to kill like Dogs your Women great with Child, and the Children in their Bellies; for now we are fully resolved to bring into our Subjection, you which rule but in a small Country, and by strong hand and force of Arms to keep from you your King∣dom, as also to oppress, root up, and destroy the Keys and See of Rome, together with the golden Scepter thereof; and we will prove whether your crucified Ie∣sus will help you, and do for you as yours perswade you. Believe him still, and trust in him, and see how he hath holpen his Messengers which have put their Confidence in him; for we neither believe, neither can we endure to hear such incomprehensible things, that he can help, which is dead so many Worlds of years ago, which could not help himself, nor deliver his own Country and Inheritance from our Power, over which we have so long time reigned. These things, O ye poor and miserable of the World, we thought good to signifie unto you, that you with your Princes and Confederates may know what you have to do and to look for. Given in our most Mighty and Imperial City of Constantinople, which our Ancestors by force of Arms took from yours, and having slain or taken Priso∣ners all their Citizens, reserved such of their Wives and Children as they pleased, unto their Lust, to your perpetual Infamy and Shame.

Sinan, with his Army thus setting forward, kept still on his way towards Buda, but the Beglerbeg of Graecia with a far greater Power marched towards Croatia, as well to relieve the Forts distressed by the Christians, as again to besiege the strong Castle or Monastery of Siseg;* 12.2 which he with his huge Ar∣my at his first arrival compassed about without re∣sistance, and with continual Battery overthrew the Walls thereof; giving no time of rest unto the Defendants. Which breaches they for all that valiantly defended, and with restless Labour nota∣bly repaired; the very fearful Women bringing Ta∣bles, Stools, and whatsoever else came to hand, that might any wise help to keep the Enemy out, of whom a great number was in the breaches slain; but what was that handful against such a Multi∣tude? At length, the third day of September, the Turks by main force entred the Monastery, and put to the Sword all the Souldiers therein; among whom were 200 Germans, of whom the Turks cut some in pieces, and the rest they threw into the River Kulp. One religious man there found among the rest, they did flea quick in Detestation of his Profession, and afterward cutting him in small pieces, burnt them to Ashes. So taking the spoil of all that was there to be had, and leaving a strong Garrison for the keeping of the Place, they passed over Sauus, burning the Country before them, and carrying away with them about a thousand poor Christians into perpetual Captivity. These Invasi∣ons of the Turks, caused the Emperour to crave Aid both of the States of the Empire, and other foreign Princes farther off, which was by some easily granted, but not so speedily performed.

About this time, Peter, sirnamed le Hussar, (for that he commanded over those Horsemen, whom the Hungarians call Hussars) Captain of Pappa, by

the appointment of Ferdinand, County Hardeck Governour of Rab, lay in wait for the Turks Treasurer in Hungary, who had the command of 5000 Turks; him this Hungarian took at Advan∣tage, as he was mustering and paying certain Com∣panies of his Souldiers, mistrusting no such danger, and desperately charging him, ••lew him with di∣vers of his men, and put the rest to flight; and so with the spoil, and some few Prisoners, he return∣ed again to his Castle, carrying with him the Trea∣surer.

* 12.3Now Sinan, the General, being come with his Army to Buda, resolved with himself to begin his Wars in that part of Hungary, with the siege of Vesprinium. This Episcopal City was by Solyman, the great Turk, taken from the Christians in the year 1552, and again by them recovered about fourteen years after, about the year 1566; since which time untill now, it had remained in the hands of the Christians. Sinan, without delay marching with his Army to Vesprinium, compassed the City round, and encamping as he saw good, planted his Battery, wherewith he continually thundered against the City. The Christians there in Garrison, easily perceiving that the City was not long to be holden against so great a Power, placed divers Barrels of Gun-powder in certain Mines they had made under the Walls and Bulwarks of the Town, with Trains that should at a certain time take Fire. Which done, they departed secretly out of the City in the dead time of the Night, hoping so in the Dark to have escaped the hand of the Enemy; which they did not so secretly, but that they were by the Turks descried, and most of them slain. Ferdinand Samaria, Governour of the City, after he had for a space valiantly defended him∣self, fell at last into the Enemies hand, and so was taken alive, together with one Hofkirke, a German Captain. The Turks entred the City the sixth of October, striving who should get in first▪ for gree∣diness of the Prey, when suddenly the Powder in the Mines took fire, and blowing up the very foun∣dations of the Walls and Bulwarks, slew a num∣ber of the Turks that were within the Danger thereof, and wonderfully defaced the City.

From Vesprinium the Bassa removed with his Army to Palotta,* 12.4 and gave summons to the Castle; but receiving such answer as pleased him not, he laid siege unto it with all his Power. Which at the first, Peter Ornand, Captain of the Castle, chear∣fully received; but being afterward without any great cause discouraged, (the Castle as yet being but little shaken, and but one man slain, and the rest of the Souldiers ready to spend their Lives in defence thereof) he sent unto the Bassa, offering to yield the Castle unto him, so that he with his Souldiers might with Bag and Baggage in safety depart. Of which his offer the Bassa accepted, and granted his Request. But he was no sooner come but of the Castle with his Souldiers, and ready to depart, but the faithless Turk, contrary to his Oath and Promise, caused them all to be cruelly slain, except only the Captain, and two other. After that, the Bassa without any great Labour, took in all the Country thereabouts, near unto the Lake of Balaton.

Now at last, though long first, about the middle of October, the Christians began to muster their Ar∣my, in number about 18000, all good and expert Souldiers; with which Power they shortly after passing over Danubius, at the first encounter with the Turks, put them to the worse, slew a great number of them, and rescued a number of poor Christian Captives.

In the latter end of this Month, County Hardeck, Governour of Rab,* 12.5 and General of the Christian Army in that part of Hungary, departing from Comaria with all his Power, came and laid siege to the strong City of Alba Regalis, which by the Force of his Artillery he in short time made assaulta∣ble; but in assaulting the Breaches, was by the Turks there in Garrison notably repulsed. So ha∣ving made sufficient proof both of the Strength and Courage of the Defendants, and perceiving no good could be done without a long siege, for which he was not as then provided; after Consultation had with the rest of the Captains, he resolved to raise his Siege, which he did the second of Novem∣ber; removing that day but half a mile from the City, because he would be sure of all his Army. But as he was about the next day to remove, News was brought him by his Espials, that the Enemies Power was at hand, and even now almost in sight, which proved to be so indeed. For the Bas∣sa of Buda, by the command of Sinan Bassa the General, was come forth with thirteen Sanzacks, and twenty thousand Souldiers, thirty Field-pieces, and five hundred Waggons laden with Victual and other Warlike Provision, to raise the Siege, and to relieve the City; and was now even at hand, comming directly upon the Christians; whereupon the County, assisted by the County Serinus, the Lord Palfi, the Lord Nadasti, Peter le Hussar, and other valiant Captains of great Expe∣rience, with wonderful Celerity put his Army in order of Battel, and so courageously set forward to encounter the Enemy. The Bassa, seeing the Chri∣stians marching towards him, took the Advantage of the higher Ground, and from thence discharged his Field-pieces upon them; which, mounted too high, by good hap did them little or no hurt at all. The Christians for all that, desirous of Battel, and nothing regarding the Disadvantage of the Ground, but calling upon the Name of the Almighty, mounted the Hill, and joyning Battel with the Turks, by plain force constrained them to flie. In this Army of the Turks, being for most part Horse∣men, were about five thousand foot, and many of them Ianizaries, who in flying, oftentimes made stands, and wounded many, and yet nevertheless were almost all there slain, with many others; amongst whom were three great Men, the San∣zacks of Strigonium, Setchine, and Novigrade; se∣ven Chiaus, and many other men of mark, the most valiant Captains of the Turks Borderers. The Lord Nadasti, with some others, taking view of the Turks that were slain and lost in this Battel, deemed them to have been at the lea••t, in number eight thousand; few Prisoners were saved, all be∣ing put to the Sword, with caused Sinan to swear by his Mahomet, never more to spare any Christi∣an. All the Turks Artillery, Waggons, and Provisi∣on, became a Prey unto the Christians; many En∣signes were there found, and Weapons of great Value. It is hard to be believed, how much this Victory encouraged the Christians, and daunted the Turks. Whereupon the County with great Joy brought back his Army to Alba Regalis, and en∣camped near the Bulwark called Stopasch, where the Turks most feared to be assaulted, Palfi, Nada∣sti, and some others, earnestly perswaded with the County, not to depart from the City before he had won it; but he, considering the hard time of the year, the strength of the City, (which was now full of Souldiers, by reason of them that were fled in thither from the late overthrow) with the want of things necessary in his Army to maintain a longer Siege; and fearing also after long lying, to be en∣forced with Dishonour to forsake it, would not hearken to their Perswasions, but calling a Coun∣cil, resolved to raise his Siege, and to content him∣self with the Victory he had already gotten; which was afterward imputed unto him for more than an oversight. So setting Fire upon the Sub∣urbs

of the City, he rose with his Army, and de∣parted thence the fifth of November, and returned to Rab.

* 12.6Not long after, Christopher Lord Teuffenbach, the Emperours Lieutenant in the upper part of Hungary, who lay encamped at Cassovia, with his Army of fourteen thousand Souldiers removed thence, and marching along the Country two days, came and laid siege to Sabatzka, one of the Turks strongest Castles in those quarters, out of which they usually did much harm among the Christians. This Castle of Teuffenbach, battered in three places, and having at length made it assaultable, took it by force the nineteenth of November, and put to the Sword all the Turks there in Garrison, in number about two hundred and fifty, and instead of them, left a strong Garrison of his own; whereby all the Country thereabouts was restored to great quiet∣ness:

* 12.7Sabatzka thus taken, the Christian General re∣moved with all speed to Filek, a strong City of the higher Hungary, which Solyman the Turkish Empe∣rour took from the Christians in the year 1560, and placed therein a Sanzack, under the command of the Bassa of Buda. The General encamping before this City, the next day after planted his Battery, and in most terrible manner without intermission thundered against the Walls and Gates of the Ci∣ty. The Sanzack, Governour thereof, considering the Power of the Christians, got out secretly by Night with a few Souldiers, to acquaint the other Turkish Sanzacks his Neighbours with the coming of the Christians, and the number of their Army; and further to consult with them, how the City might be relieved. The Bassa of Temesware, with the Sanzacks of Giula, Hadwan, Scantzag, and Scirme, undertook the matter; and thereupon the Bassa sent for eight hundred Ianizaries, of late left by Sinan Bassa in Garrison at Buda and Alba Regalis; who all flatly refused to go to this Service; saying, That they would not be led as Beasts to the slaughter, as were their Fellows but a little before at Alba Regalis; nevertheless, they enforced the Armenians, whom Sinan and his Son had brought thither, to go; but of Buda, Alba Regalis, and Scamboth, were sent only fifteen hundred common Souldiers. For all that, the Bassa, with the San∣zacks his Followers, firm in their former Resoluti∣on for the Relief of the distressed City, having made great Preparation, and raised an Army of 18000 strong, with many Field-pieces, by Night drew near unto Filek, and staied within two miles of the City. But the General of the Christians, with Stephen Bathor, and the other Captains, un∣derstanding of their coming, with 7000 good Soul∣diers chosen out of the whole Army, went out presently against them, and the one and twenti∣eth of November, suddenly assailing them in their Tents, overthrew them, and put them all to flight, whom the Christians fiercely pursued with a most terrible Execution. In this fight and fligh•• there was slain 6000 Turks, and but few or none taken. The Bassa himself, with the Sanzack of Filek, and many others of great Name, were ••ound amongst the Bodies of the slain Turks. This Victory, gained with little or no loss, yielded unto the Christians a rich Prey, many gorgeous Tents and fair Ensigns, much Cattel, and 29 Field-pieces, with 200 Wag∣gons laden with Victual and other Provision; all which they carried into the Camp at Filek, and so more straightly besieged the City than before. The same day the Lord Palfi and Martin Lasla came to the Camp with six thousand Souldiers, and forth∣with three Trumpeters were sent to them of the City, That if without further resistance they would forthwith yield the City, they should have leave in safety to depart with Life and Goods, although the Turks had of late in like case broken their Faith with the Christians at Palotta; but if they refused his Grace, and would needs hold it out to the ut∣termost, then to denounce unto them all Extre∣mities. For all this, the Turks, nothing dismaied, refused to yield; whereupon the battery began afresh, and in more terrible manner than before; so that though the City was most strongly fortifi∣ed both with Walls and Rampiers, yet had the Christians in three days space with continual batte∣ry made a fair breach into it, whereby they, in de∣spight of the Enemy,* 12.8 entred without any notable loss the four and twentieth of November, ransacked the City, and burnt a great part thereof. The same day they also took the uttermost Castle, wherein the Sanzacks Palace stood. This Castle standeth upon a very high hill, strengthned both by Art and Nature, and had in it a strong Garrison of valiant Souldiers, who spared not lustily to bestow their shot amongst their Enemies, of whom they slew a great number. Nevertheless the Christians, after they had for the space of two Days and two Nights, with a most furious battery shaken the Walls, by plain force entred the Castle the six and twentieth of November, and put to the Sword all the Garrison Souldiers, except such as had in good time forsaken this Castle, and retired themselves into another more inward. Who being in num∣ber eight hundred, with their Wives and Children, without hope of Relief, and seeing the Cannon now bent upon them, set out a white Ensign in token of Parley; which granted, it was agreed that they should depart with Life, and so much of their Goods as every one of them could carry. Upon which Agreement the Castle was yielded the eight and twentieth day of November, and the Turks with a safe Convoy brought unto the Place they desired. In this Castle was found a great boo∣ty, many pieces of Artillery, and much other war∣like Provision, but of Victuals small store. The General, with the rest of the Captains, entring the Castle, fell down upon their Knees, and with their Hearts and Hands cast up to Heaven, thanked God for their Victory, and for the recovery of that strong City; but especially for the delivery of so many Christians out of the Turkish Thraldom: for it is reported, that there were above eight hun∣dred Country Villages subject to the Jurisdiction of Filek, the poor Inhabitants whereof were now all freed from the Turkish Servitude, by the taking of this only City. The Christians forthwith repair∣ed the Walls, Bulwarks, and Trenches, and strong∣ly fortified every place against the Enemy; and so leaving a sufficient Garrison in the City and Ca∣stles, departed with their Army, now in number about twenty thousand, towards Sodoch, six miles from Filek. But as they were upon the way, News was brought unto the General, how that the Turks had for fear abandoned the Castles of Dijwin and Somoske; whereupon he sent out certain Compa∣nies of Souldiers to take in both those places; who coming thither, found them indeed forsaken by the Enemy, but yet many pieces of Artillery, and other warlike Provision there still left.

In the latter end of November the General march∣ed with his Army towards Setschine,* 12.9 a strong Town in the Diocess of Agria; but the Turks in that place had two or three days before prepared themselves to flie, and sent their Wives, their Children, and the best of their Substance, some to Hatwan, some to Buda; and now hearing of the approach of the Christian Army, set Fire on the Town, and fled. The Christians immediately en∣tring, did what they could to quench the Fire, and saved a great part of the Town; so leaving there a convenient Garrison, he hasted with speed to Blavenstein, which the Turks did also set on fire,

and betook themselves to flight. The Christians coming thither the next day after, namely the fourth of December, found a great part of the Town yet unburnt, wherein they left a strong Garrison; and from thence marched to Sallek, which Town they also took, being forsaken by the Enemy, and put thereinto a good Garrison. The General was of nothing more desirous than to have prosecuted this so happy a course of Victory; but such was the foulness of the Winter weather, that he could not travel with his great Artillery, without which no great matter was to be done against the Enemy, still keeping himself in his strong hold. And his Army in that wasted and forsaken Country, be∣gan now to feel the want of Victuals, so that ma∣ny had withdrawn themselves out of the Army unto their dwelling Places.

At the same time also, the Lord Palfi going to Dregel and Palanka, and finding them forsaken by the Enemy, furnished both Places with Garri∣sons of his own Men. Certain other strong Places were also this Month recovered from the Turks, as Ainacke, Sollocke, Westke, and others, and so much Territory gained by the Christians, as was in cir∣cuit thought equal with the lower Austria. The joy∣ful News of the aforesaid Victories, with the reco∣very of so much of the Country, and so many strong Towns and Castles, made great rejoycing both at Vienna and Prague; for which cause pub∣lick Prayers, with Thanksgiving to Almighty God, were made in both Places, with many other to∣kens of Joy and Triumph, both there, and in di∣vers other Places of the Empire. Yet were not the dead Bodies of the Turks, slain at Alba-Regalis, buried; whereof rose such a loathsome and noisome smell, that no man could abide to come near the place, to the great trouble of the Inhabitants there∣about.* 12.10 At length, certain Turks out of Buda and Alba-Regalis, to the number of three hundred and fifty, met together, to have buried those loathsome Carkasses. Upon whom it chanced a Captain of the Hussars to light with his Horsemen, who fierce∣ly assailing them, left most part of them there dead for others to bury, and carried away the rest Pri∣soners.

The Bassa of Buda had caused Murat, Sanzack of Palotta, to be strangled, for that he suspected him to have had Intelligence with the Christians; in whose room he placed another, who coming with 600 Turks, to take Possession of the Prefer∣ment, was by the way set upon by Peter le Hussar, with the Garrison Souldiers of Pappa and Thurne, and slain with most part of his Followers; 35 of them were taken alive, with all the Sanzacks rich Furniture. To end this year withal, the Turks in Garrison at Petrinia, Siseg, Castrowitz, and other Places thereabouts, met together in number about 3000; who, the 19 of December, passing over the River Sauus, began to spoil the Frontiers of those Countries. But before they were gon far, they were so incountred ••y the Lord Graswin, and the Borderers thereabout, that five hundred of them were left dead upon the Ground, divers of good account taken Prisoners, and almost all the rest drowned in the River; so that of all them that came over, few escaped with Life. In the latter end of this Month great numbers of Souldiers were ta∣ken up in Saxony, and other Places of Germany; whereof some were sent to Prague, and some to Vienna in Austria; and in Hungary the Christians increased their Strength with new Supplies. In Au∣stria also a new Army was raised, and two and twenty great pieces of Artillery sent down the Ri∣ver of Danubius to Comara, and new Preparation made in every Place for the next years Wars.

