The Turkish history from the original of that nation, to the growth of the Ottoman empire with the lives and conquests of their princes and emperours / by Richard Knolles ... ; with a continuation to this present year MDCLXXXVII ; whereunto is added, The present state of the Ottoman empire, by Sir Paul Rycaut ...

The General HISTORY OF THE TURKS, Before the Rising of the Othoman Family, With all the Noble EXPEDITIONS of the Christian Princes against them.

THE glorious Empire of the Turks, the present Terror of the World, hath amongst other things nothing in it more wonderful or strange, than the poor beginning of it self, so small and obscure, as that it is not well known unto them∣selves, or agreed upon even among the best Writers of their Histories, from whence this bar∣barous Nation, that now so triumpheth over the best part of the World, first crept out or took their beginning.* 1.1 Some (after the manner of most Na∣••ions) derive them from the Trojans, led there∣unto by the affinity of the words Turci and Teucri, supposing (but with what probabily I know not) the word Turci or Turks to have been made of the corruption of the word Teucri, the common name of the Trojans: as also for that the Turks have of long most inhabited the lesser ASIA, where∣in the ancient and most famous City of TROY sometime stood. No great reason in my deeming; yet give the Authors thereof leave therewith to please themselves, as well as some others, which dwelling much further off, borrow, or ra∣ther force their beginning from thence, without any probability at all; and that with such ear∣nestness, as if they could not elsewhere have found any so honorable Ancestors. Othersome report them to have first come out of PERSIA, and of I wot not what City there to have taken their name: neither want there some which affirm them to have taken their beginning out of ARABIA, yea and some out of SYRIA, with many other far fet devices concerning the beginning and name of this people: all serving to no better purpose, than to shew the uncertainty thereof. Among others, Philip of MORNAY the noble and learned Frenchman, in his worthy Work concerning the trueness of the Christian Religion, seemeth (and that not without good reason) to derive the Turks, together with the Tartars, from the Jews, namely from the Ten Tribes, which were by Salmanaser King of AS∣SIRIA, in the time of Oseas King of ISRAEL, carried away into Captivity,* 1.2 and by him con∣fined into MEDIA, and the other unpeopled Countries of the North: whose going thither is not unaptly described by Esdras, where among the great hords of the Tartars, in the farthest part of the World Northward, even at this day are found some, that still retain the names of Dan, Zabulon and Naphthali, a certain argument of their descent: whereunto also the word Tartar or Tatar, signifying in the Syrian-Tongue, remnants or leavings; and the word Turk, a word of dis∣grace, signifying in Hebrew, banished men, seemeth right well to agree. Besides that, in the Northern Countries of RUSSIA, SARMATIA, and LYTHUANIA, are found greater store of the Jewish Nation, than elsewhere, and so nearer unto the Tartarians still the more: whereunto Io. Leunclavius the most curious Searcher out of the Turks Antiquities and Monuments,* 1.3 addeth as a farther Con••ecture of the discent of those bar∣barous Northern people from the Jews, That in his travel through LIVONIA into LY∣THUANIA in the Country near unto the Metropolitan City of RIGA, he found there the barbarous people of the Lettoes, quite differ∣ing in Language from the other Country-people of the Curons and Estons, no less barbarous than themselves; who had always in their mouths as a perpetual lamentation, which they with doleful moans daily repeated abroad in the fields, Ieru, Ieru, Masco Lon: whereby they were thought to lament over JERUSALEM and DAMASCO, as forgetful of all other things in their ancient Country, after so many worlds of years, and in a desolate place so far distant thence.* 1.4 And Munster in his Description of LIVONIA, repeating the like words, re∣porteth, That this rude people being demanded what they meant by these words so often and so lamentably by them without cause uttered: an∣swered, That they knew no more, than that they had been so of long taught by their Ancestors But to leave these Opinions concerning their

beginning, so divers and uncertain, and to fol∣low greater probabilities: as concerning the place from whence they came, it is upon better ground thought by divers others, and those of the best Historians, That this barbarous Nation which hath of late brought such fatal mutations upon so great a part, not of Christendom only, but even of the whole World, took their first be∣ginning out of the bare and cold Country of SCYTHIA:* 1.5 induced thereunto both by the Authority of the greatest Cosmographers, as by most apparent reasons. Pomponius Mela the De∣scriber of the World, reckoning up the people near unto the great River TANAIS (the bounder of EUROPE from ASIA East∣ward) amongst others maketh mention of the Turks, in these words, Geloni urbem ligneam habi∣tant. Iuxta Thyrsagetae Turcae{que} vastas sylvas occu∣pant, aluntur{que} venando. Tum continuis rupibus late aspera & deserta regio ad Arympheo•• usque permittitur. The Geloni inhabit a City of Wood, and fast by the Thyrsagets and Turks possess the vast Forests, and live by hunting. Then, a rough and desert Country, with continual Rocks, is spaciously ex∣tended even as far as unto the Arympheians. Pliny also in like manner reckoning up the Nati∣ons about the Fens of MAEOTIS,* 1.6 agreeing with that Mela reporteth, saith, Deinde, Euazae, Cottae, Cicimeni, Messeniani, Costobocci, Choatrae, Zigae, Dandari, Tussagetae, Turcae, usque ad solitudines sal∣tuosis convallibus asperas, ultra quos Arymphei qui ad Riphaeos pertinent montes: Next unto them, are the Euazae, Cottae, Cicimeni, Messeniani, Costo∣bocci, Choatrae, Zigae, Dandari, the Thussagets and Turks, unto the deserts rough with woody Valleys: beyond whom are the Arympheians, which border upon the Riphean mountains. And Ptolomy in the Description of SARMA∣TIA ASIATICA, maketh mention of the Tusci, whom many learned men suppose to have been the same Nation with the Turks. Unto which ancient Testimonies of reverend Antiqui∣ty,* 1.7 add the manners and conditions of the Turks, their ancient attire, their gesture, their gate, their weapons, and manner of riding and fight, their language and dialect, so well agreeing with the Scythians; and a man shall find matter enough sufficient to perswade him in reason, that the Turks have undoubtedly taken their beginning from the Scythes; whom they in so many things resemble, and with whom of all other Nations they best agree.

* 1.8Now it hath been no less doubted also, among the Writers of the Turks Histories, at what time, and for what causes the Turks (to the trouble of the World) left their natural Seats in the cold Country of SCYTHIA, to seek themselves others in more pleasant and temperate Coun∣tries more Southerly, than it had been of their Original beginning. Blondus and Platina report them, enforced with a general want, to have forsaken their native Country, and followed their better fortune, in the year of our Lord, 755. with whom also Segonius agreeth in the cause of their departure,* 1.9 but not in the time or place when or whereby they departed: for they (as he saith) issued out of their dwelling places in the year of Grace, 844. by the Straits of the Mountain CAUCASUS:* 1.10 whereas the other with greater probability suppose them to have come forth by the Caspian Straits: which the Turks also (as saith Sabellicus) affirm of ••hem∣selves,* 1.11 their Ancestors (as they say) being by their Neighbors driven out of the Caspian Moun∣tains. Some others there be tha•• report them to have forsaken their native Country▪ neither in∣forced thereunto by necessity, or the power of others; but for their valor sent for by the Sultan of PERSIA, to aid him in his Wars: unadvised∣ly supposing that to have been the cause of their first coming out, which indeed hapned long time after, as in the process of this History shall appear. But whatsoever the aforesaid causes of want, or of the enemies power, might inforce them unto, a greater power no doubt it was that stir'd them up, even the hand of the Almighty, who being the Author of all Kingdoms upon Earth, as well those which he hath appointed as Scourges wherewith to punish the World, as others more blessed, will have his work and purpose full of Divine Majesty, to appear in the stirring of them up from right small beginnings, in the increasing and establishing of thei•• great∣ness and power, to the astonishment of the World; and in the ruine and destruction of them again, the course of their appointed time once run. As for the difference of the time of their coming forth, before remembred, it may reasonably be referred to the divers emotions of that people, who being not under the command of any one, but of their divers Governors, as the manner of that people was, are not to be thought to have come forth all at once, either for one cause; but at divers times, some sooner, some later, and that for divers causes. This people thus stirred up, and by the Caspian Ports pas∣sing thorow the Georgian Country, then called IBERIA, near unto the Caspian Sea, first seised upon a part of the greater ARMENIA,* 1.12 and that with so strong hand, that it is by their Poste∣rity yet holden at this day, and of them called TURCOMANIA; of all other the most true Progeny of the ancient Turks. In which great Country they of long under their divers Leaders, in the manner of their living most re∣sembling their Ancestors, roamed up and down with their Families and herds of Cattel, after the manner of the Scythian Nomades, their Country men, without any certain places of abode, yet at great Unity among themselves, as not having much to lose, or wherefore to strive.

The first Kingdom of the Turks erected in Persia by Tangrolipix, Chieftain of the Selzuccian Family: with the success thereof.

THis wandring and unregarded people, but now the terror of the world, thus first seated in ARMENIA, long time there lived in that wide Country, after their rude and wonted man∣ner, (from which the Turcoman Nation their Posterity in that place, even at this day, as we said, much differeth not) and not only notably defended the Country, thus by them at the first possessed, but still incroaching farther and far∣ther, and gaining by other mens harms, became at length dreadful unto their Neighbours, and of some fame also farther off: whereunto the effe∣minate cowardise of those delicate people of ASIA, with whom they had to do, gave no less furtherance than their own valour; being nevertheless an hardy rough people, though not much skilful or trained up in the feats of War.

The ••ame of the••e Turks, together with their fortune, thus daily increasing, and the mighty Empire of the Sarasins as fast declining, which under their Chaliphs, the Successors of the false Prophet Mahomet, having in less than th•• space

of two hundred years overspread not only the greatest part of ASIA and AFRICK, even unto GADES and the Pillars of Hercules; but also passing over that strait, had overwhelmed almost all SPAIN; and not there staying, but passing the Pirenei, had pierced even into the heart of France, and divers other parts of Christen∣dom, as namely ITALY, SICILY, the famous Island of the RHODES, with many others of the MEDITERRANEAN: now divided in it self, and rent into many Kingdoms, turned their victorious arms from the Christians, upon one another, to the mutual destruction of themselves and their Empire. Amongst other the Sarasin Sultans, which forgetting their Obe∣dience to their great Caliph, took upon them the Soveraignty of Government (which admitteth no partner) was one Mahomet Sultan of PERSIA, a right great Prince, who hardly beset on the one side with the Indians, and on the other with the Caliph of BABYLON his mortal Enemy, prayed Aid of the Turks his Neighbours, who were now come even to the side of ARAXIS, the bounds of his Empire: unto which his re∣quest the Turks easily granted, in hope thereby to find a way for them afterwards to enter into PERSIA, and so sent him 3000 hardy men under the leading of one Togra Mucalet, the Son of Mikeil a valiant Captain, and chief of the Selzuccian Tribe or Family; whom the Greeks commonly call Tangrolipix, and some others, Sel∣duck,* 1.13 or Sadock, names (as I suppose) corrupted of the great Family whereof he was descended. By the aid of this Tangrolipix (for now we will so call him, as by the name most used) Mahomet the Persian Sultan overcame Pisasiris the Caliph of BABYLON, his Arabians being not able to endure the force of his Turkish Archers. This war thus happily ended, the Turks desiring to return home, requested of the Sultan leave to depart, and with a safe convoy to be conducted unto the river ARAXIS, and there to have the passage of that swift river opened unto them, which was by the Persians strongly kept by two Castles built upon each end of the bridge, where∣by the River was to be passed. But Mahomet loath to forgo such necessary men, by whom he had obtained so great a Victory, and pur∣posing to imploy them further in his Service against the Indians, would by no means hearken unto their request; but seeming therewith to be discontented, commanded them to speak no more thereof, threatning them violence if they should more presume to talk of their departure. The Turks therefore doubtful of their estate, and fearing further danger, secretly withdrew them∣selves into the desart of CARAVONITIS: and for that they were in number but few, and not able to come into the open field against so many millions of the Sarasins, lived as they might, by continual Incursions and Roads which they made out of the desart Forest into the Coun∣tries adjoyning: wherewith Mahomet greatly in∣censed, sent out an Army of twenty thousand men under the Conduct of ten of his best Cap∣tains, against them: who for want of water and other necessaries, doubting to enter the desart, encamped themselves on the side of the Forest, there to consult what course to take. But Tan∣grolipix, who with his Turks lay a great way off in the covert of the Woods and Mountains, un∣derstanding of the coming of his Enemies, and of the manner of their lying, thought it best upon the sudden by night to set upon the Sara∣sins and Persians, if so happily he might over∣throw them by policy, whom he was not able to encounter in plain battel. Upon which resolu∣tion having travelled two days long march in the desart, the third day at night he suddenly set upon his Enemies, lying negligently in their Trenches, and by his unexpected coming brought such a fear upon them, that they without longer stay betook themselves to flight, every man shifting for himself, without regard of others. This Victory so happily gained, and Tangrolipix now (beyond his hope) throughly furnished with Armor, Horses, and abundance of all things needful for the Wars, kept the Woods and Forests no longer as a Thief or Out-law, but shewed himself in the open field, where daily repaired unto him numbers of Rogues and Vaga∣bonds seeking after spoil; with many other des∣perate Villains, who for fear of punishment were glad of such a Refuge: so that in a short space his Army was grown to be fifty thousand strong; and so much the stronger, for that they had no∣thing to trust unto more than the valour of themselves. Whilst Tangrolipix thus increaseth, Mahomet inraged with the overthrow of his Army, in his fury caused all those ten Captains which had the leading thereof, to have their eyes pluckt out; threatning also to attire all the Soul∣diers that fled out of the battel, in Womans ap∣parel, and so disgraced to carry them about as Cowards; and withall raised a great Army for the suppressing of the Turks.* 1.14 All things being now in readiness, he set forward; when by the way the Souldiers whom he had so threatned to disgrace, suddenly fled to the Enemy: with whose coming Tangrolipix greatly encouraged and strengthened, resolved to give the Sultan bat∣tel. And so boldly coming on, met with him at ISPAHAN a City of PERSIA, where was fought betwixt them a most terrible battel, with wonderful slaughter on both sides. In the heat of which battel, Mahomet unadvisedly riding to and fro to encourage his Souldiers, falling with his horse, brake his Neck: upon which mischance both the Armies coming to agreement, by com∣mon consent proclaimed Tangrolipix Sultan in his stead,* 1.15 and so made him King of PERSIA, and of all the other large Dominions unto that Kingdom belonging.

This was the first Kingdom of the Turks, be∣gun by the good Fortune of Tangrolipix, about 214 years after their coming out of SCYTHIA, in the year also of our Lord, 1030. Constantinus Monomachus then reigning, or a little before (ac∣cording to the Turks account) in the Reign of Romanus Argirus, Constantine his Predecessor. Tan∣grolipix by rare Fortune,* 1.16 thus of a mean Captain become King of PERSIA; forthwith com∣manded the Garrison which kept the bridge over the River ARAXIS, to be removed, and so free passage to be given unto the Turks his Country-men, at their pleasure to come over: who in great multitudes repaired into PERSIA, where they were by the new Sultan well pro∣vided for, and by little and little promoted unto the greatest Dignities of that Kingdom; the Per∣sians and Sarasins, the ancient Inhabitants thereof, being by these new come Guests now kept un∣der, and as it were trodden under foot. Toge∣ther with this Kingdom, the Turks received the Mahometan Superstition,* 1.17 the which they before not much abhorred, as men using Circumcision: So that hard it is to say whether Nation lost more; the Persians and Sarasins by the loss of so great a Kingdom; or the Turks, by imbracing so great a Vanity.

Tangrolipix with his Turks thus possessed of the Kingdom of PERSIA, held not himself there∣with long content, but made War upon his Neighbour Princes, especially against Pisasiris the

Caliph of BABYLON, whom he in divers battels overthrew; and having at length slain him, joyned his Kingdom unto his own. After that,* 1.18 he sent Cutlu-Muses his Cousin, with an Army against the Arabians, by whom he was overthrown and put to flight. But returning by MEDIA, he requested of Stephan the Greek Emperors Lieutenant, leave to pass with his Army by the confines of his Country: which his request Stephan not only rejected, but also by strong hand sought to stop his passage; but joyning battel with him, was by the Turks easily overthrown, and himself taken. So Cutlu-Muses returning to Tangrolipix, and recounting unto him the success of his Wars, perswaded him to turn his Forces into MEDIA, as a most fruitful Country, and easie to be subdued. But he highly offended with the overthrow given by the Arabians, would not hearken unto him, but raising a new Army in hope of better For∣tune, went against the Arabians in person himself.* 1.19 Cutlu-Muses in the mean time fearing the Sultans displeasure, fled with his Followers and Favourites; and taking for his refuge PA∣SAR a strong City of the Chorasmians, re∣volted from him; which the Sultan seeming not to regard, held on his intended Journey against the Arabians, by whom he was also put to the worst, and enforced with dishonour to return. After that, he with part of his Army besieged Cutlu-Muses, who by the strength of the place, and valour of the people, for a great while notably defended himself. In the mean time Tangrolipix, not unmindful what Cutlu-Muses had before said unto him, concerning the easiness of the Con∣quest of MEDIA (a Country, as he said, de∣fended but by Women) sent Asan his Brothers Son, sirnamed the Deaf, with a convenient Army to invade the same: who entring into the Frontiers of that Province, was there by the Emperors Lieutenant overthrown, and him∣self with the greatest part of his Army slain. With which loss the Sultan rather inraged than discouraged, sent Habramy Alim his Brother again, with an Army of an hundred thousand fight∣ing men: with which so great a Power the Em∣perors Lieutenant thought it not good to en∣counter, until he had procured further aid from the Emperor, especially out of IBERIA; and therefore kept himself with such power as he had, within his strong and fenced places. Which Alim perceiving, and out of hope to draw him unto battel, roaming up and down the Coun∣try, at last besieged ARZEN, an open Town, but full of rich Merchants, by whom it was (con∣trary to his expectation) notably defended for the space of six days; until that at length the Turks seeing no other way to win it, set fire upon it in divers places; by force whereof the Inhabitants were enforced for safeguard of their lives to fly, and to leave the Town with an in∣finite wealth to the spoil of the Enemy. By this time was Liparites Governor of IBERIA, come with a great Power to the aid of the Em∣perors Lieutenant in MEDIA: whereof Alim having intelligence, without delay hasted with his Army towards his Enemies: and meeting with them a little before night, had with them a cruel fight; wherein the Victory fell unto the Christians, who had the Turks in chase a great part of the night. Nevertheless Liparites valiantly fighting in another wing of the battel, was there taken, and so carried away Prisoner: for whose ransome the Emperor sent a great sum of money, with certain Presents to the Sultan; all which he sent back again, and frankly set Liparites at liberty, wishing him never to bear Arms more against the Turks. And with him sent the Seriph, a man of great Place among the Mahumetans, his Embassador unto the Emperor. Who coming to CONSTANTINOPLE,* 1.20 amongst other things, proudly demanded of the Emperor, to become Tributary unto the Sultan, and so to be at Peace with him for ever: Which his unreasonable demand was by the Emperor with no less disdain scornfully rejected, and the Seriph so dismissed. Which contempe of his Embassador the Sultan taking in evil part; as also not a little moved with the death of his Nephew, and loss of his Army, with all his Power invaded the Roman Provinces; but be∣ing come as far as COIME without any no∣table harm doing, for that the Country people hearing before of his coming, had in time con∣veyed themselves with their substance into their strong holds, whereof there was great store in those Countries; and hearing also that the Greek Emperor was raising a great Power to come against him at CESAREA; not daring to proceed any further, leaving so many Enemies behind him, he fretting in himself, re∣turned into MEDIA, where finding the peo∣ple all fled into their strong Towns, he laid siege unto MANTZICHIERT, a City standing in a plain Champain Country, but strongly fortified with a triple Wall and deep Ditches. This City he furiously assaulted by the space of thirty days without intermission; but all in vain, the same being still notably defended by Basilius Governor thereof, and the other Christians therein. The Sultan weary of this siege, and about to have risen, was by Alcan one of his chief Captains, perswaded yet to stay one day, for him to make proof in, what he were able to do for the gaining thereof whereunto the Sultan yielded, committing the whole charge of the assault unto him. Alcan the next day dividing the Army into two parts, and placing the one part upon the higher ground, of purpose with the multitude of thei•• shot to have overwhelmed the defendants; with the other part of the Army, furnished with all things needful for the assault, approached to the Walls: the Sultan in the mean time, with certain of the chief Turks, from an high place beholding all that was done. But this so forward a Cap∣tain in the midst of his endeavour lost himself, being slain with a great number of his Follow∣ers in approaching the Wall. His dead body known by the beauty of his Armor, was by two valiant young men that sallied out of the Gate, drawn by the hair of his head into the City, and his head being forthwith cut off▪ was cast over the Wall among the Turks: where∣with the Sultan discouraged, and out of hope of gaining the City, rose with his Army, pre∣tending himself with other his urgent affairs to be called home, and threatning withall, the next Spring to return with greater Power, and to do great matters. But not long after,* 1.21 great discord arose betwixt the Sultan and his Brother Habra∣mie Alim, insomuch that the Sultan sought by divers means to have taken him out of the way: which Habramie perceiving, fled to his Nephew Cutlu-Muses, and joyning his Forces with hi••, de∣nounced War unto the Sultan his Brother; who meeting with them not far off from PASAR, overcame them in plain battel, wherein Ha∣bramie was taken, and presently by the com∣mandment of his Brother put to death. But Cutlu-Muses, with his Cousin Melech and 6000 Turks, fled into ARMENIA; and by Mes∣sengers sent of purpose, requested of the Em∣peror Constantinus M••homachus, to be received into

his Protection. But the Sultan with his Army following them at the heels,* 1.22 they for their more safety were glad to fly into ARABIA. The Sultan afterwards turning into IBERIA, did there great harm, spoiling the Country before him: against whom the Emperor sent Michael Acoluthus, a valiant Captain. Of whose approach the Sultan hearing, and that he would undoubt∣edly ere long give him battel, (deeming it no great honour unto him to overcome the Empe∣rors Servant, but an eternal dishonour to be of him overthrown) retired with his Army back again to TAURIS, leaving behind him one Samach with 3000 Turks, to infest the Frontiers of the Emperors Territories: which both he and other the Turks Captains afterward more easily did,* 1.23 for that Monomachus the Emperor having prodigally spent the Treasures of the Empire, to increase his Revenue, had imposed a Tribute upon the Frontier Countries of his Empire, wont before to be free from all Exactions; in lieu whereof they were bound to defend the passa∣ges from all incursions of the Enemy: but now pressed with new Impositions, had dissolved their wonted Garrisons, and left an easie entrance for the barbarous Enemies into the Provinces con∣fining upon them. Besides that, the Emperor's immediately following, and especially Constanti∣nus Ducas, abhorring from Wars, and given alto∣gether to the hoarding up of Treasure, gave little countenance, and less maintenance, unto men of Service, which in short time turned to the great weakning, and in fine to the utter ruine of the Constantinopolitan Empire. At the same time also the Government of the Constan∣tinopolitan Empire, by the death of Constantinus Ducas the late Emperor,* 1.24 came to his wife Eudocia with her three Sons, Michael, Andronicus, and Con∣stantinus, all very young: whose sex and tender years the barbarous Nations having in contempt, at their pleasure grievously spoiled the Provinces of the Empire, namely MESOPOTAMIA, CILICIA, CAPADOCIA, yea and sometimes as far as COELOSIRIA. The report whereof much troubled the Empress, and gave occasion for many that loved her not, to say, That so troubled an Estate required the Govern∣ment of some worthy man. Wherefore she fear∣ing le••t that the Senate making choice of some other, she and her Children should be removed from the Government, thought it best for the preservation of her State and her Childrens, to make choice of some notable and valiant man for her Husband, that for her and hers, should take upon him the managing of so weighty Affairs. But to check this her purpose (the only remedy of her troubled thoughts) she had at the death of the late Emperor Constantine her Husband, at such time as the Soveraignty was by the Senate confirmed unto her and her Sons, solemnly sworn never more to marry; which her Oath was for the more assurance conceived into writing, and so delivered unto the Patriarch to keep. This troubled her more, than to find out the Man whom she could think worthy of her self, with so great honour. She held then in prison one Diogenes Romanus, a man of great Re∣nown, and honourably descended, whose Father having married the Neece of the Emperor Ro∣manus Argirus, and aspiring to the Empire, be∣ing convicted▪ thereof, slew himself for fear to be enforced by Torments, to bewray his Con∣federates. This Diogenes was by the late Empe∣ror Constantine, for his good Service against the Scythes (who then much troubled the Empire) highly promoted, with most honourable testi∣mony in the Charters of his Promotions, That such Honours were bestowed upon him, not of the Emperors meer Bounty, but as the due Re∣wards of his worthy Deserts. Notwithstanding after the death of the Emperor, he sick of his Fathers disease, and swelling with the pride of Ambition, sought by secret means to have as∣pired unto the Empire: whereof the Empress having intelligence, caused him to be apprehend∣ed and brought in bonds to CONSTANTI∣NOPLE, where being found guilty of the foul Treason, and so committed to safe keeping, was shortly after brought forth to the Judgment Seat again, to receive the heavy Sentence of death. In which woful plight, standing as a man out of hope, and now utterly forlorn, he moved all the beholders with a sorrowful com∣passion: for beside that he was a man of ex∣ceeding strength, so was he of incomparable feature and beauty, adorned with many other rare qualities and vertues answerable thereunto: wherewith the Empress moved with the rest, or pierced with a secret good liking, is hard to say, revoked the Sentence of Condemnation ready to have been pronounced upon him, and gave him Pardon. And shortly after having set him at liberty,* 1.25 sent for him as he was going into CAPADO∣CIA his native Country, and made him Gene∣ral of all her Forces, with a full resolution in her self to marry him, and to make him Empe∣ror, if she might by any means get the writing out of the Patriarchs hand, wherein her Oath for never marrying again was comprised. For the compassing whereof, she entred into a deep device full of feminine policy with one of her Eunuchs, whom she purposed to use as her pan∣der for the circumventing of the Patriarch. This crafty Eunuch instructed by his Mistress, coming to the Patriarch Ioannes Xiliphilines, a man both for his place and integrity of life much honoured, told him in great secret, that the Em∣press had so far set her good liking upon a young Gentleman, a Nephew of his called Barda (then a Gallant of the Court) as that she could be content to take him to her Husband, and to make him Emperor, if she might by his Holiness be perswaded, that she might with safe consci∣ence do it, and by him be discharged of the rash Oath she had unadvisedly taken, never to marry again, whereof he had the keeping. The Patri∣arch, otherwise a Contemner of worldly honours, yet moved with so great a Preferment of his Nephew, promised the Eunuch to do therein whatsoever the Empress had desired, which he accordingly performed. And so sending for the Senators one by one, in whose good liking the mat∣ter chiefly rested, he with much gravity propound∣ed unto them the dangerous estate of the Com∣mon-weal, with the Troubles daily increasing, and the continual fear of foreign Enemies, not to be repressed by the weak hand of a Woman, or the authority of young Children, but re∣quiring (as he said) the valiant courage of some worthy Man. After that, he began to find great fault with the rash Oath which the Empress had taken a little before the death of her Hus∣band, never to marry; and utterly condemning the same, as contrary to the Word of God, and unjustly exacted of her, rather to satisfie the jealous humour of the Emperor her late Husband, than for any good of the Common-weal: he in fine perswaded them, that the unlawful Oath might be revoked, and the Empress set at liberty at her pleasure, by their good liking to make choice of such a man for her Husband, as might better undertake so weighty affairs of the Em∣pire, more fit for a Man, than for so tender a Lady and three young Children. The greater

part of the Senate thus perswaded by the Patri∣arch, and the rest with Gifts and Promises over∣come by the Empress, the Patriarch delivered un∣to her the Writing she so much desired, and dis∣charged her of her Oath: whereupon she forth∣with calling unto her certain of her secret Friends,* 1.26 married Diogenes, whom she caused to be pro∣claimed Emperor. Now thought Eudocia after the manner of a Woman, to have had her Hus∣band (whom she even from the bottom of dis∣pair had exalted to the highest Type of Honour) in all things Loyal and Pliant: whereunto he for a while at the first forced himself, but after∣wards (being a man of a proud nature, and haughty spirit) became weary of such Obser∣vance, and began by little and little to take every day more and more upon him. And for that the Imperial Provinces in the East, were in some part lost, and the rest in no small danger; he as well for the redress thereof, as for his own Honour, and to shew himself an Emperor indeed, and not the Servant of the Empress, left the Court, and passed over into ASIA, although it were with a small Army and evil appointed: for why, it was no easie matter for him to furnish out the Army with all things necessary, which by the sloth and sparing of the late Emperors, had, to the great danger and dishonour of the Empire, been utterly neglected. Nevertheless the Turkish Sultan, who at the same time with a great Power invaded the Provinces of the Empire, hearing of his coming, and that he was a man of great valour, and doubting what Power he might bring with him, retired himself; and dividing his Army, sent the one part thereof into the South part of ASIA,* 1.27 and the other into the North, which spoiled all the Country before them as they went, and suddenly surprising the City of NEO-CESARIA, sacked it, and so laded with the spoil thereof departed. But the Em∣peror understanding thereof, and not a little grieved therewith, drawing out certain bands and companies of the best and most readiest Souldiers in his Army, and with them coasting the Country to get betwixt the Turks and home, used therein such expedition, that he was upon them before they were aware, and so suddenly charging them,* 1.28 brought such a fear upon them, that they betook themselves to their heels, leaving behind them for hast, their Baggage and Carriages, with all the Prisoners and Booty they had before taken at NEO-CESARIA, and in their late Expedition: yet was there no great number of them slain, for that the Christians sore wearied with long travel, were not able far to follow the chace. From thence taking his way unto SIRIA, he sent part of his Army to MELITENA, and carried himself from ALEPPO, a great booty both of men and cattel. At which time also the City of HIE∣RAPOLIS was yielded unto him, where he shortly after built a strong Castle. But whilst he there stayed, news was brought unto him, that the other part of his Army which he had sent away, was overthrown by the Turks; for the relief of whom, he rose with all hast and march∣ed towards them: but being in number far in∣ferior unto his Enemies, he was by them as he lay encamped, inclosed round in such sort, as that it was thought almost impossible for him to have escaped. At which time also the Governor of ALEPPO traiterously revolted from him, and joyned his Forces with the Enemy, making now no other reckoning, but assuredly to have taken him. But whilst the Turks thus dream of nothing but of a most glorious Victory, and were in mind dividing the spoil, the Emperor without so much as the sounding of a Trumpet, sudden∣ly issuing out of his Trenches, when they least thought he durst so have done, and resolutely charging them home, put them to flight, and had of them a notable Victory, had he through∣ly prosecuted the same. After that, having taken divers Towns he came to ALEXANDRIA, in CILICIA, and there all about in the Country bilited his Army, because of the ap∣proach of Winter, and so returned himself to CONSTANTINOPLE. The next Spring the Turks, according to their usual man∣ner invading the Frontiers of the Empire, did much harm about NEO-CESARIA: where∣of the Emperor advertised, went thither with his Army, and quickly repressing their fury, took his Journey to the River EUPHRATES, where leaving part of his Army with Philaretus for the keeping of those Frontiers, he himself retired Northward into CAPADOCIA. But after his departure, the Turks setting upon Philaretus, put him to flight with his Garrisons: and taking the spoil of the Frontiers, entred into CAPADOCIA, wasting all as they went: and afterwards turning into CILICIA, sack∣ed ICONIUM a rich and populous City. Whereof the Emperor understanding at SE∣BASTIA, made towards them: but hearing by the way that they had ransackt the City, and were for fear of his coming already retired, he sent Chatagurio Governor of ANTIOCH, with part of his Army to MOPSIPHESTIA, to stop the Turks of their passage. But they in the plains of THARSUS were before di∣stressed by the Armenians, and stript of all their rich Prey: and hearing farther of the approach of the Emperors Power, fled by night and so escaped: which the Emperor understanding, and having now well quieted those Provinces, and the year far spent, returned again to CON∣STANTINOPLE. But after his depar∣ture, the Turks again invading the frontier Pro∣vinces, he sent Manuel Comnenus, a valiant young man, General against them; who so prevailed, that the Emperor envying at his Honour, took from him a great part of his Army, and sent him with a small Power into SIRIA. But as he was upon the way, he was by the Turks entrapped near unto SEBASTIA, and there taken, most part of his Army being at the same time overthrown and slain: with which loss, the Emperor troubled, made great preparation to go himself in Person against his Enemies; who en∣couraged with the former Victory, ceased not to infest his Territories. In the mean time by great fortune came Manuel Comnenus home, toge∣ther with the Turk that took him; who being fallen into the displeasure of the Sultan, fled unto the Emperor with his Prisoner, of whom he was honourably entertained. All things now in a readiness, for so great an Expedition as the Em∣peror had in Person purposed, he set forward: and after long travel having passed CESA∣REA, he incamped at a place called CRY∣APEGA:* 1.29 where for severe execution done upon certain mutinous Souldiers, one of the Le∣gions of his Army rose in mutiny against him: whom (for all that) he quickly pacified with the terror of the rest of his Army, which he threatned to turn upon them if they proceeded to forget their duty. After that, removing to THEODOSOPOLIS, he divided his Army, and sent Ruselius one of his best Captains, with one part thereof against Chliat, and another part he sent to besiege MANTZICIERTS, retaining with himself the rest, being of no strength. The Turks in MANTZICIERTS

finding themselves not able long to hold out, fell to composition, and yielded the City. But shortly after, the Souldiers left there in Garrison for the keeping thereof, going out to seek for forrage, were by the Turks suddenly oppressed: which the Emperor understanding, sent thither one Nicephorus Bryennius, with certain Companies to relieve the City; who encountring with the Turks, and finding himself too weak, sent unto the Emperor for aid: who not knowing the strength of the Enemies, blamed him of cowar∣dise, yet sent unto him Nicephorus Basilacius with part of his Army; who joyning his Forces with Bryennius, and giving the Turks battel, put them to flight. But following too fast upon them unto their Trenches, and Bryennius making no great hast after, he had his horse slain under him, and so on foot heavily laden with armor, and not able to shift for himself, was there taken and brought to the Sultan; who honourably entreated him, and oftentimes questioning with him con∣cerning the Emperor, and shewing him his own Power, examined him also of the Empe∣rors.

Tangrolipix was now dead, and the Sultan now in the field against the Emperor, was Axan his Son, a man of great wisdom and discretion; who considering the doubtful event of battel, sent Embassadors unto the Emperor to intreat with him of peace.* 1.30 But he (perswaded by some of his Captains, that this motion made by the Sultan for peace, proceeded but of a meer fear and distrust he had in his own Power, or else to gain time until some greater strength came) had small regard of the Embassors or their Message, but proudly willed them to tell their Master, That if he were desirous of Peace, he should get him farther off, and leave the place wherein he lay encamped, for him to lodge in: and so without other answer, commanded them away. Now had the Emperor (as is before said) sent away part of his Army by Ruselius against Chliat, whom he sent now for in hast again: but he hearing of the approach of the Sultan, by the perswasion of Tarchomiates, one of his Captains, was retired for his more safety back into the Roman Frontiers, leaving the Emperor destitute of his help. At which time also a Company of the Scythians which served in the Emperors Camp, revolted unto the Turks; not without some suspition, that the rest of their Fellows which remained, would ere long do the like: nevertheless the Emperor presuming of such strength as he had, or carried headlong with his own Fortune, resolved to give the Turks battel, and therefore putting his men in Order, set upon them. Who somewhat troubled with the Empe∣rors so sudden a resolution, as being yet in some hope of Peace, yet having put themselves in order of battel, received the Enemies Charge; still giving a little ground, as men not greatly desirous either to fight or to fly. This fight con∣tinuing long, and the day now declining, the Emperor doubting lest the Sultan should send part of his Army to assault his Camp (from which he was now drawn somewhat far, and had left the same but weakly manned) caused a retreat to be sounded, and so began orderly to retire himself with them that were about him: which others afar off in the battel beholding, and supposing him to have fled, began themselves to fly amain. Of which so shameful flight and sudden fear Andronicus (the Son of Iohn Ducas,* 1.31 the late Emperor Constantine his Brother, and by him created Caesar, who with his Sons secretly en∣vied at the Honour of Di••genes) was the cause: for he commanding a great part of the Army, gave it first out unto such as were about him, that the Emperor fled: and to increase the fear, turning his horse about, fled towards the Camp as fast as he could; after whom all the rest most disorderly followed: which the Emperor behold∣ing, and therewith not a little troubled, made a stand, labouring in vain to have staid the rest: for now the Turks incouraged with the sudden flight of the Christians, began hardly to pursue them, as men already overthrown by the hand of God; whom for all that, the Emperor with such as yet stood with him, for a space notably re∣sisted.* 1.32 But being forsaken by the greater part of his Army, and oppressed with the multitude of his Enemies, being wounded himself, and his horse slain under him, he was taken all im∣brued in his own blood, and the blood of his Enemies, of whom he had wounded and slain many. The Sultan advertised of his taking, at the first believed it not, supposing it rather to have been some other great man: until that he was both by them, whom he had but a little be∣fore sent Embassador unto him, and by Basilacius one of his Captains then Prisoner with him, as∣sured that it was undoubtedly he, which Basila∣cius brought before him to see if he knew him, fell down prostrate at his feet, as before his dread Lord and Soveraign. The Emperor brought before the Sultan, and humbling himself in such sort as best beseemed his heavy Fortune, the Sultan presently took him up, and thus chear∣fully spoke unto him, Grieve not noble Emperor (said he) at thy mishap, for such is the chance of War, overwhelming sometimes one, sometimes another: neither fear thou any harm, for I will use thee not as my Prisoner, but as an Emperor: which accor∣dingly he did, presently appointing him a Princely Pavillion, with all things answerable to his state, setting him oftentimes at his own boord, and for his sake enlarging such Prisoners as he re∣quired. And after he had thus for certain days honourably used him, and discoursed with him of many things, he concluded a perpetual Peace with him, upon promise of a marriage to be made betwixt their Children, and so with a safe Con∣voy sent him away with greater Honour than was at an Enemies hand to have been expected. The Emperor in Turkish attire, which the Sul∣tan had bestowed upon him, coming to THEO∣DOSOPOLIS, there staid the curing of his Wounds, and afterwards accompanied with the Sultans Embassadors, set forward toward CONSTANTINOPLE. But all was now there changed: for upon the report of his Captivity, Iohn the Caesar, with Psellus one of the chief Senators, and others of the same Faction, which always envied at the Honour of Diogenes, presently took the Imperial Government from Eudocia the Empress,* 1.33 and thrusting her into a Monastery which she had built near to PRO∣PONTIS, set up Michael Ducas her eldest Son, Emperor, in stead of Diogenes: whose sim∣plicity, Caesar his Uncle abusing with the rest, did now what they list. And hearing that Dio∣genes was now (contrary to their expectation) set at liberty by the Sultan, and coming towards the the Emperial City, sent out Letters every way in the new Emperors Name, unto all the Governors of the Provinces whereby he was to pass, not to receive him an Emperor, or to do him any Honour: which Diogenes understanding, staid at the Castle of DOCIA, whither some of his Friends with such Power as they were able to make, resorted unto him. Against whom, Caesar with the contrary Faction first sent his Son Con∣stantine, and after that Andronicus his eldest Son, both Diogenes his Mortal Enemies, with a great

Army: by whom Diogenes, with his Friends and Followers,* 1.34 were overthrown and discom∣fited. Diogenes himself flying to the City of ADANA, was there hardly besieged by Andro∣nicus, and in the end glad to yield himself, upon condition, that he should resign the Empire, and so for ever after to lead a private life. For whose safety, certain of the chief of the Clergy sent of purpose from Michael the Emperor, gave their Faith: so Diogenes all attired in black, yielded himself to Andronicus; by whom he was brought to COTAI, then the Metropolitical City of PHRIGIA, there to expect what further Order should be taken for him from the Court: during which time he fell sick, being (as many supposed) secretly poisoned. But whilst he there lay languishing, an heavier doom came from the young Emperor,* 1.35 That he should have his Eyes put out: which was forthwith in most cruel manner done; the Clergy-men that had before for his safety gaged their Faith, cry∣ing out in vain against so horrible a cruelty. Thus deprived of his sight, he was conveyed into the Island of PROTA, where his Eyes for lack of looking to, putrifying, and Worms breed∣ing in them, with such an odious smell as that no man could abide to come nigh him, he in short time after died, when he had reigned three years, eight months. All which misery was thought to have happened unto him through the malice of Caesar, without the knowledge of the young Emperor his Nephew.

* 1.36Axan hearing of the miserable end of the late Emperor Diogenes, was therewith much grieved, and the more, for that the League which he had to his good content so lately made with him, was thereby come to nought: wherefore in revenge thereof, he with great Power invaded the Imperial Provinces; not for spoil and booty only, as in former time, but now to conquer and to hold the same. Against whom, Michael the Emperor sent Isaac Comnenus his Lieutenant, with a great Army: who meeting with the Turks, and joyning battel, was by them over∣thrown with all his Army, and taken Prisoner; and glad afterwards for a great sum of money to redeem himself. After which overthrow, the Emperor sent his Uncle Caesar with another Army against them, who was by Ruselius, that had before revolted from the Emperor, over∣thrown at the River SANGARIUS, and taken Prisoner; whom he for all that, shortly after set at liberty again, and joyning with him against the Turks, were both together by them discomfited and taken Prisoners, but afterwards redeemed; Caesar by the Emperor, and Ruselius by his Wife. This Ruselius was a notable Tray∣tor, who joyning with the Turks, did what he list in the Provinces of the Empire in the lesser ASIA: for the repressing of whom, the Em∣peror sent Alexius Comnenus, a young man, but very politick and couragious; who secretly practising with the Turks that were great with Ruselius, had him at last by them for a sum of money betrayed into his Power: who forthwith sent him to CONSTANTINOPLE to the Emperor, by whom he was imprisoned, but after∣ward set at liberty and employed against Bryen∣••ius and his Brother, then up in Rebellion against the Emperor.

* 1.37But to come nearer to the Turkish Affairs. Cutlu-Muses, who with his Cousin Melech and others, were for fear of Tangrolipix their Cousin fled into ARABIA, as is before declared, now in the beginning of the Reign of Axan, returned: and as the envious Competitors of his King∣dom, having raised a great Power of their Friends and Partakers, were now ready to have tried the matter with him by plain battel. Against whom also, the Sultan on the other side had brought into the field his whole Forces, and was now likewise ready to have incountred them near unto the City of ERES. But whilst the Turks thus divided, stood ready to destroy them∣selves, the Caliph of BABYLON (from whom though the Turks had taken all Temporal Sove∣raignty, yet in matters of Religion still held him in great reverence and esteem, as their chief Bishop, and the Successor of their great Prophet) considering that nothing could be more dange∣rous to his Sect and Religion, than that civil dissention, the late confusion and utter ruine of the Sarasin Empire, and Authority of the Ca∣liphs; and fearing the like effect in these new Sarasins, now the chief stay of the Mahometan Superstition: setting aside all Pontifical Formality, whereby he was bound not to go out of his own house, came with all speed, even as the Armies were now ready to joyn battel, and thrusting himself into the midst betwixt them, what with the reverence of his Person, what with his effectual perswasion, wrought so much, and prevailed so far with both Parties, that they were content to lay down their Weapons, and to stand to his Order and Judgment: which was, That Axan the Sultan should still injoy his King∣dom and Territories,* 1.38 whole and entire unto him∣self as he did: and that Cutlu-Muses and his Sons, aided by him, and so invading the Provinces of the Constantinopolitan Empire, should there∣of subdue so much as they could unto themselves, and to be thereof accounted the only Lords and Governors: which Order as it was unto the Turks, and for the maintenance of the Maho∣metan Superstition, very wholesome and com∣modious, so was it unto the Christian Common∣weal and Religion most dangerous and hurtful, as in process of time by proof it appeared. For by this mean, in short time after, Cutlu-Muses with his Cousins and Sons subdued all MEDIA, with a great part of ARMENIA, CAPA∣DOCIA, PONTUS, and BYTHINIA, and so a great part of the lesser ASIA. By the aid of this Cutlu-Muses, and the favour of the Souldiers, Nicephorus Botoniates aspiring unto the Empire of CONSTANTINOPLE, displaced his Master, the Emperor, Michael Ducas, after he had reigned six years and six months, and in the habit of a Monk thrust him into an Abbey: which Usurper by the just Judgment of God, was at length requited even with the same measure, and in like manner served by Comnenus; who thrusting him out, succceded himself in the Empire.* 1.39 Much it was that this Cutlu-Muses, with his Sons and Kinsmen did for the inlarging of the Turkish Empire, by the help of the great Persian Sultan whose Forces, toge∣ther with their own, in divers Countries con∣ducted by these worthy Leaders his nigh Kins∣men, and doing great matters, gave occasion for themselves to be accounted Sultans, though in∣deed they were none, neither their names such as are by some ancient Writers, and others of later time also reported; but unto the Turks themselves by those names, either for Sultans, unknown. Out of these great Commanders, all born of the Selzuccian Family, hath Aithonus, and others following his report, derived their Do∣gris••a, Aspasalemus, Meleclas, and Belchiaroc, whom they suppose to have orderly succeeded Zadoc, otherwise called Tangrolipix, in the Turkish Em∣pire, and to have done great matters: whereas both by the report of the Turks themselves, and the relation of the Greeks, it appears plainly,

Axan, (more truly called Ax-han, that is to say, the White King) to have been the Son of Tangrolipix, and to have succeeded him in the Empire: and that by him the Emperor Diogenes was taken, and not by Aspasalemus as they vainly imagine. As for Aspasalemus, whom the Turks by that name know not any thing of his doings, it seemeth to have been a name corrupted of Aspam Sallarius, the Brother of Tangrolipix and Habrami, and not his Sons Son as they would have it. In like manner Meleclas also seemeth to have been forged of Melech the Son of Habrami, Tangrolipix his Brother, and not of Aspasalemus, as some without any good ground report. Whom they finding to have been all great Men in the Selzuccian Family, with some others also, have both corrupted their names, and given them an imaginary Soveraignty and succession in the Turks first Empire, such as beside that the Turks themselves acknowledge not, is easily to be re∣felled out of the Histories of the Greeks, who had with them still much to do. Wherefore leaving those supposed Princes of the Turks, with their imaginary succession, and doings, unto the Authors thereof, following more certainties, to return again to the course of our History. Axan the Sultan at the same time that he had by the mediation of the Chaliph (or not long after) fallen to agreement with his Cousin Cutlu-Muses; to increase the Honour of his Nation and the Bounds of his Empire, gave unto Du∣cas and Melech, two of his nigh Kinsmen, the Government of DAMASCO and ALEP∣PO, with that part of SYRIA which joyn∣eth unto them, of purpose that way to incroach upon the Aegyptian Chaliph, who then had un∣der his Jurisdiction, all, as far as LAODI∣CEA in SYRIA; yet not with so large Pri∣viledge as had Cutlu-Muses, unto whom and his Posterity he had yielded the absolute Honour of a Sultan or King, over such Countries and Provinces as they should win from the Christi∣ans: but unto these others his Kinsmen, he gave the Government of the aforesaid Cities of DAMASCO and ALEPPO, in the Frontiers of his Dominion in SYRIA, condi∣tionally that they should still remain his Vas∣sals, and hold of him as of their Soveraign, whatsoever they had, who nevertheless in short time mightily prevailed upon the Egyptian, still inceasing the Turkish Territory with the loss of the Sarasins, whose name together with their Empire, was now by the Turks almost quite driven out of ASIA.

But these proud Branches of the Turkish Empire, thus over-spreading the lesser ASIA, with the greatest part of SYRIA, were in short time after by the Mercy of God, and the valour of the most Christian and most Religi∣ous Princes of the West, cut shorter, and brought again into some better Order. The full dis∣course whereof, worthy eternall Memory, by others inrolled in the ancient Records of Fame, I purpose not at large to follow, but in brief to touch, for the orderly continuation of the present History, hasting to the doings of this Victorious Nation of latter times, wherein we are to make a longer stay, as more pertinent unto the dangerous estate of the present time.