[year 1594] Amurath, the Turkish Emperour, going out of the City of Constantinople Ianuary the 11th, to muster the Army he had prepared against the Christians for this year, was suddenly overtaken with such a Tempest of Wind and Rain,* 12.11 that it overthrew his Tents, his Chariots, yea, his Horses and Men had much ado to withstand it. Wherewith he being (as with an ominous prodigy) exceedingly trou∣bled, returned with his Army into the City, and oppressed with Melancholy, cast himself down up∣on his Bed as a man half sick. Where falling asleep, he dreamed he saw a man of an exceeding Stature,* 12.12 standing with one of his feet upon the Tower of Constantinople, and the other over the Streight in Asia; who stretching out his Arms, held the Sun in one of his Arms, and the Moon in the other; whom, whilst he wondered at, the Monster with his foot struck the Tower, which forthwith fell down, and in falling, overthrew the great Temple, with the Imperial Palace. Amurath awaked (as he thought) with the noise, and much troubled with the Dream (for the Turks are in such Vanities very superstitious) sent for all his Wizards and Interpreters of Dreams, to know the meaning of this his so strange, or rather so melan∣choly a Dream. Who hypocritically answered him, That forasmuch as he had not with all his Force, as a Tempest impugned the Christians, their great Prophet Mahomet threatned by that Dream, to overthrow the Tower, the Temple, and the Imperial Palace, that is to say, the Religion and Empire of the Turks. Which vain and feigned Interpretation so much moved the superstitious Tyrant, that he swore from thenceforth to turn all his Forces upon the Christians, and not to give over War until he had done what he might to subdue them. This the Turks Dream, with the Interpreta∣tion thereof, and the solemn Vow he had made for the Destruction of the Christians, was publickly read in the Churches of Transilvania, and many godly Exhortations made unto the People, to move them by Prayer, and all other good means, to avert that so threatned Thraldom.

Of the rich spoil taken from the Turks, in the late Victory near unto Alba-Regalis,* 12.13 the Christian Captains made a Present for the Emperour and the Arch-duke Matthias, his Brother, which they sent by the Lords Gall and Brun; and was by them presented unto the Emperour and his Brother the eleventh of Ianuary at Vienna, in order as follow∣eth; First went the Master of the Ordnance of Rab, on both sides attended upon with the other Officers of the Artillery; after them were drawn thirty great pieces of Ordnance taken in the Battel. After these Pieces followed three Turkish Horses with rich Saddles and Furniture studded with Gold, the Stirrups and Bridles being of Silver, gilt and most curiously wrought; after them were car∣ried 22 of the Turks Ensigns, three of them were very rich, and the other right fair. Then follow∣ed the two Ambassadors aforesaid, with each of them a gilt Mace in his Hand, such as the Turks Bassaes use to carry; after them were brought ma∣ny Instruments of War, gilt Scimitars, Gleaves, Bows and Arrows, Targuets, and ten of the Iani∣zaries Drums. Two of the aforesaid Horses were presented to the Emperour, and the third to the Arch-duke. The Field-pieces brought to the Ca∣stle-gate, and orderly placed upon the Plain, were all, at such time as the rest of the Presents entred the Castle, forthwith by the Canoneers discharged; and there for certain Days left upon the Plain for the People to feed their Eyes upon. The Ambas∣sadours, discharged of their Present, and rewarded by the Emperour with Chains of Gold and other Gifts, returned to the Camp. Notwithstanding that it was now deep Winter, yet many sharp Skir∣mishes daily passed upon the Borders betwixt the Turks and the Christians. The fifteenth of this pre∣sent

Month, 2000 of the Turks assembled together, were making an Inrode into the Country about Filek; whereof the Lord Teuffenbach having intelli∣gence, lay in wait for them, and setting upon them fearing no such danger, slew and took of them fif∣teen hundred.

Matthias, Arch-duke of Austria, now Governour of Stiria, Carinthia, and the Countries thereabout, by the departure of Ernestus his Brother (but a lit∣tle before by Philip King of Spain made Governour of the Low-Countries) was now also by the Em∣perour appointed General of the Christian Army against the Turks; who, to be near unto the Ene∣my, and to farther the new War, departed the six and twentieth day of February from Vienna to Rab; after whom daily followed the Forces newly raised in Silesia, Moravia, and Hungary, with others also sent from Prague and Vienna. He considering to what small purpose it would be to have the last year taken so many strong Towns and Castles, ex∣cept the same also were well manned and furnish∣ed with all needful Provision; by the perswasion of the Lord Teuffenbach, sent County Schilke with a thousand Horse to Filek, for the more safety of that Place and the Country thereabout so lately gained from the Turks.

It fortuned, that about this time, a Souldier of the Turks taken not far from Dregel, and brought into the Camp; among other things whereof he was exami∣ned, confessed, That in Novigrade (a strong Town and of great Importance, but one mile distant from Vacia, and three from Buda) was left but a weak Garrison of about eight hundred Souldiers, who there lived in great fear to be besieged; and that the Turks doubting such a matter, had brought thi∣ther much Provision for the better fortifying of the Town. Upon which Intelligence the Christians be∣gan to remove with their Army, and being come betwixt Dregel and Novigrade, understood by the Country People, that it was true that the Turk had reported: wherefore they resolv••d that Night to lay siege unto the Town. So forthwith some were sent to Dregel, to fetch thence certain pieces of Artillery, whom certain Troops of German Horse∣men went to meet; who used such diligence, that the eighth of March, a little before the rising of the Sun, the whole Army, with the great Ordnance, was come before Novigrade. That day the Christi∣ans spent in pitching their Tents,* 12.14 and incamping themselves; yet before Night they had planted cer∣tain great pieces upon an high Hill, from whence they might see into the Castle; whereof the Ma∣ster of the Ordnance caused three of the greatest a∣bout the going down of the Sun, to be discharged against the Castle, to give the Turks to understand that they wanted nothing for the siege. The same Night also the Christians cast up a great Mount in the Valley, from whence they presently sent six great shot into the Castle: but early in the Morn∣ing, the Sun being yet scarce up, and all things now in readiness, they began to batter the Castle, and that Day out of ten great Pieces, discharged 300 great shot against the Castle, but to small purpose; for the Castle was built upon a most strong Rock, for∣tified with high and thick Walls, and a deep Ditch hewen out of the main Rock, which compassed the Castle round; and for the more strength thereof was so fortified with Pallizadoes made of strong Timber, as that there was no access unto the Walls; yet by the Commandment of the General, certain Companies of the Christians prepared themselves to assault the Breach, such as it was; who besides their Weapons, carrying with them dry Faggots, and setting them on fire, burnt the Pallizado in di∣vers places, and so opened the way unto the Walls; and encouraged with the success, aproached nearer, and slew divers of the Turks upon their Rampiers. Who discouraged with their own weakness, and the forwardness of the Enemy, faintly defended themselves, and yet slew divers of them, beating them down from the Walls with Stones, Timber, Fire-works, and such like. This Assault given in the Night, was continued until four a Clock in the Morning, and so given over. Shortly after came the Arch-duke with a 1000 Horse into the Camp, and caused the battery to be again renewed; where∣by it chanced that the chief Canoneer in the Castle (being a Renegade German) was taken with a great shot and slain; whose death so dismaied the rest of the Defendants, that they presently set forth three white Flags in sign of parley; which for all that, the Christians seemed not to regard, but still continued their battery. The Turks then pitiful∣ly crying out, named two Captains, whom they desired to have sent unto them, with whom they might fall to some reasonable Composition; so for a while the battery ceased, and those Captains be∣ing sent unto the Town, brought nine of the best of the Turks in the City with them unto the Arch-duke; who by their Interpreter declared, That they well considered the force of the Christians, and seeing no relief to come from the Bassa of Buda, as he had promised, thought themselves to have alrea∣dy discharged the parts of good Souldiers, and see∣ing no other remedy, were contented to yield the Castle; yet so, as that with Bag and Baggage they might in safety depart. Whereunto the Lord Palfi (taking upon him the Person of the Arch-duke, for that he himself would not be known) answer∣ed, That forasmuch as they had not yielded at the first summons, but holden it out to the loss of ma∣ny of his Mens lives, and his great charge, they were unworthy of any favour; yet of his own Cle∣mency he would receive them, if they would ab∣solutely, without any farther condition, yield them∣selves to his mercy. This answer being reported to the Sanzack, Governour of the Town, pleased him not, and therefore said he would still stand up∣on his own defence. Whereupon the Christians were about to have began a fresh Assault; but af∣ter a new Parley, it was at last agreed, That the Turks yielding the Town unto the Arch-duke, should in safety depart with their Apparel and Scimiters only: With which agreement two of the Turks were sent back into the Castle, and the rest detained. Four hours the Turks in the Castle de∣laied the time, as men doubtful what to do; but being earnestly called upon for a resolute Answer, and seeing the Christians ready again to assault them, they for fear yielded; and so 450 of them came forth, amongst whom was the Sanzack,* 12.15 Governour of the Town, with his Wife and Daughter, the Sanzack of Selendre, (sent thither to have aided him) and one Chiaus, lately come from the Court. These great men bravely mounted, were commanded to alight from their gallant Horses, and had in their steads other bad Jades given them to ride upon; and as they passed by, as well the Women as the Men, were searched, that they carried with them nothing more than their Cloths; if any thing else were found, it fell unto the Souldiers share for good boo∣ty. This strong Town of Novigrade had continued in the possession of the Turks about sixty years, and served as it were for a Bulwark to Pesth and Buda; which now recovered out of their hands, opened a way unto their farther harms. The keeping of this Town was by the Arch-duke committed to the Lord Rebei, a Nobleman of Hungary, and Kins∣man to Palfi, with a strong Garrison, and certain Troops of Hussars.

The Sanzack of Novigrade, after he had lost the Town, coming to Buda, was presently ap∣prehended by the Bassa, and laid in Prison; who, although he excused himself, by alledging

that the Town was not possibly to be holden with so small a Garrison, against so great a Power; and that if any fault were, it was to be imputed to them of Buda, for not sending relief in time; and therefore appealed unto the further hearing of Amurath himself:* 12.16 yet all served him not, but was by the Bassaes Commandment, in the Night hang∣ed upon a Tree near unto the Gate of the City, and afterwards cut in pieces.

Whilst these things were in doing, the Empe∣rour sent his Ambassador to the great Duke of Muscovia, the King of Polonia, and the Prince of Transilvania, to prove how they stood affected to∣wards those his Wars against the Turk, and what Aid he might procure from them. Into Muscovia was sent one Warkutsch, a Gentleman of Silesia; who, coming to Musco, found in that Court the Ambassadors of the Tartar, the Turk, the Persian, the Polonian, and the Dane. Of all these, the Am∣bassadors of the Tartar and the Turk could have no Audience, but were with contumelious words rejected as Miscreants. The Emperours Ambassa∣dour was honourably entertained, and after the manner of that Country, a large proportion of Wine, Mede, Aquavitae, Flesh, Fish, and Fowl of sundry sorts allowed him daily all the time of his abode. At length, having Audience, he declared unto the great Duke the cause of his coming, and in the Name of his Master, requested his Aid against the Turk. Whereunto the Duke answered, That he would give the Emperour towards the mainte∣nance of his Wars against the common Enemy, 500000 Duckets, and allow him yearly 400000 during the time of that War; requesting him not to make any Peace with the Turk, and also promi∣sing to send him Aid of Men in this War, if he should so need. The Persian Ambassador also ho∣nourably feasted the Emperours Ambassador, and had with him great conference concerning the Wars of the Christians with the Turks, and in his Masters Name promised the continuation of his Wars against the Turk, so that the Emperour would likewise promise not to have any League with him, so to give him liesure to turn all his Forces again into Persia. This Ambassador, after he had almost tarried four Months in Muscovia, re∣turned to the Emperour. At which time Doctor Wacker, the Emperours Ambassador into Polonia, returned also with joyful news, how that the Polo∣nians, with an Army of eight and twenty thousand, had ••topped the Passage of an hundred thousand Tartars, whom the Turk had sent for against the Emperour; and that if he needed, he should be aided with the Polonian Cossacks; but unto the rest of his Requests he could have no answer of the States of that Kingdom, for that the King was then absent in Sweden, and was therefore referred to be further answered at his return.

At the same time, County Serinus, with three hundred Harquebusiers,* 12.17 and certain Troops of Horsemen, and the Footmen of Stiria, and the Countries thereabouts, assembled to the number of ten thousand, departed from Canisia, to besiege Brese••za, a Castle of the Turks▪ But they under∣standing before of his coming, conveyed away the best of their substance, and setting the Castle on fire, departed the three and twentieth of March. The Earl coming thither, took the forsaken Castle, and put thereinto a Garrison of his own Souldiers. In like manner he took also Sigesta, forsaken of the Turks, where he also placed a Garrison of the Christians. And so going on to Babostcha, besieged it; which Castle, although it was strongly scitu∣ated in a Marish, and could not easily have been won, was for all that, for fear, abandoned by the Turks, and so taken by the County; by recovery of which Places, there was a safe and easie way laid open even to Ziget, the Bassa whereof stood in no small doubt to have been even then be∣sieged.

Amurath, intending by all means he could to vex the Emperour, had determined to send his Fleet into the Adriatique, to besiege Zegna, a City of the Emperours, scituate upon the Sea-coast, in the Bay Quernero, called in antient time Flanaticus Sinus. Which the better to effect, he sent one of his Chiaus Ambassador to the Venetians, to request them, That his Fleet might by their leave pass along the Adriatick, and have the use of their Ports and Har∣bours, as need should require. Which his request the Venetians hearing, refused in any case to yield thereunto; fearing (and not without cause) the unfaithfulness and treachery of the Turks, whose Oaths and Promises are no longer strong, or by them regarded, than standeth with their own good and profit; nevertheless, they most honourably used the Ambassadour, and so sent him away without obtaining of that he was especially sent for.

In the upper part of Hungary, Christopher Lord Teuffenbach, the Arch-dukes Lieutenant, having gathered an Army of twenty thousand Souldiers, the sixteenth of April layed siege to Hatwan, a strong Town six miles from Buda,* 12.18 fortified with a tripple Ditch and Bulwarks of exceeding strength. Against which, although the Christians could not do much either by Mines or Mounts, (by reason it was so environed with water) yet they so shut up all the Passages thereunto, that nothing could be brought or carried in or out of the Town. They of the Town seeing themselves thus block'd up, by secret Messengers certified the Bassa of Buda in what case they stood, praying Aid of him; who with ten thousand chosen Souldiers, which he had then in readiness, and the Sanzacks of Sirnah, Giula, Lip∣pa, Lerwoge, and Tschangrad, with five thousand more, forthwith set forward toward Hatwan, to raise the siege; and the last of April, being come within sight of the Christian Army, about one of Clock in the Afternoon encamped on the side of the River Sagijwa; but when he could not, or else durst not, for the deepness of the way, the abun∣dance of the Water, and the nearness of the Ene∣my, adventure to pass the River, he retired back again to pass over at Iasperin (otherwise called Iasbrin) where the River was joyned with a Bridg, and not far off a good Foord also to pass over at▪ thinking so to have come upon the backs of the Christians, and with more safety to have relieved the besi••ged Town. But Teuffenbach perceiving his purpose, forthwith after his departure passed the River with much Difficulty, and overtaking him with his Army the next day, being the first of May, about one of the Clock in the Afternoon, between Zarcha and Fuscasalva, with his great Ordnance disordered the rereward of the Enemies Battel; and coming on courageously with his whole Army, began a most cruel fight; which the Turks a great while endured with wonderful Reso∣lution; but now, destitute of their wonted multi∣tude (their greatest confidence) and hardly layed unto by the Christians, they in the end turned their backs and fled; whom six thousand Hungarians and Germans fiercely pursued, and had the killing of them almost to Buda. In this Battel the Christi∣ans took all the Enemies great Ordnance, with seventeen Ensigns, and also the Castle of Iasperin, which the Turks had for fear abandoned; where∣in was found good store of Victuals, certain great Pieces, with much other warlike Provision. Of this so notable a Victory, Teuffenbach by Letters presently advertised the Arch-duke, after he was again returned to the siege of Hatwan. Which Letters, because they contain many Particularities

and Circumstances of this Battel, I have thought it not amiss here to insert.

ALthough (said he) I have by a speedy Messenger upon the very Kalends of May,* 13.1 certified your Excellency of the notable Victory, which God of his great Goodness gave unto us the same day over our he∣reditary Enemy; yet afterward, upon diligent Inqui∣sition, we understood many Particularities, as well of the Captives themselves, as of the Inhabitants about Zolnocke, Pesth, and Buda; whereof I thought good to advertise you. The Captives themselves confess, That the Bassa of Buda, with the Sanzacks of Zol∣nocke, Zarwacke, Giula, and Tschangrad, Cip∣paio, Genne, and others, had with great Celerity rai∣sed an Army of thirteen thousand Souldiers, amongst whom were many Tartars, with purpose to have relie∣ved the be••ieged Town of Hatwan, and upon the sud∣den to have oppressed us in our Tents. Filled with which hope, they in great haste came with all their Power the last of April towards Hatwan; but foras∣much as they could not pass over the River Zagijwa by reason of the height of the Water, they were the next day, being the first of May, conducted by the Cap∣tain of Jasparin, to a more commodious Passage, so to come the nearer unto us, and the next day in the Morn∣ing to have surprised us in our Tents. But our most merciful God hath averted this so great a Mischief from us, and turned it upon their own Heads. For as it is most constantly reported from Zolnocke, Pesth, and Buda, and confirmed by the Inhabitants of the same Places, there are two thousand five hundred of the Turks slain, and as many wounded, of whom many perished, and are found dead upon the High-ways leading to Pesth, and Zolnocke; of these we have sent a thousand Heads to Cassovia, and caused many of the Turks to be buried for fear of Infection in this so great heat. Verily it was a bloody Battel, so that the old Souldiers say, they have not remembred or seen the Turks (no more in number) to have stood so long in Battel, and to have so fought it out without flying. Many Men of great Name and Place there perished and fell, amongst whom are redeemed the Sanzacks of Pesth, Novigrade, and Temeske, Genne, Alavus, Bogste, Alustafa, Marielaus, and certain Chiaus lately sent from the Court, with the Bassa's Guard, wherein were eight hundred right valiant Souldiers, of whom few escaped with Life. Many fell that would have yielded great Ransome; but it was agreed upon between the Germans and the Hungarians, not to spare any of the Enemies, but to put them all to Sword; and that whosoever did otherwise, it should be imputed unto him for Dishonour. So that more than sixteen common Souldiers, none were taken Prisoners, of whom we might learn how things went amongst the Turks, with other Circumstances of the Battel. We took thir∣teen Field-pieces, whereof four were greater than the rest; which they called Organes, and four and twenty of the Enemies Ensigns. The Bassa of Buda (beside other three Wounds by him received) was grievously wounded in the side. Of our men were lost about an hundred, and many of them most expert Souldiers; and about six hundred others grievously wounded, of whom there is small hope, many of them being alrea∣dy dead. Neither is the loss small we have received in our Horses and Armour, for there be few amongst the German Horsemen, which have not lost one, two, or three, of their Horses or Servants, whereby our Horsemen are wonderfully weakned; yet was the Vi∣ctory great, to God be the Praise, to him be the Glory and Thanks therefore. Let us in the mean time pro∣secute the siege begun. The last Night I commanded the Water to be drawn another way, so that now our Trenches may be advanced many Paces, and Bulwarks raised within two hundred paces of the Wall. We have already planted five great pieces of Artillery in one Bulwark, and hope the next Night to place five more upon a Mount fast by, and will do what shall be needful for a straight siege; and when time shall serve, undertake the Town with all our Power; God grant us therein good Success and Victory.

The Turks in Garrison at Zabola, a Fort there by, discouraged with the overthrow of their Friends, forsook the Fort; which for Strength and Great∣ness was comparable with Tocay or Erla; which strong Place the Christians without any loss now recovered.

Whilst this valiant Captain, the Lord Teuffen∣bach, thus lay at the siege of Hatwan, Matthias,* 13.2 the Arch-duke, General of the Christian Army in Hun∣gary, incouraged with the good Success he had at Novigrad, came with his Army (being 44000 strong) before Strigonium (sometime the Metropolitical Ci∣ty of Hungary, but now of long a sure receptacle of the Turks) and the sixth of May incamped his Ar∣my about a quarter of a mile from the Castle in a most pleasant Medow, from whence both the Ci∣ty and the Castle were plainly to be seen. Upon whom the Turks, out of the Castle, and three Gal∣lies that lay upon the River, discharged certain great pieces without any great harm doing; but after the Christian Fleet was a little before Night come down the River, and with their great Ord∣nance began to answer them again, the Enemy ceased shooting, and lay still that Night. In the mean time it fortuned, that a Turkish Youth, taken in a Garden thereby, and brought into the Camp and examined, confessed that there was no Garri∣son in the City, more than four hundred Ianiza∣ries, and that a new supply was daily expected from Buda. The Christians labouring that Night, were by the breaking of the Day come with their Trenches to a Hill over against the Castle, where they placed their Battery, and forthwith began to ba••ter the City. The same day (being the seventh of May) two and twenty Turks Heads were pre∣sented to the Arch-duke, and four men taken alive, newly sent out of the City to have viewed the Christian Camp. About Night certain Balls of Wild-fire were shot into the City, whereof one fell upon the Tower called St. Adelbert, and set it on fire; wherewith, first the Church, and after∣ward a great part of the Town fell on fire. The Sanzacks House, with all his Horses and Armour, and a great quantity of Powder was then burnt, and inestimable hurt done in the City. The next day the Christians had with continual battery made a breach in the Castle Wall; but adjoyning unto the Wall was an high and broad sandy Rampier, which could hardly be battered; for all that the Germans gave a fierce assault to the breach, hoping to have entred by the Ruins of the Wall, but not being able to get over the sandy Rampier, were inforced with loss to retire. The day following, they began again the Battery with eighteen great pieces, when, about eight a Clock in the Morning, the Rascians that were in the old City gave the General to understand, That if he would, at a place by them appointed, assault the greater City, to draw the Turks thither, they would in the mean time deliver unto the Christians certain little Po∣sterns, and receive them into the old City; upon Condition, that no Violence should be done unto them or theirs. Which being so agreed upon, the Christians accordingly gave the assault the eleventh of May in the Evening,* 13.3 and by the help of the Ras∣cians took the City; who, according to promise, were all taken to Mercy, and the Turks slain, ex∣cept such as by their good hap recovered the new Town. The keeping of this City was committed to the charge of two Companies of German Foot∣men, and six hundred Hungarians, with three hundred Rascians, and other Townsmen. Thus

was the old City of Strigonium gained by the Chri∣stians, the Suburbs whereof they presently burnt, nevertheless the new Town, with the Castle, was still holden by the Turks. Wherefore the Christi∣ans having cast up certain Trenches and Mounts,* 13.4 and placed their Artillery as they thought most convenient, began again to batter the Castle, and after they had by the Fury of the Cannon made it assaulta••le, with great Courage assailed the breach, which the Turks valiantly defended; so that the Christians were glad to retire, leaving behind them about an hundred and thirty of their Fellows slain in the breach. The Turks, a little before the com∣ing of the Christians, had fortified an Hill, where∣unto the Castle was something subject, called of the Christians St. Nicholas his Hill; this Hill so for∣tified, the Christians, with continual battery and assault, gained the 17^th of May, and put all the Turks left alive therein to the Sword; and turning the Ordnance, from thence also battered the Castle. The two and twentieth of May, a little before the going down of the Sun, certain Ensigns of Foot∣men were drawn out of the Camp, to have the next day assaulted the lower Town; who, taking the benefit of the Night, attempting to have entred the Town in the dead time of the Night, were notably encountered by the Turks, sallying out of the Town upon them. The Christians for all that, having enforced them to retire, prosecuted their former Resolution, and with much ado got over the uttermost Wall; but finding there, contrary to their Expectation, such a deep and broad coun∣termure as was not possible to be passed, they stood as Men dismaied, neither could they in the Dark∣ness of the Night well see how to get back again over the Town-ditch, but disorderly retiring, stuck fast, many of them in the deep mud, and there perished. In this assault there were about a thou∣sand of the Christians wounded and slain, and al∣beit that they twice or thrice renewed the assault, yet prevailed they nothing, but were still repulsed with loss. Many also of the Turkish Garrison were likewise slain, yea, the Sanzack himself hurt with a great shot, with many other wounded men sent down the River to Buda, brought thither true News of the aforesaid Assaults, and of the state of the besieged.

In the mean time, News was brought to the Camp, That Sinan Bassa, the old Enemy of the Christians,* 13.5 and the Turks great Lieutenant, coming towards Hungary with a great Army, and having by Boats conveyed over part thereof, was set up∣on by the Rascians, (these are poor oppressed Christians, dwelling on both sides of Danubius, who, weary of the Turkish Thraldom, and desirous of their antient Liberty, have oftentimes taken up Arms against the Turks, as they now did, encouraged by the good Success of the Christians on the other side of Hungary) and that after divers Skirmishes, they had taken thirteen of the Turks Vessels, where∣in, besides Victuals, and certain great pieces of Ar∣tillery, they found about 2400 weight of Powder, 447 hundred of Lead, 46454 bundles of Match, 1200 great shot, whereof 1005 were of 66 pound weight, and of small shot for Harquebusiers, 48500, with much other warlike Provision; a great part whereof was brought into the Camp at Strigonium, and the rest reserved to future Uses. This loss so troubled the great Bassa, that he altered his pur∣pose before intended for Cassovia.

The fourth of Iune, about five hundred Turks, sent up the River from Buda, conducted by two Sanzacks under two red and white Ensigns, land∣ed near to Gokara, on the further side of Danubius, over against Strigonium; where, after they had a while refreshed themselves, and left some few for the more assurance of the Place, all the rest were conveyed over the River into Strigonium; where they had been long looked for, the old Garrison being now sore weakned by the former Assaults. Four days after, the Turks, encouraged with this supply, sallied out upon a sudden, and had entred one of the Forts of the Christians; but were forth∣with again repulsed, having lost six and twenty of their men, and two of their Ensigns; not far off lay a troop of Horsemen, who, if they had in time come in, not one of the Turks had escaped. Long it were to tell, how often, and in what manner the Christians assaulted this City,* 13.6 but were by the Turks so received, that in five Assaults they lost five thou∣sand of their Men, amongst whom were divers Captains, Lieutenants, Antients, and others of good account; three and twenty Canoneers were also slain, and ten great pieces of Artillery so spoiled, as that they were no more serviceable. The Gar∣rison of this City consisted for most part of the Ia∣nizaries (the Turks best Souldiers) whose notable Valour in holding out of this siege, was both of their own People, and their Enemies, much com∣mended; whatsoever was beaten down by Day, that they again repaired by Night, and still relie∣ved with Victual, and things necessary from Buda, did what was possible to be done for defence of the City. About the same time certain Turks chan∣cing upon a Troop of German Horsemen, in fight slew about fifty of them, and put the rest to flight; whereupon, an alarm being raised in the Camp, many ran out to the rescue of their Fellows, taking with them certain small Field-pieces. Which the Turks perceiving, began to flie; whom the Christi∣ans eagerly pursuing, were suddenly assailed by other Turks, sallying out of a Fort fast by, and in∣forced shamefully to retire, and to leave their Field-pieces behind them. Which the Turks seizing up∣on, cloyed them, brake their Carriages, and made them altogether unserviceable.

All this while the Lord Teuffenbach, lying at the siege of Hatwan,* 13.7 about this time requested Aid of the Archduke, for that his Power was with often Conflicts, Hunger, and other Difficulties always attending long sieges, so much weakned, as that he had scarcely six thousand sound Men in his Camp; to whom the Arch-duke forthwith sent twelve hundred Footmen, being loth to spare any more, for too much weakning of his own Army.

Amurath, disdaining to see the Frontiers of his Empire in so many places impugned by the Chri∣stians, and daily to receive from them so great Harms, sought by all means to be reverenced; wherefore, beside the great Power of his own, which he was now about to send with Sinan Bassa into Hungary, he had also procured from the great Tartar, a wonderful number of those rough and savage People to be sent into Hungary, there to joyn with his Army. These wild People, to the number of seventy thousand, according to directi∣on given, breaking into Padolia, Walachia, and Moldavia, gathered together an incredible number of Oxen and Kine; to this end and purpose, that driving them before them, they might both be as∣sured of Victuals, and the safer travel through a part of Polonia. But when they were come unto the Borders of that Country, and there found the Power of Samoschie the great Chancellor, and the Polonian Cossacks in Arms, they easily perceived that they could not pass that way without great loss. Wherefore they placed the aforesaid Heards of Cattel, some before, some behind, and some on each side of the Army, and so inclosed round about with those Cattel, as with a Trench, marched on. But when they were come near unto the Polonians, this rude Device served them to no other purpose than the overthrow of themselves; for the Polonians discharging their great Ordnance, so terrified the

Cattel, that they turned upon the Tartars; and overthrowing whomsoever came in their way, did exceeding much harm; whom the Polonians immediately following, and hardly charging the confused Army, armed only with Bow and Ar∣rows, after some small fight, put them at last to flight, and obtained of them a notable Victory, with an exceeding rich Prey. Of the Polonians were lost about eighteen hundred, but of the Tar∣tars were slain thirty thousand. The rest retiring into Podolia, and passing the River Nester by the way of Transilvania, where they did exceeding much harm, came to Temesware, and so afterwards further into Hungary; unto whom the Turks sent seven hundred Horsemen, to conduct them to the Army.

* 13.8But to return again to the siege of Strigonium, The fourteenth day of Iune, the Christians, between eight and nine of the Clock in the Morning, with great Fury assaulted the Town in three places; which assault they most notably maintained, until it was almost three a Clock in the Afternoon. Nevertheless, the Turks so valiantly defended them∣selves, that at last the Christians were glad to give over the assault, and with loss to retire. The Arch∣duke from an high place beholding the assault, had one of his Foot-men slain fast by him with a small shot. Many of the Turks were also slain in this assault, and amongst them, one of the three Sanzacks that defended the City. The Night fol∣lowing there arose a most horrible Tempest, with such raging Wind, and abundance of Rain, that many thought they should never have seen day; with the Violence whereof the Archdukes Tent was overthrown, and divers others blown down, or rent in sunder, were in the Air carried from Place to Place. About the same time, the Lord Palfi, within the sight of the Castle, cast up a no∣table Fort, with high Mounts and strong Trenches (even in the self same place where Solyman lay about fifty years before, when he besieged and won Strigonium) by which Fort so built, the Enemy was embarred to convey any thing up the River for the relief of the City, to the great discomfiture of the besieged; for to have hindred the which work, the Enemy oftentimes sallied out, but to no purpose. This Fort being brought to Perfection, the Christians took also another Fort in an Island on the further side of the River, which the Turks had but few days before taken from the Christians, and cloyed the great Pieces therein; which Fort the Christians now again repaired, furnished it with a sufficient Garrison, and other great Ordnance.

* 13.9These things thus done, the Castle and the low∣er Town were in five divers places out of the new built Fort, the old Town, and the Island, so bat∣tered with continual shot, that a man should have said, that one Stone would not have been left upon another, but that all should have been beaten down, and laid even with the Ground. The se∣venteenth of Iune, one of the Christian Canoneers so dismounted one of the great pieces in the Castle, that the piece, together with the Turkish Canoneer that had charge thereof, fell down out of the Ca∣stle into the Ditch. And the same day, a Mason that fled out of the Castle into the Camp, among other things reported, That many of the Turks were slain with this continual battery and often assaults, and that not past an hour before, forty of them were slain in one Chamber, and now ac∣knowledged themselves to be indeed besieged; and to have resolved, that when they were brought to the last cast, then desperately to sallie out upon the Christians, and so either to return with Victory, or to make shift every man for himself as he might. Which his report seemed not altogether feigned; for about Midnight, a thousand of the Turks sal∣lying out of the Castle upon the Fort newly built upon the River, in hope to have surprised it, were by the Christians therein notably repulsed and in∣forced to retire; in which conflict fifty of the Turks were slain, and many more wounded and taken Prisoners. And the same day toward Evening, eight Turks of good sort being taken and brought into the Camp, confessed, That but six days be∣fore, they had seen seven Boats full of wounded and dead men sent down the River from Strigoni∣um to Buda. Whereby it was easily to be gather∣ed how bloody a siege this was unto the Turks, forasmuch as all those Bodies were the Bodies of men of good account and place; for the Bodies of such common Souldiers as were slain, they still threw into the River running by.

The Fort newly built upon the Bank of Danu∣bius,* 13.10 much troubled the besieged Turks in Strigoni∣um, because nothing could without danger of it be sent up the River for their Relief; Wherefore they by fit Messengers sent word out of the Castle to the Admiral of the Turks Gallies lying below in the River, That he should at an appointed time come up the River with his Gallies as high as the Fort, and on that side at leastwise to make shew as if he would assault it; at which time they of the Town would be likewise ready to sally out, and to assail it indeed on the other side by Land. The Admiral accordingly came up the River with his Gallies, and by discharging of certain great pieces, made shew as if he would on that side have bat∣tered the Fort; but was so welcomed thereout, that he was glad with his rent Gallies, quickly to fall down the River again further off out of dan∣ger. But whilst the thundering shot was thus fly∣ing too and fro towards the River, they of the Town sallying out, assaulted the Fort on the other side toward the Land, and that with such despe∣rate Resolution, that some of them were got up to the top of the Rampiers, and there, for the space of two hours, maintained a most cruel fight; wherein many of them were slain and wounded, and the rest enforced with shame to retire.

The Christians thus still lying at the siege, and intentive to all Occasions, partly by their Espials, and partly by such as they had taken Prisoners, understood, that a new supply, both of Men and Victuals, was shortly to be put into Strigonium; and therefore sent out certain Companies of Soul∣diers, who lying in two convenient Places; the one upon the River, the other by Land, might inter∣cept the said supply. Both which Places were before by the provident Enemy possessed; who suddenly assailing the Christians coming thither, and fearing no such matter, slew some of them, and put the rest to flight; who nevertheless in their retreat, brake the Bridge which the Turks had made of Boats under the Castle of Strigonium over Danubi∣us. Of which Boats, some were carried away with the Violence of the Stream, and of the rest thirty fell into the hands of the Christians, without loss of any man more than five, who making too much haste out of a little Boat, fell into the River, and so perished. In this time, Fame, the fore-runner of all great Attempts, had brought News into the Chri∣stian Camp, That Sinan Bassa, the Turks great Ge∣neral, was coming to the relief of Strigonium; of whose Power divers diversly reported. But the great∣er part doubting the worst, and weary of the long Siege, and of the Calamities incident thereunto, add∣ed still something to the last report, to make the dan∣ger of longer stay to seem the greater; certain it is, that the News of the coming of so great and pu∣issant an Enemy, raised many a troubled thought in the Minds of so great a Multitude. Now were the besieged Turks in great wants in Strigonium, as appeared by Letters intercepted from the San∣zack

to the Bassa of Buda, declaring unto him the hard estate of the besieged, and humbly craving his promised help, without which the City could not, for want of Victuals, possi••ly be defended by the fainting Souldiers above three days. Which Letters being read in the Camp, caused great Pre∣paration to be made for the continuing of the siege, and the withstanding of the Enemy, whose coming was every hour expected. All this while the great Ordnance never ceased on either side; whereby many were slain, as well of the Christians, as of the Turks, and amongst others many of the Ca∣noneers.

But forasmuch as the rife Fame of Sinan Bassa's coming increased daily, and the Christian Camp possessed with a general fear, gave unto the wise, just Suspition of some great Mischief likely to en∣sure; Matthias the General entered into Counsel with County Ferdinand Hardeck, the Lord Palfi, the Lord Vngenade, President of the Counsel for the Wars, and Erasmus Eraun, Governour of Comara, What was the best to be done in so dangerous a time. Who with general consent agreed betimes, before the coming of Sinan, to raise the siege, and to remove with the Army into some place of more safety. Which their determinate Resolution, the day following, being the six and twentieth of Iune, they made known to the other Princes and great Commanders in the Army; who wonderfully dis∣contented therewith, especially the Germans; both openly by word, and solemnly by writing, protest∣ed against the same, as most dishonourable, and altogether made without their Knowledge or good likeing. To whom the President of the Counsel for their further Satisfaction, declared, That the Enemy was coming with a very great Army, and even now at hand, whose strength encreased daily, and with what Power he had purposed to assail them in their Tents, was uncertain; besides that, it was manifestly know unto the World, how that in the former as••aults they had lost many of their best Souldiers, beside others that died in the Camp; and that the Place wherein they lay encamped, was subject to many dangers; for which so urgent Causes the General had resolved to raise his siege, and before the coming of so strong an Enemy, to remove his Army into a place of more safety. Which Reasons for all that, did not so well satis∣fie the German Princes and Commanders, but that they still urged their former Protestation, request∣ing his Excellency to have them excused before God and the World, if they yielding to his Command, as to their General, did that which they thought not altogether best, and which they would not otherwise have done. For the more Evidence whereof, the said German Princes and great Com∣manders, caused their said Protestation to be so∣lemnly conceived in Writing, which they affirmed with their Seals, and subscribed with their own hands in order as followeth: Francis, Duke of Saxony, Augustus, Duke of Brunswick, Sebastian Schlick, County Wig and Mal••zan, Ernestus of A••••tan, Henry Phlugk, Iohn Nicholas Ruswormb, Henry Curwigger Heerrath, Iohn Oberhausan, Henry Rot∣tcirch, Melchior of Nothwith.

But the Arch-duke, with the rest, constant in their former Resolution,* 13.11 first sent away the great Ordnance, and raising the siege the 28th of Iune, followed after with the whole Army, passing over Danubius, not far from Kokara, doubtfully expect∣ing what course Sinan the great Bassa (who was then reported to be even at hand) would take. Yet before their departure, they set the old Town on fire, and raised the Fort St. Nicholas, before ta∣ken from the Enemy, which they had once purpo∣sed to have kept. This unexpected departure of the Christians much gladded the besieged Turks; who for want of Victuals, had not been able long to have holden out. Yet lay the Lord Teuffenbach still at the siege of Hatwan, labouring by all means to take from the besieged Turks their Water, and with Earth and Faggots to fill up their Ditches; which work he had now happily brought to some good Perfection. Whereof they in the Town by Letters advertised the Bassa of Buda, and that ex∣cept they were within the space of three days re∣lieved, they should be enforced to yield the Town. Which their distress the Bas••a considering, with speed assembled all his Forces, and so set forward to relieve them, hoping to have come upon the Christians before they were aware of his coming: But Teuffenbach understanding thereof, with five thousand chosen Horsemen went out of the Camp to meet him, and suddenly coming upon him, fearing no such thing, slew five thousand of the Turks▪ put the Bassa to flight,* 13.12 and together with the Victory, obtained an exceeding rich Prey.