* 1.40It fortuned that whilst Cutlu-Muses and his Sons, supported by the Sultan Axan their Kins∣man, thus mightily prevailed against the Christi∣ans in the lesser ASIA on the one side, and Melech with his Cousin against the Egyptian Chaliph in SYRIA on the other side: that one Peter a French Hermit moved with a devout zeal, according to the manner of that time, went to visit the Sepulchre of our Saviour, with the other holy Places at JERUSALEM; who coming into SYRIA, then for the most part possessed by the Turks and Sarasins, diligently noted by the way as he travelled, the Manners and Fashions of these barbarous Nations, their Government, their Cities, their Power and Strength, but above all, the grievous Miseries of the poor oppressed Christians, that there lived in most miserable thraldom among them, without hope of release: all which, he in the habit of a poor Pilgrim, at liberty safely viewed, in the midst of these Miscreants, being withall a little low hard∣favoured Fellow, and therefore in shew more to be contemned than feared:* 1.41 yet under such simple and homely Feature lay unregarded a most subtil sharp and piercing wit, fraught with discretion and sound judgment, still apply∣ing to some use what he had in his long and painful travel most curiously observed. He cometh to JERUSALEM, and performing his devotions there, saw the grievous misery of the poor devout Christians, so great and heavy, as that greater or more intollerable could none be: wherewith not a little grieved, he entred into a deep discourse thereof with Simon the Pa∣triarch and Abbot of the Monastery of the Christians (there before built by certain Italian Merchants) and with the Master of the Hospita∣lers, by whom he was fully informed thereof, as of whatsoever else he required. After much grave Conference, it was at length agreed upon amongst them, that the Patriarch and the grand Master, should in their own, and the names of the other oppressed Christians, write their Let∣ters unto the Pope and the other Christian Princes, concerning their Miseries; and to crave their Aid for the Recovery of those holy pla∣ces out of the hands of those cruel Infidels; of which Letters the devout Hermit promised him∣self to be the trusty Carrier, and of their Peti∣tions the most careful Solicitor. Whereupon the Patriarch and grand Master, in the name of the poor oppressed Christians wrote their Letters unto this effect:

We the Citizens of the holy City,* 2.1 and Country-men of Christ Iesus, daily suffer those things which Christ our King suffered but once, in the last days of his mortality. We are daily bu••fetted, scourged, and pierced: every day some of us are brained, be∣headed, or crucified. We would fly from City to City, unto the remotest parts of the Earth, and remove out of the middle of that Land where our Saviour wrought our Redemption, to lead a poor exiled and vagrant life; were it not impiety to leave the Land (sacred with the Birth, Doctrin, Death, Resurrection, and Ascension of our Saviour) without Inhabitants and Priests; and that there should first lack such as would indure Death and Martyrdom, than such as would inflict the same; and that there should not be such which would as willingly die for Christ, as in battel, so long as there were any that would fight against them. These things truly we most miserably suffer: yet was there a time when as our Ancestors feared no such thing, either to themselves or their Posterity. And now perhaps the Christian Kingdoms of the West live likewise without the least suspicion of fear: but let them be moved by our example and Testimony. The strength of the Turks is daily increased, and ours diminished: The continual gaining of new Kingdoms giveth them courage: They have already devoured the whole World, in hope. The Forces of the Turks are fiercer and stronger than the Forces of the Sa∣rasins, their Policies deeper, their Attempts more desperate, their Endeavours greater, and their Success

fortunater. Yet have the Sarasins attempted both Romes;* 2.2 they have besieged Constantinople, and have wasted not only the sea coasts of Italy, but even the heart of the Land also. Then why should the kingdoms of the West presume themselves to stand in safety and out of all peril, when as the chief fortresses of the world have been so endangered? What may the rest of Christendom promise unto it self, seeing that Jerusalem (the seat and spectacle of the Christian Religion) hath been besieged, taken, sacked, rased and triumphed upon? Seeing that of the Christian profession remain but the poor and weak reliques, in comparison of the ancient whole entire body? This land, which is dayly besprinkled with our blood, yea the blood it self crieth out for re∣venge: And we your most humble suppliants, pro∣strate at your feet, call upon the help, aid, mercy, faith, and religion, of you most blessed Father, of the Kings, Princes, and Potentates; Christians▪ not in name and profession only, but in heart, soul, and spirit. Before the tempest thunder, before the lightning fall upon you, avert from you and your children the storm hanging over your heads: defend us your poor sup∣pliants, deliver your religion from most wicked and accursed slavery. You shall in so doing deserve im∣mortal fame, and God shall requite your so great valour in this world with terrestrial kingdoms, and in the world to come with eternal bliss, whose sa∣cred inheritance you shall have defended from the rage of hell.

With these Letters, and plenty of other se∣cret instructions, the devout Hermit returning into Italy, and coming to Rome, delivered his Let∣ters unto Urban the second of that name, then Pope, with a full discourse of the miseries of the Christians under the Turkish Thraldom, which he had seen at Ierusalem and other places as he travelled; requesting his holy care for the redress thereof: with whom he so prevailed, that shortly after, he calling a Council at Cla∣remont in France,* 2.3 among other things, propound∣ed the misery of the poor oppressed Christians at Ierusalem, as an especial matter to be con∣sidered of. And having caused the aforesaid Letters, directed unto him and the other Christian Princes, to be openly read in the Council, whereunto three hundred and ten Bishops were then out of divers parts of Christendom assembled, with the Embassadors of all Coun∣tries, much moved the whole Assembly to com∣passion: at which time also the Hermit (whose flowing Eloquence fully countervailed what wanted in his feature,) standing up in the midst of the Council, delivered his message in the name of the afflicted Christians, with their heavy groanings and tears: which as they could not be in Letters expressed, so were they not hardly by the religious Hermit (as by him who having but lately seen both the misery of the men, and desolation of the places, and at the heart touched with the grief thereof) so lively re∣presented, as that it moved the whole Assembly with the like sympathie of heaviness and grief. Which the Pope perceiving, took thereupon occasion to enter into a large discourse concer∣ning that matter, with many effectual reasons perswading the Fathers and Princes there pre∣sent, of the necessity of so religious a War to be taken in hand, for the deliverance of their oppressed Brethren out of the Thraldom of the Infidels; and now as well with their pre∣sent Decree, as afterwards at their return home into their Countries, by all means to further the same. Which notable persuasion, with the heavy complaint of the Hermit, and the equity of the cause, so much moved the whole Council, and the rest there present, that they all as men inspired with one Spirit, declared their consent by their often crying out, Deus vult, Deus vult,* 2.4 God willeth it, God willeth it: which words so then uttered by way of applause, were in the great and most sacred expedition following, much used of the devout Christians, as the fortunate signal of their cheerful forwardness, even in their most dangerous enterprises. Strange it were to tell, and hardly to be believed (but that the ancient Histories bear witness of the like) how far in one days space the report of this religious decreed war was by flying Fame dis∣persed.

The Council dissolved, and the reverend Fa∣thers returning every man home into his own Country, it pleased God by their effectual per∣suasions so to work with the rest of the Christian Princes, and people in general, that in all Coun∣tries and Provinces in Christendom, were short∣ly to be seen men of all sorts in great number, with red Crosses on their breasts (the cogni∣sance of that sacred expedition) readie of them∣selves to spend both life and goods for the de∣fence of the Christian Religion, and recovery of the Holy Land. The number of whom is of divers diversly reported; but of most sup∣posed to have been three hundred thousand fighting men: Of whom the chief Comman∣ders were, Godfrey Duke of Lorrain,* 2.5 with his two Brethren, Eustace and Baldwin, all of the honourable House of Buillon; Hugh sirnamed the Great, brother to Philip then the French King; Raymund and Robert Earls of Flanders; Robert Duke of Normandy, William the Conque∣rors Son; Stephen de Valois Earl of Chartiers; Ademar Bishop of Podie, the Popes Legate; and Peter the Hermit, not to be numbred amongst the least, as chief Author of this most famous ex∣pedition: unto whom many other honourable Princes joyned themselves, as partakers of their travels, though not with like charge.

The first that set forward in this expedition, was one Gualter Sensavier a noble Gentleman, with a great band of men: not long after whom followed Peter the Hermit, with forty thousand more; who both travelling through Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria, were glad oftentimes, especially in the further part of Hungary and Bulgaria, to open themselves a way with the sword; and so with much labour, and no less loss, came at length to Constantinople: where they were not greatly welcome unto the Emperor Alexius Comnentis; who guilty unto himself of the unlawful means whereby he had extorted the Empire from Nicephorus his prede∣cessor, had that expedition of the Christians in∣to the East, in distrust, as purposed against himself; until that fully resolved to the con∣trary, by the Hermit and others; and that a far greater power was coming after, for the in∣vasion of the Turks, and recovery of the Holy Land, he was content to relieve them now weary of their long travel; and afterward to make room for them that were to come, shipped them over the strait of Bosphorus into Asia; who march∣ing forward into Bithynia, encamped their Ar∣my in the Country not far from the City of Nice. In the mean time Godfrey with his Bre∣thren, an divers other Princes that had joyned themselves unto him, with the Germans and Loranois, and the gratest part of the Army, fol∣lowed the same way that the Hermit had taken before him. At which time also Hugh the French Kings Brother, with the Legate, the two Roberts (the one Duke of Normandy, and the other Earl of Flanders) and the rest of the French

Commanders, passing over the Mountains into Italy, came to Rome, with a wonderful great Army: where taking their leave of the Pope, because they would be less troublesome unto the Cities and Countries whereby they were to pass, they divided their great Army into three parts; whereof the one part went to Brundusium, and the other to Bary, and the third to Hydruntum, unto whom also Bohemund one of the great Princes of Apulia, joyned himself with twelve thousand good souldiers that followed him. From these three Ports the Christian Army departing, and crossing the Adriatick, arrived in safety at Dir∣rachium, and nigh thereabout upon the coast of Dalmatia: from whence they travelled by land through Macedonia, to Constantinople; where they met with Duke Godfrey and the rest of the Army:* 2.6 whom also at the first, Alexius the Em∣peror is reported to have but coldly enter∣tained, as jealous of his own estate; until that better perswaded of their designments and good meaning towards him, confirmed by many rich Presents sent unto him by these strange Princes, he joyned with them in league: wherein it was agreed, That the Emperor during the time of this expedition should furnish them with new supplies of men, armour, victuals, and whatso∣ever else they should want: in regard whereof, the Princes on the other side promised to restore again unto the Empire, what Provinces, Coun∣tries, or Cities they should happily gain out of the hands of the Turks and Sarasins, the City of Ierusalem only excepted: which agreement was afterward on the suspitious Emperor's part but slenderly performed. Nevertheless this league so made, he granted them passage, and so trans∣ported them over the strait into Asia: only Bo∣hemund, for an old grudg betwixt the Emperor Alexius and his Father, would not come to Con∣stantinople, but marching with his Army through the upper Mysia and Thra••ia, came sooner than any man thought, unto the straight of Hellespon∣tus, and so passed.

Now had Gualter, and the Hermit Peter, with their Army, lien two months in the Country about Nice, expecting the coming of the rest of the Christian Princes: for why, they thought it not good before their coming to attempt any thing against the Enemy, whom they knew to lie not far off very strong. But the com∣mon Souldiers weary of so long lying, and nought doing, and pinched with some wants; and withal disliking of Gu••lter their chief Com∣mander, and the Hermit Peter, of whose in∣tegrity and holiness they had a greater opinion, than of his prowess and direction) rose up in mutiny, and displacing Gualter, made choice of one Raymund a valiant German Captain, for their General: by whose conduct they took Ex∣orgum, a Town of purpose forsaken of the Turks. For they long before understanding what a tem∣pest of war was growing upon them out of Europe, sought by all means to cut off these that were already come over, as the forerunners of a greater Army following; and therefore had left them this Town, as a bait to train them out of their Trenches. And after that the Christians were thus possessed of the Town, having laid certain strong ambushes, they drave out certain heards of Cattle the more to allure them: all which certain companies of the Christians brought in without any loss, the Turks still winking thereat. With which booty the Christians en∣couraged, went out three thousand of▪ them to take in a little Town not far off; who were by the Turks cut off and slain every Mothers Son as they were about to have divided the Spoil. Which overthrow reported into the Town, dis∣couraged even the chief Commanders of the Army, so that they resolved no more to try the fortune of the field, before the coming of their friends. Nevertheless the common Soul∣diers condemning them of cowardise, chose them a new General, one Godfrey Buxel, whom they now requested not, but enforced to go out to revenge the death of their fellows. Which their rashness not long after turned to their own de∣struction: for ten thousand of them going out of Exorgum, to forrage the Country, were by the Turks intrapped, and almost all slain, ex∣cept some few, which by speedy flight esca∣ped. The Turks prosecuting their victory, laid hard siege to them in the Town also, until they had partly with famine, and partly with the sword consumed the most part of them. The Hermit with the poor remainder of his Army took his refuge to Cinite, a Town not far off, before abandoned by the Turks; where with much ado he defended himself until the coming of Duke Godfrey and the rest of the Princes.

Cutlu-Muses the Turk was now dead, having left unto his Son Sultan Solyman many large Countries and Provinces, altogether gained from the Christians in Asia, whom he held in great subjection and thraldom. This warlike Prince having discomfited and almost brought to nought the Hermits forces, was no less careful for the withstanding of the great Army following: which now being come into Bithy••i••, and lying before Nicomedia, removing thence, laid siege to the City of Nice, called in ancient time Anti∣gonia, of Antigonus,* 2.7 the Son of Philip that built it; and afterwards Nicea, of Nicea the Wife of King Lysimachus. In this City dwelt many de∣vout Greeks, Christians; but in such thraldom unto the Turks, that they could not do any thing for the delivery of themselves. This siege indured longer than the Christian Princes had at the sirst supposed: who although they to the uttermost of their power forced the City on three sides, yet was it still notably defended, new supplies still coming from the Turks by the Lake of Ascanius joyning upon the other side of the City. But after that the Christians, possessed of the Lake, began on that side also to lay hardly unto the City, the Turks discouraged, and seeing them∣selves beset round with their enemies, yielded up the City the fifth of Iuly, in the year 1097, [year 1097.] after it had been fifty days besieged. But whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege, the Turks assailed that quarter of the Camp where the Legat lay; by whom they were notably repulsed, and with great loss inforced to retire unto the Mountains. In this City, amongst the rest of the Turks, was taken Solymans wife, with two of her Children, whom the Princes sent prisoners to Constantino∣ple. This City so won, was according to the agreement before made, restored unto Alexius the Emperor, whose Fleet had in that siege done good service, by taking the Lake from the Turks.

The City of Nice thus won, the Christian Princes removing thence with their Army, and marching through the Country, came the fourth day ••fter unto a River which watered many rich pastures: where as they were about to have in∣camped, for the commodiousness of the place, and refreshing of the Army, suddenly news was brought into the quarter where Bohemund lay, now busie in casting up his trenches, That the Turks with a great Army were ready even at hand to charge him. For Solyman having raised a great power of his own, and aided by the Sultan

of Persia his kinsman, was now come with an Ar∣my of 60000 strong to give the Christians bat∣tel: of whose approach Bohemund advertised, left the fortifying of his Trenches, and putting his Souldiers in array, set forward to meet him; sending word to the rest of the Princes that lay a far off, to be ready as occasion should require, to relieve him.* 2.8 These two Armies conducted by their most resolute Chieftains, meeting together, joyned a most fierce and terrible battel, where in a short space the Turks lay slain upon heaps; in such sort that they served the Christians instead of Bulwarks. But whilest Bohemund thus prevail∣eth in the battel, certain of the Turks horsemen wheeling about, brake into Bohemunds Camp (not as then altogether fortified, and but slenderly manned) where among the Women, and other weak persons there left, they raised a great tu∣mult and outcry, to the great appaling of them that were fighting in the battle: which Bohemund perceiving, withdrew himself with certain com∣panies unto the Camp, from whence he with great slaughter repulsed the Enemy. But returning a∣gain into the battle, he found there a great altera∣tion: for his Souldiers whom before he had left as it were in possession of a most glorious victory, were now so hardly laid on by the Turks, as that they were ready to have turned their backs and fled. Nevertheless by his coming in, the bat∣tel was notably restored, and again made doubt∣ful; when the ••nemy perceiving how much the assaulting of the Camp had troubled the Christi∣ans in battel, sent out certain Troops of Horse∣men again to assault the same; and had not fail∣ed undoubtedly to have taken it, being as afore∣said not yet fortified, had not Hugh the French Kings Brother come in good time to the rescue: who coming in with 30000 Horsemen, after he had relieved the Camp, entring directly into the battel, was notably incountred by a Squadron of fresh Souldiers of the Turks, by them of purpose reserved for such event. There began a battel more terrible than the first, with most doubtful victory: But at the length the Turks weary of the long and cruel fight, and seeing most of their fel∣lows slain, began by little and little to give ground, and so retired into the Mountains, which were not far off. In this battel, which continued a great part of the day, were slain of the Turks 40000, and of the Christians about 2000. The next morning Bohemund, with the French Kings Brother, came again into the field, in such order as if they should presently have given or received battel; where after they had stayed a great while, and saw no Enemy to appear, they fell to the hon••st burial of their dead; which were easily known from the Turks, by the red crosses upon their garments, the cognisance of their sacred warfare. Solyman flying with the remainder of his Army,* 2.9 notably dissembled his loss, giving it out that he had got the victory: yet by the way as he went he burnt up the Country Villages, and destroyed or carried away whatsoever else he thought might stand the Christians in any stead, if they should further follow after him, leaving no∣thing for them but the bare ground.

After this victory, Bohemund and the Christian Princes, without resistance marching through the hot and dry Countries of the lesser Asia, came to Antiochia a City of Pisidia,* 2.10 which they took with small labour: and so marching unto Iconium the principal City of Cilicia, neer unto the Moun∣tain Taurus, were there also of the Citzens cour∣teously received, where they stayed certain days for the refreshing of the Army.* 2.11 From thence they set forward toward Heraclea, where a great power of the Turks were reported to be assem∣bled. But they together with the garrison Soul∣diers, upon the approach of the victorious Army of the Christians, forsook the City and fled: the Citizens being Christians (as they were yet generally in all the Provinces of the lesser Asia, but in great subjection to the Turks) and now rid of their cruel masters the Turkish garrisons, came forth, and meeting the Princes, gladly yeilded themselves with their City unto them, as unto their deliverers. Here the Christian Princes fully instructed of the great fear and de∣speration of the Turks, who now in no place durst abide their coming; for the more speedy taking in of those Countries but lately oppressed by the Turks, divided their Army into two parts, leaving the one part thereof with Baldwin and Tancred in Cilicia, for the full subduing thereof, (who in short time took the Cities of Tarsus, Edessa, and Manussa, with all the rest of the Country, the Turks not daring any where to abide their coming:) the other part of the Army in the mean time entring into the lesser Armenia, took the same from the Turks, which the Princes gave to one Palmurus an Armenian, who had in that expedi∣tion done them great service. From thence they took their way into Capadocia, which they also subdued, driving out the Turks in every place, and took the Cities of Caesarea and Socor, where they staied a few days for the refreshing of the Army: with like success they passed through the rest of the Provinces of the lesser Asia, of late possessed by the Turks, still chasing them out be∣fore them, and setting at liberty the poor oppres∣sed Christians of those Countries. Whereof So∣lyman (craving aid of Axan the Persian Sultan his cousin) grievously complained by his Letters to him directed in this sort:* 2.12 The famous City of Nice with the Country of Romania, which we by your aid and power have gotten from the kingdom of the Greeks, and of your bounty possessed, the Christians of the kingdom of France have again taken from us. Thus was the late erected Kingdom of the Turks in the lesser Asia, by these valiant Christian Champions again brought low, and they glad to retire themselves further off into the Mountains and more Eastern Countries, until this heat was overpast; and that they, taking the benefit of the troubled state of the Greek Empire (after∣wards rent in sunder by ambition and civil dis∣cord, the ruine of the greatest Monarchies) re∣covered not only their former state, but became also dreadful unto the Greek Emperors them∣selves; upon whom they daily gained in one corner or other, still maintaining the honour of their estate until the rising of the Othoman Fami∣ly, as in the process of this History shall, God willing, be declared.

These victorious Princes (then, and to the worlds end famous) not contented, to their im∣mortal praise, to have thus driven the Turks out of the lesser Asia,* 2.13 and recovered so many Countries; bound themselves, as well the Prin∣ces as the common Souldiers, by solemn oath, never to return again into their Countries, un∣til they had accomplished that sacred War with the conquest of the Holy City. So mounting together the high mountain Taurus, and descen∣ding thence as into another world, they came to the City Maresia, which they took without resistance, the Turks there in garrison being by night before for fear fled: where the Christi∣ans for the refreshing of themselves certain days staid. In the mean time Robert Earl of Flanders with a thousand men at arms, was sent out to give summons unto a City called Artasia, about fifteen miles distant from Antioch: when as the Citizens beholding the Ensigns of ••he Christians,

suddenly took up Arms against the Turks there in Garrison, which had of long holden them in Subjection, and prevailing upon them, slew them every Mothers Son: whose heads they pre∣sented unto the Earl, and received him into their City. The Turks to revenge the death of their Friends, and to recover again the City before the coming of the rest of the Army, sent out about 10000 men out of Antioch; for thither was assembled a great Power of them to have hindred the further proceedings of the Christi∣ans: and being come near to Artasia, they sent before certain stragling Companies, of purpose to draw the new come Christians out of the City, lying in the mean time in ambush with the rest, of purpose to intrap them. With these stragling Companies the Flemings sallying out, lustily encountred, and easily put them to flight, the Turks indeed flying of purpose to bring them within the danger of the other, lying in ambush. After whom the Flemings eagerly following, were before they were aware enclosed round with their Enemies, and there had undoubt∣edly perished, had not the Citizens (being Christi∣ans) presently sallied out and right worthily re∣lieved them.

Shortly after, the Christian Princes marching forward with their Army, were incountred by the Turk at the River Orontes, who had there thought to have staid their further passage: with whom Robert Duke of Normandy, who had the Leading of the Vantguard, had a hard conflict, until that the Turks, discouraged with the sight of the Army still coming on, forsook the bridge, and betook themselves to flight. So the Christians passing the River, came and incamped with their Army before the famous City of Antioch,* 2.14 the one and twentieth day of October, in the year 1097. the Governor whereof under the Persian Sultan was one Cassianus, (of some also honoured with the name of a King) who at the coming of the Christians, had with him in the City seven thousand Horsemen, and twenty thousand Foot of the Turks, with great store of Victuals, and all manner of other Provisions necessary for the defence thereof.* 2.15 This City, called in anci∣ent time Epidaphane, or Epiphane, and of the He∣brews, R••blatha, sometime the Seat of the Syrian Kings, and afterwards the Metropolitical City of Syria, having under it an hundred and fifty Bishops, (famous for many things, and amongst others, for that it was the Seat of the blessed Apostle St. Peter, and first place wherein the Pro∣fessors of the Christian Religion took the name of Christians) is situate upon the River Oron∣tes, about twelve miles from the Sea, and was then strongly fortified both by Nature and Art, being compassed about with a double Wall; the uttermost whereof was of hard stone, and the other of brick, with 460 Towers in the same, and an impregnable Castle at the East end there∣of, whereunto was joyning a deep Lake, coming out of the great River, which watered the South side of the City. Round about this strong City (one of the most assured Refuges of the Turks) although it were in circuit great, lay the Christi∣an Princes encamped, except on that side which being defended with the high broken Mountains, is not there to be besieged. Upon whom the Turks out of the City, during the time of the siege made many a fierce and desperate sally, being still by the Christians most valiantly re∣pulsed: especially at the bridge which the Chri∣stians had made of Boats for their commodious passage too and fro over the River. In this sort was the siege continued until the beginning of February, with many a bloody Skirmish. At which time such abundance of Rain fell, as that hardly could a man find any place to lie dry in; and the scarcity of Victual grew so great in the Camp, that many (horrible it is to say) to asswage their hunger, were glad to eat the dead bodies of their slain Enemies. In these extremi∣ties many died of hunger and cold; yea their horses also perished for want of meat, so that in the whole Camp were scarcely left two thou∣sand horses fit for Service, the rest being either all dead, or brought so low, as that they were al∣together unserviceable. These miseries daily in∣creasing, divers men of great account, whom no terrour of the Enemy could have dismaid; be∣gan secretl•• to withdraw themselves out of the Camp, with purpose to have stoln home; among whom were Peter the Hermit Author of this War, and Tancred the Nephew of Bohemund, who taken by the way, and brought back with the rest as Fugitives, were sharply reprehended by Hugh the French Kings Brother, as Cowards, and Traytors to their Brethren and fellow Souldiers, and so inforced to take a new Oath for their Fidelity and Perseverance. Bohemund in the mean time going to Arthusia a Town not far off, by good Fortune cut off a great part of the Turks there in Garrison; who after their usual manner sallying out to have cut off the Forragers of the Christians, were now themselves caught tardy: whereby the Country for a time was more open for the distressed Christian Souldiers to seek abroad for relief. But this liberty so lately gain∣ed lasted not long, when news was brought unto the Camp, That the Turks in great number, out of the Provinces about Aleppo and Damasco, were coming unto the relief of their besieged Friends in Antioch. Nevertheless the Christians trusting to their own strength, and the strength of the place wherein they were incamped, lay still, and at their coming so incountred them, that they slew 2000 of them, and put the rest to flight. In which conflict the Christians got great store of Provision and Victuals which the Turks had thought to have put into the City. The heads of the slain Turks the Christians set upon stakes before the City, to the more terrour of the Defendants. This overthrow of the Turks, wherein Cassianus had lost his eldest son, with others of his best Captains, so daunted the be∣sieged, that they requested a Truce for a time of the Christian Princes: which granted, they of the City came oftentimes into the Camp, and they of the Camp likewise into the City: Cassianus still expecting relief from the Persian Sultan. Whilst the Christians Princes were thus busie in Asia, the Venetians with a great Fleet of two hundred Gallies scouring the Seas, under the conduct of Henry Contarenus the Bishop, and of Vitalis the Dukes son, meeting with the Gal∣lies of Pisa at the Rhodes, and falling out with them, had with them a great fight, wherein the Venetians having the upper hand, took eighteen of their Gallies, and in them five thousand Souldiers: whom they seeing to be marked with the red cross, the cognisance of the sacred War, they presently set at liberty, together with the Gallies, detaining only thirty of the better sort as Hostages. After that, the Venetians sailing into Ionia, took the City of Smyrna, and spoil∣ed all along the coasts of Lycia, Pamphilia, and Cilicia, before for fear abandoned by the Turks.