Now was there no less expectation and hope of the winning or yielding up of Hatwan,* 13.13 than was before of Strigonium; but according to the chance of War, it fell out otherwise. For Teuffenbach ha∣ving with continual battery laied the breaches fair open, and made choice of such Souldiers as he thought meetest for the assault, was in the perform∣ing thereof so notably repulsed by the Turks, that he was glad to retire with the loss of his best and most resolute Souldiers;* 13.14 which put him out of all hope of taking the Town by force. For beside the loss of these good men, he had scarce so many sound men left, as might suffice to furnish his Gar∣risons for defence of those Frontiers; by reason that the Hungarians were almost all shrunk home, and of the Germans were left scarce two thousand. Be∣sides that, he had oftentimes craved new Supplies of the Arch-duke, but all in vain; for which Cau∣ses he was glad to abandon two strong Forts he had built before Hatwan, and to leave the Town, now brought to great Extremity. Thus two notable Ci∣ties, which were now as it were in the hands of the Christians, and by the recovery whereof, the br••∣ken state of the afflicted Christians in Hungary had been much strengthned, were as it were again re∣stored unto the barbarous and cruel Enemy.

Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of Strigonium and Hatwan, the Rascians (of whom we have before spoken) striving still more and more to rid themselves from the Turkish Thraldom, gathered themselves together to the number of fif∣teen thousand, between Buda and Belgrade, under a General of their own chusing. For fear of whom, the Bassa of Temeswar, with an Army of fourteen thousand, went to fortifie and victual Lippa, doubt∣ing lest it should by them be surprised; but having done that he went for, in his return he was met with by the same Rascians, and twice fought with∣all in one day, and both times put to the worse, with the loss of the greatest part of his Army. Af∣ter which Victory the Rascians took Beczkerek, a strong Town standing in a Marish four miles from Belgrade, and slew all the Turks they found there∣in. After that, they took a Castle called Ottadt, and dealt with the Turks in like manner. From thence they went and besieged Beche, a Castle standing upon the River Tibiscus or Teise, where the Town adjoyning unto it yielded presently; but they in the Castle standing a while upon their Guard, offered at last to yield also upon certain Conditions. But the Rascians knowing that the Turks thereabouts had conveyed into the Castle the best part of their Walth, and withal, that it was but weakly manned, would accept of no Con∣ditions, but needs have it absolutely delivered up to their Pleasure. In the mean time the old Bassa of Temeswar, and his Son, knowing it to tend to

their dishonour to suffer this base People so to rage at their pleasure about them, gathered together 11000 Turks, and so in great haste came to relieve the besieged Castle. Upon whom the Rascians turn∣ed themselves, and in plain Battel, overthrew the Bassa, and so pursued the Victory, that of those 11000 Turks scarcely escaped 1000; the Bassa himself be∣ing there slain, and with him three Sanzacks, his Son escaped by flight. In this Battel the Rascians took 18 great pieces of Artillery, and not long after took also Wersetza, and Lu••z, two strong places. After which so happy Success, they sent unto the Arch-duke Matthias for Aid, but especially for Canoneers, professing themselves now utter Ene∣mies unto the Turks. The Rascians also about Te∣meswar sent word unto the other in the Camp that they would come and joyn with them; and they which inhabit the Country between the River Da∣nubius and Tibiscus, by Messengers sent of purpose unto the Lord Teuffenbach (the Arch-dukes Lieu∣tenant in the upper part of Hungary) offered in short time to send him ten or twelve thousand men, so that he would receive them and their Country in∣to the Emperours Protection; which he easily granted them, and thereof assured them by wri∣ting. And to the Arch-duke himself they sent also their trusty Messengers, requesting him to send them a General to lead them, promising unto him all Obedience; which Messengers departing from them the fourteenth of Iune, shortly after returned with such answer as was thought most convenient for their present State. Thus against the coming of Sinan, was Hungary almost all on a broil.

The Emperour, long before distrusting the Turks purpose for War,* 13.15 and well considering what a diffi∣culty it would be for him with his own Forces on∣ly to withstand so puissant an Enemy as Amurath, had by his Ambassadors prayed Aid of divers Christian Princes, but especially of them of the Em∣pire, as those whom this War concerned most. Wherefore he, after the antient and wonted manner of his State, in so common and imminent a danger, appointed a general Assembly of the Princes and States of the Empire, to be holden at Ratisbone, in the latter end of February; which, for sundry urgent Causes was put off until March, and again until April, and so afterward until May. At which time the Emperour in Person himself, with the Princes Electors, and other the great States of the Empire, being met together with great Pomp at Ratisbone, and solemnly assembled in the Bishops Palace, be∣gan there to sit in Council the second of Iune. Un∣to which Princes and States so assembled,* 13.16 after that the Emperour had first by the Mouth of Philip County Palatine of the Rhine, given great thanks for their so ready appearance, and briefly declared the Cause of their Assembly; he himself, after some complaint made of the Turkish Infidelity, in express words declared unto them, how that he by his Am∣bassador then lying at Constantinople, had in the year 1591, made a League for eight years, with the present Turkish Sultan Amurath; which League Amurath himself had approved and confirmed, and thereof sent him publick and solemn Instru∣ments; wherein it was provided, That no hostili∣ty should be on either side during that time at∣tempted. And yet notwithstanding that, he, con∣trary to his Faith given, as an hereditary Enemy of the Christians, had violated this League, and by sundry Incursions barbarously spoiled and wasted, not Hungary only, but other of his Imperial Pro∣vinces also; but especially by Hassan, Bassa of Bos∣na, who, first with a strong Army besieged, bat∣tered and took Repitz, an antient frontier Castle, and after that, Wihitz, Dremk, Crassowitz, with other Places of Name; and had in his Dominion and Territory built Petrinia, a most strong Fort, hurt∣ful to all that Country, out of which he had done incredible mischief in Croatia, Windismarch, and the most fruitful Island Turopolis; and had out of those Places carried away above 35000 Christians into most miserable Captivity. Of which shame∣ful Injuries and breaches of Faith he had many times by his Ambassadors complained unto the Turkish Sultan at Constantinople; and requested that all ho∣stility set apart, due Restitution might have been made; but to have therein prevailed nothing, and that the same Bassa, instead of condign Punishment, had been for the doing thereof, honoured by the great Sultan his Lord with honourable Gifts, the sure Tokens of his Favour. Whereby he was so con∣firmed in his barbarous Proceedings, that he began to make open War, and having raised a full Ar∣my, and strengthned also with certain Companies of Ianizaries sent from the Court, had passed over the River of Kulp, and besieged the Castle of Si∣seg; but by the just Judgment of God, the Reven∣ger of Wrongs, had there received the Reward of his faithless and cruel dealing, being there slain, and almost all his Army utterly destroyed by his small Forces, raised in haste for his own lawful de∣fence. Nevertheless the faithless Turk (as if he had been highly wronged himself) to have made this his breach both of League and Faith forthwith known to all the World, by commanding open War to be solemnly proclaimed against the King∣dom of Hungary, both in Constantinople and Buda; and by the Beglerbeg of Greece, to have again be∣sieged and taken the strong Fortress of Siseg. Whereas, on the other side, because nothing should on his part be wanting, which might make his de∣sire of Peace more known, he had again, and of∣tentimes by his Ambassador put the Turk in re∣membrance of his League, made and confirmed by his Faith. Who for all that, had changed no∣thing of his Purpose, but sent his great Visier, Si∣nan Bassa, with the Beglerbeg of Graecia, and many inferiour Bassaes and Sanzacks into Hungary, who with Fire and Sword inforced the Inhabitants and Country-People (such as they left alive) to swear to the Turk Obedience, and to become his Subjects; and at the same time took Vesprinium and Palotta, two famous Fortresses of that Kingdom. And that the same Bassa, by Commandment from his Lord and Master, had, contrary to the Law of Nations, imprisoned Frederick Kreckowitz his Am∣bassador, first at Constantinople, and caused the greater part of his Followers to be thrust into the Gallies; and afterwards to have sent him with a few of his Servants to Belgrade, and there to have kept him so long in Prison, that he there misera∣bly died. In Revenge of which so great and open wrong, and for the defence and comfort of his af∣flicted Subjects so near the Enemy, he had raised a good strength both of Horse and Foot; by whose help and the assistance of Almighty God, the Bassa of Bosna had reaped the Fruit of his perfidious deal∣ing; as had also the Bassa of Buda, with many thousands of their great Souldiers, overthrown near unto Alba-Regalis, besides many of their Ca∣stles and Towns taken or razed. Yet for all that, was it easie to be seen, these so great Victories, by the goodness of God, had and obtained against so mighty and cruel an Enemy, not to suffice; but that there was still need of a perseverant and continual supply for the maintenance of a perpetual War; and that it was daily to be expected, or rather, even now, presently to be descried, That the Turk in his quarrel (which he deemed always just against the Christians) and in revenge of these overthrows, would draw sorth all his Forces, and adventure his whole Strength. For which Causes he had by the Knowledge and Consent of the Princes Electors of the Sacred Empire, appointed

that present Diet of the Empire; and not for the aforesaid Causes only, but for divers others, both necessary and weighty also; as the general Peace of the Empire, the Pacification of the Low-coun∣tries, the Reformation of Justice, and amendment of the Coin; but especially, and above all other things, to make it known unto the World, how much it concerned to have the Turks Pride betime abated, and some effectual defence for Hungary (now in danger) at length provided; being the most sure defence and strongest bulwark of that part of Christendom. And that whereas his own hereditary Provinces were not of themselves alone sufficient to maintain so chargeable a War, he therefore requested the Electors, Princes and States, both present and absent, not to grudge to be pre∣sent with their Help, their Counsel, and whatso∣ever else s••ould be needful against so puissant and dangerous an Enemy. So ending his Speech, he caused all his demands, before conceived into Wri∣ting, to be read, and so delivered unto them. For answer whereunto, the Princes Electors, and others there present, required time. Which granted, af∣ter many sittings and long Consultations, they at last with one consent answered, That it was a hard matter, by reason of the late dearth, and other like Occasions, for them to grant such Help and Aid as the Emperour had in Writing required; yet ha∣ving before their Eyes the great and imminent danger wherein the Christian Common-weal then stood, they, not regarding their own proper and near Difficulties, had, in regard of his Sacred and Imperial Majesty, for the comfort and defence of the endangered Christians, and for the repressing of the Turkish Fury, of their own free Will and mere Compassion, granted, beside their accustomed Contribution, such farther relief for the space of six years, as they thought sufficient for the main∣tenance of a defensive War, both for the present, and for the time to come. What was by them farther decreed concerning the Emperours other demands, as not pertinent to our purpose, we wil∣lingly pass over.

Of all these things, as also whatsoever else had hapned at Strigonium, Hatwan, or other Places of Hungary, was not Sinan Bassa ignorant; who now, even upon the departure of the Christians from Strigonium, was come with an huge Army between Buda and Alba-Regalis; unto whom forty thou∣sand Tartars,* 13.17 that by force had made themselves way through Podolia, and the upper part of Hun∣gary, had joyned themselves; so that in his Army were reckoned above 150000 fighting-men, to the great Terrour, not only of Hungary, Austria, Sti∣ria, Croatia, Bohemia, and the Provinces thereabout, but also of the whole State of Germany. With this great Army the old Bassa had purposed to have over-whelmed the Christians in their Camp at Strigonium; but now that they were before his coming departed over the River towards Comara, he resolved to keep on his way, and to besiege the strong City Iaurinum, now called Rab: and to make all sure before him, he thought it best to take Dotis in his way, a strong Town of the Chri∣stians in the mid-way between Strigonium and Rab, about five Hungarian miles short of Rab. The Christian Army, but newly passed over Danubius, in marching toward Comara, might see the Moun∣tains and Fields on the other side of ••he River all covered with the Multitude of the Turks Army; who, though they were indee•• many, yet march∣ing dispersedly, made shew of more than in truth they were. So both Armies marching in sight the one of the other, and separated only with the River, held on their way, the Christians to Comara, where they encamped under the very Walls of the Ci∣ty, yet in such sort, as that they might afar ••ff well descry one another; and the Turks towards Dotis, where the Bassa with all his Army encamped the one and twentieth day of Iuly. The Night follow∣ing, having planted his battery, he began in furi∣ous manner to batter the Castle, the chief strength of the Town, the Christian Army looking on, but not daring at so great odds to relieve their distres∣sed Friends. So whilst the Bassa granteth no breath∣ing while unto the besieged, but tyring them out with continual Battery and Alarms, they of the Town, despairing of their own strength, and to be able for any long time to hold out against so migh∣ty an Enemy,* 13.18 within three days after yielded up the Town, being in that short time sore battered, and in divers places undermined▪ yet with this Condition, That it should be lawful for the Gar∣rison Souldiers and Townsmen, with their Wives and Children, in safety to depart. Which was by the Bassa frankly granted unto them, but not so faithfully performed; for at their departure, many of their Wives and Children were stayed by the Turks, and the Lord Baxi, Governour of the Town, fo••ly intreated. Immediately after, the Bassa with∣out much ado took the Castle of St. Martins also, not far from Dotis, being by the Captain yielded unto him.

In the mean time, the Country Villages round about, forsaken of the poor Christians, were by the Turks most miserably burnt, and all the Country lay'd waste. Yea, some of the fore-runners of the Turks Army passing over the River Rabnitz, ran into the Country as far as Altenburg, within five miles of Vienna, burning the Country Villages as they went, and killing the poor People; or that worse was, carrying them away into perpetual Cap∣tivity: yet not without some loss, four hundred of these ••oaming Forreigners being cut off by the Lord Nadasti. Palfi also, and Brun, Governour of Comara, following in the tail of the Turks Army, set upon them that had the charge of the Victuals, of whom they slew a great number, took an 120 of them Prisoners, and an 150 Camels, and 30 Mules laded with Meal and Rice, which they carried away with them to Comara.

Dotis and St. Martins thus taken, Sinan Bassa, constant in his former Determination, set forward again towards Rab, and being come within a mile of the City, there encamped; the Christian Army then lying not far off on the other side of the Ri∣ver. The City of Rab is a strong and populous Ci∣ty,* 13.19 honoured with a Bishops See, and was worthi∣ly accounted the strongest Bulwark of Vienna, from whence it is distant about twelve German miles, standing upon the South side of Danubius, whence the River dividing it self, maketh a most fertile Island called Schut; in the East point where∣of standeth the strong City of Comara. The de∣fence of this City of Rab was committed to Coun∣ty Hardeck, a man of greater Courage than Fide∣lity, with a Garrison of twelve hundred choice Souldiers; unto whom, a little before the coming of the Bassa, were certain Companies of Italians joyned, who, together with the Citizens, made up the number of five thousand able men; a strength in all mens judgment▪ sufficient for the long defence of that Place. The la••t of Iuly, Matthias, the Arch∣duke, about the going down of the Sun, depart∣ing out of the City of Rab, over the River into the Island over against it, came Sinan Bassa with his huge Army and beset it round, casting up Tren∣ches and Mounts, whereon he skillfully placed his Gabions and great Artillery, and whatfoever else was necessary for so great a siege; and that with such Celerity as was to the Beholders thought most strange. The second of August, he with great Fu∣ry battered the City, and brought his Trenches within Musquet shot of the Walls. At which time

four thousand Tartarian Horsemen swam over the Danubius, between Rab and Comara, after whom followed six thousand Turks, who being with much ado got over to the farther side, suddenly surprised a Fort of the Christians next unto the River, and forthwith turning five great pieces of Ordnance which they found therein, discharged them upon the Camp of the Christians;* 13.20 who, terrified with the sudden accident, rise up all in Arms, and hardly charging those desperate adventurers, slew many of them, especially such as seeking after booty, had dispersed themselves from their Fellows, and forced the rest again to take the Water, wherein most of them perished. About five days after, the Tartarians (living for the most part upon prey) swam again over the River, and upon the sudden burnt a Vil∣lage in the Island, and slew certain Christians in their Tents;* 13.21 but being quickly encountred by the Christian Horsemen, they were easily over∣thrown and many of them slain; the rest, casting away their Weapons, and forsaking their Horses, ran head-long into the River, trusting more to their swimming than to their fighting; whom the Chri∣stians hardly pursuing, in the very River slew a∣bout two thousand of them; and by this Victory obtained many of the Tartarians swift Horses, with their Scimitars, their Bows and Arrows, and such Ensigns as they had. All this while, Sinan Bassa, w••thout intermission, lay thundring with sixty great pieces of battery against the City,* 13.22 but to little or small purpose, for as yet he had made no breach whereby to enter, but the harm that was done was upon the Towers, or high built Houses, or in the Camp, by such random shot, as flying over the Town, fell by chance among the Tents of the Christians. And the Ianizaries, intentive to all op∣portunities, in a great Rain, furiously, and with a most horrible cry, (as their manner is) assaulted an utter Bulwark of the Christians; which they for fear forsook, and retired themselves into the City. Upon which Bulwark so taken, the Ianizaries had set up three of their Ensigns: when the Christians, ashamed of that they had done, and better advised, taking courage unto them, forthwith sallied out again, and courageously charging the Ianizaries, but now entred, slew many of them, and recover∣ed again the Bulwark.

* 13.23Sinan Bassa, leaving nothing unattempted that might further his desire for the winning of the Ci∣ty, was now casting up a great Mount against the City; which whilst he daily surveyed, he chanced to fall sick, and therefore appointed one of the Bassaes in his own stead, to oversee the work; who, whilst he was walking too and fro, hastening the work, and commanding this and that thing to be done, was taken with a shot out of the Town and slain.

The fifteenth of August, certain Turks before the rising of the Sun, getting over Danubius in Boats, assailed a Fort of the Christians; which the Souldiers that had the keeping of it, presently forsook and left it to the Enemy. Which Iohn de Medices, lately come into the Camp with two thousand Ita∣lians, perceiving, forthwith came to the rescue of the Fort, drove out the Turks, and having slain di∣vers of them, forced the rest into the River, where they were all drowned. At which time five thou∣sand Tartars in another Place passing over the Ri∣ver into the Island, were encountred by the Lord Palfi, and the Hussars his Followers, and without any great resistance put to flight, wherein many of them were slain; the rest taking the River, were in good hope to have got over▪ and so to have saved themselves;* 13.24 but other Turks meeting them in the River, would with their Weapons have beaten them back, and stayed their flight; against whom the Tartars opposing themselves, made with them in the very River a most cruel fight, but with such loss unto the Tartars, that of the five thousand which adventured over, few re∣turned to carry News unto their Fellows, how they had sped. Now began great scarcity of Victu∣als in the Turks Camp, so that the Souldiers were fain to feed upon unripe Fruit, and such other un∣wholsome things, whereof ensued the bloody Flux, and many other dangerous Diseases; which raging amongst them, did wonderfully consume the Bassa's Army. Beside that, they of the City with continual shot had slain many, and amongst them a Son-in-law of the great Bassaes, whose death he is reported to have taken so unpatiently, that he fell sick for Grief, but in short time after passed it over, and recovered again.