The Truce before taken between the Turks and the Christians at the siege of Antioch, being in short time after broken by the death of one Vollo a French-man, slain by the Turks; the War was again begun, and the City more hardly laid

unto than before. At which time the Governor, who in the time of this long siege, which had now continued nine months, had lost most part of his best Souldiers, was glad for the defence of so great a City, to use the Service of divers Christi∣ans, then dwelling in the City. Among whom was one Pyrrhus, a Citizen of great Reputation, unto whom he had committed the guarding of a Tower, called the two Sisters▪ but afterward St. Georges Tower.* 2.16 This Pyrrhus had secret In∣telligence with Bohemund Prince of Tarentum, with whom he agreed to give him there entrance in∣to the City, upon condition, that he should of the other Christian Princes procure the Govern∣ment of the City to himself; and t••at he, with the rest of the Christian Citizens in the City, might be at his hands well used: which thing being easily obtained, all things agreed upon, Bohemund with his Souldiers were by night by Pyrrhus let into the City, who made way for the rest of the Army to enter. The City thus taken, many of the Turks fled into the Castle, the rest were put to the Sword, Man, Woman, and Child; and among them also many of the Christians, the furious Souldiers taking of them no know∣ledge. Great wealth was there found, but small store of Victuals.* 2.17 Cassianus the late Governor flying out of the City to save himself, in wan∣dring through the Mountains, fell into the hands of the Christian Armenians, who lately thrust out of Ierusalem, were fled thither for Refuge, by whom he was there slain. In the City were slain about ten thousand persons. Thus was the famous City of Antioch, which the Turks had long before by Famine taken from the Christians, again recovered the third day of Iune, in the year of our Lord God, 1098. The poor oppressed Christians in Ierusalem hearing of this so nota∣ble a Victory, [year 1098.] gave secret Thanks unto God therefore, and began to lift up their heads in hope that their Delivery was now at hand. Of this Victory, the Princes of the Army by speedy Messengers and Letters certified their Friends in all Countries, so that in short time, the fame thereof had filled a great part of the World. Among others, Bohemund Prince of Tarentum, unto whom the City was delivered, sent the joyful News thereof unto Roger his Brother Prince of Apulia; whose Letters as the most certain Witnesses of the History before reported, I thought it not amiss here to set down.

* 3.1I suppose you to have understood by the Letters of your Son Tancred, both of the great fear of some of us, and the battels which we have of late with our great Glory fought. But concerning the Truce, and the proceeding of the whole Action, I had rather you should be certified by my Letters, than the Letters of others. King Cassianus had required a time of Truce: during which, our Souldiers had free Recourse into the City without dang••r, until that by the death of Vollo a Frenchman, slain by the Enemy, the Truce was broken. But whilst it yet se••med ••n hard matter to win the City, one Pyrrhus a Citizen of Antioch, of great Authority and much devoted un∣to me, had Conference with me concerning the yield∣ing up of the City; yet upon condition, That the Go∣vernment thereof should be committed to me, in whom he had reposed an especial Trust. I conferred of the whole matter with the Princes and great Command∣ers of the Army, and easily obtained that the Govern∣ment of the City was by their general consent allotted unto me. So our Army entring by a Gate opened by Pyrrhus, took the City. Within a few days after, the Town Aretum was by us assaulted, but not without some loss and danger to our Person, by reason of a Wound I there received. I assure you much of the valour of your Son Tancred, of whom I and the whole Army make such account and reckoning, as is to be made of a most valiant and resolute General. Farewel.

From Antioch.

Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of Antioch,* 3.2 Corbanas (the Persian Sultan his Lieu∣tenant) with a great Army besieged Edessa, with purpose after the taking thereof, to have relieved the City of Antioch. But this being notably de∣fended by Baldwin left there of purpose with a strong Garrison for the defence thereof; the Turk fearing in the mean time to lose Antioch, the safest Refuge of the Turks in all those parts, rose with his Army, and set forward against the Christians: where by the way, it was his fortune to meet with Sansadolus, Cassianus his Son, but lately fled from Antioch, by whom he understood of the loss of the City, and by what means the same was most like again to be recovered: upon which hope, Corbanas with his mighty Army kept on his way, with a full resolution to set all upon the fortune of a battel. Whose coming much troubled the Christians: for that although they were possessed of the City, yet was the Castle still holden by the Turks. Nevertheless leaving the Earl of Tholous in the City, with a compe∣tent Power for the keeping in of them in the Castle, they took the field with the whole strength of the Army, and so in order of battel expected the coming of their Enemies; who couragiously coming on, as men before resolved to fight, joyned with them a most terrible and bloody battel.* 3.3 Neither were they in the City in the mean time idle, for that the Turks in the Castle having received in unto them certain Sup∣plies from Corbanas, sallied out upon them that were left for the safeguard of the City, and had with them a cruel conflict. Thus both within the City and without, was to be seen a most dreadful fight of resolute men, with great slaugh∣ter on both sides: yet after long fight and much effusion of blood, the fortune of the Christians prevailing, the Turks began to give ground, and afterwards betook themselves to plain flight, whom the Christians hardly pursuing, made of them a wonderful slaughter. In this battel were slain of the Turks above an hundred thousand, and of the Christians about four thousand two hundred. There was also taken a great Prey; for besides Horses and other Beasts for burden, were taken also five thousand Camels with their lading. The next day, being the 28th of Iune, the Castle was by the Turks (now dispairing of relief) yielded up unto the Christians.

Antioch thus taken, Hugh the French Kings Brother, sirnamed the Great, was sent from the rest of the Princes to C••nstantinople, to have de∣livered the City unto Alexius the Emperor ac∣cording to the agreement before made. But he, guilty in conscience of his own foul dealing with them, unto whom he had sent no relief at all during the long and hard siege of Antioch; nei∣ther performed any thing of that he had further promised, and therefore knowing himself hated of them; had in distrust so great an offer of the Princes, so evil deserved, and therefore refused to accept thereof. Whereupon Bohemund by the general consent of the whole Army was chosen Prince, or (as some call him) King of An∣tioch.* 3.4

After this long siege and want of Victuals, ensued a great Plague in the Army of the Chri∣stians, the Autumn following, whereof it is re∣ported fifty thousand men to have died, and amongst them many of great Account. But the mortality ceasing, the Christians in November

following, by force took Rugia and Albaria, two Cities about two days journey from Antioch; where dissention arising betwixt Bohemund and Raimund, who of all others only envied at his Preferment unto the Principality of Antioch: Bohemund for the common causes sake,* 3.5 gave way unto his Adversary, and retired with his Souldi∣ers back again to Antioch; after whom followed the Duke Godfrey, and the Earl of Flanders with their Regiments. The rest of the Princes wintred some at Rugia, some at Albaria, from whence Rai∣mund made s••ndry light Expeditions further into the Enemies Country: but the Spring approach∣ing, the Christian Princes with all their Power took the field again. Bohemund with them re∣mained with him, departing from Anti••ch, be∣sieged Tortosa. Raimund in the mean time with the rest, besieging the City of Tripolis; who be∣come much more insolent than before, by rea∣son of some fortunate Roads he had made upon the Enemies the last Winter, ceased not still to malign Bohemund and his proceedings: matter enough to have divided the whole Power of the Christians, and to have turned their weapons upon themselves; which Bohemund well consider∣ing, rose with his Army; and because he would not with his presence trouble the proceeding of the religious War, retired himself to Antioch. After whose departure, Godfrey and the Earl of Flanders took Gabella, a City about twelve miles from Laodicea, and from thence returned again to the siege of Tortosa, whether Raimund came also with his Army, having before driven the Governor of Tripolis to such composition as pleased himself, and to furnish him with things as he wanted. Thus was Tortosa hardly on three sides besieged by the Christians, but so notably defended by the Turks, that after three months hard siege, the Christians were glad to depart thence; and marching along the Sea-side, spoil∣ed the Country about Sidon. But forasmuch as that City was not easily to be won, they left it, and encamped before Ptolemais, which they also passed by; the Governor thereof sending them out Victuals, with such other things as they wanted; and upon Summons given, pro∣mising to yield the City after they had once won the City of Ierusalem. From thence they came to Cesarea in Palestine, where they solemn∣ly kept the Feast of Whitsontide; and so to Rama, which they found for fear forsaken of the Infidels.* 3.6 Marching from Rama, and drawing near to Ierusalem, they in the Vantgard of the Army, upon the first descrying of the Holy City, gave for joy divers great Shouts and Out∣cries, which with the like applause of the whole Army was so doubled and redoubled, as if there∣with they would have rent the very Mountains, and pierced the highest Heavens. There might a man have seen the devout passions of these most worthy and zealous Christians, uttered in right divers manners: some, with the••r Eyes and Hands cast up towards Heaven, called aloud upon the name and help of Christ Jesus; some, prostrate upon their faces, kissed the ground, as that whereon the Redeemer of the World some∣time walked; others joyfully saluted those holy places which they had heard so much of, and then first beheld: in brief, every man in some sort expressed the joy he had conceived of the sight of the Holy City, as the end of their long travel.

This most ancient and famous City, so much renowned in holy Writ, is situate in an hilly Country; not watred with any River or fresh Springs, as other famous Cities for most part be; neither yet was it well seated for Wood or Pasture ground: but what wanted in these, and such other benefits of Nature, was by the extraordi∣nary blessings of the most High so supplied, as that the Jews there dwelling, so long as they kept the Ordinances of the Lord, were of all other people in the World justly accounted the most happy and fortunate. Yet in those so blessed times, was this City for the sin of the people oftentimes delivered into the Enemies hand, and the glory thereof defaced; as well appeareth by the whole course of the History of holy Scripture, as also by the ancient and approved Histories, as well of the Jews themselves, as others. Nevertheless it still rose again (though not in like glory as before in the time of King David, Solomon, and the other next succeeding Kings) and so was still repeopled by the Jews, until that at last according to the foretelling of our Saviour Christ, it was with a great, and of all others most lamentable destructi∣on, utterly rased and destroyed by the Romans, under the leading of Vespasian the Emperor, and his noble Son Titus, forty years after our Saviour his precious Death and Passion. Since which time, it was never until this day again repaired, or yet well inhabited by the Jews; but lying buried in the ruines of it self, all the Reign of Domitian, Nerva, and Trajan, until the time of the great Emperor Aelius Adrianus,* 3.7 it was again by him re-edified about the year 136, and after the name of him called Aelia; who together with the name changed also in some part the ancient situ∣ation of the City. For whereas before it was seated upon the steep rising of an hill, in such sort that towards the East▪ and the South it over∣looked the whole ground, having only the Temple and the Castle called Antonia, in the highest part of the City; Adrian translated the whole City unto the very top of the hill, so that the place where our blessed Saviour suffered his most bit∣ter Passion, with the Sepulchre wherein he was also laid, and from whence he in Glory rose again, before without the City, were then inclosed within the Walls thereof, as they are at this day to be seen. Yet for all that, the Emperor being dead, in process of time this new built City recovered again the ancient name of Ierusalem, whereby it hath ever since, and is at this day yet known. This City so re-edified, the Emperor first gave unto the Jews, whom he afterwards thrust out again for their Rebellion, and gave it to the Christians to inhabit; over whom, one Mark, first Bishop of the Gentiles there, had the charge. But forasmuch as the Roman Emperors were at that time altogether Idolaters and Persecu∣tors of the poor Christians, the Church also at Ierusalem, with others, endured sundry and many grievous Persecutions under the Emperors Anto∣nius, Commodus, Severus, Maximinus, Valerianus, Aurelianus, Dioclesianus, and Maxentius, until that at length Constantine the Great, converted unto the Faith of Christ about the year of Grace 320, suppressing the Pagan Idolatry, gave general Peace to the afflicted Church: whereby the Christian Church at Ierusalem, for the space of three hundred years after, happily flourished un∣der the Greek Emperors, until the time of the Emperor Phocas; who having most cruelly slain the good Emperor Maurice with his Children, and so possessed himself of the Empire, gave occasion thereby unto Chosroe the Persian King, in revenge of the death of Maurice his Father in law, with all his Power to invade Syria: who as a tempest bearing down all before him, took also by force the City of Ierusalem, having that year, which was about the year Six hundred and ten, slain almost an hundred thousand Christians. But Phocas the Usurper being by them of his Guard

most cruelly slain, and Heraclius succeeding in his stead, Chosroe was by him again driven out of Syria, and the Holy City again recovered, about the year 624. In these great Wars against the Persians, Heraclius had used the help of the Arabians, called Scenite, a warlike people of A∣rabia Deserta, altogether given to the Spoil: who, the Wars now ended, expecting to have received their pay, were contrary to their expectation, and without all reason rejected by them that should have paid them, with very foul and con∣tumelious words; as, that there was not mony enough to pay the Christian Souldiers of the Latines and the Greeks, much less those vile dogs (whom they so called, for that they had but a little before received the damnable Doctrin of the false Prophet Mahomet, the great Seducer of the World, who even in that time flourished.) Upon which discontentment they at their re∣turn revolted from the Empire, and joyned them∣selves unto their great Prophet, and so afterwards unto the Caliphs his Successors, extending his Doctrin, together with his Soveraignty, to the utmost of their power: and that with so good success, that in short time they had overrun all Aegyp••, Syria, the Land of Promise, and taken the Holy City. With these (the Disciples of Mahomet and his Successors, the Sarasins, for so now they would be called) the Greek Empe∣rors ensuing had for certain years divers conflicts, with diverse fortune, for the possession of Syria. But at length wearied out, and by them over∣come, they left the aforesaid Countries wholly to their Devotion. Hereby it came to pass, that the Sarasins for the space of 370 years following held these Countries, with many others in great subjection, oppressing still the poor Christians in Ierusalem with most grievous Tributes and ex∣actions: unto whom they yet left a third part of the City for them to dwell in, with the Tem∣ple of the Sepulchre of our Saviour, and Mount Sion; not for any devotion, either unto them, or those places, but for that it yielded them a great profit by the recourse of devout Christi∣ans travelling thither: reserving in the mean time unto themselves, the other two parts of the City, with the Temple of Solomon, before re-edified by the Christians. Now whilst the Sa∣rasins thus triumph it in the East, and not in the East only, but over a great part of the West al∣so; contenting themselves with such Tributes as they had imposed upon the subdued Nations and Countries; up start the Turks, a vagrant, fierce, and cruel people; who first breaking into Asia (as is before declared) and by rare fortune aspi∣ring unto the Kingdom of Persia, subdued the Countries of Mesopotamia, Syria, with the greatest part of the lesser Asia, and Iudaea, together with the Holy City: who both there and in all other places, held the poor oppressed Christians in such Subjection and Thraldom, as that the former government of the Sarasins seemed in compari∣son of this to have been but light and easie. Nei∣ther was there any end or release of these so great miseries to have been expected, had not God in mercy by the weak means of a poor Hermit, stirred up these most worthy Princes of the West to take up Arms in their defence, who having with their victorious Armies recovered the lesser Asia, with a great part of Syria, were now come unto this Holy City.

The Governour of Ierusalem understanding by his Espials,* 3.8 of the proceedings of the Christians, had before their approach, got into the City a great garrison of right valiant Souldiers, with good store of all things necessary for the holding out of a long Siege. The Chrstians with their Army approaching the City, encamped before it on the North; for that toward the East▪ and the South, it was not well to be besieged, by rea∣son of the broken Rocks and Mountains. Next unto the City lay Godfrey the Duke, with the Germans and Lorains: near unto him lay the Earl of Flanders, and Robert the Norman: before the West gate lay Tancred and the Earl of Tho∣louse: Bohemund and Baldwin were both absent; the one at Antioch, the other at Ediss••. The Christians thus strongly encamped, the fifth day after gave unto the City a fierce ass••ult, with such chearfulness, as that it was verily supposed, it might have been even then woon, had they been sufficiently furnished with scaling ladders; for want whereof, they were glad to give over the assault and retire. But within a few days after, having supplied that defect, and provided all things necessary, they came on again afresh, and with all their power gave unto the City a most terri∣ble assault, wherein was on both sides seen great valour, policy, and cunning, with much slaughter, until that at length the Christians weary of the long Fight, and in that hot Country, and most fervent time of the year, fainting for lack of Wa∣ter, were glad again to forsake the assault, and to retire into their Trenches: only the Well of Siloe yielded them water, and that not sufficient for the whole Camp; the rest of the Wells which were but few, being before by the Enemy either filled up, or else poysoned.

Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege of Ierusalem,* 3.9 a Fleet o•• the Genowaies arrived at Ioppa; at which time also a great Fleet of the Aegyptian Sultans lay at Ascalon, to have brought relief to the besieged. Turks in Ierusalem, where∣of the Genowaies understanding, and knowing themselves too weak to encounter them at Sea, took all such things out of their Ships as they thought good, and so sinking them, marched by Land unto the Camp. There was amongst these Ge∣nowaies divers Engineers, men (after the man∣ner of that time) cunning in making of all manner of Engines fit for the besieging of Ci∣ties; by whose device, a great moving Tower was framed of timber and thick planks, covered over with raw Hides, to save the same from fire; out of which the Christians might in safety greatly annoy the Defendants. This Tower being by night brought close to the Wall, served the Christians instead of a most sure fortress in the assault the next day; where whilst they strive with warlike Valour and doubtful Victory on both sides, from morning until midday, by chance the wind favouring the Christians, carried the flame of the fire into the face of the Turks, wherewith they had thought to have burnt the Tower, with such violence, that the Christians taking the benefit thereof, and holpen by the Tower, gained the top of the Wall; which was first footed by the Duke Godfrey, and his Brother Eustace, w••••h their followers, and the Ensigns of the Duke there first set up, to the great encou∣raging of the Christians, who now pressing in on every side, like a violent River that had broken over the Banks, bare down all before them. All were slain that came to hand, Men, Women, and Children, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition: the Slaughter was great, and the sight lamentable,* 3.10 all the Streets were filled with blood and the bodies of the dead, Death triumphing in every place. Yet in this confusion, a wonderful number of the better sort of the Turks, retiring to Solomons Temple, there to do their last De∣voir, made there a great and terrible Fight, armed with dispair to endure any thing; and the victo∣rious Christians no less disdaining, after the

winning of the City, to find there so great re∣sistance. In this disperate conflict, fought with wonderful obstinacy of mind, many fell on both sides: but the Christians ••ame on so fiercely, with desire of blood, that breaking into the Temple, the foremost of them were by the press of them that followed after, violently thrust upon the weapons of their Enemies, and so miserably slain. Neither did the Turks thus oppressed, give it over, but as men resolved to dy, desperately fought it out with invincible courage, not at the gates of the Temple only, but even in the midst there∣of also, where was to be seen great heaps, both of the Victors and the vanquished; slain indif∣ferently together. All the Pavement of the Tem∣ple swam with blood, in such sort, that a man could not set his foot, but either upon some dead man, or over the shooes in blood: Yet for all that, the obstinate Enemy still held the Vaults and top of the Temple, when as the darkness of the night came so fast on, that the Christians were glad to make an end of the Slaughter, and to sound a Retreat. The next day (for Proclamation was made, for mercy to be shewed unto all such as should lay down their weapons) the Turks that yet held the upper part of the Temple, came down and yielded themselves. Thus was the famous City of Ierusalem with great bloodshed, but far greater honour, recovered by these worthy Christians, [year 1099.] in the year 1099, after it had been in the hands of the Infidels above four hundred years.

The next day after, having buried the dead, and cleansed the City, they gave thanks to God with publick Prayers and great rejoycing. The poor Christians before oppressed, now overcome with unexpected joy, welcomed their victorious Brethren with great joy and praise; and the Souldiers embracing one another, sparing to speak of themselves, freely commended each o∣thers valour. Eight days after, the Princes of the Army meeting together, began to consult about the choice of their King; among whom was no such difference, as might well shew which was to be preferred before the others. And al∣though every one of them for prowess and de∣sert, seemed worthy of so great an honour, yet by the general consent of all, it was given to Robert Duke of Normandy; who about the same time hearing of the death of the Conqueror his Father, and more in love with his Fathers new gotten Kingdom in England, in hope thereof, re∣fused the Kingdom of Ierusalem, then offered unto him; which at his return he found possessed by William Rufus his younger Brother, and so in hope of a better, refusing the worse, upon the matter lost both.

After whose departure, Godfrey of Buillon Duke of Lorain (whose Ensign was first displayed upon the Walls) was by the general consent both of the Princes and the Army,* 3.11 saluted King: He was a great Souldier, and indued with many Heroical Virtues, brought up in the Court of the Emperor Henry the Fourth, and by him much employed. At the time of his inauguration, he re∣fused to be crowned with a Crown of Gold: say∣ing, That it became not a Christian man there to wear a Crown of Gold, where Christ the Son of God had for the salvation of mankind, sometime w••rn a Crown of Thorn. Of the greatest part of these proceedings of the Christians, from the time of their depar∣ture from Antioch, until the winning of the Holy City, Godfrey by Letters briefly certified Bohemund, as followeth:

Godfrey of Buillon, to Bohemund King of Antioch, Greeting.

AFter long travel, having first taken certain Towns, we came to Jerusalem; which City is environed with high Hills, without Rivers or Foun∣tains, excepting only that of Solomons, and that a very little one. In it are many Cisterns, wherein wa∣ter is kept, both in the City and the Country therea∣bout. On the East, are the Arabians, the Moabites and Ammonites. On the South, the Idumaeans, Aegyptians and Philistians: Westward along the Sea-coast, lie the Cities of Ptolemais, Tyrus, and Tripolis: and Northward, Tiberias, Caesarea, Phi∣lippi, with the Country Decapolis and Damasco. In the assault of the City, I first gained that part of the Wall that fell to my lot to assail, and commanded Baldwin to enter the City; who having slain certain Companies of the Enemies, broke open one of the Gates for the Christians to enter. Raymond had the City of David, with much rich Spoil yielded unto him. But when we come unto the Temple of Solomon, there we had a great conflict, with so great Slaughter of the Enemy, that our men stood in blood above the ancles: The night approaching, we could not take the upper part of the Temple, which the next day was yielded, the Turks pitifully crying out for mercy: and so the City of Jerusalem was by us taken, the fifteenth of July, in the year of our Redemption 1099, thirty nine days after the beginning of the Siege, four hun∣dred and nine years after it fell into the bands of the Sarasins in the time of Heraclius the Emperor. Be∣sides this, the Princes with one consent saluted me (against my Will) King of Jerusalem; who although I fear to take upon me so great a Kingdom, yet I will do my devoir, that they shall easily know me for a Christian King, and well deserving of the Univer∣sal Faith; but love you me as you do, and so fare∣well. From Jerusalem.

Whilst these things were in doing at Ierusalem, such a multitude of the Turks and Sarasins their Confederates (now in their common calamity all as one) were assembled at Ascalon (a City about five and twenty miles from Ierusalem) to revenge the injuries they had before received, as had not before met together in all the time of this sacred War. Against whom, Godfrey (the late Duke, and now King) assembled the whole Forces of the Christians in those Countries, and leaving a strong Garrison in the new won City, set forward, and meeting with them, joyned a most dreadful and cruel battel; wherein (as most report) were slain of the Infidels,* 4.1 an hundred thou∣sand men, and the rest put to flight. The Spoil there taken, far exceeded all that the Christians had before taken in this long Expedition. Godfrey after so great a Victory, returning to Ierusalem, gave unto God most humble thanks. The rest of the Princes returned either to their Charge, as did Bohemund to Antioch, Baldwin to Edessa, Tancred into Galilee, whereof he was created Prince; or else having now performed the utter∣most of their Vows, returned with honour into their own Countries. This was of all others the most honourable Expedition that ever the Christi∣ans took in hand against the Infidels, and with the greatest resolution performed; for the most part, by such voluntary men, as moved with a devout Zeal to their immortal praise,* 4.2 spared nei∣ther life nor living in defence of the Christian Faith and Religion; all Men worthy eternal Fame and Memory. Not long after ensued a great Pestilence (the ready attendant of long war and want) whereof infinite numbers of People died,

and among the rest Godfrey, the first Christian King of Ierusalem, never to be sufficiently com∣mended: who with the general lamentation of all good Christians, was honourably buried in the Church of the Sepulchre of our Saviour, on the Mount Calvary, where our Saviour suffered his Passion; in which the Christian Kings succeed∣ing him were also afterwards buried. He de∣parted this life the eighteenth of Iuly, in the year of our Lord, 1100. when he had yet scarce reigned a full year. [year 1100.] Whose Tomb is yet at this day there to be seen, with an honourable In∣scription thereupon.

* 4.3After the death of Godfrey, the Christians made choice of Baldwin his Brother, Count of Edessa, who leaving his former Government to Baldwin sirnamed Burgensis, his near Kinsman, came to Ierusalem honourably accompanied, and was there by the Patriarch on Christmas-day with all Solemnity crowned King, in the year 1101. [year 1101.] He aided by the Venetians and Genoways at Sea, and by Bohemund King of Antioch by Land, took from the Infidels the City of Cesarea Stra∣tonis, standing upon the Sea-side, and overthrew certain Companies of the Aegyptian Sultans at Rama. But understanding that the Christian Princes of the West were coming to his aid with a new Power, he glad thereof, went to meet them, and safely conducted them to Ierusalem alongst the Sea-coast, by the Cities of Berythus, Sidon, Tyre, and Ptolemais, all yet holden by the Enemy. At which time the Turks at Asca∣lon having received great aid from the Arabians and Aegyptians, invaded the Country about Rama, where betwixt them and the Christians was fought a most cruel battel, wherein the Christians received a most notable overthrow, many of their great Commanders being there slain; and among the rest, Stephen Earl of Char∣ters, (but lately returned home from the former Expedition, and now come back again) and Stephen Earl of Burgundy and Tholous: yea, the King himself hardly escaped the Enemies hands, and after many dangers came at length to Ioppa, after it had been constantly before reported him to have been in that battel also slain. Who having there in hast repaired his Army, came again speedily upon his Enemies, fearing as then no∣thing less; and overthrew them with such a slaughter, as that they had small cause to re∣joyce of their former Victory. Neither were the rest of the Christian Princes in the other parts of Syria and Palestine, in the mean time idle, but sought by all means to inlarge their Territories. Tancred Prince of Galilee having raised a great Power, took Apamea the Metropolitical City of Coelosyria, and after much toil won also the City of Laodicea. Baldwin also the Governor of Edessa, besieging the City of Carras, had brought the be∣sieged Turks to such extremity, that they were about to have yielded the City; when suddenly he was set upon by a great Army of the Turks sent from the Persian Sultan for the relief of the besieged; and being there overthrown, was him∣self there taken, with Benedict the Bishop, and one Ioscelin his Kinsman: who after five years Captivity, found means with the Turk that had taken them, to redeem themselves, to the great offence of the Persian Sultan, and of the Sultan Solyman.

King Baldwin after the late Victory, lived for a season at some good rest in Ierusalem, unmo∣lested of his Enemies: but knowing his greatest safety among such War-like people, to consist in Arms, he upon the sudden raised the whole strength of his Kingdom, and laid siege to Pto∣lemais, otherwise called Acon, a City of Phoenicia, standing upon the rivage of the Sea; where he found such resistance, that he was glad to raise his siege and depart, having done nothing more than spoiled the pleasant places about the City. By the way in his return back again it fortuned him to meet with certain Companies of the Ene∣mies Adventurers,* 4.4 by whom he was in a Skirmish mortally wounded, although he died not thereof in long time after: for albeit that the Wound was by his Surgeons healed up, yet was the grief thereof so great, that at length it brought him to his end. Yet he notwithstanding the former repulse, the next year incouraged by the coming of the Genoa Fleet, laid hard siege again to Pto∣lemais both by Sea and Land,* 4.5 which after twenty days siege was by Composition yielded unto him.

Shortly after, the Governor of Aleppo, with certain other of the Turks great Captains in those Quarters, having joyned their Forces toge∣ther, and so invaded the Country about Antioch, were by Tancred (whom Bohemund at his depar∣ture into Italy had left Governor of that City) notably incountred and put to flight. At which time also the Chaliph of Aegypt sending great Forces both by Sea and Land against the King of Ierusalem, was in both places discomfited, at Land by the Christians, and at Sea by Tem∣pest.

Bohemund in the mean time, with a great Army of voluntary men and others (wherein he is re∣ported to have had five thousand Horse, and forty thousand Foot) returning towards the Holy Land, in revenge of many Injuries done by Alexius the Emperor, unto the Souldiers of this sacred War, contrary to his Faith and Promise to them before given; by the way landed his men in Epirus, and grievously spoiled the Coun∣try about Dirrachium, part of the Emperors Do∣minion. Neither made he an end of spoiling, until he had inforced the Emperor for redress of so great harms, to make peace with him, and again by solemn Oath to promise all security and kindness unto all such Christian Souldiers as should have occasion to travel too or fro through his Countries, during the time of this Religious War. After which agreement he put to Sea again, and so returned for Ierusalem; but whilst he stayed at Antioch,* 4.6 he shortly after there died in the year 1108. leaving the Principality thereof unto his young Son Bohemund a Child, under the tuition of his Nephew Tancred.

Yet were the Cities of Berytus, Sidon, and Tyre, alongst the Sea-coast, in the Enemies posses∣sion; for the gaining whereof Baldwin the King raised a great Army, and so came and laid siege to Berytus, which after many sharp Assaults he at length won, the 23. day of April, in the year 1111. and put to Sword most part of them that he found therein. The same year also he,* 4.7 assist∣ed by a Fleet sent unto him out of Norway, be∣sieged the City of Sydon; which the Citizens (seeing themselves now beset both by Sea and Land) at length yielded unto him by composi∣tion the 19th day of December. After which Victory he dismissed the Fleet, and returned him∣self in Triumph to Ierusalem. Now of all the famous Cities alongst the Sea-coast of Phoenicia and Palestine, from Laodicea to Ascalon, was only the City of Tyre that remained in the Enemies hands; which City Baldwin also hardly be∣sieged; nevertheless it was so well defended by the Turks, that after he had all in vain lien be∣fore it by the space of four months, he was glad to rise with his Army and depart.

It fortuned that within two years after, the Turks with a mighty Army sent from the Persian

Sultan, invaded the Country of Coelosyria, where spoiling all before them as they went, they came and incamped upon the Sea-coast near unto Ty∣berias. Against whom Baldwin gathered the whole strength of his Kingdom; with whom also Tancred (who now reigned in Antioch, the young Bohemund being dead) with the Count of Tripolis, and the rest of the Christian Prin∣ces, joyned their Forces: who all together march∣ing forward, came and incamped not far from the Enemy, being in number far more than they. Mendus, General of the Turks Army (for so I find him called) understanding of their ap∣proach, sent out certain Companies of his Men to skirmish with them; against whom the Christi∣ans also sent out others, who incountring them, easily put them to flight, being before command∣ed so to do, of purpose to draw the Christians into the danger of a great strength, lying in am∣bush to intrap them; which according to the Turks desire fell out; for the Christians fiercely pursuing the flying Enemy, fell into the ambush, and so before they were well aware, were beset on every side with their Enemies; unto the rescue of whom other Companies of Christians coming in, and others likewise from the Turks, both the great Armies were at length drawn into the field, where betwixt them was joyned a most fierce and terrible battel, with great slaughter on both sides; but at length the multitude of the Turks prevailing, the Christians were put to the worse, and so glad to fly; after whom the fierce Enemy hardly followed, not without great slaughter. In which flight the King himself hard∣ly escaped, with Arnolphus the Patriarch. Whilst Baldwin was thus busied abroad, the Turks and Sarasins from Ascalon came and besieged Ierusa∣lem, being then but weakly manned; but hear∣ing of the Kings coming, and that the Army of the Christians daily increased with new Supplies out of the West by Sea, they retired home again, having burnt certain store-houses full of Corn, and spoiled such things as were subject to their fury.

Long it were to recount all the hard Conflicts and Combats this King had with the Sarasins and Turks, which for brevity I pass over, con∣tented to have briefly touched the greatest. In the last year of his Reign, having for certain years before lived in some reasonable Peace, he made an Expedition into Aegypt, where he with much difficulty won Pharamia, a strong City up∣on the Sea-coast, which he joyned unto his own Kingdom. After that, he went to the Mouth of the River Nilus, and with great admiration learn∣ed the nature of that strange River; and having therein taken abundance of Fish, returned into the City, and there with the same feasted him∣self with his Friends. But after dinner he began to feel the grief of his old Wound, and growing thereof sicker and sicker, returned with his Army toward Ierusalem, where by the way near unto a City called Laris, he died (to the great grief of all the Christians) in the year 1118. [year 1118.] His dead body being brought back unto Ierusalem, was there Royally buried, near unto his Brother Godfrey, after he had reigned eighteen years, whose Sepulchre is yet there also to be seen, fast by the Sepulchre of his Brother.

* 4.8The late King thus dead and buried, the Christians with one consent made choice of his Cousin Baldwin, sirnamed Brugensis, Governor of Edessa; who by the name of Baldwin the Second, was the second of April, [year 1118.] in the year 1118, solemn∣ly Crowned King of Ierusalem. He was of stature tall and well proportioned, of countenance comely and gracious, having his Hair thin and yellow, his Beard mingled with some gray hairs hanging down to his breast; his colour fresh and lively for one of his years. He was a man of great courage, and therefore no less redoubt∣ed of his Enemies, than beloved of his Subjects, who had in him reposed great hope both for the defence and inlarging of that new gained King∣dom. Against him the same Summer the Cha∣liph of Aegypt, aided by the King of Damasco and the Turks, in revenge of the loss he had in the Expedition the year before received, raised a great Power to invade him both by Sea and Land. Against whom Baldwin also opposed him∣self with his whole strength, and so came and incamped within the sight of his Enemies. In which sort, when both Armies had lien the one facing the other by the space of three months, they both rose; the Christians fearing the multi∣tude of the Turks, and the Turks the valour of the Christians, and so retired without any notable thing doing.

This year died Alexius the Greek Emperor, who even from the beginning of this Sacred War secretly repined at the good success of the Christians in Syria, although his Empire were thereby greatly inlarged; after whom succeed∣ed Calo Ioannes his Son, who all the time of his Reign right worthily defended his Territories in the lesser Asia, against the invasion of the Turks.

Not long after, Gazi one of the greatest Prin∣ces of the Turks in the lesser Asia, with the King of Damasco, and Debeis King of Arabia, joyning their Forces together, with a great Army in∣vading the Country about Antioch, came and in∣camped not far from Aleppo; against whom Roger Prince of Antioch, not expecting the coming of Baldwin and the other Christian Princes his Confederates, but presuming of his own strength, went forth with greater courage than discretion, whereunto his Success was answerable; for in∣countring with them at too much odds, he was by them in a great battel overthrown, wherein himself was slain, with most part of his Army. Of which so great a slaughter, the place wherein this battel was fought was afterward called The field of blood. But whilst the Turks after so great a Victory, caresly and at pleasure roam up and down the Country, Baldwin setting upon them, overthrew them with a great slaughter, and so put them to flight. After this Victory gained by the Christians the fourteenth of August, in the year 1120. King Baldwin in great Triumph entred into Antioch, and so joyned that Principality unto his own Kingdom.

The year following, the Turks with another Army invaded the same Country again; for re∣pressing of whom, whilst Baldwin and the other Christian Princes were making their Preparati∣ons, it fortuned that Gazi their great Comman∣der suddenly died of an Apoplexy, upon whose death they retired without any further harm doing. Nevertheless the next Spring, the King of Damasco, aided by the Arabians, entred again with a great Power into the Country about Antioch, and there did some harm; for the Antiochians now destitute of their own Prince, and Baldwin (who had taken upon him their Protection) be∣ing far off, and otherwise busied at Ierusalem, were much more subject unto the inrodes of their Enemies (still at hand) than before when they had a Prince of their own still present amongst them. But Baldwin advertised thereof, was making toward them with a most puissant Army, sooner than they had thought it could have been pos∣sible. Of whose approach the Turks understand∣ing, retired again out of the Country: after

whom the King thinking it not good to make further pursuit, turned a little out of the way, and took Garaze, one of the strongest Castles of the Kings of Damasco, built but a year before, which because it was not without great charge and danger to be holden, he rased down to the ground.

Baldwin notwithstanding that he had many times thus honourably repulsed his Enemies, wisely considering how he was on the one side beset with the Turks, and on the other side with the Sarasins (which yet reigned in Aegypt, the Kingdom of Ierusalem lying as it were in the mouth of them both) thought it good betime to crave aid of the Christian Princes of Europe; and to that purpose had sent his Embassa∣dors unto divers of them, but especially unto the Venetians, whom of all others he thought fittest at his need to yield him relief by Sea. It fortuned in the mean time, that Balac the Per∣sian Sultan with a great Army of the Turks in∣vaded the Country about Antioch; whereof Bald∣win understanding (although he certainly knew he should ere long receive Aid from the other Christian Princes his Friends, but especially from the Venetians, and might therefore with great reason have protracted the War until their coming, yet being therewith much moved, or else his destiny so requiring) raised such Forces as he had of his own, and without longer staying for his Friends, with greater courage than good speed set forward; and so joyning battel with the Enemy, was therein overthrown, with the greatest part of his Army, and himself taken Prisoner in the fight, with certain other of his best Commanders; who all together were carried away Captives unto Carras.

* 4.9Upon the report of this overthrow, and taking of the King, the Chaliph of Aegypt on the other side took occasion with all his Power to invade the Kingdom of Ierusalem; and having in him∣self purposed the utter ruine thereof, beside the great Army which he sent thither by Land (which lay incamped not far from Ascalon) he put to Sea an huge Fleet also of 700 Sail, for the distressing of the Sea-Towns, which he well knew were not otherwise to be won. This Fleet of the Sarasin Kings (for Aegypt with the Kingdoms of Tunis and Morocco were yet in possession of the Sarasins) arriving at Ioppa, there put ashore their Land Forces, and hardly besieged the Town both by Sea and Land. But whilst they thus lay in great hope to have won the Town, Dominicus Michael Duke of Venice, stirred up by Calixtus then Bishop of Rome, was come to Cyprus with a Fleet of two hundred Sail, for the Relief of the Christians in Syria and the Holy Land; and hearing of the distress of Ioppa, nothing dismaid with the num∣ber of the Enemies Fleet, hasted thither, and came so suddenly upon them, that he had (as some report) overthrown them before they could put themselves in order, or be in readiness to fight▪ or as some others say, after a great and doubtful fight, having sunk or taken a great number of them, and put the rest to flight, he obtained of them a most glorious Victory. With like good Fortune also were the Sarasins overthrown in a notable battel at Land, near unto Ascalon, by the Lord Eustace, unto whom the defence of the Kingdom was committed after the taking of the King, who not long after so great a Victory died.

* 4.10Ioppa relieved (as is aforesaid) the Duke of Venice travelled by Land to Ierusalem, where he was honourably received by Guarimund the Patri∣arch, and the Confederation before made betwixt King Baldwin and the Venetians, upon the same conditions solemnly again renewed.

The Sarasins thus notably discomfited both by Sea and Land, and the Christians thereby not a little incouraged, and joyning their forces toge∣ther with the Venetians, came, and the first of March laid Siege unto the ancient and strong City of Tyre: which they having beset both by Sea and Land, gave thereunto many a sharp assault; which the Turks as Men fighting for their Lives and Wives, right valiantly repulsed. In which sort the Siege was continued longer than the Christians had at the first thought should have needed; yet at length after four Months siege, the Turk sore weakened with often assaults, and hardly pinched with want of Food, all their store being spent, yielded the City by composi∣tion. Thus was the City of Tyre (the most famous Port of Phoenicia) yielded unto the Christians the nine and twentieth of Iune, in the year 1124. [year 1124.] The third part of this City was given to the Venetians, according to the Compo∣sition made betwixt them and the Kings of Ieru∣salem, That of all such Cities as were by their help won from the Infidels in Syria, they should have a third part, with one street, and free Traffique in all the rest of the Cities of the Kingdom on Ie∣rusalem. Shortly after was King Baldwin set at liberty for the Ransome of an hundred thousand Ducats, after he had been eighteen months Prisoner among the Turks.

The Duke of Venice having now spent almost three years in this Sacred Expedition, and well confirmed the state of the Christians in Syria, re∣turning home, by the way took the Islands of Chios, Rhodus, Samos, Mitylen, and Andrus, with the City of Modon in Peloponesus; all, places be∣longing unto the Greek Empire. Which he did in revenge of the Injuries done by the Em∣peror in the time of his absence, who envying at the success of the Christians in Syria, as had his Father Alexius before him, had in the ab∣sence of the Duke infested the Territories of the Venetians, for the which he was now justly requited, with the loss of a good part of his own.

Baldwin also not unmindful of the Injuries unto him before done by the Turks, in requital thereof, invaded the Country about Damasco, and there in three notable battels overthrew the King, and spoiled the Country; wherein he took so great a Prey, that therewith he re∣deemed his Daughter, whom he had at the time of his deliverance left in Hostage with the Turks for the payment of his Ransome. He also over∣threw the Sarasins at Ascalon, who aided by the Chaliph of Aegypt, had sundry times invaded the Country about Ierusalem. And so having well repressed his Enemies, for a space lived in peace.

Not long after,* 4.11 Hugh Paganus first Master of the Templars (an Order of Knights first begun in the Reign of this Baldwin) before sent to crave Aid of the Christian Princes of the West, against the Turks and Sarasins, returned with a great num∣ber of zealous Christians, ready to lay down their Lives for defence of the Christian Faith and Re∣ligion: with whom Baldwin and the other Christi∣an Princes of Syria joyning their Forces, set for∣ward and besieged Damasco, the Regal Seat of the Turks in those quarters. But such was the strength of this City, with the valour of the De∣fendants, and contagiousness of the Air, that the Christians (the Heavens as it were then fighting against them) were glad to raise their Siege, in vain begun, and so to retire.

Whilst things thus passed in Syria, Fulke Count of Turin, Mayn, and Anjou, a man al∣most of threescore years, having as he thought best

disposed of his things at home, had for devo∣tion sake taken upon him an expedition into the Holy Land. In the time of which his pre∣parations, Embassadors came unto him from King Baldwin, offering him in Marriage Melisen∣da (or as some call her, Margaret) his eldest Daughter, with the Succession of the Kingdom of Ierusalem in dowry, if he should survive the King; and in the mean time to content himself with the Cities of Tyre and Ptolemais; of which offer he accepted, and so held on his journey before intended. It fortuned about three years after, that the King fell dangerously sick, and feeling his death drawing on, having laid aside all Regal Dignity, caused himself to be removed out of his own Palace, into the Patriarchs house, which was neerer unto the Temple of the Se∣pulchre: and there calling unto him Fulk the Count, his Son-in-Law, with his Daughter and his Son Baldwin, then but two years old, in the presence of the Patriarch, and divers other Prin∣ces and great Commanders, commended unto them the Government and Defence of the King∣dom, appointing Fulk to succeed him. And taking unto himself the habit and Profession of a Monk (if he should have longer lived) present∣ly after gave up the ghost the two and twentieth day of August,* 4.12 in the year 1131. whereof he reign∣ed with much trouble thirteen years, and was solemnly buried in the Temple upon Mount Cal∣vary, with the other two Kings Godfrey and Bald∣win his Predecessors. [year 1131.]

The Kings Funeral ended, the Princes of the Kingdom with one accord made choice of Fulk the old Count, Earl of Anjou, for their King; who the 16 day of September, was with all so∣lemnity by William the Patriarch crowned in Ierusalem. This man in the beginning of his Reign, besides his troubles abroad, was also vext with domestical and intestine discord: Pontius Count of Tripolis, seeking by force of Arms to have rent the Dukedom of Antioch from the King∣dom: and Hugh Count of Ioppa, for fear of due punishment for his Treason, joyning him∣self with the Sarasins of Ascalon, and so with them infesting the Territories of Ierusalem, to the great hurt of the Christian State, and ad∣vantage of the Infidels. Which troublesome broyls were yet afterwards by the King, partly by force, partly by the mediation of the Patriarch and other Princes (who seeing the danger thereof like to ensue, had interposed themselves) well again appeased. Vengeance yet nevertheless still following both the aforesaid Traitors: Pontius being shortly after slain by the Turks, and Hugh dying in exile.

Besides these domestical troubles, the Turks also invaded the Country about Antioch, where they were by the sudden coming of the King overthrown, with the loss of their Tents and exceeding great Riches. And that nothing might be wanting unto the disquieting of the State of that new erected Kingdom, not long after, Iohn the Constantinopolitan Emperor, (together with the Empire, Inheritor also of his Fathers malice, against the proceeding of the Christians in Syria) with a puissant Army passing through the lesser Asia, and by the way taking by force Tarsus the Metropolitical City of Cilicia, with the whole Province thereunto belonging, came and besieged Antioch; which Fulk but a little before had, together with Constance the Daughter and Heir of the late Duke of Antioch, given in mar∣riage to Raymund Count of Poitou, for that pur∣pose sent out of France. But in this so dangerous a state of that Christian Kingdom, the other zealous Christian Princes interposed themselves as Mediators betwixt the Emperor (pretending the same to belong unto his Empire) and Ray∣mund that was in possession thereof. And in fine brought it to this end, that Raymund for the present submitting himself unto the Emperor, should from thenceforth hold his Dukedom of him as of his Lord and Sovereign; upon which agreement the Emperor returned unto Tarsus, where he wintered, and so afterwards unto Con∣stantinople.

Much about the same time, Sanguin one of the Turks great Princes, invading the Country about Tripolis, besieged the Castle of Mont-Ferrand, unto the relief whereof Fulk coming with his Army, was by the Turks overthrown, and for the safeguard of his life, glad to take the refuge of the Castle, the Count himself being in that battel taken Prisoner. After which Victory, the Turks laid harder Siege unto the Castle than before; the besieged in the mean time being no less pinched within with Famine, than pinched without by the Enemy. In this the Kings hard distress, the other Princes having raised the whole power of the Kingdom, were coming to his relief; whereof the Turk understanding, of∣fered of himself to give them all leave freely to depart, and to set the Count at liberty, so that they would deliver unto him the Castle; of which his offer they gladly accepting, yielded up the strong Hold, and so departed. The King by the way meeting with the Army, thanked his Friends for their forwardness, and so returned to Ierusalem.

About four years after,* 4.13 Iohn the Constanti∣nopolitan Emperor with a great Army came again into Syria, with purpose to have united the famous City of Antioch unto his Empire, and so to have made a way into the Kingdom of Ie∣rusalem, whereafter he had now a good while longed. But coming thither in hope to have found the Cilicians and Syrians ready to have re∣ceived him, he was deceived of his expectation, being shut out by the Latines, and not suffered to enter but upon his Oath, and that with some few of his followers; and so after due reverence done unto him, quietly to depart without any stir or innovation in the City. In revenge of which disgrace, at his departure he gave the Suburbs of the City as a prey to his greedy Souldiers, pre∣tending the same to be done for want of Victuals; who made havock of whatsoever came to hand, not sparing the very Fruit Trees, but cutting them down to dress their meat withall. Having thus under colour of necessity revenged the dis∣grace received, he returned into Cilicia, and there wintered: where one day for his disport hunting of the wild Boar, and having wounded him with his Boar-Spear, the wild beast therewith enraged, and with all his force bearing forward upon the weapon, forced the Emperors hand backward upon the poynt of a poysoned Arrow that was hanging in a quiver at his back, and so was there∣with lightly wounded. Nevertheless as light as the wound was, such was the strength of the Poyson, that the grief thereof still encreasing, and his hand and Arm more and more swelling, there was no remedie to be ••ound, but that his Arm must be cut off; which desperate and uncertain cure he abhorring, in the extremi∣ty of his pain oftentimes pleasantly saying, That the Greek Empire was not to be governed with one hand;* 4.14 overcome with the strength of the Poy∣son, died. In whose place succeded his youngest Son Emanuel, Alexius and Andronicus his two El∣der Sons being both dead at his setting forth unto this so unhappy an expedition.

It fortuned about this time also, that the

Kingdom of Ierusalem being now at peace, that Fulk the King, with the Queen his Wife, lying at the City of Ptolemais in the time of Autumn, it pleased the Queen for her disport to walk out of the City, unto certain pleasant Fountains there by in the Country; for whose company the King would needs go also, with certain of his Courtiers; where by the way it chanced that certain Boys running along the field, put up an Hare that was sitting in a furrow; after which all the Courtiers on horseback galloped amain, with notable outcry and hollowing. Amongst the rest, the King to be partaker of the Sport, forcing his horse to the uttermost of his power,* 4.15 in the midst of his course fell, together with his horse foundring under him, and in falling, chanced to fall his head under the horse, with whose weight, and the hardness of his saddle, he was so crushed, that his Brains came out both at his nose and ears. In this pitiful case being taken up for dead, and with great heaviness being car∣ried back, he yet breathing lay speechless three days, and so died the thirteenth of November, in the year of Grace 1142. His dead body after∣wards brought to Ierusalem, was there with great magnificence, and the general lamentation of all his Subjects, buried with the other Kings his Pre∣decessors.