The Tartars, not yet warned by their often los∣ses, but passing again over the River into the Island the nineteenth of this Month, were there 3000 of them slain. In the mean time, certain Companies also of the Turks, having secretly passed the River, in another quarter assailed the Christians in their Camp; in which hurly-burly, other of the Tartars got over the River not far from Comara, hoping now at length to perform some great matter, which they had before to their cost vainly attempted; but finding the Turks overthrown before their com∣ing, and the Christians (contrary to their expecta∣tion) in Arms ready to receive them, they were easily discomfited, and two thousand of them slain. In this conflict the Sanzack of Strigonium, with two others, and many more of great account a∣mong the Turks, perished. Shortly after, the Chri∣stians sallying out of the City, slew a great number of the Turks, and so retired with small loss. Thus was the Turks Army daily diminished, besides that, the want of Victuals, with the Bloody-flux, so in∣creased, that many perswaded the Bassa to have raised his siege, and to have removed with his Ar∣my to some other more wholsom place, and of greater plenty; but he, resolutely set down not to depart before he had either won the Town, or en∣forced them therein to yield, would not hearken to any perswasions to the contrary.

Whilst Sinan thus lay at the siege at Rab, Maximi∣lian, the Emperour's Brother, took Crastowitz, a For∣tress of the Turks, upon the borders of Croatia, and put to the Sword all the Turks there in Garrison. After that, he laid siege to Petrinia, a strong Fortress of the Turks, which they but a few years before had contrary to the League built in the Emperour's Territory, for the annoying of Croatia, and for the exceeding strength thereof, was thought almost im∣pregnable. Yet such was the Industry of Maximili∣an and his Souldiers, that what with continual bat∣tery and mines, they so terrified the Turks there in Garrison, that they for fear set fire on the Fort, and flying away by Night, made shift every man for himself as he might: Which they in the Castle of Siseg hearing, set fire also upon it, and so left it to the Christians: Whose Example they also of Gara followed; by which so prosperous and happy Suc∣cess of Maximilian's, not the Frontiers only, but even the whole Country of Croatia was for that time delivered of a wonderful trouble and no less danger.

The eight and twentieth day of August, twenty thousand of the Christians passing over the River by a Bridge out of the Island,* 13.25 and joyning with them of the Town, sallied out upon the Turks Camp; the Hungarian Heidons in the foreward at the first Onset took two of the Turks Bulwarks, and having beaten out the Enemies, cloyed certain of their great pieces; but the Turks returning with greater power, enforced the Christians to retire, and reco∣vered again their lost Bulwarks. In this conflict many were slain, as well Christians as Turks. In the mean while Thonhause, a great Captain of the Chri∣stians,

and Geitzhofler, County Hardeck's Lieute∣nant, with fifteen hundred Hungarians and Ger∣man Foot came in great Boats to have holpen their Fellows, but landing somewhat too late, they were by the Enemy beaten back, and inforced with such speed to retire, that many of them being not able to recover the Boats, were drowned in the River; amongst whom, Geitzhofler himself perished, and Thonhause was deadly wounded in his Breast. Yet the Christians, not discouraged with this loss, but gathering themselves together under the very Walls of the City, gave a second assault unto the Enemy; in the foreward were the Footmen, who were by the Enemies Horsemen easily repulsed; but by the coming in of the Lord Rhinsberg, (who was at the first onset slain) the Turks were inforced into their Trenches, except some few, which, divi∣ded from the rest, hid themselves in the Vine∣yards, but being found out by the Christians, were there all slain. In this Skirmish the Lord Palfi was grievously wounded in his Thigh. Of the Christi∣ans were slain four hundred, and of the Turks about two thousand.* 13.26 These conflicts endured from seven a Clock in the Morning until twelve, at which time the Christians returning into the City, and so into the Camp, amongst other spoiles, carried away with them seventeen of the Enemies Ensigns.

No day now passing without some skirmish, at length, the ninth of September, ten thousand Turks, some in Boats, some by othe•• means, having got over the River of Danubius into the Island of Schut, suddenly set upon the Christians, all sleeping in se∣curity, and little fearing any such danger; of whom they slew about two thousand, and after some small fight put the rest to most shameful flight, in such sort, that Matthias, the Arch-duke himself, with the other Noblemen and Captains, had much ado by flight to escape. Thus, whilst every man surpri∣sed with fear, made what shift he could for himself, the Enemy in the mean time entred the Trenches, took their Tents, their great Ordnance, the Shot and Powder, and all the Money, which but a little before was brought for the Souldiers Pay; besides, about a thousand Waggons, and two hundred Boats well loaded with Provision for the Camp, and ten Gallies, wherein were an hundred and twenty pieces of great Ordnance. The loss received this day was valued at 500000 Duckats.* 13.27 And al∣beit that this Victory cost the Turks two thousand and five hundred of their lives, yet thereby they gained the mastery, both upon the River and the Land; so that now, roming far and near, without resistance, they spoiled the Country all about, and burnt certain Country Villages not far from Vien∣na; so that for many miles space the Country Towns were for fear of the Enemy forsaken by the Inhabitants, of whom some were taken and slain, some carried into Captivity, and some others, (reserved to a better Fortune) with such things as they had, got themselves farther off into Places of more security. And the more to increase these ca∣lamities, the Tartars shortly after passing over Da∣nubius, near unto Altenburg, first sacked Weisenburg, and after burnt it, with certain Towns thereabout; but adventuring to have gone farther into the Country, they were with loss inforced to return.

Whilst the Turks thus prevailed in Hungary, Ci∣cala Bassa, the Turks Admiral then at Sea, with a Fleet of Gallies, landing his Men in divers places of Italy▪ did exceeding much harm, but especially in Calabria, where he upon a sudden surprised Rhegium, rifled the Town, and afterwards burnt it: From thence taking his course towa••ds Sicilia, he, in the sight of Messana, landed certain of his Men; who, adventuring too far a shore, were by the Country People overthrown and put to flight.* 13.28 So the Turks returning again to Regium, utterly razed what they had before left of that Town. In the mean time, not far from Messana, even in the sight of the Gar∣rison of the Town, they took a certain Ship com∣ing out of the East Countries, and three other com∣ing from Apulia. Afterward, chancing upon certain Gallies of the East, they changed some few shot with them, but to no great purpose; and so turning their course, and sailing along the Coast of Cala∣bria, they oftentimes landed certain Companies, which, skirmishing with the Calabrians, had some∣time the better, and sometime the worse, and so with such Fortune as befell them, were again re∣ceived into their Gallies. They of Messana, unto whose eyes those dangers were daily presented, both by Letters and speedy Messengers, gave the Vice∣roy knowledge thereof, (who then for his plea∣sure lay at Palermo) requesting his present Aid; but he dallying off the time, they, for the more safe∣gard of the City and of the Sea Coast, of them∣selves raised five hundred Horsemen, whom they committed to the Leading of Philip Cicala, the Re∣negade Turkish Admiral's Brother; and beside, sto∣red the City with all such things as they thought necessary for the enduring of a Siege, if it should chance the Turk to have any such purpose; of all which they certified the King of Spain, as also of the negligence of the Viceroy, requesting his speedy Aid against these Terrours of the Turks. In the mean while, the Neapolitans, for safegard of their Coast put to Sea thirty Gallies; unto whom the Pope, the Duke of Florence, the Genowaies, and the Knights of Malta joyned also theirs; in all, to the number of about eighty Gallies, under the conduct of Au∣ria. The provident Venetians also, although they were as then in League with the Turk; yet for the safety of their State, put to Sea a Fleet of about an hundred Sail, some Ships, some Gallies, under the leading of Foscarin, their Admiral. Which two Fleets sailing up and down those Seas, delivered Italy, Sicily, Dalmatia, with many Provinces and Islands of the Christians, of a great fear.

Sinan Bassa, having before encouraged his Soul∣diers with great hope and large Promises,* 13.29 com∣manded an Assault to be given to the City of Rab; which was accordingly by them begun the twenty third of September, the Sun being as yet scarce up, and furiously maintained all that day from Morn∣ing until Night: But they of the Town so vali∣antly defended themselves, that at last the Turks were glad to give over the Assault, and with loss to retire. Nevertheless, the next day the Assault was again renewed, and most desperately continu∣ed by the space of two days; wherein twelve thou∣sand of the Turks there lost their lives,* 13.30 the other with shame retiring themselves into their Trenches. In few days after, the Turks by a Mine blew up one of the Bulwarks of the Town, with the fall whereof the Town-Ditch was in that place some∣what filled; whereby the Turks with all their Pow∣er attempted thrice the next day to have entred, but were by the Valour of the Defendants still no∣tably with loss repulsed. Yet notwithstanding all this cheerfulness and courageousness of them in the Town, the Puissant Enemy ceased not with conti∣nual battery and furious assaults to attempt the Ci∣ty, until that at length he had gained two of the Bulwarks, from whence he might, to his great ad∣vantage, by the rubbish and earth fallen out of the battered. Bulwarks and Rampiers, have access unto the Town, to the great terrour of the Defendants. Whereupon County Hardeck, the Governour (who, corrupted by the Turk, had of purpose many times before said that the Town could not possibly be long defended) now took occasion to enter into Coun∣sel with the other Captains of the Town, (divers of whom he had already framed to his purpose) what course were best to take for the yielding of it

up. And so after a little Consultation, holden more for fashion-sake, than for that he doubted what to do; resolved to send a Messenger unto the Bassa, for a Truce to be granted for a while, to see if haply in the mean time some reasonable Composition might be agreed upon. Yet the Go∣vernour, considering into what scorn and danger he should expose himself, by yielding up of so strong a Town, to colour the matter, and to ex∣cuse his doings unto the rest of the Nobility and Garrisons of Hungary, caused a publick Instrument to be made in his and all the rest of the Captains Names conceived in Writing; wherein they so∣lemnly protested unto the World, That forasmuch as it was impossible (by reason of the weakness of the Garrison) for them longer to defend the Town against so mighty an Enemy, without new Sup∣plies instead of them that were slain, (which they had oftentimes in vain requested) they were there∣fore of necessity inforced to come to Composition with the Enemy. Which Protestation so made, the Governour with the chief Captains confirmed with their Hands and Seals.* 13.31 So after a Truce granted, and Pledges given on both sides, at length it was agreed upon, That all the Garrison Souldi∣ers, together with the County and other Captains, should in Arms with Ensigns displaied, with Bag and Baggage depart in safety, and with a safe Con∣voy be brought to Altenburg. Which Agreement, though by Oath confirmed, was not on the Turks part altogether performed; for when the County had the 29th day of September, at ten a Clock in the Forenoon, delivered up the City to the Bassa, and the Christian Garrison was all come out, the County himself, with a few of his Friends, was with a Convoy of Turks brought in safety to the appoint∣ed place; but the Italians, and other Garrison Souldiers that came behind, and ought to have been by the Governour protected, were, contrary to the Turks promise, spoiled of all that they had, and hardly escaping with Life, came that Night to Hochstrate, and the next day to Altenburg. Thus was Rab, one of the strongest Bulwarks of Christen∣dom, traiterously delivered unto the most mortal Enemy of the Christian Religion; being even then when it was given up, victualled for a year, and sufficiently furnished with all things necessary for defence; all which Provision, together with the City, fell into the hands of the faithless Enemy. A loss never to have been sufficiently lamented, had it not been about four years after, even as it were miraculously again recovered, to the great rejoycing of all that side of Christendom, as in the Process of this History shall appear.

Sinan, glad of this victory, as the greatest Tro∣phy of his Masters glory over the Christians, gave him speedy knowledge therof, both by Letters and Messengers. Of whom he was for that good ser∣vice highly commended, and afterward bounti∣fully rewarded: for now had Amurath already in hope devoured all Austria, with the Provinces there∣about. The great Bassa, because he would not with too long stay hinder the course of this victo∣ry,* 13.32 without delay repaired the rent City, new for∣tified the battered Bulwarks, enlarged the Ditches, and filled the Cathedral Church with earth, in manner of a strong Bulwark, whereupon he plan∣ted great store of great Ordnance: and with ex∣ceeding speed dispatched all things necessary for the holding of the place. In the mean time he sent certain Tartars to summon the Town and Castle of Pappa: which Castle and little Town subject thereunto, the Christians the night following set on fire, because it should not stand the Enemy in any stead for the farther troubling of the countrey; and so fled.

The Bassa, having at his pleasure disposed of all things in Rab, and leaving there four thousand Ianizaries,* 13.33 and two thousand Horsemen in Garri∣son, departed thence with his Army and laid siege to Komara, a strong Town of that most fertile Island, which the Hungarians call Schut; which, scituated in the very point thereof, about four miles from Rab, is on the East, South, and North, inclosed with the two Arms of Danubius. All these ways Sinan with his Fleet (which he had there notably well appointed) laid hard siege unto the Town, ang gave thereunto divers assaults; and by Land, the Beglerbeg of Greece, ceased not both by continu∣al battery and Mines, to shake the Walls and Bul∣warks thereof. Thus was the City on all sides, both by Water and by Land, hardly laid unto. But the Christians within▪ with no less Courage defended themselves and the City, than did the Turks assail them; shewing indeed, that the Liberty of their Religion and Country, was unto them dearer than their Lives. Matthias, the Arch-duke, in the mean time, not ignorant how much it concerned the Emperour his Brother to have this City defended; having, after his late overthrow, gathered together a good Army of Germans, Bohemians, and Hunga∣rians, resolved to go and raise the siege; and so marching forward with his Army, came and en∣camped the 28th day of October at Nitria, about five miles from Komara. Now were the Tartars a little before departed from the Camp, with purpose to return home; yea, the Turks themselves, weary of the Siege, and wanting Victual both for them∣selves and their Horses, began also, as men discou∣raged, to shrink away. Which the Bassa well consi∣dering, thought it not best with his heartless Soul∣diers and Army, now sore weakned, to abide the coming of the Christians; and therefore upon their approach he forthwith forsook the City,* 13.34 which he had by the space of three weeks hardly besieged, and by a Bridg made of Boats, transported his Ar∣my and Artillery over Danubius to Dotis, where he the next day after brake up his Army. Imme∣diately after the Turks were thus departed, the Arch-duke arrived at Komara, where he with great Diligence caused the Breaches to be repaired, the Mines to be filled up, and new Bulwarks and Rampiers to be made in divers Places for the more strength of the City, leaving the charge thereof still unto the Lord Braun the old Governour, who in the defence thereof, had received a grievous Wound in his right Knee; of whom also this no∣table Fact is reported. The Bassa, in time of the late siege of Komara, under the Colour of a Par∣ley, had sent five Turks into the City to the Go∣vernour, but indeed to prove if he were by any means to be won to yield up the City, and not to hold it out to the last. The faithful Governour, having given them the hearing until they had dis∣charged their whole Treachery, presently caused four of their Heads to be strucken off, and to be set upon long Pikes upon one of the Bulwarks for the Bassa to look upon; but the fifth (the beholder of this Tragedy) he sent back unto the Bassa, to tell him, That although he had found one in Rab to serve his turn, he was much deceived, if in him he thought to find County Hardeck, and that he wish∣ed rather to die the Emperours faithful Servant in the blood of the Turks, than to betray the City committed to his Charge.

County Hardeck, late Governour of Rab, gene∣rally before suspected to have treacherously betray∣ed that strong Town unto the Bassa, was therefore sent for to Vienna, and there by the Emperours Commandment committed to Prison. Where, among many things laid to his Charge, as that he should in the beginning of the siege, negligently

have suffered many things to be done by the Ene∣my, which afterwards turned to the great danger of the Town; and that in the time of the siege, he had caused some of the Canoneers to discharge certain great Pieces against the Enemy, with Pow∣der only, without Shot; and that seeing one Piece among the rest to do the Enemy much harm, he had caused the same to be removed, and so placed, as that it served to little or no use; beside that, he (as it should seem) making small rekoning of the Town, should oftentimes say, That if the Turks should win it, he should be but one Town the rich∣er; with divers other such things, giving just cause of suspition. The thing that lay most heavy upon him, was the Testimony of one of Sinan Bassa's Chamber, who being taken young by the Turks, and serving in the Bassaes Chamber, was now fled from the Turks; and coming to the Arch-duke in the time of his siege, declared unto him, that there was Treason in his Camp; and that he, but three days before, by the Commandment of his Master, had delivered two bags full of Duckats unto two Christians, of whom the one had a notable scar in his Face, and was afterwards known to have been one of the Counties Servants. Upon this and such like Proofs, the County was, after many days hear∣ing, in open Court, by the Judgment of seven and forty Noblemen and Captains of Name, condem∣ned of Treason,* 13.35 and adjudged to be hanged, his dead Body to remain upon the Gallows by the space of three days, and all his Lands and Goods to be confiscate; the rigour of which Sentence was afterward by the Emperour mitigated, and the Traitor by him adjudged to have his right Hand (by him before given unto the Emperour in pawn of his Faith) and his Head struck off upon a Scaf∣fold at Vienna, and so buried. Which severe Sen∣tence was afterwards accordingly put in Execution; for the tenth of Iune following, the Traitor being brought to the Scaffold, built of purpose in the high Street of Vienna, after the Sentence of his Con∣demnation there solemnly read commending him∣self upon his knees to the Mercy of God, with his Eyes covered, and his right Hand laid upon a Block covered with black, had both his Hand and Head so suddenly struck off by the Executioners, as that the Beholders could hardly judge which of them was first off. His dead Body with his Head and Hand, was presently by his Servant wrapped in a black Cloth, and layed in his Coach, which stood there by of purpose covered with black, and was afterwards buried amongst his Ancestors.

The Tartars, but lately before departed from Sinans Camp, passing over Danubius at Strigonium, had purposed through the upper part of Hungary, and by the Borders of Transilvania and Moldavia, to have again returned into their Country; of whom two Companies falling into the hands of the Lord Palfi, were by him cut off, and utterly defeated; the rest coming unto the Borders of Transilvania, and finding the Passages so beset by the Prince and the Vayvod of Valachia, as that they could not without most manifest danger pass that way, re∣turned again the same way they came; and ha∣ving rifled and burnt certain Towns and Villages in the upper Hungary about Tockay, passed the Ri∣ver again at Strigonium, and wintering at Vespri∣nium, Palotta, and other Places in the Country which is about Rab, lived upon the spoil of the poor distressed Christians, u••on the Frontiers of Au∣stria, even as far as Meinersdorf.