Now had the late King left behind him two Sons,* 4.16 Baldwin about the age of thirteen years, and Almerick about the age of seven. Of the Elder of these two, the Christian Princes made choice, who by the name of Baldwin the Third, was to∣gether with Melesinda his Mother, Partner with him in the Kingdom, upon Christmas day with great Solemnity crowned King of Ierusalem, in the year 1142. About which time, Sanguin the Turk, taking hold of the discord betwixt Raymund Prince of Antioch, and Ioscelin Count of Edessa, came and with a great power besieged Edessa, the Count being at the same time absent; and did so much, that at length he took the City by un∣dermining of it, where the bloody Turk ex∣ercised all manner of cruelty upon the poor Christians in the City. By the loss of this famous City, so large a Territory fell again into the hands of the Turks, as that three Archbishopricks were thereby drawn from the Church of Antioch. The Turk encouraged with this Victory, straight∣waies after besieged Cologenbar, another strong Town of the Christians: One night drinking li∣berally with his Friends, he was by one of them in his drunkenness stabbed, and so slain, and the Siege raised. In whose stead Noradin his Son succeeded.

Baldwin, in the first year of his Reign, reco∣vered from the Turks the Castle of Sobal, a strong hold beyond Iordan, which he notably fortified, for the defence of that side of his King∣dom against the incursions of the Turks. But the next year undertaking an expedition against the King of Damasco, he was by Noradin the Turk, the Kings Son-in-Law, so hardly beset in his re∣turn, as that it was accounted a thing miraculous, how he with his Army escaped his hands.

The Report of the loss of Edessa with the miseries there endured by the Christians, being bruited through all parts of Christendom, great∣ly moved the Christian Princes of the West. Whom Eugenius the Third, then Bishop of Rome,* 4.17 ceased not both by himself and by his Le∣gates to stir up to take that sacred War in hand. And therein wrought so effectually, that almost in every Province of Christendom preparation was made for the relief of the distressed Christi∣ans in Syria. Of all others, Conrade the Third then Emperor of Germany, was most forward, who aided by the German Princes and others, with an incredible number of Voluntary Men out of all parts of Christendom, had raised a most puissant Army, and therewith set forward on this sacred Expedition. Of this his devout purpose he had before certified Emanuel the Greek Em∣peror, through whose Countries he was to pass, craving that he might by his good Favour so do, and for his Mony to be relieved with Victu∣als, and other such things as he should have need of for himself or his people; promising in most quiet and peaceable manner to pass, without any harm doing unto his Territories or Sub∣jects. All which the Greek Emperor, com∣mending his zeal, seemed in most large terms willingly to condescend unto. Nevertheless he inwardly repined thereat, wishing indeed no bet∣ter success to the Christians in this so honoura∣ble an Expedition, than did the Infidels them∣selves, as by the sequel of his doings well appear∣ed. For Conrade with his populous Army, indeed a terror unto the Greeks, entring into the Fron∣tiers of the Constantinopolitan Empire, found all things in shew friendly (for why, Emanuel had be∣fore given out strait command, that good store of Victuals and all other necessaries should be ready at all places to be sold as the Army was to pass:) but they were not far come into the Coun∣try, but that in the tail of the Army still followed certain strong Companies of the Greeks, to keep the Souldiers from stragling from their Ensigns, roaming about in the Country, now and then cutting them short, as they took them at advantage. And still the further that they travelled, the more it was to be seen in the countenances of the dis∣contented Greeks, how unwelcome Guests they were. Yet still on they went through the Coun∣tries of their dissembling Friends, little differing from open Enemies, until they came to Philipolis; in departing from whence, such discord rose be∣tween them that were in the Rereward of the Army, and the Greeks that followed them, that it was like to have come to plain battel, had not those broyls, by the discretion of some of the wiser sort, been in good time appeased. So march∣ing on they came to Adrianople, and in few days after to the Plain called Cherobachi, through which the River Melas hath his course; which in Summer being almost dry, in Winter or any other great downfall of Water, right suddenly overflow∣eth his banks, and so drowneth the whole Country; that then it seemeth no more a River, but a Sea; and swelling with the Wind, is not to be passed over but by great Boats. This River then sud∣denly rising by night, by reason of the great rain that then fell, in such abundance, as if the Flood-Gates of Heaven had been opened, so overflowed the place wherein the Army lay encamped on the side thereof, that with the violence of the Wa∣ter were carried away not only many Weapons, Saddels, Garments, and such other the Souldiers necessaries, but even the Horses and Mules, with their burthens; yea, and great numbers of armed Men themselves also; a most miserable and la∣mentable thing to behold. Many valiant Men there fell without Fight, and died, no men killing them: to be tall, helped not; neither did valour stand them in any stead; they perished like hay, and were carried away like chaff, with such outcries and lamentation, that they which saw it, verily said, That the wrath of God was broke into the Camp: such a suddain inundation had overwhelmed all, that happy was he who could make shift for him∣self, without regarding one another. This mis∣fortune sore troubled the Emperor with his whole Army. Nevertheless, the Water being again fallen, and all put in so good order, as in such a con∣fusion

was possible, he marched on to the Im∣perial City; which the suspitious and malitious Greek had before notably fortified and so strongly manned with armed Men glistering upon the Walls, in such sort as if it should have presently been assaulted.

Conrade approaching the City,* 4.18 was not suffered to enter, but perswaded by the Greek Emperor forthwith to transport his Army over the Strait, with promise to supplie his wants with whatso∣ever he should require. Which was done with such haste, as if nothing had been farther to have been regarded, but only to have them shipped over; in which service the Greeks spared no labour, or kind of Vessel, that might serve to transport them. The Greek Emperor in the mean time, by men secret∣ly appointed for that purpose, keeping account of the number that passed, until that they wearied with the multitude, ceased further to number them. But when they were once shipt over, then began the covert malice of the Greek Emperor forth∣with to appear. For, besides, that they trusting unto his promises, had brought little or no Pro∣visions over with them, the Country People by his appointment brought nothing unto them to fell, as before; and they of the Towns and Ci∣ties shut their gates against them as they marched, not affording them any thing, but at an ex∣tream rate, for which they would first receive their Mony by Ropes cast down from the Walls, and then deliver them what they pleased therefore, yea, and oftentimes nought at all. Among ma∣ny other vile practises, not beseeming Christians, the mischievous Greeks, to poyson the Soldiers, mingled Lime with the Meal which they sold un∣to the Army, whereof many of the hungry Soul∣diers greedily feeding, died. Whether the Greek Emperor were privy thereunto, or no, is not certainly known; but certain it is, that he caused counterfeit Mony to by coined, of purpose to deceive them; and in brief, there was no kind of mischief to be practised against them, which either he himself devised not, or set not others to devise; to the intent that their Posterity ter∣rified by this so unfortunate an expedition, might for ever be afraid to take the like in hand a∣gain. And that nothing might be wanting that malice could devise, he had secret intelligence with the Turks themselves, concerning the strength of the Army, plotting unto them the means how the same might best be defeated; whereby it came to pass, that some part thereof was by Pamplano, a Captain of the Turks, overthrown near Bathis, and many slain. But attempting to have done the like unto that part of the Army that passed through Phrygia,* 4.19 they were themselves overtaken in their own device, and overthrown with a great Slaughter. After which, the Turks in great number, to stay the Christians further passage, kept the River Mae∣ander, encamping upon the farther Bank of that winding River, with a most huge Army. There these worthy Christians right well declared, that it was but their Patience, that the Grecian Le∣gions that had before so long followed them, with their Countries and Cities they had passed by, were not to them become a Prey. For the Emperor coming unto the River side, where was neither Bridge nor Boat to pass over, and find∣ing the great Army of the Turks on the other side, ready to give him battel if he should ad∣venture the River, with their Archers standing upon the very Bank Side; he retired a little out of the danger of the Shot, and there encamp∣ing, commanded his Souldiers to refresh them∣selves and their Horses that night, and to be ready against the next morning to joyn battel with their Enemies they were so far come to seek for. Little rest served him that night; early in the morning before day he arose, and arming him∣self, put his whole Army in order of battel; as did also the Enemy on the other side of the River, with their Battalions orderly placed, and their Archers upon the Bank side, ready to give the first Charge on the Christians, if they should adventure to come over. Both Armies thus stand∣ing in readiness the one in sight of the other, and nothing but the winding River betwixt them, the Emperor before resolved to fight, with cheerful Countenance and Speech encouraged his Men as followeth.

That this expedition was of us taken in hand,* 4.20 for Christ his sake, and for the glory of God, and not of man, you know right well, fellow Souldiers. For, for this cause having contemned a pleasant life at home, vo∣luntarily separated from our nearest and dearest Friends, we indure miseries in forreign Countries; we are ex∣posed unto dangers, we pine with hunger, we quake with cold, we languish with heat; we have the earth our bed, the heaven our covering; and although we be noble, famous, renowned, rich, ruling over Nations; yet wear we always our gorgets as necessary bonds, and are with them and our armour loaded, as was the greatest Servant of Christ, Peter, surcharged with two chains, and kept with four quaternions of Souldiers. But these Barbarians (divided from us by this River) to be the Enemies of the cross of Christ, whom we of long have desired to encounter withall, in whose blood (as David saith) we have vowed to wash our selves: Who is there that knoweth not, except he be altogether blockish and will not with open eyes see, nor open ears hear? If we wish to ascend straight way into Heaven, (for neither is God unjust, that he knoweth not the cause of this our journey, or will not in recompence give unto us the immortal Fields; and shady dwellings of Paradice, which having for∣saken our own dwellings, have chose rather for his sake to die than to live) if we call to remembrance what things these men of uncircumcised hearts do commit against our Friends and Countrymen, if we remember what grievous tortures they inflict up∣on them, or if we be any thing touched with the compassion of their innocent blood, unworthily spilt; stand now couragiously, and fight valiantly, and let not any fear or terror daunt us. Let these Barba∣rians know, that by how much Christ our Master and Instructer doth excel their false Prophet and Seducer, author of their vain impiety; so much are we superiors unto them in all things. Seeing there∣fore we are an holy Camp, and an Army gathered by the power of God, let us not cowardly lose our selves, or fear for Christ his sake honourably to adventure our lives. For if Christ died for us, how much more right is it that we for him should die also? Unto this so honourable Expedition let us also give an honourable end; Let us fight in Christs name, with a most assured hope of an easie Victory. For none of them (I trust) shall be able to abide our force, but shall all give way, even to our first Charge▪ But if we shall die (which God forbid) there shall be an honourable place of our burial, wheresoever we shall for Christ fall. Let the Persian Archer for Christ his sake, strike me, I will die in assured hope, and with that Arrow, as with a Chariot, I will come unto that rest, which shall be to me dearer than if I should with a base ordinary kind of death in my sins end my days in a bed. Now at length let us take revenge of them, with whose impure feet our Kinsmen and Christian Brethren trodden down, are gone into that common Sanctuary, in which Christ our Saviour, Equal and Associate to his Father, is become a Companion of the Dead. We are those mighty men, we all have drawn our Swords, which stand about the lively and divine

Sepulchre, as about Solomons bed. Wherefore we that be free born, let us take out of the way these Haga∣rens, the Children of the Bondwoman; and let us remove them as stones of offence out of the way of Christ; whom (I know not why) the Grecians feed up as greedy Wolves to their own destruction, and with shame fat them with their blood; when as with coura∣gious minds and thoughts beseeming wise men, they ought so to have been driven from their Provinces and Cities, as ravening wild Beasts from their Flocks. Now for as much as this River, as it seemeth, is not, but by some adventure to be passed over, I my self will shew you the way, and be the first that shall take it. Let us, serred together, forcibly break into the River, and we shall well enough ride through it. I know that the water beaten back by our force, will be at a stand, and break the Course, returning as it were backward. By not unlike means the Israelites in ancient time on foot passed over Jordan, the course of the River being staid. This Attempt shall be spoken of in all Posterity, it shall by no tract of time be worn out or forgotten, but still remain in fresh Remembrance, to the great dishonour of the Turks, whose dead bodies overthrown at this River, shall lie like a Mountain, and be seen as a Tro∣phy of our Victory, unto the Worlds end, and our immortal Praise and Glory.

Having thus said, and the signal of battel given, every man having before by devout prayer commended himself unto Almighty God, he was the first that put Spurs to his Horse, and took the River; after whom followed the rest, so close and so forcibly, with such a terrible Out-cry, that the course of the water, being by the force of their Horses staid, and as it were beaten back towards the Fountain, the whole Army passed over with less trouble than was feared.* 4.21 And then charging the Turks, already discouraged to have seen them so desperately, and contrary to their expectation, to have passed the River; after some small resistance put them to flight, wherein such infinite numbers of them fell, the Christians like fierce Lions pursuing the Chase, that all the Val∣lies ran with blood, and the fields were covered with the bodies of the dead. Many of the Ita∣lians were wounded with the Turks Arrows, and but few or none slain.* 4.22 But what a multitude of the Enemies there fell, the sundry and huge heaps of bones, to be compared unto great hills, did long time after well declare; whereat every man that travelled that way did worthily wonder, as did I my self (saith Nicetas Choniates) in report∣ing this History. Not much unlike that, is re∣ported of the Cimbers, slain by Marius in such number, that of their bones the Country people about Marcellis where the battel was fought, long time after made Walls for the defence of their Vineyards.

* 4.23After this so great a Victory, the Christians without resistance came to Iconium, the chief Seat of the Turkish Kings in the lesser Asia, which they hardly besieged. Nevertheless, such was the strength of the City, being strongly for∣tified both by Nature and Art, together with the valour of the Defendants, that lying there long, they little prevailed, pressed in the mean time with greater extremities and wants in the Camp, than were the besieged in the City; whereupon ensued such a Mortality, people daily without number dying in the Army, that the Emperor was glad to raise his siege and to return into his Country. The chief cause as well of this so great a Mortality, as of the overthrow of so notable an Action, most men ascribe unto the malice of the Greeks; who not without the privity of their Emperor (as it was commonly bruited) mingled Lime with the Meal which they brought to sell into the Army, whereof the hungry Souldiers desirously feeding, were therewith poisoned, and so miserably died. Of the certain time of this Journey of the Emperors into Asia, Authors agree not; howbeit I must refer it unto the year 1146. [year 1146.]

This Expedition, though not so fortunate as it was at the first well hoped of, yet profited the Christian Common-weal in this, That the Turks therewith throughly busied, and doubtful of the event thereof, Baldwin in the mean time fortified Gaza (sometimes a famous City of the Philistines, but as then ruinous) which served as a most sure Bulwark for the defence of that part of his Kingdom towards Aegypt; and also for the distre••∣sing of Ascalon, the only Refuge of the Aegypti∣ans, then left in that Country; which strong City standing upon the Sea-side, he with all the Power of his Kingdom afterward besieged both by Sea and Land; unto the Relief whereof, the Chaliph of Aegypt, after it had been five months by the Christians besieged, sent a strong Fleet of threescore and ten Gallies. At which time also on the other side Noradin the Turk, who had now got into his hand all the Kingdom of Da∣masco, to withdraw the Christians from the siege of Ascalon, besieged Paneada, from whence he was by the valour of the Citizens repulsed, as was also the Chaliphs Fleet at Sea, and the siege at Ascalon continued. Where at length the Christi∣ans after long battery had made a breach in the Wall, but giving thereunto an assault, they were with great loss of their men repulsed, and the breach again by the Enemy repaired; who to the greater despight of the Christians, hanged over the Walls in Ropes the dead bodies of their slain; with which Spectacle the chief Command∣ers of the Army were so moved, that they with all their Power returned again to the Assault, with a full Resolution to engaged thereon their whole Forces; which they so couragiously performed, that the besieged discouraged with the great slaughter of their men, and now with true va∣lour overcome, craved Parley; and so covenant∣ing that they might with their Lives in safety depart, agreed to yield up the City, which they accordingly performed. The spoil of the City was given to the Souldiers, and the Government thereof unto Almerick the Kings Brother, Earl of Ioppa. By this Victory, great security was gain∣ed unto that side of the Kingdom, the Enemy having now no place left in those Parts whereon to set his foot.

About the same time also (or as some write,* 4.24 even at the same time together with the Emperor) Lewis the French King▪ the Eighth of that name, took upon him the like Expedition for the relief of the Christians in the Holy Land; who setting forward with all the Chivalry of France, and ac∣companied with divers other great Princes, with a right puissant Army came to Constantinople, where he was by Emanuel the Emperor honourably re∣ceived, with all the outward shews of feigned courtesie that could be devised. But having passed the Strait, and landed in Asia, he found nothing answerable to that the dissembling Greek had before most largely promised. And to distress him the more, was by false Guides before cor∣rupted by the Emperor, conducted through the most desolate and barren Countries, where by the way a wonderful number of his Souldiers perished of hunger and thirst; many of them also being cut off in the strait and difficult passa∣ges, or as they strayed from the Army by the Greeks themselves, appointed by the malicious Emperor for that purpose. Yet after many dan∣gers passed, and his Army sore wasted; he came

at length into Syria, and laid siege unto Damasco, the Royal Seat of Noradin the Turkish King;* 4.25 which he so notably impugned, that the Defen∣dants were almost out of hope to be able for any long time to hold out. Neither had it otherwise happened, had not Envy, the inseparable Atten∣dant of all honourable Actions, frustrated so great an hope; for the besieged Turks being brought to great extremity, and now even at the point to have yielded the City, certain of the Christian Princes of that Country, understanding that the King had promised the Government of that so famous a City, unto Philip Earl of Flanders, if it should be won; and secretly grudging to have a stranger preferred before themselves, corrupted also (as some say) with the Turks gold, fraudu∣lently perswaded the King to remove from that part of the City where he lay, and might in fine have taken the same, unto another far stronger; where, after he had lien a great while, striving with no small extremities, he was enforced for want of Victuals to raise his siege and to depart. And so without any thing done worth the Re∣membrance, returned again into France, detesting the very name of Emanuel the Greek Emperor; by whose sinister dealing, so notable an Expedi∣tion was brought to be of none effect, to the great discouraging of all other Christian Princes for taking the like again in hand. [year 1147.]

Now had the state of the Christians in Syria, for certain years after the aforesaid Expeditions, rested in good peace; when Noradin the Turk (moved with some injuries done by the Christi∣ans unto the Turks and Arabians, who by the leave of King Baldwin dwelt in the Forest of Lybanus) came and straitly besieged Paneada,* 4.26 a City of the Christians there by; upon whom the Christians in the City, now brought unto great extremity, made a most desperate Sally, and had with the Turks a sharp and cruel fight; but op∣pressed with the multitude, and inforced to re∣tire, they were so hardly pursued, that the Turks together with them entred the City, and put to Sword all that came in their way. Nevertheless, the greater part of the Citizens (by good fortune) had in good time before retired themselves into the Castle, which was of great strength, and there stood upon their guard. Of whose distress, with the taking of the City, Baldwin hearing, raised a great Army, and so set forward to relieve them. But Noradin hearing of his coming, and doubtful of his own strength, after he had taken the spoil of what he could, set fire on the City, and so departed.* 4.27 The Citizens thus delivered, repaired again the Walls of the City, the Kings Power still defending them. Noradin with his Power all the while lying close in the Woods not far off, still awating the offer of some good oppor∣tunity to take the Christians at advantage, which shortly after fell out according to his own desire; for the King doubting no such matter; but sup∣posing him to have been quite gone, having at his return sent away all his Footmen, followed after himself, accompanied only with his Horse∣men, and they also not very strong; but as he was passing the River Iordan, he was suddenly set upon by Noradin and the Turks, and after a sharp Conflict overthrown; the King himself with some few hardly escaped to Saphet, a Town there by; most part of his Nobility being there either slain or taken Prisoners; amongst the rest, Bertrund of Blanquefort, Master of the Templars, with divers others of great Name, fell at that time into the Enemies hands, and so were carried away Prisoners.

After this Victory, Noradin strengthened with new Supplies from Da••asco, came again and be∣sieged Paneade, in good hope, that the Citizens discouraged with so great an Overthrow of the King, and out of hope to be by them relieved, would now either yield the City, or else not be able long to hold it out. But the King, con∣trary to his expectation, had in shorter time than was thought possible, raised a great Power; and aided by the Prince of Antioch, and the Count of Tripolis, was marching to the relief of his City; of which approach Noradin understanding, al∣though he had made divers breaches in the Walls, and brought the Citizens almost unto utter despair, rose with his Army and departed. And so Bald∣win having now twice relieved the besieged City, returned also to Ierusalem.

Many an hard Conflict with the Turks had this young King afterwards, during the fortunate time of his Reign; wherein that troublesome Kingdom happily flourished amidst the Miscre∣ants; all which to recount; were long and tedi∣ous. Yet among other things, it is worth the remembrance, how that Noradin the Turks, then King of Damasco, besieging Sueta, a Castle be∣longing to the Kingdom of Ierusalem, was in a set battel by Baldwin overthrown and put to flight, with the loss of the greatest part of his Army. King Baldwin had before married Ema∣nuel the Greek Emperors Neece; and now the same Emperor by Guido Stephanus, and Trisillus his Embassadors, requested to have given him again in marriage one of the Kings nigh Kins∣women. Unto whom the King, after mature deliberation had concerning the matter, offered him Matilde, an honourable Lady, the Sister of the Count of Tripolis, whom the Emperor re∣fused; and afterward by the consent of the King, made choice of Mary the Daughter of Raimund Prince of Antioch lately dead. Which the Count of Tripolis taking in evil part, in revenge there∣of, by certain Men of War whom he put to Sea, grievously infested the Frontiers of the Emperors Dominions. Now during the time that the Mar∣riage was solemnizing, the King made his abode at Antioch, at which time he fortified the Castle of Pontisfer upon the River Orantes, against the Incursions of the Enemies. But lying there, he according to his wonted manner, to prevent sick∣ness, upon the approach of Winter took Physick of Barac a Jew, the Count of Tripolis his Physi∣tian. After the taking whereof, he fell presently into the Bloody-Flux, and afterward into a Con∣sumption; whereby it was verily supposed, that he was poysoned by the Jew; and the rather, for that some little part of the same Medicine that was left, being given to a Dog, he thereof in short time died. The King thus languishing in pain, to change the Air, removed first to Tripolis, and afterward to Berytus, where he de∣parted this troublesome life, to live with his Sa∣viour Christ in bliss for ever. His dead Body was afterward with general Mourning of his Subjects conveyed to Ierusalem, and there solemnly en∣terred by the body of his Father.* 4.28 He departed the 13th of February, in the year of Grace, 1163. when he had reigned 21 years. He was a man so gracious, that not only his Friends, but even the Infidels themselves (as it is reported) lamented his death. Insomuch that Noradin King of Da∣masco, [year 1163.] his antient Enemy, being invited by some of his Captains to invade his Kingdom at such time as his Funerals were in solemnizing, refused so to do, answering, That compassion and re∣gard was to be had of the just sorrow of the Christians his Subjects; for that they had lost such a King, the like was hardly again to be found in the World.

But leaving the Kingdom of Ierusalem, with

the greater part of Servia, thus victoriously gain∣ed from the Infidels; let us for the orderly conti∣nuation of our History, again return to see the pro∣ceedings of the Turks at the same time in the lesser Asia also; wherein they yet held the state of a Kingdom, though not so great as before the coming of the Princes of the West into those Countries. After the death of Sultan Solyman (with whom Duke Godfrey and the other Christi∣an Princes had much to do as they passed into Syria) as is aforesaid,* 4.29 one Muhamet succeeded him; betwixt whom and Masut, Sultan of Iconium, great discord arose, which at length broke out into open War, to the further weakning of that late shaken Kingdom. For the maintenance of which Quarel, as profitable for his State, Iohn Comnenus the Greek Emperor, gave Aid to Masut, against his Enemy Muhamet. Nevertheless in short time the two Infidels (professing both one Superstition) became Friends, and joyning their Forces, overthrew the Emperor with his whole Army, as he lay at the siege of Iconium, at which time he himself with much ado escaped by flight.* 4.30 Masut afterwards having got into his hands the whole Kingdom of the Turks, at the time of his death divided the same among his three Sons; unto Clizasthlan his eldest Son he gave Iconium his chief City, with the Towns and Provinces subject thereunto: unto Iagupasan his other Son (or rather as some will have it, his Son in law) he allotted Am••••••a and Ancyra, with the fruitful Country of Cappadocia, and the pla∣ces adjoyning; but unto Dadune his other Son (or Son in law) he gave the great Cities of Caesarea and Sebastia, with the large Countries there∣abouts, all sometime a part of the Greek Empire, but then the portions of the Turks. Long it was not after this division of the Kingdom, but that these Brethren after the manner of ambitious men, forgetful of the bonds both of Love and Nature, fell at discord among themselves; the Sultan seeking the destruction of Iagupasan, and he likewise of him, and that not by secret means, but even by open force of Arms. Ema∣nuel the Greek Emperor in the mean time wish∣ing the destruction of them both, heartily re∣joycing thereat, and by his Embassadors secretly animating the one against the other, yet in open shew more favouring of the part of Iagupasan than of the Sultan, by whose Aid he obtained against him many notable and bloody Victo∣ries; insomuch that the Sultan weary of the Quarrel, was glad not only by his Embassadors to seek the Emperors favour, but even in person Himself to go and meet him, as he came with his Army out of Syria, and so to accompany him unto Constantinople, where he was together with the Emperor most honourably received, with all the signs of Joy and Triumph that could possibly be devised. The Emperor no less rejoycing to be sued unto by so great a Prince, than did the Sultan at his so honourable entertain∣ment.