These Tartars (of whom we have so often spo∣ken) at their first coming to the Aid of Sinan, by direction from the Turkish Sultan, stayed upon the Frontiers of Transylvania, of purpose to have sur∣prised that Country, and either to have thrust Si∣gismund Bator, the young Prince, out of the Go∣vernment thereof, or else to have sent him in bonds to Constantinople; for it was commonly reported, That he, weary of the heavy Tribute which he yearly payed unto the Turk, and had now after their greedy manner been divers times enhaunsed, had purposed to revolt from the Turkish Sultan, and to enter into Confederation with the Christian Empe∣rour. Which Innovation and Change, certain of the Nobility and chief States of Transylvania, sought by all means to hinder; and acquainting Amurath with the matter, and entring into Conspiracy with the Tartars, undertook to deliver the whole Coun∣try into their Hands, and to send the Prince Priso∣ner to Hust, where the Tartars then lay upon the Borders encamped. Wherefore, dissembling their purpose, they cunningly perswaded the Prince, that Samosche, the great Chancellor of Polonia, in the Confines of his Country, lay with a great Power expecting his coming, to consult with him of mat∣ters of great Importance: and the better to colour this their Treachery, they had counterfeited Letters to that effect from the Chancellor to the Prince, and had wrought so effectually, that the Prince, not suspecting any such Treason, gave credit to their Perswasions, and so put himself upon his way to∣wards the Chancellor, (as he supposed;) but by the way, he was advised by some of his Friends, which had got some suspition of the matter, not to go any farther, for that his coming was not intended by the Polonians his Friends, (as he was perswaded) but by the Tartars his Enemies, who lay in wait for him at Hust, to bereave him of his Life and Government. The Prince, astonied with the no∣velty of the matter, listned unto their Perswasion, and retired with his Train to the strong Fort of Kehwere; where he stayed fourteen days, as if it had been only for fear of the Tartars. In the mean time, he gave notice to the Nobility and Gover∣nours of the Country, his Friends, of the imminent and common danger; who forthwith repaired unto him in Arms. But the Traytors proceeding in their purpose, ceased not to perswade Bornemissa, who had the Leading of the Princes Army, That to fight with the Tartars was a matter of no small danger; and that therefore, if he wished well to his Country, he should not have to do with them, but only shew himself near unto them, and that he was not unprovided for them; which was accord∣ingly done, and the Transilvanian Army brought so nigh unto the Tartars, as that they might hear the noise of their Drums and Trumpets. Where∣by the Tartars, as by the Watch-word, perceiving themselves discovered, and nothing to fall out ac∣cording to their Expectation, as had been unto them promised for the betraying of the Prince;* 13.36 they removed thence, and by another way break∣ing through the midst of Transilvania, and so into Hungary, rifled and burnt five hundred Villages, slew all the Males that were above twelve years of Age, and carried away the rest unto the Turkish Army, then lying at the siege of Rab. In the mean time the Traytors (when as this first Plot served them not) conspired to set up one Balthazor Bator, the young Princes nigh Kinsman, and with the good favour of Amurath, to prefer him to the So∣vereign Government of their Countrey. Which their purpose the Prince perceiving, and doubting altogether to trust unto the fidelity of his own Subjects; writ to his Neighbours, the Rascians, and other his Confederates, praying their Aid in this his so dangerous and doubtful Estate. Which after he had received, he appointed a general Assembly of all his States to be holden at Clau∣senburg, and that upon a great pain to be in∣flicted upon all such as should not there per∣sonally appear; so at the prefixed day all came, except the Cardinal Bator, and Stephen his Bro∣ther,

who, guilty of so foul a Treason against their own Blood, were now before fled into Polonia. Being all thus met together, the Prince Command∣ed the Gates of the City to be shut, and diligent Watch and Ward to be kept, forbidding by open Proclamation, That any man upon pain of death should so much as speak of any imagined Treason. And at the same time, politickly caused to be pub∣lished in Writing, how that the Germans had in the farther side of Hungary got a notable Victory over the Turks; for joy whereof he commanded Bone∣fires to be made, and the great Ordnance to be in Triumph shot off, with many other signs of joy and gladness; and withall, caused a notable Banquet to be prepared, whereunto, together with others, were invited also all the chief of the Conspirators; of whom, even as they were at Dinner, and least feared any such matter, he commanded fourteen to be apprehended and committed to Prison; and the next Morning caused five of them to be Execu∣ted in the open Market-place.* 13.37 The Principal of whom, who had undertaken to have himself slain the Prince, after three or four light cuts in the Neck, he caused to be drawn in pieces with four Horses; the other four, namely, Alexander and Gabriel Gengi, Gregory Diaco, and Ladis••aus Sallentz, were behead∣ed, and their dead Bodies all that day left in the Market Place for the People to behold; the rest were also afterwards worthily executed: and Bal∣thazor Bator, whom the Conspirators had intended to have exalted, strangled. Having thus revenged himself upon his Enemies, he by a publick Edict divulged through all his Dominion, gave leave to all his Subjects in general, of their own charge to take up Arms against the Turks, and whatsoever they could take from them, to have it to them∣selves, as good prise gotten from their lawful Ene∣mies. By which unwonted Liberty, the Transilva∣nians, encouraged as with a great Bounty, armed themselves on all hands, to the number of forty thousand; who being mustered and sworn to hold together against the Turks, made their first Expedition towards Danubius; where, at their first arrival, by good hap they light upon certain of the Turks ships laded with Provision for the Camp, and Merchandise of all sorts, and much Treasure; of which rich ••hips, they at the first Onset took seven, but the eighth (being indeed the Admiral) escaped their hands. In these Ships they took an exceeding rich booty, slew many of the Turks, and in token of the Victory, carried back unto the Prince, seven of the Turkish Ensigns. This Victo∣ry caused great Joy in Transilvania, every man of so prosperous a beginning, conceiving good hope of most happy Success. It is reported, that Sinan Bassa hearing of this loss, should say, That if this Provision had come to him in safety, he could with that Treasure more easily have bought Vi∣enna in Austria, than he had Rab in Hungary. Af∣ter this Victory the Prince laid siege to Temeswar, but hearing of the return of the Tartars from the Turks Camp, and that they were coming toward Transilvania (as is before said) he left Temeswar, to look to the defence of his own Country.

Not long after, about the two and twentieth of December,* 13.38 a Tumult rise among the Ianizaries of the Court at Constantinople, which grew to such an height, that in the heat thereof, one of the Bassaes was by them slain, with some others of good ac∣count, and one of Amuraths Sons sore wounded, and with much ado saved. Upon conceit whereof, Amurath for Anger and Grief fell into a fit of the falling sickness (whereunto he was much subject) and was therewith for the space of three Days and three Nights so grievously vexed, as if he should have presently given up the Ghost; so that the City was filled with heaviness and fear, and the great men of the Court were even ready to think upon a new Lord. This Tumult of the insolent Ianizaries many supposed to have been the cause of Amurath's death, which shortly after ensued;* 13.39 his Grief and Malady increasing daily by the evil News still brought unto him both by Messengers and Letters, especially out of Transilvania, where the Prince, waiting upon every occasion, was still at hand with the Turks, cutting them short in eve∣ry place; and in sundry Roads which he made upon them this Month, took many of their Castles and Forts from them. He had at that time in the Field, in divers places, three Armies; one under the conduct of Gesty Ferens, in the Country of Luga••, near unto Temeswar; another under the leading of Michael Horwat, on the side of Danubius, to intercept the Turks coming to Buda; and the third commanded by Caspar Cornoyse, in the Coun∣try near to Giula, unto whom came shortly after fifteen hundred Horsemen out of the upper Hun∣gary.

The Transilvanian Prince Sigismund Bator, thus lately revolted from the Turk, [year 1595] for the strengthning of his State, thought it best betimes to enter into Confederation with his Neighbours of Valachia and Moldavia (who, moved by his Example, short∣ly after in like manner also cast off the servile Yoke of the Turk) but especially with the Christi∣an Emperour Rodolph. For which purpose he sent Ambassadors honourably accompanied; who com∣ing to Cossovia in Hungary, the fourteenth of De∣cember, arrived at Prague the twelfth of Ianuary, with twenty Waggons, and an hundred and fifty Horse, where they were by the Emperours appoint∣ment most honourably received, and royally en∣tertained▪ and after a few days, having delivered unto the Emperour the sum of their Embassage, which was for a Confederation to be made be∣tween the Emperour and the Prince; after much grave Consultation and serious Discourse, it was fully concluded and agreed upon; the chief Points whereof I thought it not amiss here in brief to set down, for the satisfying of such as desire to know in what terms that worthy Prince, next Neighbour unto the Turk, then stood with the Christian Em∣perour.

First it was agreed upon,* 13.40 That the Emperour for himself, and for the States of Hungary, should promise to proceed in his Wars begun against the common Enemy; and not to conclude any Peace with him, without the knowledge and good liking of the Prince. And that in all Conclusions of Peace to be made betwixt him and the Turk, the Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, should be always comprised; in regard whereof, the Prince likewise promised for himself, and the States of Transilvania, to prosecute the commenced War, and not to enter into any League with the Turk, without the knowledge and consent of the Emperour and the Nobility of Hungary, and this to be confirmed by solemn Oath on both sides.

Secondly, That the Province of Transilvania, with all the Parts and Confines thereof, hitherto possessed by the Prince of Hungary, should remain unto the said Prince Sigismond, and to his Heirs Male, with all the Profits arising thereof, in such sort as they had done in the time of Iohn, Stephen, and Christopher, his Predecessors, to have therein a most free and absolute Authority; yet so, as that they should acknowledge his Imperial Majesty, and his lawful Successors for their lawful Sovereigns; unto whom they should always swear their Feal∣ty, but without any Homage doing: and that to be performed by his Successors at the time of the change; but by the Prince himself, presently after the confirming of this League. But that for lack of Heirs Male, the Country of Transilvania, with

all the Territories thereunto annexed, should de∣scend unto his Sacred Majesty and his Successours, the King of Hungary, as a true and inseparable mem∣ber thereof; whereunto the Prince, and all the States of Transilvania should bind themselves by solemn Oath. But yet, that at such time as the Heirs Male should fail in the line of the present Prince, and that the Country of Transilvania should accord∣ing to these present Conditions be devolved to the Crown of Hungary; as well his present Im∣perial and Royal Majesty, as his Successours, should keep inviolate the antient Laws, Priviledges, and Customs of that Country, and always appoint one of the Nobility of Transilvania, to be Governour or Vayvod of the same, and no other Stranger.

Thirdly, That his Majesty should acknowledge the Prince of Transilvania for an absolute Prince, and by special Charter confirm unto him the Title of Most Excellent.

Fourthly, That his Imperial Majesty should procure one of the Daughters of the late Arch∣duke, Charles, his Uncle, for a Wife for the Prince, that as they were now to be joyned in League, so they might be joyned in Affinity also.

Fifthly, That the Emperour should procure him to be made one of the Order of the Golden Fleece.

Sixthly, That the Prince might with more chearfulness and security make War against the common Enemy, his Imperial and Royal Majesty should not at any time, howsoever things fell out, forsake the said Prince, or any of the Countries subject unto him; and even now presently to aid him according as the present occasion required, and afterward (if great need should be) with greater help▪ whether it was by his General of Cas∣sovia, or others; and this giving of Aid to be on both sides mutual and reciprocal, according as the necessity of the one or the other part should require; and that where most need was, thither should most help be converted.

Seventhly, That the sacred Roman Empire should take upon it the Protection and Defence of the Prince and his Territories; and that his Imperial Majesty should create the said Prince, and the Prince's Successors, Princes of the Empire; yet so, as that they should have neither Voice nor Place among the said Princes.

Eighthly, That whatsoever Castles, Towns, Cities, or other Places of Strength, should by their common Forces be taken or recovered from the common Enemy, at such time as his Imperial Majesty should send into the Field a full Army, should be all his Majesties; but such Places as the Prince should by his own Forces or Policy gain from the Enemy, should remain unto the Prince himself. Yet that what Places soever the Prince should recover, which at any time before belonged to the King∣dom of Hungary before it was taken by the Turk, those he should forthwith deliver to his Majesty, as soon as reasonable recompence were by him therefore made unto the Prince.

Ninthly, His Sacred Majesty should promise of his own Bounty to give unto his Excellency suffi∣cient Aid for the fortifying and defence of such Places as should be thought necessary for the be∣hoof of the Christians; as again the said Prince should likewise promise not to spare his own Cof∣fers or Forces, that the same Places should be throughly fortified and defended for the behoof of his Majesty, and the common good of the Christi∣an Common-weal.

Lastly, That forasmuch as the Events of War are uncertain, and many things suddenly happen contrary to mens Expectation, if such necessity should chance unto his Excellency or his Successors (which mishap God forbid) that having spent themselves, they should not be able longer to de∣fend their State and Country, but that the mighty Enemy prevailing, they should at last be inforced to forsake the same; in this their Extremity, his Imperial and Royal Majesty should promise both for himself and his Successors, within the space of one Month to assign some certain Place in some other of his Dominions, where the said Prince and his Successors might honourably live; and the like regard to be had also of other such principal men, as should, together with the Prince, adventure their Lives and Livings in defence of the Christian Com∣mon-weal.

Which Articles of Confederation agreed upon, and solemnly confirmed, the same Ambassadors were with all Kindness, Bounty, and Magnificence, dismissed and sent back again unto the Prince; who was not himself in the mean time idle, but labouring by all means he could to draw unto him Michael the Vayvod of Valachia (a man of no less worth than himself) and Aaron the Pala∣tine of Moldavia, both of them then the Turks Tri∣butaries; and by them to alienate from the Turk both those Countries, that so with their combined Forces they might the better defend their Liberty, and withstand their common Enemy; wherein he did so much, and prevailed so far with them both, that casting off the Turks Obeisance, they shortly after, to the great Benefit of the Christian Com∣mon-weal, and no less hindrance of the Turks pro∣ceedings in Hungary, joyned hands both together with him for the recovery of their lost Liberty. Which revolt of these bordering Princes, for that it so much concerned the common good, as that the safegard of Austria, and of the remnants of Hungary, with some good part of Germany also, is even by them that in those matters saw much, not without cause supposed to have rested therein; and that this noble Vayvod (of whom much is to be said hereafter) was the second Actor herein, it shall not be from our purpose to see the manner of his revolt also from the Turk, as we have alrea∣dy the Transilvanians. For the more Evidence whereof, as for the Honour of the man (whilst he lived, a most worthy member of the Christian Common-weal) we will a little step back to see how he obtained of the great Turk this so honour∣able a Preferment, as was the Vayvodship of Vala∣chia, not without his revolt long now to be hol∣den.

Alexander, the late Vayvod of Valachia, a Mol∣davian born,* 13.41 and by Amurath himself promoted to that Dignity; proud above measure of this his so great a Preferment, as also of his own Nobility, and the deceitful Favour of Fortune still fawning upon him; not only oppressed his People himself with intolerable Impositions, but to be in farther fa∣vour with the Turks, brought into that Country (too much before exhausted) such a company of them, as that they seemed now almost wholly to have possessed the same, oppressing the poor Christians (the natural Inhabitants) with new Exactions, and more than Tyrannical Injuries, even such as were not elsewhere by the Turks themselves used; not only breaking at their Pleasure into their Hou∣ses, and despoiling them of their Goods, but taking Tithe also of their Children, as if it had been of their Cattel, a thing never before there seen; and for the satisfying of their beastly Lust, ravishing their Wives and Daughters, even in the sight of their Husbands and Parents, with divers other such out∣ragious Villanies, not with Modesty to be rehear∣sed. So that by this means he had violently taken from his Christian Subjects all hope of reco∣very of their antient Liberty, had it not, as some∣time it falleth out in these worldly things, both un∣to Men and Common-weals, which brought unto the last cast, and even as it were to the bottom of

despair, by the Goodness of God, contrary to all hope, find sometime such unexpected Help and Relief, as that thereby they, beyond their hope, even to the astonishment of the World, mount up again unto a greater lustre of their State, than was that from which they before fell; it had even so by the singular Mercy of God, now hapned unto the Valachians, not knowing which way to turn themselves. There was at Crailowa (a City in the Confines of Valachia, towards the Confines of the Hungarians and Turks, where the Governour of those Borders is for the defence thereof with a strong Garrison always resiant) a noble Gentle∣man called * 13.42 Ion Michael, Son to Peter, the Palatine of that Country, the aforesaid Alexander's Prede∣cessor; who, as he was unto the People for the Honour of his Father, the Prerogative of his Birth, the Comeliness of his Person, and Tallness of his Stature, well known, so was he for his Zeal towards the Christian Religion, his Love towards his Coun∣try, his Kindness towards his Equals, his Courtesie towards his Inferiours, his upright Dealing, his Constancy and Bounty unto them, no less Graci∣ous; and for other the noble Virtues of his Heroical Mind, and natural Disposition for the Performance of great Matters, his deep Wisdom and quick Fore∣sight, his sweet and pleasing Speech, void of all Affectation, unto all good men most dear; whose Fame, both for the Honour of his House, and of his own Virtues, still more and more increasing, and rife in the Ears of Alexander the Vayvod, was the cause that he commanded him, as the ready, or rather natural Competitor of his State and Ho∣nour, to be secretly apprehended, and so taken out of the way; whereof he by good Fortune having Intelligence, and careful of his own Health, for safeguard of himself fled first into Hungary, and there not staying long (God so directing him) went to Constantinople in the year 1591, to sue for the Vayvod's Place, all the Nobility of his Coun∣try, and the Provinces thereunto adjoyning, secret∣ly rejoycing thereat. About which time, the chief and most grave of the Valachian Nobility and Councellors prostrating themselves at the Feet of Amurath, most grievously complained unto him of the manifold and intolerable Injuries they had al∣ready sustained, and were still like to endure, with∣out hope of redress, from Alexander their Vayvod, and the Followers of his Court; the Turks Garri∣sons and Merchants with plentiful Tears orderly declaring his many most foul and detestable Facts, and afterward highly commending Ion Michael for his rare Virtues, as the true Heir of their Province; most humbly requested Amurath, either to have him appointed the lawful Governour of their Coun∣try, or else some other Place by him assigned for them to dwell in, wishing any where to live, ra∣ther than under the heavy command of so merci∣less a man as was Alexander. For the furthering of which their Suit, Michael, his Uncle by the Mo∣thers side, a Greek born, and a Man for his exceed∣ing Wealth in great Favour in the Turks Court, spared for no cost. So Michael, by the Goodness of God,* 13.43 was by Amurath with great Solemnity created Vayvod of Valachia, and the oppressed and almost forlorn State of that sometime most flourishing Country by little and little well relieved (although not altogether without most sharp and violent Re∣medies, such as Extremities oft require) began now again to lift up the head, and to aspire unto the ancient Liberty and Honour thereof. At the be∣ginning of whose happy Sovereignty, Alexander, his Predecessour, in his own Conscience guilty of his evil and shameful Government of that so notable and great a Province, and now in fear to be called to account, secretly fled. But certain years after, removing to Constantinople with his Wife, and there attempting divers evil means for the obtain∣ing of the Palatinate of Moldavia, and for those his unlawful Practises accused by the Palatine's Agent; he was by the Commandment of Amurath taken in his own House, and there in his princely Apparel, most miserably strangled upon Palm Sun∣day,* 13.44 in the year 1597, about six years after his de∣parture out of Valachia.

Michael thus made Vayvod of Valachia, long it was not but that it fortuned, the Reverend Fa∣ther Cornelius de Nona, sent from Pope Clement the Eighth, unto the great Duke of Mus••ovie, in his re∣turn conferring with Sigismund, the Transilvanian Prince, and Aaron, the Palatine of Moldavia, infor∣med them of the great consent of divers zealous Christian Princes, for the maintenance of the War against the dangerous and common Enemy; with many grave and effectual Reasons perswading them (but especially for that they were themselves Chri∣stians) in that Christian quarrel to joyn unto them their Forces also, raised in those their Countries near unto the great Rivers of Danubius and Nester; but unto Michael, the Vayvod of Valachia, he could not for divers his other important Businesses then come; whom for all that, the aforesaid Tran∣silvanian Prince, Sigismund, his Neighbour, desi∣rously sought to draw into the Fellowship of this War, even for the same Reasons almost, wherewith he had been himself moved. First, by divers great Reasons removing such doubts as might justly seem to hinder him from giving his consent thereunto; and then by declaring the Turkish Insolency daily increasing, with the infinite Grievances by them de∣vised against the miserable Valachians; when as the Incursions of the Turks or Tartars, or their Pas∣sages that way, (no less troublesome than their Inroads) was almost every Month to be feared, their Armies, as Friends, to be in Winter and Sum∣mer received, their Souldiers to their great charges relieved, and their Commanders and Captains re∣warded. Valachia thus impoverished, was not able (as he said) to pay the great Sums it did already owe, neither was to expect any releasment of the evils it was wrapped in, much less was it able to suffice unto the grievous Exactions to be there∣unto by them afterwards imposed. None of his Predecessors (as he said, and as truth was) had for many years now past, for any long time, or with any Security held their State or Government; but that either by the Calumniation of the Envi∣ous, or Bribes of their ambitious Competitors, brought into Suspition with the Sultan, they were violently thrust out, or most cruelly put to death. In brief, he said it was a wise mans part, not with∣out most manifest and weighty Reasons, to pro∣mise unto himself better Fortune, or more assurance of his State, than had his unfortunate Predecessors before him; but warned by their Harms, betimes to provide for his own Safety. By which Perswa∣sion he so prevailed, that the Vayvod (whose Name, whose Fame, whose Wealth and Life, to∣gether with his Subjects, was all thereby indanger∣ed) although he would not (for the weightiness of the matter) at the first yield thereunto; yet as∣suredly promised, with his Friends, and the rest of the Nobility of his Country, to consider thereupon. Having it by the Prince plainly laid down before him▪ how a sufficient number of Souldiers might at all times be raised, their Pay provided, and Aid still sent him as need should be, from the German Emperour, or himself out of Transilvania; as also that Aaron the Palatine of Moldavia, would at all times be ready to combine himself unto them; that so with their united Forces they might upon the Banks of Danubius and Nester, easily repulse the In∣cursions both of the Turks and Tartars their Ene∣mies; the Christian Emperour in the mean time,

with less trouble proceeding in his Wars against the Turk in the other side of Hungary.

Now whilst this Plot was thus in laying, and Matters debating too and fro, not altogether with∣out the Turks Suspicion; Sinan Bassa, coming with a great Army into Hungary, had taken the strong Town of Rab, as is before declared; with which Mischance so much concerning the poor remain∣ders of Hungary, the Vayvod, not a little moved, began more deeply to consider of his own Estate. And as he was a man of great Spirit, and no less Zeal toward his Country, grieving to see his Sub∣jects committed to his Charge, to be so daily by the insolent Turks, still more and more oppressed; he (as he had before promised to the Transilvani∣an) called an assembly of all the States of Valachia, to consult with them what were best to be done for the Remedy of so great Evils, as also for the preventing of greater, not without cause then to be feared. Where, by the general Consent of them all, it was agreed, rather to joyn with the Empe∣rour and the other Christian Princes in Confedera∣tion, as they had been oftentimes by them request∣ed, than longer to indure that heavy Yoke of the Turkish Thraldom and Slavery.* 13.45 Whereupon the Vayvod taking unto him two thousand of the Hun∣garian Garrison S••uldiers, now before, for that pur∣pose, secretly laid upon the Frontiers of his Coun∣try; and calling upon the Name of Christ Iesus, in one day to begin withal, slew about to thousand of the Janizaries, (who without his leave had in that Country proudly seated themselves) with all the rest of the Turks, (in the midst of their Insolency) together with the traiterous Iews, not leaving one of them that he could come by alive, in all the open Country. And purposing to drive them out of their strong holds also, and so to make a clean riddance of them, ••e within fourteen days after, set upon Dziurdzowa, a great Town of the Turks upon the Bank of Danubius; all which he burnt, saving the Castle: and having there made a great slaughter, and loaded with the spoil of the Turks, returned to Bucharesta, the chief Seat of his Palatinate.

But long it was not after this his so great Pre∣sumption, but that he perceived the Turks in Re∣venge thereof, to seek after his Life; although he yet seemed to yield his Obedience unto Amurath, and to have done that he did, as inforced there∣unto by the Insolency of the Turks, and for the ne∣cessary relief both of himself and his Subjects. For the same Month (Rab being, as is aforesaid, taken by Sinan) one of the Turks * 13.46 Emirs, descended of the great Family and Stock of Mahomet their false Prophet, and then Cadilescher (a man of great Account and Place amongst the Turks) accompani∣ed with 2000 chosen Souldiers, fifty of the great Sultans Chamber, and many of the Zausii and Spahi, upon the sudden came to Bucharesta, under the co∣lour of refreshing themselves a••ter their long travel, but indeed with purpose to have taken the Vayvod; where they without Controulment, committed all kind of outragious Villany; and taking up all the chief Houses in the City, impe••iously demanded of the Vayvod (who then lay at his Palace near un∣to the new Monastery without the City, built with∣out any Castle or Defence, upon the River Dembo∣wiza) 10000 Florens for a Present, with Victuals and other necessary Provision for his Followers. And presently after, being certainly informed that he lay there but slenderly accompanied, and almost himself alone, the Emir himself on foot, with a thousand of his Souldiers▪ went out of the City, as if it had been but for his Pleasure, and in Courtesie to have seen him. Of which so suspicious a Guests coming, the Vayvod understanding, got him betimes away into the Camp of his Hungarian Mercinaries, which then lay but fast by; when the Turk thus deceived of the hope he had before conceived for the taking of him, craftily sent certain of his Fol∣lowers, to know of him, to what end he, in time of Peace, did entertain such a number of Hungarian Souldiers? Whereunto the Vayvod cunningly an∣swered, That they were at the first entertained for the taking of Peter, the Son of Alexander, some∣time Palatine of Moldavia; who, although he were now before apprehended, and openly hanged upon an Hook at Constantinople, yet that those Souldiers were, for their ready Service, of necessity still to be bileted in the Country, until such time as their pay might be provided. Which the Turk ••earing, commanded the Vayvod forthwith to discharge them, as men unnecessary, and to his Subjects trou∣blesome, promising the next day to lend him a Tun of Gold to pay them their Wages. Which feigned promise the Vayvod seemed thankfully to take; yet nevertheless commanded the Hungarians forth∣with in Arms to stand in readiness in the Camp, for the intercepting of the Turks, if haply by him distressed, they should betake themselves to flight; whilst he in the mean time, with his Courtiers and other Souldiers, secretly assembled into a Valley thereby, came suddenly upon the Turks (not as then dreaming of any such thing) compassed about the Inns wherein they lay, and setting fire upon them in five Places, notably forced them both with Fire and Sword, the two greatest Extremities of War; seeking now for nothing more than the just Revenge of his spoiled City, his forced Vir∣gins, and wronged Subjects. Howbeit, the Turks for a space right valiantly defended themselves, and by plain force (although in vain) sought to have broken through the midst of their Enemies, and so to have fled. Yea, many of them by force of the Fire driven out of their Lodgings, and tear∣ing off their burning Cloaths, fought stark naked; but most of them which could, fled unto the Palace where the great Emir lay, there with him ready to die or live. All which their last endeavours of Desperation the Vayvod easily frustrated, with two great Pieces of Artillery opening a way for his Souldiers unto them. So that the proud Emir now in dispair (like the hunted Castor) threw down out of a Window, a great Chest full of Gold and precious Stones, and other Jewels of great value, if happily he might have so appeased the Vayvods Wrath; humbly now requesting no more, but to have his Life spared; fearfully promising a large ransom for himself and those few which were yet alive with him. Howbeit, the Vayvod mindful of the manifold Injuries by them done unto him and his Subjects,* 13.47 and nothing mitigated or moved with the rich Spoils thrust upon him, or the large Promises the Turks had made him; commanded all those his Enemies now in Power, to be slain every Mothers Son; of whom his Souldiers had a wonderful rich spoil, although much more was lost in the fire: and so giving thanks unto God for the Victory, rested with his People a while at quiet. Yet within less than a Month after, he sent Albertus Kiral, his Lieutenant, with an Ar∣my to Phloch,* 13.48 (a great open unwalled Town on the farther side of Danubius, equally distant from Vrosczok and Nicopolis) from whence the Turks, oftentimes passing over that frozen River into Va∣lachia, had there done great harm: which Town, not inferiour unto a good City, he suddenly surprized, and sacked it, and put to the Sword all the Inhabitants thereof, except such as were be∣fore his coming fled. And shortly after (the more to annoy the Turks) marching again over the frozen River, to have surprized Hersowa,* 13.49 a wal∣led City, but one days Journey from Brailoua, he was by the way encountred upon the Ice by the Turks, whom he there in a great conflict

overthrew; and having slain many of them, and put the rest to flight, holding on his intended Jour∣ney, took that rich City, which he rifled and burnt down to the Ground, all except the Castle, which was yet by the Turks valiantly defended; and so with the spoil of the City, returned again over the River, there to refresh his Souldiers, wearied with Labour and the Extremity of the Winter weather. And yet not so contented, within six days after passing again over the River, and having upon the side thereof in a great Battel overthrown the Turks Garrisons, took Silistra, a great City of Macedonia, built by Constantine the Great, (being the Seat of one of the Turks Sanzacks, and well inhabited with rich Merchants) which fair City he ransacked, and having slain most part of the Inhabitants,* 13.50 burnt it down to the Ground, as he had the other: no less Terror than Grief unto the Turks.

* 13.51But whilst the aforesaid Confederation betwixt the Emperour and the Transilvanian Prince was yet in hand, and the Troubles in Valachia thus arising, Amurath, the great Sultan, grievously trou∣bled with the Stone, and attainted with the falling Sickness, his wonted Disease, and inwardly also tormented with the late Insolency of the Janizaries, and Revolt of the Countries of Transilvania, Vala∣chia, and Moldavia, (no small hinderance to the proceeding of his Wars in Hungary) as a man both in Soul and Body tormented, with great Im∣patiency and Agony of Mind, departed this Life the eighteenth day of Ianuary, in the year of our Lord 1595; when he had lived one and fifty, or as some say, two and fifty years, and thereof reign∣ed nineteen. At the time of his Death arose such a sudden and terrible Tempest at Constantinople, that many thought the World should even pre∣sently have been dissolved. His dead Body was, not long after, with great Pomp and Solemnity, buried by Mahomet, his eldest Son, in a Moschy which he himself had before built at Constantinople.

Christian Princes of the same time with Amurath the Third.

• Emperours of Germany,
  • Maximilian the Second. 1565. 12.
  • Rodolph the Second. 1577.
• ...Kings,
  • Of England,
    • Queen Elizabeth. 1558. 45.
  • Of France,
    • Charles the Ninth. 1560. 14.
    • Henry the Third. 1574. 14.
    • Henry the Fourth. 1589.
  • Of Scotland,
    • James the Sixth. 1565.
• Bishops of Rome.
  • Gregory the XIII. 1572. 12.
  • Pius the V. 1585. 5.
  • Urban the VII. 1590. 12 days.
  • Gregory the XIV. 1590. 10 months, 10 days.
  • Innocent the IX. 1591. 2 months & one day.
  • Clement the VIII. 1592.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Amurath takes upon him the T••rkish Empire the 25th day of De∣cember, in the year 1574. The de∣scription of Amurath.
• * 1.2

  He pacifi∣eth the Ia∣nizaries, and aug∣menteth their pri∣viledges.
• * 1.3

  He strang∣leth five of his Bre∣thren.
• * 1.4

  A despe∣r••te wo∣man.
• * 1.5

  Russia in∣vaded by the Turks. Leon. Gore∣cius de Bell. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.1

  Amurath's Letters un∣to the No∣bility of Polonia.
• * 2.2

  Stephen Vayvod of Transilva∣nia, upon the com∣mendation of Amu∣rath, cho∣sen King of Polonia.
• * 2.3

  The eleven Sons of Ta∣mas the Persian King.
• * 2.4

  Ismahel ap∣pointed by his Father to succeed him in the Kingdom.
• * 2.5

  Aidere as∣pireth to the King∣dom of Persia.
• * 2.6

  Aider slain, and his Head cast amongst his Favo∣rites.
• * 2.7

  Ismahel sa∣luted King.
• * 2.8

  He murde∣reth eight of his yon∣ger Bre∣thren.
• * 2.9

  Ismahel suddenly murthered by the de∣vice of his Sister Pe∣riaconcona.
• * 2.10

  Amurath intentive to the stirs in Persia.
• * 2.11

  Mahamet resolveth to take up∣on him the Persian Kingdom.
• * 2.12

  Mahamet proclaim∣ed King of Persia. The Head of Peria∣concona presented to Maha∣met on a Lance.
• * 2.13

  No assu∣rance in the Turks League.
• * 2.14

  Ambition the Cause of the Per∣sian War.
• * 2.15

  A Consul∣tation hol∣den a∣mongst the Bassaes a∣bout the manner of the Invasi∣on of Per∣sia.
• * 2.16

  Vstres Bas∣sa begin∣neth the Wars in Persia.
• * 3.1

  The League be∣twixt A∣murath the Turks Sul∣tan, and Stephen, King of Polonia.
• * 3.2

  Mustapha Bassa made General of the Turks Army.
• * 3.3

  Mustapha cometh to Erzirum, and there mustereth his Army.
• * 3.4

  Mustapha at Chars.
• * 3.5

  Mustapha cunningly encampeth his Army at Chielder.
• * 3.6

  Tocomac General of the Persi∣ans.
• * 3.7

  Mustapha commeth with his Battel to relieve his distressed People.
• * 3.8

  A Bulwark made of the Heads of the slain Persians.
• * 3.9

  The speech of Manuc∣chiar to Mustapha.
• * 3.10

  The An∣swer of Mustapha▪
• * 3.11

  A terrible Rain and Tempest▪
• * 3.12

  Mustapha surveyeth his Army at Archi∣chelec, and lacketh forty thou∣sand of his Men.
• * 3.13

  The Turks Victuallers cut off by the Georgi∣ans.
• * 3.14

  Alessandro the Georgi∣an sendeth Ambassa∣dors to Mustapha.
• * 3.15

  Alessandro curteously entertain∣ed by Mu∣stapha.
• * 3.16

  The Turks Army af∣flicted with Hunger.
• * 3.17

  Ten thou∣sand of the Turks For∣ragers slain.
• * 3.18

  The Persi∣ans fly, and in flying are many of them drowned in Canac.
• * 3.19

  The Reso∣lute An∣swer of Mustapha to his tu∣multuous Souldiers.
• * 3.20

  Eight thousand Turks drowned in passing the River.
• * 3.21

  Famine in the Turks Host.
• * 3.22

  The Turks Army re∣freshed.
• * 3.23

  Mustapha returneth out of Si∣ruan.
• * 3.24

  Mustapha relieveth his distres∣sed Garri∣son at Te∣flis.
• * 3.25

  The Mise∣ry of the Turks Ar∣my in pas∣sing the Straights of Georgia.
• * 3.26

  The Geor∣gian Wi∣dow sub∣mitteth her self with her Son Alexander to Musta∣pha.
• * 3.27

  Mustapha cometh to Erzirum, and dis∣chargeth his Army.
• * 3.28

  Mustapha magnifieth his own Exploits to Amu∣rath.
• * 3.29

  Ares Chan hanged at Sumachia.
• * 3.30

  Emanguli Chan ta∣ken, and Genge sack∣ed by the Tartarians.
• * 3.31

  Eres reco∣vered by the Per∣sians.
• * 3.32

  Sumachia besieged by the Per∣sian Prince.
• * 3.33

  Sumachia yieldeth unto the Prince.
• * 3.34

  Abdilchera•• beloved of the Persian Queen.
• * 3.35

  Abdilchera•• slain in the Court.
• * 3.36

  The Persi∣an Queen made a∣way.
• * 3.37

  Sahamal slain by Osman.
• * 3.38

  The Con∣sultations of Amu∣rath.
• * 3.39

  Mustapha careful to put in ex∣ecution Amurath's command.
• * 3.40

  Manucchiar turneth Turk.
• * 3.41

  Alexander constant in his Religi∣on.
• * 3.42

  Emanguli Chan taketh upon him the defence of Siruan,
• * 3.43

  Simon with Aliculi Chan sent for the Defence of Georgia.
• * 3.44

  The meet∣ing toge∣ther of the Turks Ar∣my at Er∣zirum.
• * 3.45

  Chars for∣tified in twenty three days space.
• * 3.46

  Snows at Chars in August.
• * 3.47

  Hassan Bassa sent with twen∣ty thousand to the suc∣cour of Teflis.
• * 3.48

  The Persi∣ans assail the Turks, and make of them a great slaughter.
• * 3.49

  The Persi∣ans over∣thrown, and Aliculi Chan taken.
• * 3.50

  The Mise∣ry of the Turks in Garrison at Teflis.
• * 3.51

  Simon de∣stroyed the rere∣ward of Hassan's Army, and taketh from him his Trea∣sure.
• * 3.52

  Mustapha returneth to Erzi∣rum, and there dis∣chargeth his Army.
• * 3.53

  Hassan Bassa re∣warded for his good Ser∣vice by Amurath.
• * 3.54

  Mustapha discharged of his Ge∣neralship, and called home to Constanti∣nople.
• * 3.55

  Sinan ac∣cuseth Mu∣stapha to Amurath.
• * 3.56

  Io. Leun∣cla, in sup∣plement. Annal. Tu••∣cicorum, pag. 79.
• * 3.57

  Mustapha by the Me∣diation of certain great La∣dies ap∣peaseth the dis∣pleasure of Amurath.
• * 3.58

  The strange Death of the great Visier Bas∣sa Muha∣met.
• * 3.59

  Sinan Bas∣sa chosen General for the Persian War.
• * 3.60

  The Persi∣an King sendeth Maxut Chan his Ambassa∣dor to Amurath.
• * 3.61

  The Ad∣monition of Sinan to the Persian Ambassa∣dor.
• * 3.62

  The Pre∣parations of the Per∣sian King against the Turks.
• * 3.63

  Sinan mu∣stereth his Army at Erzirum.
• * 3.64

  Maxut Chan re∣porteth unto the King what he hath done, and is for his good ser∣vice by him re∣warded.
• * 3.65