* 4.31Among other queint devices of many, for the solemnizing of so great a Triumph, there was an active Turk who had openly given it out, That against an appointed time he would from the top of an high Tower in the Tilt-yard fly by the space of a furlong; the report whereof had filled the City with a wonderful expectation of so strange a novelty. The time prefixed being come, and the people without number assem∣bled, the Turk according to his promise, upon the top of an high Tower shewed himself, girt in a long and large white Garment, gathered into many pleits and foldings, made of purpose for the gathering of the Wind; wherewith the foolish man had vainly perswaded himself to have hovered in the Air, as do Birds upon their Wings, or to have guided himself as are Ships with their Sails. Standing thus hovering a great while, as ready to take his flight; the beholders still laughing, and crying out, Fly Turk, fly, how long shall we expect thy flight? The Emperor in the mean time still disswading him from so despe∣rate an Attempt; and the Sultan betwixt fear and hope hanging in doubtful suspence what might happen to his Country-man. The Turk, after he had a great while hovered with his Arms abroad, (the better to have gathered the wind, as Birds do with their Wings) and long deluded the expectation of the Beholders, at length finding the Wind fit, as he thought, for his purpose, com∣mitted himself with his vain hope unto the Air; but in stead of mounting aloft, this foolish Icarus came tumbling down with such violence, that he brake his Neck, his Arms, his Legs, with almost all the bones of his Body. This foolish flight of the Turk gave such occasion of sport and laughter unto the vulgar people (always ready to scoff and jest at such ridiculous matters) that the Turks at∣tending upon the Sultan could not walk in the streets underided; the Artificers in their shops shaking their Arms, with their Tools in their Hands, as did the Turk, and still crying out, Fly Turk, fly; whereof the Emperor hearing, al∣though he could not chuse but thereat smile Himself, as not ignorant of the scoffs and taunts of the vulgar people; yet in Favour of the Sul∣tan, who was not a little grieved therewith, he commanded such their Insolency to be re∣strained.

The Solemnity of the Triumph overpassed (which by an ominous Earhtquake at the same time hapning, was somewhat obscured) the Empe∣ror to shew his Wealth, and to gratifie the Sul∣tan, gave unto him many rich and Royal Pre∣sents, with such a Mass of Treasure, as that he much wondred thereat. In requital whereof, and in token of his Thankfulness, he again honoured the Emperor with the name of his Father, and terming himself by the name of his Son, pro∣mised to restore unto him the City of Sebastia, with the Territory thereunto belonging, then part of Dadune his Inheritance. Nevertheless all this was nothing else but meer dissimulation, as after∣ward by proof appeared; for returning home, he thrust Dadune indeed out of Sebastia, which he spoiled, with the Country thereabout; but forgetful of his promise, kept it wholly to him∣self; and by force took also from him the City of Caesarea, with the Country of Amasia, by him before but lately possessed. In like manner he bent his Forces also upon Iagupasan his other Brother, who in the very preparation of those Wars died; by whose untimely death the City of Ancyra, with all his Dominions in Cappadocia, fell into the Sultans hands. Who now possessed of all his Fathers Kingdom, and swelling with Pride, forgetting all former courtesies, invaded the Emperors Territories, and took from him the City of Laodicea in Phrygia, where he did great harm, as also in the Country thereabouts, killing the people as he went, or else carrying them away with him Captives. For the repres∣sing of which Outrages, the Emperor with a strong Army passed over into Asia, and there in the Frontiers of his Territories fortified Dorileum against the Incursions of the Turks. In perform∣ing whereof, he, to the example and stirring up of others, carried the first Basket of stones him∣self upon his shoulders; and used such further diligence, that in short time the City was com∣passed about with strong Walls, and deep Ditches,

maugre the Turks, who ceased not with conti∣nual Alarms and Skirmishes to have hindred the Work. With like care, and for like purpose he also fortified Subleum, another strong Hold; and leaving in either place a strong Garrison, returned again to Constantinople. Nevertheless the Turks ceased not with continual Inrodes to do what harms they might upon the Frontiers of the Empire, although not altogether with so good Success as before, being many times cut off by the Garrisons of the late fortified Towns;* 4.32 which grievances still increasing, caused the Emperor to expostulate with the Sultan, as with an unthank∣ful man, and forgetful of so great kindness before done unto him, as the establishment of him in his Kingdom came unto; who with no less vehe∣mency upbraided him again with Inconstancy and breach of Promise, as well for fortifying the aforesaid Places, contrary to the League betwixt them, as for that having promised much more, he had thereof performed nothing. Thus unkind∣ness daily growing upon every trifle (as it com∣monly falleth out among men of great Spirit, and jealous of their own Honours) it was daily expected, when the matter should fall out into open and bloody War; both of them being men of great valour, and apt to revenge the least In∣jury to them offered. Yet was it the Sultans man∣ner, warily to manage his Wars by his politique and expert Captains; whereas the Emperor being of an hotter nature, and couragious above mea∣sure, commonly in all his great Expeditions ad∣ventured his own Person, without respect what danger might thereof insue unto himself or his State. Long it was not but that the Emperor, fully resolved to be revenged of so many wrongs done unto him and his Subjects by the Turks, raised the whole Power of his Empire, both in Europe and Asia, in such sort as if he had therewith purposed, not only to have rased to the ground Iconium the Regal Seat of the Turkish Sultan, but even utterly to have destroyed the whole Nation of the Turks. Thus with a most puissant and po∣pulous Army, well appointed of all things neces∣sary, he passed over into Asia, and so in good Order marching through Phrygia, Laodicea, Chomas, (called in ancient time Passas) St. Archangel, Lam∣pis, Caelaenas, (where the head of the great and famous River Maeander riseth, whereinto the River Marsyas falleth) and from thence to Ch••nia, he with evil Luck, and worse Speed, passed by Myriocephalon, an old ruinous Castle, ominous by the name thereof, as by the event in short time after it proved. And albeit that he marched very circumspectly, still intrenching his Army in every place where he lodged; yet could he make but small speed, by reason of the multitude of his Carriages, and of the base people that attended the same. The Turks in the mean while often∣times shewing themselves in Troops, and in pla∣ces of advantage skirmishing sometime with one of the Army, and sometime with another, but never daring to adventure the fortune of a just battel; yet by such means were the Victual∣lers of the Army oftentimes cut off, and the passages for the Emperor made very dangerous. And the more to distress the Christians in their long travel, they found the Country before them of purpose destroyed by the Turks, and the water in many places poisoned, whereof the Christians unadvisedly drinking, fell into many grievous Diseases, especially the Flux, and thereof died in great number. The Sultan in the mean time, although he had in readiness a right puissant Army of his own, and had procured great Aid from the Persian Sultan his Kinsman and chief Supporter; yet fearing the doubtful event of War, and loath to adventure his whole Estate upon the fortune of a battel, sought by his Embassa∣dors sent for that purpose, to come to some peace with the Emperor, and that upon such honour∣able Conditions, as by the wiser sort were thought not to be at any hand refused; which large offers, the Sultan as desirous of Peace, made unto him not once, but again and again; which the Em∣peror nevertheless (reposing great confidence in his own Power, and prickt forward by the Gal∣lants of the Court, better acquainted with the brave Triumphs of Peace, than the hard Wars of the Turks) proudly rejected, and so dismis∣sing the Embassadors, scornfully willed them to tell their Master, That he would give him answer unto his Requests under the Walls of Iconium. Which caused the Sultan, now out of all hope of any Reconciliation to be made betwixt the Em∣peror and him, with all his Power to take the Straits of Zibrica, whereby the Army of the Chri∣stians, departing from Myriocephalon, must of ne∣cessity pass. The entrance into these Straits was by a long Valley, on either side inclosed with high Mountains, which towards the North rising and falling according as the Hills gave leave, open∣ed into divers large Vallies, which by little and little growing again straiter and straiter, with high and craggy Rocks hanging over on either side, and almost touching one another, gave unto the painful Traveller a most hard and difficult passage.

Into this so dangerous a Valley the Emperor,* 4.33 not fearing the Enemies force, desperately entred with his Army, having neither provided for the clearing of the Passages, or safety of his Carri∣ages, in no other order than as if he had march∣ed through the Plain and Champain Country, although it were before told him (that which he shortly after, but too late saw) that the Ene∣my had strongly possessed both the Straits and Mountains, to hinder his farther passage. The Vauward of his Army was conducted by Iohn and Andronicus the Sons of Angelus Constantine, ac∣companied with Macroducas Constantine and La∣pardas Andronicus; in the right Wing was Baldwin the Emperors Brother in law; and in the left Maurozomes Theodorus: after them followed the Drudges and Scullions, with an infinite number of Carters and other base people, attending upon the Carriages, with the Baggage of the whole Army; next unto these came the Emperor with the main Battel, consisting for the most part of right valiant and worthy Souldiers; the Rereward was shut up by Andronicus Contostephanus, with a num∣ber of most resolute men. They were not far entred into these Straits, but that the Turks from the Mountains and broken Cliffs shewed them∣selves on every side, delivering their deadly shot from the upper ground, upon the Christians be∣low, as thick as hail; nevertheless the Sons of Angelus, with Macroducas and Lapardas, and the Vantguard, casting themselves into a three-square battel in form of a wedge, with their Targets in manner of a Penthouse cast close together over their heads, and their Archers on every side lustily bestowing their shot among the thickest of their Enemies, by plain force drove them out of the Straits they had before possessed, and caused them to retire farther off into the Mountains, and so having made themselves way, with little or no loss passed those dangerous Straits; until that at length having recovered the top of a Hill very commodious for their purpose, as the case stood, they there stayed, and presently encamped them∣selves. And haply with like good fortune might the rest of the Army have passed also, had they in like order, and with like courage presently followed

after; but failing so to do, and troubled with the multitude of their Carriages, which could not possibly make any way through those strait and rough passages, (but troubled themselves one with another, as also the whole Army) they were from the upper ground miserably overwhelmed with the multitude of the Turkish Archers, whose Arrows fell as thick upon them from the Mountains, as if it had been a perpetual Tempest or shower of Hail, to the great disordering and dismaying of the whole Army; which the Turks quickly per∣ceiving, and therewith encouraged, in great num∣bers came down from the Mountains, where they had before hovered over the heads of the Christi∣ans, and forcibly entring the plain ground, and coming to handy blows, first overthrew the right Wing;* 4.34 where Baldwin himself seeking to restore his disordered Companies, and to stay the fury of the Enemy (now raging in the blood of the Christians) with a Troop of valiant Horsemen breaking into the thickest of them, as became a worthy Captain, was there compassed in with the multitude of his Enemies, and slain, together with all his Followers, and the greatest part of the whole Wing by him commanded. With this Victory the Turks were so encouraged, that coming down with all their Power, they stopped all the ways whereby the Christians were to pass, who as men couped up in those dangerous straits, were not able either to defend themselves, or to he•••• one another: but inclosed as Deer in a toyl, and one troubling another, were the cause both of the destruction of themselves and others. For by reason of the straitness of the place, neither could they that were before, re∣tire, neither they that were behind in the rere∣ward, come forward to relieve the one the other, as need required; the Carriages also which were many, and in the midst of the Army, serving them to no other purpose, than to the hurt of themselves. There were the Beasts that served for burden,* 4.35 together with the Souldiers, over∣whelmed with the Turks shot, the Vallies lay full of dead Bodies, the Rivers ran mingled with the blood of Men and Beasts, in such terrible man∣ner as is not by Pen to be expressed. For the Christians not able either to go forward or retire, were there in those straits slain like sheep; if any courage or spark of valour were by any shewed against the Enemy, fighting at so great advan∣tage, it was but lost, serving to little or no pur∣pose. And to increase their miseries, the Turks in scorn shewed upon the point of a Lance the head of Andronicus Bataza, the Emperors Ne∣phew, who coming with an Army out of Paphla∣gonia, and Heraclea Pontica, against the Turks of Amasia, was now by the way by them overthrown and slain. The report whereof, confirmed by the sight of his head, and the consideration of the desperate danger wherein the whole Army pre∣sently stood,* 4.36 so troubled the Emperor, that he was at his wits end; and with dry tears (if it may be so said) dissembling his inward grief, as one out of comfort, stood doubtful which way to turn himself. For the Turks having suffered the Vantguard to pass, with all their Power charged the Emperors main battel, as his chief strength, nothing doubting, but that having once over∣thrown it, they should easily and at pleasure over∣throw the rest. Oftentimes had the Emperor attempted to have driven the Enemy out of those straits, and so to have opened a way for his Army to have passed, but all in vain, the Power of the Turks still increasing,* 4.37 and they at great advan∣tage notably maintaining the passages before by them taken. Nevertheless seeing no less danger in staying still, than in going forward, he with a few of his best Souldiers, armed with despair, and resolved to die, (unto which kind of men nothing is terrible) set forward directly upon his Enemies, willing the rest with like resolution every man to make for himself the best shift he could. And so with many wounds and sturdy blows both given an•• received, he by plain force and might of Hand brake through the thickest of his Ene∣mies, and so escaped out of those straits as out of a trap; but yet not without many wounds re∣ceived in his Person, and himself so wearied as that he was not able to lift up his Helmet, being beaten close to his head, and in his Target were found sticking thirty of the Turks Arrows, or thereabouts, the manifest tokens of his danger. The other Legions seeking to follow the Emperor, (for other way they had none) were on every side hardly assailed by the Turks, and infinite num∣bers of them slain, beside many others that perished in those straits, overborn and trodden to death by their own Fellows. Yea such as had the fortune to escape out of one of these perilous straits, were forthwith slain in the next; for this so dangerous a passage through the Moun∣tains, was divided (as is aforesaid) into seven Val∣lies, which giving fair and broad entrances, the farther a man went, grew still straiter and straiter, all which straits the Turks had before strongly possessed. At which time also, the more to in∣crease the terror of the day, the light sand raised with the feet of the Men and Horses, was with the violence of a most tempestuous Wind which then blew, carried so forcibly and thick, that both the Armies grapling together, as if it had been in the darkness of the night, killed whomsoever they met withall, without respect of Friend or Foe;* 4.38 by which errour many were even of their own Friends slain. In every place lay great heaps of Turks slain together with the Christians, and with them great number of Horses and other Beasts for carriage; so that those Val∣lies where this bloody Conflict was, seemed to be nothing else but a large burying-place of the Turks and Christians with their Horses; but the greater number was of the Christians that perish∣ed, and they not altogether of the common sort, but even of the bravest Captains, and the Em∣perors nearest Kinsmen. The violence of the Wind ceasing, and the day clearing up, there was of all others to be seen (a most woful Specta∣cle) men yet alive, some wounded, some whole, covered some to the middle, some to the neck, with dead Carkasses, in such sort as that they were not able with any strugling to get out; who with their hands cast up towards Heaven, with ruthful Voices cried out for help to such as passed by; but all in vain, for every man possessed with the common fear, and by their danger measuring their own, passed by them without compassion, as more careful of their own safety, leaving them yet living, as men to be numbred among the dead.

The Emperor himself, as a man now almost spent,* 4.39 being got out of the danger, stood a while to breath himself under the shadow of a wild Pear-Tree, without any Page or Man to attend him; whom a poor Common Souldier espying, and moved with compassion, came unto him, and offering him the best Service he could, helped him up with his Helmet, and buckled up his Ar∣mor, which before hung dangling here and there about him: when in the mean while a Turk coming in upon him, had taken his Horse by the bridle, in hope to have led him away Prisoner; whom for all that, the Emperor as weary as he was, with the trunchion of his broken Lance, which he had yet in his hand, struck down to the ground,

and so cleared himself of him. Presently after came also another sort of the stragling Turks, ready also to have seised upon him, and to have taken him Prisoner; of whom he slew one with the aforesaid horsemans Staff, and with his Sword struck off the head of another of them, and so kept them off, until that by the coming in of ten of his own Souldiers he was relieved. Departing thence with purpose to have joyned himself unto the Legions that were gone before in the Vauward, he had not gone far, but that he was troubled by other Turks that he met, and the heaps of the dead bodies that lay in his way; yet at last, having with much labour and more danger passed the Straights, and a River running thereby, being glad in many places to ride over the dead bodies of his own people, and some other of his own Souldiers now resorting unto him, he there saw Iohn C••tacuzene, a noble and right valiant Gentleman that had married his Niece, fighting alone against a great number of the Turks, to be compassed in and slain; whom he was no way able to relieve. Which Turks also seeing him pass by, followed after him, as after a most rich Prey, in hope to have either presently taken or slain him; whom nevertheless he (encouraging the small Company he had about him) notably repulsed, and so sometime march∣ing forward, and again as occasion required making a stand, came at length long looked for, but most welcome, unto the Legions that were gone before, not so sorry for their own hard estate, as careful of his danger.

But before he could come to those his Legions, he ready to faint for thirst, commanded water to be brought unto him out of the River that ran fast by; which after he had tasted, and by the unpleasant taste thereof percived the same to be infected, he fetching a deep sigh, said, O how unfortunately have I tasted Christian Blood! where∣unto an audacious and malapert Souldier there present, and more bitter than the cruel time it self, replied, Emperor, thou didst not now, thou didst not now,* 4.40 I say, first, but long since, and often∣time drink the blood of the Christians, even until thou wast drunk again, at such time as thou didst with most grievous exaction v••x and devour thy poor Subjects. Which reproachful Speech the Empe∣ror put up in silence, making as if he had not heard it. With like patience he also forbear the same railling Companion, at such a time as he seeing his Treasures hardly beset, and in danger to be taken by the Turks, to animate his Soul∣diers, willed them to do what they could to rescue the same, and to take it for their labour: This Treasure (said this impudent Fellow) should be∣fore have been given to thy Souldiers, rather than now, when as it cannot he recovered but with great danger and bloodshed; and therefore if thou be a man of valour, as thou wouldst be accounted, and as the present case requireth, valiantly charge the Turks (••ow ready to carry it away) thy self, and so recover thine evill gotten goods. Whereunto the Emperor an∣swered no more but, Good words Souldier, and so put it up, as did David the railings of Shimei. Shortly after the coming of the Emperor unto those Legions of his Vantguard (the only remain∣der of his Army that was left whole and un∣broken) came also Andronicus Contostephanus, who had the leading of the Rereward, with divers other of great place, who had by good fortune escaped the fury of the Turks. The miseries of that day (not well to be expressed) being ended by the coming on of the night, the Christians sate in the Camp, oppressed with a general heavi∣ness, leaning their heads o•• their Elbows, and considering the present danger wherein they were, scarcely accounted themselues among the living: the Turks in the mean time to increase their fear, all the night running about the Camp, and cry∣ing aloud unto such of their Countrymen in the Camp, as had abjured their Religion, or for other respects had taken part with the Imperials, that they should that night get them out of the Camp, whereas otherwise if they stayed unto the morn∣ing, they should be all but lost men. In this so great an extremity the Emperor not knowing what to do, calling together his chief Comman∣ders, declared unto them the desperate danger they were in, together with his resolution; which was, secretly himself to fly, and to leave the rest, every man to make what shift he could for him∣self. Which his base determination,* 4.41 so foul as fouler could not be, they all wondering at, as proceeding from a distraughted mind; and by chance overheard by one of the Common Soul∣diers that stood without the Tent, the same Soul∣dier fetching a deep Sigh, in detestation there∣of cried out wi••h a loud voice,* 4.42 What means the Emperor? And so turning himself unto him, said, Art not thou he that hast thrust us into this desolate and straight way, and cast us into destruction? and hast as it were in a mortar inclosed us in these Rocks and Mountains, ready as it were to overwhelm us? What had we to do with this vail of mourning, and mouth of hell? Wherefore came we into these mischie∣vous and rough Straights? What can we particularly complain of the Barbarians, which in these inextricable windings and straights have thus intangled and beset us? Was it not thou that broughtst us hither? And wilt thou now, as Sheep appointed to the slaughter, thy self betray us? With which so sharp a reprehen∣sion the Emperor throughly peirced, changed his former determination for flight, resolving now to stand by it, whatsoever hapned. But what should he now do, beset with his Enemies still ready to devour him? Help he saw none, ei∣ther in himself, or to be expected from others, nought remained but death and despair. In this extremity, all mans help now failing, it pleased the most Mighty (which chastiseth and healeth again, which striketh, and yet giveth life, and suffereth not the staff of the Sinners always to rage into the portion of the Just) with merciful eye to look down upon these distressed men, and with an unwonted kind of clemency to touch the Sultans heart, in such sort, as that he which but the other day stood in dread of the Emperor, and now having him as it were in his power, was overcome with his misery: or as in times past he by Husai overthrew the coun∣cel of Achitophel, and changed the mind of Ab∣salom to follow such advice as should bring him to destruction; so then also he turned the mind of the Turkish Sultan, that (perswaded by cer∣tain of the chief men about him, who in time of peace had used to receive great Gifts and Pre∣sents from the Emperor) he of his own accord by his Embassadors offered Peace unto the Em∣peror, before that he in so great distress sued un∣to him for any; and that upon the self same con∣ditions they had made their Leagues before. The Turks in the mean time ignorant of the Sultans resolution, early in the morning were ready to assault the Emperors Camp, in hope at once to have overthrown his whole power; and with a barbarous outcry still riding about it, came so nigh, that with their Arrows they slew divers of the Christians within their own Trenches; against whom the Emperor sent out Iohn the Son of Constantinus Angelus, and after him, Macroducas Constantinus, but to little or no purpose. In the mean time came one Gabras, a man of greatest reputation among the Turks, Embassador from the Sultan;