  Maxut Chan flyeth unto the Turks.
• * 3.66

  Sinan cometh to Teflis.
• * 3.67

  Sinan de∣parteth from Teflis.
• * 3.68

  Seven thousand Turks slain by the Ge∣orgians and Persians.
• * 3.69

  Sinan de∣rided of his Soul∣diers.
• * 3.70

  Sinan cometh to Erzirum, and there breaketh up his Army.
• * 3.71

  Amurath▪ circumci∣seth his eldest Son Mahomet.
• * 3.72

  Io. Leu••c. sup. Annal. Turc. p. 82▪
• * 3.73

  Mahamet Bassa refu∣seth Battel offered by the Georgi∣ans and Persians.
• * 3.74

  The Turks discomfit∣ed, and the Treasure and Corn taken by the Georgi∣ans and Persians.
• * 3.75

  Mahamet with his discomfit∣ed Army cometh to Teflis.
• * 3.76

  The Ora∣tion of Ma∣hamet Bas∣sa in the Castle of Teflis.
• * 3.77

  The Turks among themselves make a Purse of 30000 Duckets for the re∣lief of the Garrison of Teflis.
• * 3.78

  Mahamet deviseth how to betray Mustapha the Geor∣gian.
• * 3.79

  Mustaffa notably revenge••h himself of the Trea∣chery in∣tended against him by Mahamet the Gene∣ral.
• * 3.80

  The proud answer of Sinan to Amurath.
• * 3.81

  Sciaus Bas∣sa made Visier in Sinan's Place.
• * 3.82

  Mahamet the Persian King resol∣veth to go to Heri against his Son Abas Mirize.
• * 3.83

  Mahamet cometh to Heri.
• * 3.84

  Abas Miri∣ze by his Ambassa∣dours pur∣ged of Treason.
• * 3.85

  The Am∣bassadours of Abas ac∣cuse Miri∣ze Salmas the Visier.
• * 3.86

  Mirize Salmas the Visier found guilty of Treason, and be∣headed.
• * 3.87

  Ferat Bassa chosen Ge∣neral of the Army in Sinan's Place.
• * 3.88

  General Ferat de∣parteth from Con∣stantinople.
• * 3.89

  He com∣eth to Rei∣van.
• * 3.90

  Ferat in the space of fifteen days build∣eth a Fort at Reivan 750 yards about.
• * 3.91

  Ferat cometh to Erzirum, and there breaketh up his Ar∣my.
• * 3.92

  The Death of Hama Chadum, Amurath's Mother.
• * 3.93

  Ferat rai∣seth a new Army.
• * 3.94

  The Persi∣an King with a great Ar∣my com∣eth to Tau∣ris.
• * 3.95

  Ferat cut∣eth down a thick Wood at Tomanis, and build∣eth a Fort upon the Straight.
• * 3.96

  The com∣pass of the Castle built at T••∣manis by Ferat.
• * 3.97

  Simon in danger to have been taken, e∣scapeth by a strange chance.
• * 3.98

  A wonder∣ful dearth in the Turks Ar∣my at Tri∣ala.
• * 3.99

  The inso∣lent speech of the mu∣tinous Souldiers against Ferat their General.
• * 3.100

  The muti∣nous Soul∣diers again threaten their Ge∣neral.
• * 3.101

  The stout answer o•• Ferat.
• * 3.102

  The Soul∣diers over∣throw the Generals Tents, and threaten to kill him,
• * 3.103

  Ferat at Ardachan breaketh up his Ar∣my.
• * 3.104

  The dan∣gerous Pas∣sage from Reivan to Teflis secu∣red unto the Turks.
• * 3.105

  Emir Chan having his Eyes put out, dieth miserably in Prison.
• * 3.106

  Amurath sendeth for Osman into Siruan.
• * 3.107

  The Tartar King sen∣deth 12000 Tartars to lie in wait for to kill Osman.
• * 3.108

  Osman as∣saulted by 12000 Tartar••.
• * 3.109

  Osman overcom∣eth the Tartars.
• * 3.110

  Osman strangleth Mahomet the Tartar King with his two Sons, and placeth Islan his Brother in his stead.
• * 3.111

  Amurath demand∣eth Osmans Opinion concerning the Enter∣prise of Tauris.
• * 3.112

  Osman's Resoluti∣on.
• * 3.113

  Osman Bas∣sa made chief Vi∣sier and General of the Ar∣my.
• * 3.114

  Io. Leunc. sup. Annal. Turcicorum. pag. 91.
• * 3.115

  A most barbarous outrage committed by Petrus Emus a Venetian.
• * 3.116

  The Villa∣ny disco∣vered.
• * 3.117

  Amurath sendeth a Messenger to Venice, to expo∣stulate the Injury done unto his Sub∣jects▪
• * 3.118

  Petrus Emus be∣headed.
• * 3.119

  Io. Leunc. sup. Annal. Turcicoru•• pag. 92.
• * 3.120

  Ramadan Bassa slain by the in∣solent Ia∣nizaries.
• * 3.121

  Achmetes Bassa Go∣vernour of Cyprus, slain by the Iani∣zaries.
• * 3.122

  Another Insolency of the Ia∣nizaries.
• * 3.123

  Busbeq. Le∣gationis Turci••e, Epist. 3.
• * 3.124

  Hassan Bas∣sa the Queens Eunuch sent to Ca∣ire to go∣vern there.
• * 3.125

  Ebrain Bas∣sa in speech to Mary Amurath's Daughter.
• * 3.126

  The wari∣ness of the crafty Eu∣nuch.
• * 3.127

  The Eu∣nuch cast in Prison at Constan∣tinople, and his evil gotten Goods con∣fiscated.
• * 3.128

  The Drusi∣an People what they are.
• * 3.129

  The Coun∣try which the Drusi∣ans inha∣bit.
• * 3.130

  Five chief Rulers or Governors among the Drusians.
• * 3.131

  Three of the Drusian Lords met Ebrain at Ierusalem with rich Presents, and a great train of Men.
• * 3.132

  Serafadin cometh with Pre∣sents to Ebrain.
• * 4.1

  A Letter of Man-Oglies, to Ebrain Bassa.
• * 4.2

  Ebrain burneth 24 Town•• of Man-Oglies.
• * 4.3

  Veis Bassa and his Son dis∣comfited by the Drusians▪
• * 4.4

  Ebrain sendeth for Har∣quebuzes to Man-Ogli.
• * 4.5

  The nota∣ble dissi∣mulation of Ebrain Bassa.
• * 4.6

  Emir Ebne-frec enti∣ceth Man-Ogli's Ma∣cadem•• or Lieutenant to come to Ebrain.
• * 4.7

  The Maca∣demo by the Com∣mandment of Ebrain flain quick.
• * 4.8

  Ebrain no∣tably dis∣sembleth with Ebne-Mansur.
• * 4.9

  Ebne-Man∣sur in Chains sent to the Gallies.
• * 4.10

  The rich Presents given to Amurath by Ebrain.
• * 4.11

  Io. Leun••. sup. Annal. Turcicorum. pag. 95.
• * 4.12

  The Land of Iurie much troubled with the Arabian Theeves and Rob∣bers.
• * 4.13

  The Sub∣bassi of Bethlehem flain quick.
• * 4.14

  The num∣ber of Os∣mans Ar∣my.
• * 4.15

  The most insolent Speech of the Souldiers of Constan∣tinople and Graece, un∣to Osman their Ge∣neral.
• * 4.16

  Osman wisely ap∣peaseth his mutinous Souldiers.
• * 4.17

  The Turks rejoyce upon the discovery of Tauris.
• * 4.18

  The Persi∣an Prince over-run∣neth the Vauward of the Turks Army.
• * 4.19

  Osman sen∣deth two Bassaes with 14000 Souldiers to over∣take the Persian Prince.
• * 4.20

  A great slaughter in the Gates of Tauris.
• * 4.21

  The De∣scription of Tauris.
• * 4.22

  The Ca∣stle of Tau∣ris built in 36 days.
• * 4.23

  Eight Ia∣nizaries with cer∣tain Spa∣oglans found strangled in a Bath at Tauris.
• * 4.24

  The Misery of the Tau∣risians.
• * 4.25

  Eight thousand Turks slain
• * 4.26

  The Bassa of Cara∣emit slain by the Per∣sian Prince, and his head cut off.
• * 4.27

  Giaffer Bassa of Tripolis, an Eunuch, made Go∣vernour of Tauris.
• * 4.28

  Osman the General depa•••••• from 〈…〉〈…〉 come 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sancazan.
• * 4.29

  The Bat∣tel of San∣cazan.
• * 4.30

  Twenty thousand Turks slain.
• * 4.31

  Osman the Visier and General dieth at Sancazan.
• * 4.32

  The Turks Army dis∣charged at Van.
• * 4.33

  The Mi∣series the Turks Army en∣dured at Tauris▪
• * 4.34

  Ten thou∣sand Turco∣mans offer their Ser∣vice unto the Persian King.
• * 4.35

  The Tur∣comans for∣sake the siege, and fall into Rebellion.
• * 4.36

  The Tur∣comans dis∣comfited, and Mahamet Chan and Calife the Sultan beheaded.
• * 4.37

  Giaffer Bassa sen∣deth to Cicala Bassa for Aid.
• * 4.38

  The re∣turn of So∣ria six hundred thousand Duckats.
• * 4.39

  Ferat de∣parteth from Con∣stantinople, and com∣eth to Si∣vas.
• * 4.40

  The Glory of the Per∣sian King∣dom over∣thrown by Rebellion and Dis∣cord.
• * 4.41

  Aliculi and Emanguli Chan per∣form no∣thing against the Turks, as was by the Prince expected.
• * 4.42

  Ferat put∣teth Suc∣cours into the Fort at Tauris.
• * 4.43

  The Pers••••an Prince slain by one of his Eunuchs.
• * 4.44

  The Castle of Koppan in Hungary surprised by the Christians.
• * 4.45

  Aly Bassa of Buda strangled by the command of Amu∣rath.
• * 4.46

  Sinan Bas∣sa again received into Fa∣vour.
• * 5.1

  Sigismund the Poloni∣an King's Letter un∣to Amu∣rath.
• * 5.2

  The Turks de∣sire to be called Mus∣sulman, whi••h in their Lan∣guage sig∣nifieth a true be∣liever.
• * 6.1

  Amurath's Answer unto the Letters of Sigismund.
• * 6.2

  Genge ta∣ken by Fe∣rat.
• * 6.3

  The Iani∣zaries in a Tumult at Constanti∣nople.
• * 6.4

  Great harm done by Fire in Constanti∣nople.
• * 6.5

  Sinan Bassa of Buda in∣vadeth the upper part of Hunga∣ry.
• * 6.6

  Sinan over∣thrown.
• * 7.1

  Nicholaus Reusnerius Epist. Tur∣ci••. lib. 12. pag. 42.
• * 7.2

  Amurath's Letters unto the Queen of England.
• * 7.3

  Septem∣ber.
• * 7.4

  The Polo∣nian Cos∣sacks in∣vade the Tartarians and Turks.
• * 7.5

  The Rea∣sons wherewith the Visier Bassaes perswade Amurath to make War.
• * 7.6

  The Causes why Amu∣rath would not sud∣denly re∣solve upon War.
• * 7.7

  Eight se∣••••••al Opi∣••••ons of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Visier 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••••••cern∣i••g the War to be taken in hand.
• * 7.8

  The first Opinion and Rea∣sons of them that would have the Wars re∣newed in Persia.
• * 7.9

  The second Opinion, for ma∣king of War upon the King of Fez and Morocco, and the Reason thereof.
• * 7.10

  The third Opinion, concern∣ing the Conquest of Malta.
• * 7.11

  The fourth Opinion, For War to be made against the King of Spain, and the Reasons thereof.
• * 7.12

  The fifth Opinion for the In∣vasion of the Veneti∣ans, and the Rea∣sons why.
• * 7.13

  The sixth Opinion, for the at∣tempting of Italy, and the Reasons thereof.
• * 7.14

  The se∣venth Opi∣nion for War to be made against the Poloni∣an, and the Reasons thereof▪
• * 7.15

  The eighth Opinion, for War to be made against the Emperour, and the Reasons thereof.
• * 7.16

  Amurath resolveth to make War upon the Empe∣rour, with the Rea∣sons mo∣ving him thereunto,
• * 7.17

  The Persi∣an Hostage dieth in the Turks Court.
• * 7.18

  Wihitz the Metropoli∣tical City of Croatia yielded to the Turks.
• * 7.19

  The Chri∣stians over∣thrown.
• * 7.20

  Certain vain at∣tempts of the Turks.
• * 7.21

  Turopolis spoiled by the Turks.
• * 7.22

  The Ca∣stle of St. George surprised by the Turks.
• * 7.23

  The Em∣perour prayeth Aid again of the Ger∣man Prin∣ces.
• * 7.24

  Divers In∣••ursions of the Turks into the Frontiers of the Christians in Croatia and Hun∣gary.
• * 8.1

  The Em∣perours Letters un∣to Amu∣rath.
• * 9.1

  The Empe∣rours Let∣ters to Si∣nan Bassa.
• * 10.1

  Sinan Bassa his Letters to the Em∣perour.
• * 10.2

  Which is the 16th of March, in the year of Christ 1593.
• * 11.1

  The threatning Letter of Hassan Bassa of Bosna unto the Abbot of Siseg.
• * 11.2

  The Hungarian Bannes are Noble∣men, in Power much like unto the Turks Bassaes.
• * 11.3

  Hassan Bassa in∣vadeth Croatia.
• * 11.4

  Siseg be∣sieged by Hassan Bassa.
• * 11.5

  A great Battel be∣twixt the Turks and the Christi∣ans.
• * 11.6

  Siseg re∣lieved.
• * 11.7

  Eighteen thousand Turks slain••
• * 11.8

  News of the over∣throw of the Turks at Siseg, brought t•• Buda.
• * 12.1

  The proud and blas∣phemous Denunti∣ation of War given out by Amurath against R••dolph the Christi∣an Empe∣rour.
• * 12.2

  Siseg take•• by the Turks.
• * 12.3

  Sinan Bas∣sa besie∣geth Vespri∣nium.
• * 12.4

  Palotta yieldeth unto the Turks.
• * 12.5

  Alba Rega∣lis besieged by the Christians.
• * 12.6

  Sabatzka taken by the Lord Teuffen∣bach.
• * 12.7

  Filek be∣sieged by the Chri∣stians.
• * 12.8

  Filek taken by the Chri∣stians.
• * 12.9

  Setschine, Blaven∣stein, and Sallek, abandoned by the Turk••.
• * 12.10

  The Turks in burying their dead, slain by the Christians.
• * 12.11

  A great Tempest at Constan∣tinople.
• * 12.12

  Amurath dreameth.
• * 12.13

  A fair Pre∣sent of the spoil of the Turks, sent unto the Emperour▪
• * 12.14

  Novigrade besieged by the Christians.
• * 12.15

  Novigrade yielded unto the Arch-duke
• * 12.16

  The San∣zack of Novigrade hanged at Buda.
• * 12.17

  Certain Castles of the Turks upon the Borders of Stiria, ta∣ken by the County Serinus.
• * 12.18

  Hatwan besieged by the Christians▪
• * 13.1

  The Copy of the Let∣ters of the Lord Te••f∣fenbach, to Matthias the Arch-duke, Ge∣neral of the Em∣perours Army against the Turks.
• * 13.2

  Strigonium besieged by the Christians▪
• * 13.3

  The old City deli∣vered by the Rasci∣ans unto the Chri∣stians.
• * 13.4

  The Castle assaulted.
• * 13.5

  The Rasci∣ans rise up against the Turks.
• * 13.6

  Five thou∣sand Chri∣stians lost at the siege of Strigo∣nium.
• * 13.7

  The Arch-duke send∣eth Aid to the siege of Hatwan.
• * 13.8

  Strigonium assaulted.
• * 13.9

  Strigonium sore bat∣tered.
• * 13.10

  The new built For•• hardly as∣saulted by the Turks.
• * 13.11

  The Arch-duke rai∣seth his siege, and with his Army pas∣seth the River.
• * 13.12

  Five thou∣sand Turks slain.
• * 13.13

  Hatwan in vain as∣saulted by the Chri∣stians.
• * 13.14

  Teuffenbac•• giveth over the siege of Hatwan.
• * 13.15

  A Diet of the Empire holden at Ratisbone for the withstand∣ing of the Turks.
• * 13.16

  The Em∣perour grievously complain∣eth unto the Princes Electors and States of the Em∣pire, of the Infidelity of the Turk, and craveth their Aid.
• * 13.17

  Sinan Bas∣sa with an Army of 150000 between Buda and Alba-Re∣galis.
• * 13.18

  Dotis and St. Mar∣tins yield∣ed unto the Turks.
• * 13.19

  Rab.
• * 13.20

  The Turks and Tar∣tars pas∣sing over the River over∣thrown.
• * 13.21

  The Tarta∣rians the second time over∣thrown.
• * 13.22

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.23

  A Bassa slain.
• * 13.24

  A fight in the River betwixt the Turks and the Tartars.
• * 13.25

  A great skirmish betwixt the Turks and the Christians.
• * 13.26

  Two thou∣sand Turks slain, and seventeen of their En∣signs taken.
• * 13.27

  A great spoil taken by the Turks.
• * 13.28

  Regium ra∣zed by the Turks.
• * 13.29

  Rab assaul∣ted by the Turks.
• * 13.30

  Twelve thousand Turks slain
• * 13.31

  County Hardec corrupted by the Turks, yieldeth the strong Town of Rab unto Sinan Bassa.
• * 13.32

  Rab repai∣red by the Turks.
• * 13.33

  Komara besieged by Sinan Bassa.
• * 13.34

  Sinan Bas∣sa raiseth his siege.
• * 13.35

  County Hardeck condem∣ned and executed for betray∣ing of Rab.
• * 13.36

  Great harm done in Transil∣vania by the Tar∣tars.
• * 13.37

  The Con∣spirators against the Prince, ap∣prehended and exe∣cuted.
• * 13.38

  The Iani∣zaries in a Tumult at Constanti∣nople.
• * 13.39

  Amurath sick.
• * 13.40

  The Capi∣tulations of the League betwixt the Empe∣rour and the Tran∣silvanian Prince.
• * 13.41

  Valachia oppressed by the Turks.
• * 13.42

  Ion signi∣fieth with the Vala∣chians as much as Christian, which some mi∣staking, call this Michael al∣so by the Name of Iohn.
• * 13.43

  Michael by Amurath created Vayvod of Valachia.
• * 13.44

  Alexander strangled at Constan∣tinople.
• * 13.45

  Michael, the Vay∣vod of Va∣lachia, re∣volteth from the Turks.
• * 13.46

  The Turks call all them that are descended of the Stock of their Pro∣phet Ma∣homet, by the Name of Emirs or Lords.
• * 13.47

  The Cadi∣lesher, wi••h all the Turks his Followers, slain.
• * 13.48

  Phloch spoiled by the Vay∣vod.
• * 13.49

  Hersowa taken.
• * 13.50

  Silistra burnt.
• * 13.51

  Amurath dieth.