by whose commandment the Turks ceased fur∣ther to assault the Camp. This Gabras coming unto the Emperor, and after the manner of the Barbarians, honouring him with reverence done even down to the ground; first presented him with a goodly Horse, whose furniture was all of Silver, as if it had been for triumph, and a rare two edged Sword. Afterwards falling into a large discourse concerning a Peace to be made, and with many kind words as with an Inchantment appeasing the Emperors heaviness conceived of his late loss; he among other pleasant conceits then uttered, seeing the Emperor in a rich Robe of yellow over his Armor, told him, that the colour was not fit for War, as ominous, and por∣tending evil luck; whereat the Emperor a little smiling, gave it him, with the fortune thereof; and receiving the Horse and Sword sent him from the Sultan, signed the Peace. Amongst other con∣ditions of the Peace (which the dangerousness of the time suffered not the Emperor curiously to examine) one was, That Dorileum and Sub∣leum, before by him fortified, and the ground of this unfortunate War, should be again rased. Peace thus beyond all hope being concluded, and the Emperor delivered of a great fear, pur∣posed another way to return home, to avoid the sight of the Slain:* 4.43 yet was he by his Guides, even of purpose as it was thought, led back the same way, to behold with his eyes those mise∣rable spectacles of the Slain, which could not with any tears be sufficiently lamented; for the Straights were made plain, the Vallies were raised into Hills, and the Forrests lay covered with the Carcasses of the Slain; no man passed by, but with heaviness and grief, calling by name upon their Friends and Familiars there lost. Having again passed those doleful Straights, the Turks were again in the tail of the Army; for it was reported, That the Sultan repenting himself to have suffered his Enemies so to escape out of his hand, had given leave to such as would, to pur∣sue them, but followed not himself with his whole Power, as before; for most of the better sort of his Souldiers loaded with the Spoil, were now re∣turned home. Yet these that followed after the Army, slew many, especially such as were weak or wounded, and so unable to follow the rest; although the Emperor to help the matter, had for the repressing of them placed the best of his Captains and Souldiers in the Rereward. Be∣ing come to Chonas, and now out of fear of his Ene∣mies, he gave unto every one of his hurt Soul∣diers mony to pay for the curing of their wounds, and to bring them into their Countries; and coming to Philadelphia, there staied for the re∣freshing of himself after so great miseries. In his return he rased Subleum,* 4.44 according to his promise, but not Dorileum; whereof the Sultan by his Em∣bassadors complaining; he answered, That what he had promised, inforced thereunto by necessi∣ty, he greatly forced not to perform. In re∣venge whereof, the Sultan sent out one of his most valiant Captains, called Atapack, with 24000 good Souldiers chosen out of his whole Army, with straight charge to waste and destroy all the Emperors Provinces and Towns even unto the Sea∣side, without sparing Man, Woman, or Child; and in token thereof, to bring with him some of the Sea-Water, an Oar, and some of the Sea-Sand: who according to his Charge spoiled Phry∣gia, with the Cities along the River Moeander, even unto the Sea side; and so returning with a rich Prey, by the way spoyled what before he had left untouched. But in passing the River Moe∣and••r, when he feared least, he fell into the hands of Iohn Bataza the Emperors Nephew, and of Ducas Constantine a most valiant Captain; of pur∣pose sent against him by the Emperor with a great Power: where he was by them slain,* 4.45 to∣gether with all his Army, and the rich booty he had taken, all again recovered. Many other hard conflicts passed after this, betwixt the Im∣perials and the Turks, the one continually seeking to annoy the other; all which, for that therein no∣thing fell out much worth the remembrance, I for brevity willingly pass over. In these end∣less troubles died Emanuel the Greek Emperor, when he had by the space of eight and thirty years worthily governed that great Empire, ha∣ving in the time of his sickness but a little be∣fore his death taken upon him the habit of a Monk, in token he had forsaken the World. All the time of his Reign he was no less jealous of the Christian Princes of the West, than of the Turks in the East; and therefore ever deal•• with them unkindly. In time of War he was so laborious, as if he had never taken felicity but in pain; and again in Peace so given over to his pleasure, as if he had never thought of any thing else. After whose death the Turkish Sultan, without resistance invading the Frontiers of the Empire, took Sozopolis, with divers Towns there∣about in Phrygia, and long besieged the famous City of At••alia, and so daily encroached more and more upon the Provinces of the Empire, joyn∣ing the same unto his own; which was no great matter for him to do, the Greek Empire being then no better governed than was the Chariot of the Sun (as the Poets feign) by Phaeton, far un∣fit for so great a charge: for Alexius Comnenus, otherwise called Porphyrogenitus, being then but a Child of about twelve years old, succeeding his grave Father in the-Empire, after the manner of Children altogether following his pleasure; his Mother with his Fathers Kinsmen and Friends, who above all things ought to have had an espe∣cial care of his Education, neglecting the old Emperors trust in them reposed, followed also their own Delights, without the regard of the Ruine of the Commonweal. Some enamoured with the Beauty of the young Empress, gave themselves all to bravery, and the courting of her; othersome in great authority, with no less desire in the mean time, with the common Trea∣sures filled their empty Cofers; and a third sort there was (of all the rest most dangerous) who neither respecting their sensual pleasure, nor the heaping up of wealth, looked not so low, aiming at the very Empire it self. As for the common good, that was of all other things of them all least regarded. Among these third sort of the ambitious, was old Andronicus, the Cousin of the late Emperor Emanuel, a man of an haughty and troublesom Spirit, whom he the said Empe∣ror Emanuel had for his aspiring, most part of the time of his Reign kept in prison, or else in Exile, as he now was, being by him not long before, for fear of raising new troubles, confined to live far off from the Court at Oenum; who now hearing of the death of the Emperor Ema∣nuel,* 4.46 of the Factions in Court, of the Childish∣ness of the young Emperor Alexius, given wholly to his Sports; and the great men put in trust to have seen to his bringing up, and to the Govern∣ment of the Empire, some like Bees to fly abroad into the Country, seeking after Mony as the Bees do for Hony; some others in the mean time like Hogs, lying still and fatting themselves with great and gainful Offices, wallowing in all Excess and Pleasure, to have no regard of the Honour or Profit of the Common-weal; thought it now a fit time (in such disorder of the State) for him to aspire unto the Empire after which he had all

his life-time longed. That he was generally beloved of the Constantinopolitans, yea, and of some of the Nobility also, he doubted not▪ for them he had long before by his popular behavior gained, to∣gether with the distrust of the late Emperor, jea∣lous of his Estate; which as it cost him his Li∣berty, so missed it not much but that it had cost him his Life also; but now that he was dead, wanted nothing more than some fair colour for the shadowing of his foul purpose. Among ma∣ny and right divers things by him thought upon, was a clause in the Oath of Obedience which he had given to the Emperor Emanuel and Alexius his Son,* 4.47 (which Oath he had delivered unto him in Writing) That if he should see, hear or under∣stand of any thing dangerous or hurtful to their Ho∣nor, Empire, or Persons, he should forthwith bewray it, and to the utmost of his power withstand it; which words (not so to have been wrested) as best serving for his purpose, he took first occasion to work upon. And as he was a stout and im∣perious man, thereupon writ divers Letters unto the young Emperor his Cousin, unto Theodosius the Patriarch, and other such as he knew well affected unto the late Emperor Emanuel; where∣in among other things which he wished to be amended in the present Government, he seemed most to complain of the immoderate power and authority of Alexius, then President of the Coun∣cil; who in great favour with the young Empe∣ror, and more inward with the Empress his Mo∣ther than was supposed to stand with her honour, ruled all things at his pleasure, insomuch, as that nothing done by any the great Officers of the Empire, or by the Emperor himself was accounted of any force, except his approbation w••re there∣unto annexed: whereby he was grown unto such an excessive pride, having all things in his power, as that no man could without danger, as upon the venemous Basilisk, look upon him. Of which his so excessive and insolent power Andronicus by his Letters now greatly complained, moved there∣unto (as he would have it believed) with the care he had of the young Emperors safety, which could not (as he said) long stand with the others so great power, which he therefore (as in duty bound) wished to be abridged; aggravating withall the infamous report of Alexius his too much familiarity with the Empress; which first muttered in Court, afterwards flew (as he said) throughout the whole World. The reformation of which things, as tending to the danger of the Person of the Emperor, and Dishonour of the State, he forsooth as one in conscience bound, with great Gravity and Eloquence (being a very learned man) both in open Speech and Writing most earnestly desired: and thereby so wrought, as that he was generally accounted for a man of great experience (as indeed he was) and a faith∣full Counsellor to the State, a thing much to have been wished. Wherefore leaving Oenum, the place whereunto he was by the Emperor Emanuel in a sort banished,* 4.48 travelling towards Con∣stantinople, he gave it out in every place where he came, what he had sworn, and what he would for his Oaths sake do; unto whom men desirous of the change of the State, and such as gave credit unto the report long before given out, That he at length should become Emperor, flockt in great numbers, as Birds about an Owl, to see him, and with vain praises to chatter about him. In this sort he came as far as Paphla∣gonia; in every place honourably received, as if he had been a deliverer of his Country sent from God. And in the Imperial City he was not longed for of the Vulgar People only, as their Light and Load-Star, but divers of the Nobility also by secret Messengers and Letters, perswaded him to hasten his coming, and to take upon him the Government; assuring him, that there would be none to resist him, or to oppose themselves against his shadow, but all ready to receive him; especially Mary the young Emperors Sister by the Fathers side, with her Husband Caesar (who be∣ing a Woman of great spirit, and grieving much to see her Fathers Empire made a prey unto Alexius the President, and the Empress her Step-Mother, whom she naturally hated) had raised a great and dangerous tumult in the City against them both, which was not without much blood∣shed appeased; and now ceased not by often and most earnest Letters (to her own destruction and her Husbands, as it afterwards fell out) to prick forward Andronicus and to hasten his coming; who by Letters and Messengers daily coming unto him from the Court still more and more encouraged, leaving behind him the Coun∣try of Paphlagonia, came to Heraclea in Pontus, and still on towards the Imperial City, with great cunning and dissimulation winning the hearts of the People as he went. For who was so stonie hearted, whom his sweet words and abun∣dant tears flowing from his gracious eyes, as from two plentiful Fountains down by his hoary Cheeks, might not have moved? All that he did or desired, was (as he said) for the common good and liberty of the Emperor. By which means he had drawn unto him a wonderful number of the rude Country People by the way as he came. But coming into Bythinia, he was by. Iohn Ducas Governour of the great City of Nice, shut ou•• as an Enemy to the State, and so at Nicomedia also. Nevertheless, passing by those Cities, he held still on his way, until at length he was near unto a Castel called Charace, encountred by An∣dronicus Angelus, sent with a great power against him, by the great President Alexius; who other∣wise as an effeminate man, given over to his pleasure, spending the greatest part of the night in rioting by candle light, and most part of the day in his bed, with curtains close drawn as if it had been night; yet doubtful now of the coming of his Enemy, left nothing undone which he thought might help for the assuring of his State. Many of the Nobility of whom he stood in doubt, he gained unto him by means of the Emperors Mother; who by her rare Beauty, sweet Words, and gracious Behaviour, as with a Line drew all men to her. Other some he overcame with Gifts and great sums of Mony, whereof he now made no spare; And so wrought the matter, that no man of any account or mark went over to Andronicus. Who nevertheless with such fol∣lowers as he had, joyning battel with Angelus (sent against him, as is before said) overthrew him and put him to flight. Wherewith Alexius much troubled, in great displeasure and without reason, called Angelus (now fled to Constantinople) to an account for the Mony delivered unto him for the defraying of the Charges of that unfortu∣nate War; who seeing his misfortune to be so taken as if he had framed it himself, and of pur∣pose betrayed the Army committed to his charge; by the Counsel of his six S••••s, being all men of great Valour and Wisdom, first took the re∣fuge of his own house; but finding himselfe there in no safety, with his Wife and his said Sons (two of which came afterwards to be Em∣perors) presently fled over the Straight to An∣dronicus; who seeing of him coming towards him, is reported to have used this Text of Scripture, Behold I will send mine Angel before thy face, to prepare thy ways, alluding to his name of Angelus, as the Presage of his good Success,

Wherefore incouraged with the coming of these Noblemen his Kinsmen, he without longer stay marched directly unto the Sea-side, and there a little above Chalcedon encamped almost right over against Constantinople;* 4.49 causing many great fires (more than needed) to be made in his Army, to make it seem unto them of the City greater than indeed it was; and with the sight thereof to keep the Citizens in suspence, with the doubt∣full expectation of some great matter to ensue. Wherein he was no whit deceived; for they having him now as it were in fight, leaving their work, ran some to the Sea-side, some up to the Hills and high Towers to behold his Army a far off, willing with their friendly looks, if it had been possible, to have drawn him over the Straight into the City. Alexius knowing himself not able by Land to encounter with so strong an Enemy, (for now some which on foot could not go over to Andronicus, were secretly in heart already with him; othersome thought themselves suffici∣ently to shew their fidelity to the Emperor, if sitting still at home, they should take part with neither; for so have subtil heads and aspiring minds, for the furtherance of their desires, taught the common people both to say and think) thought it best by Sea to avert the present dan∣ger; and therefore comanded all the Emperors Gallies (being before rigged up and ready) to be strongly manned and put to Sea, for the keep∣ing of Propontis and the Straight of Bosphorus, that Andronicus should not that way pass. Now had he determined to have made especial choice of some assured Friend of his own to be Ge∣neral o•• this Fleet, as he had done of the Cap∣tains and Masters, being all of his own Kins∣men and Domestical Servants; but as he was about to have so done, Contostephanus (sirnamed the great Captain) opposed himself against it, challenging that place as due to himself, before all others; so that overcome by his Authority (which it was no time for Alexius now to dispute) he was glad to commit the charge and trust of the whole Fleet unto him, as General. Thus having (as he thought) made the Sea sure, he sent over un∣to Andronicus, as from the Emperor, (for all was done in his name) one George Xiphilinus,* 4.50 with Letters and other Instructions, whereof the effect was, To command him forthwith in peace to return to the place from whence he came, and not farther to trouble the State; promising him in so doing, the Emperors Favour, with many great Honours and Preferments to be afterwards bestowed upon him; which otherwise might turn to his utter destruction. Which Letters Xiphili∣nus having delivered, and done his Message, is reported to have secretly advised Andronicus to proceed in his purpose, and not in any case to yield to that which was of him required: where∣with Andronicus encouraged, proudly rejected the graces offered,* 4.51 and willed the Messenger to tell them that sent him, that if they would have him to return unto the place from whence he came, they should first displace the proud President Alexius; and call him to an account for the Villanies he had done; then the Empe∣rors Mother they should deprive of her honours, and shut her up as a Nun into some Cloyster, there to learn to amend her life; and last of all, that the Emperor according to his Fathers Will, should take upon himself the Government, and not be overtopt by others, by whose too much Au∣thority, his Majesty and Honour was (as he said) too much impaired.* 4.52 But within a few days after, Contostephanus, the great Captain and Ge∣neral, carried over all the Gallies to Andronicus, leaving nothing but their names for the President in his Rolls to look upon, whose revolt above all other things encouraged Andronicus,* 4.53 and cast A∣lexius even into the bottom of despair. For now Andronicus his Friends flockt together in the City, not secretly as before, but openly in all places; and such as wisht a change in the State, impu∣dently scoffing at Alexius, passed over the Straight to Chalcedon in great numbers to Andronicus, where having filled their Eyes with beholding of his goodly Person, his chearful Countenance, and reverent Age; and their Ears with his sweet words and great Promises, returned home merry and joyful, as if they had been in some terrestrial Paradice, filling the City with his praises. After that, Andronicus his two Sons, Iohn and Manuel, with divers others, whom the President had cast in prison, were set a liberty, and other of his chief Favourites laid fast in their rooms.* 4.54 As for Alexius the President himself, with all his Friends and Faction in the Court, they were taken and committed to the keeping of the Guard; a right strange alteration. But about midnight, Alexius himself was secretly conveyed out of the Court to the Patriarchs House,* 4.55 and there kept with a stronger guard than before. A wonderful change and worth marking, a man so honourably born, but yesterday in greatest honour, attended upon with many thousands, all at his command, ha∣ving the power to spill or save; to day in bonds, in disgrace, in misery and despair, and not so much as a Page to wait upon him. Which he taking very grievously, yet complained of no∣thing more, than that they which had the keep∣ing of him, would not suffer him to sleep or take any rest. Of whose misery, the Patriarch taking pity (although he had of him very evil deserved) yet cheered him up with comfortable words, perswading him with patience to endure his hard fortune, and not with such speeches as fitted not his present state, to provoke his Keepers to use him evilly. Within a few days after early in the Morning, he was brought out of the Pa∣triarchs House, and set upon a very little bad Jade, and so with a ragged clout put upon the top of a Reed in manner of an Ensign, carried before him in derision, was brought to the Sea-side, and there cast into a little Boat, was so brought to Androni∣cus, by whose commandment, with the general consent of the Nobility, he for his evil Government shortly after had his Eyes put out.* 4.56 This was the miserable end of the immoderate power, or ra∣ther of the insolent Soveraignty of Alexius; who, had he with more moderation and vigilancy go∣verned, might both have kept Andronicus out of the City, and himself from so great misery; having at his command all the Emperors Trea∣sure, his Gallies, with most part of the strength of the Empire. Now came the Noblemen over a pace to Andronicus; the last that came, was the reverend Patriarch Theodosius,* 4.57 with the chief of the Clergy; of whose approach, Andronicus hear∣ing, went out of his Tent to meet him, and falling down (as great as he was) flat at his Horses feet, and in a while after arising again, kissed the Patriachs foot, calling him the Emperors Saviour, the Lover of Virtue, the Defender of the Truth; and comparing him with the famous Fa∣ther Iohn Chrysostome, omitted not any honourable Title he could possibly devise to give him. But the devout Patriach, that had never seen Andro∣nicus before, having now well viewed him, and marked his stern Countenance, his subtil Nature, his crafty and dissembling Manners, his exceed∣ing Stature, being almost ten foot high, his state∣ly Gate, his proud Look, his continuall Severity, and melancholy Silence; as it were pitying them that to their own destruction had called such a

man in, said, Hitherto I have heard, but now I have also seen, and plainly known; and fetching a deep sigh, adjoyned thereunto that saying of the Pro∣phet David; As we have heard so have we also seen. In which words, he covertly quipped the dissem∣bled meeting and submission of Andronicus; and withall called to remembrance the words of the Emperor Emanuel, wherewith he had many times so painted forth Andronicus unto the Patriarch, as if he would most lively have represented him unto his view.

* 4.58All things in the City and in the Palace set in order according to Andronicus his mind, by his two Sons, and leave given unto the Emperors Friends to come over unto him, and to be acquainted with him; at length Andronicus himself departing from Damalum, in a Gally crossed the Strait, often∣times by the way merrily singing that saying of the heavenly Psalmist; Return my Soul into thy rest, because the Lord hath done well unto thee, having delivered my life from death, mine eyes from tears, and my feet from falling. The Emperor with his Mo∣ther Xene, then lay not in the Palace at Constan∣tinople, but at another Princely House of his in the Country near unto Philopatiun, as Andronicus had appointed; whither Andronicus first went, and coming unto his presence, most humbly prostrate before him, with sobbing and tears, as his deceit∣ful manner was, kissed his feet. As for the Em∣press his Mother, he lightly saluted her, and as it were but for fashion sake, not dissembling in his countenance the old grudge he bare against her. And so without longer stay went unto his Tent provided for him not far off; round about which, all the great Noblemen had pitched their Tents also, flocking unto him as Chickens seek∣ing for Refuge under the Hens wings. Having there stayed with the Emperor a good while, he was desirous to go unto the Imperial City, and to see the late Emperor Emanuel his Cousins grave. Where entring into the Monastery of our Lady, where he was buried, and coming to his Tomb, he wept bitterly, and roared as it were mainly out. So that divers of the standers by, ignorant of his dissembling nature, by way of admiration said; O what a wonderful thing is this! O how he loved the Emperor, his Cousin, although his fierce and cruel Persecutor! And when one of his Kinsmen would have pulled him from the Tomb, saying, That he had sorrowed for him enough; he would not be removed, but requested them to suffer him yet a little to tarry by the Tomb, for that he had something in secret to say unto the dead; and so with his hands cast up and close together, as if he had prayed, and his eyes fast fixed upon the Tomb, he moved his lips, and secretly said something, but what, no man could tell. Some said it was some charm or incantion. But others more pleasantly conceited, said, and (as it after∣ward appeared) more truly, that Andronicus did triumph over the dead Emperor Emanuel, and revel with his ghost, with these or the like words; I have thee now fast, my cruel Persecutor, by whom I have been driven to many great Extremities; and having wandred almost all the World over, have there∣unto been made by thee a common by-word. But now this Tomb rising up with seven tops, and prison, out of which thou canst not start, holdeth thee oppressed with a dead sleep, out of which thou shalt not be awaked, but by the sounding of the last Trump. And now will I be revenged of thy Posterity, and satisfie my self as a Lion with a fat Prey; and take sharp Revenge of all the Wrongs thou hast done me, when I have once possessed my self of this Royal City.* 4.59

After that, visiting all the Emperors stately Houses, but staying in no place long, he disposed of all Matters of State, according to his own pleasure. Unto the young Emperor he allowed Hunting, and other his vain delights, with Keep∣ers joyned unto him, to watch not only his going in and out, but also that no man should talk with him of any matter of Importance; for all the Government of the State he took unto himself: not for that he wished so well thereunto, above others, but so to drive from the Court all them of the contrary Faction to himself, that were able to do any thing, and had before born some Sway. The Souldiers, whose help he had used in aspiring to the Government, he rewarded with great bounty; all their Offices and Preferments he bestowed either upon his own Children, or other his great Favorites; divers of the Nobility of whom he liked not,* 4.60 were by him in short time driven into exile; some were by him deprived of their sight, and some others cast into prison, not knowing any cause why, more than that they were by him secretly condemned, for that they were of the Nobility, or had done some good Service for the State, or exiled for their Perso∣nage, or some other thing that grieved Androni∣cus, or else for the spark of some old displeasure which yet lay hid as fire raked up in the ashes. So that the State of that time began to grow most miserable;* 4.61 and the treachery even of men nearest in blood, seeking the destruction one of another, for to serve their own turns, or to gratifie Andronicus, most horrible; not only one Brother betray'd another, but even the Father his Son, and the Son his Father, if Andronicus would have it so. Some accused their nearest Kinsmen, that they derided Andronicus his proceedings; or that without regard of him, they more favoured Alexius the young Emperor, then, a great offence. Yea, such was the mischief of the time, that many in accusing others, were themselves accused; and charging others of Treason against Androni∣cus, were themselves charged by them whom they accused, and so clapt up both together in one prison. Neither were they of the Nobility only, which were Enemies to Andronicus, thus hardly dealt withall, but even some of his great Favo∣rites and Followers also; for some whom but yesterday he had used most kindly, and enrol∣led among his best Friends, upon them to day he frowned and tyrannized most cruelly; so that you might have seen the same man the same to day (as it is reported of Xerxes his Admiral) to be crowned and beheaded, to be graced and dis∣graced; insomuch that the wiser sort deemed Andronicus his praisings, the beginning of a mans disgrace; his bounty, his undoing; and his kind∣ness, his death. The first that tasted of his Ty∣ranny,* 4.62 was Mary the Daughter of Emanuel the Emperor, who for the hate she bare to Alexius the late President, and the Empress her Mother in law had (as is aforesaid) above all other, wisht for his coming; but was now by one Pterigionites (sometime an Eunuch of her Fathers, corrupted by Andronicus, having in his aspiring mind pur∣posed the utter destruction of all Emanuels Poste∣rity) cunningly poysoned; as was her Husband Caesar, who lived not long after her, poysoned also (as was supposed) with the same Cup that his Wife was. Now among others of the late Emperors House, none had ever stood more in his light, than had the fair Empress Xene, the young Emperors Mother, whom now he ceased not most bitterly (though wrongfully) to accuse, as an utter Enemy both to the Emperor and the State, making as if he would leave all, and again depart, if she were not removed from the Em∣peror her Son; and by his cunning so incensed the giddy headed vulgar people against her, that they came flocking to Theod••sius the good Patri∣arch,

ready to tear him out of his Cloaths, if he consented not to the removing of the Em∣press, as Andronicus had desired. So a Council being called of such his Favorites and others, as were not like indifferently to hear her Cause, but assuredly to condemn her, the Guiltless Empress after many things falsly laid to her Charge, was accused of Treason;* 4.63 as that she should by her Letters have solicited Bela King of Hungary, her Brother in law, to invade Brantizoba and Belligrade, two strong places belonging to the Empire. Whereupon she was condemned, and shamefully cast into a most filthy Prison near unto the Monastery of St. Diomede. Amongst other Noblemen called unto this wicked Council,* 4.64 were Leo Monasteriotes, Demetrius, Tornicius, and Constantius Petrenus; who not yet altogether de∣voted to Andronicus, being asked their Opinions concerning the Empress, said, They would be glad first to know, Whether that Council against his Mother, were called by the Emperors con∣sent or not? With which Speech, Andronicus pierced to the heart as with a Sword, in great rage started up and said, These are they which en∣couraged the wicked President to all his Villanies, lay hands upon them. Whereupon they of his Guard in threatning manner shook their Wea∣pons and Swords at them, as if they would even presently have slain them; and the tumultuou•• common people, catching them by their Cloaks as they came out, pulling them some one way, some another, were so fierce upon them, as that they had much ado to escape out of their hands with life. Now lay the fair Empress (but the other day one of the greatest Princes of the East, and honoured of all her Subjects) in great misery and despair, scorned even of her base Keepers, every hour expecting the deadly blow of the Hangman. Yet was not the cruelty of Androni∣cus against her, any thing asswaged, but grieving that she yet breathed, shortly after assembled the former Council, the Ministers of his Wrath, de∣manding of them, What punishment was by Law appointed for such as betrayed any Town or Province of the Empire?* 4.65 whereunto answer be∣ing given in Writing, That it was by the Law, death; he could no longer hold, but that he must in great choler break out against the poor Em∣press, as if it had been she that had done it; and thereupon the wicked Counsellors crying out with one voice, That she was to be taken out of the way, as they had before agreed; by and by without longer stay, a damned Writing was subscribed by the young Emperor her Son, as if it had been with the blood of his own Mo∣ther, whereby she was (I abhor to write it) most unworthily condemned to die. The men appointed to see this most horrible and cruel Execution done, were Manuel, Andronicus his eldest Son, and Geor∣gius Augustus, his near Kinsman; who both dis∣maid at the very mentioning of the matter, not regarding the Emperors Command, said plainly, that they never before consented to the death of the Empress, but had clean hands of so hainous an offence, and therefore would now much less see her innocent Body dismembred in their sight. At which unexpected answer Andronicus much troubled, with his Fingers oftentimes pluckt him∣self by the hoary Beard, and with burning eyes casting sometime up his head, and sometime down, sighed at his own most miserable tyranni∣cal estate, freting inwardly, that they which were nearest unto him, whom he thought he might even with a beck have commanded to have done any mischief, abhorring his cruelty, should refuse to do the thing he so much desired to have done; yet repressing his anger for a while, within a few days after, he again commanded her to be strangled; which was accordingly done by Constantinus Tripsicus, and Pterigionites the un∣gracious Eunuch, by whose help he had before poysoned Mary the Emperors Daughter, with Caesar her Husband, as is before declared.* 4.66 Thus perished this great Empress, cruelly strangled in prison, by these two wicked men, the merciless Executioners of Andronicus his wrath. Her dead Body lately adorned with all the Graces of Na∣ture, even to the admiration of the Beholders, was without more ado secretly raked up in the Sand fast by the Sea-side; a poor Sepulchre for so great a Person.

What might not Andronicus now do to others, that durst thus cruelly deal with the young Emperors own Mother, and nearest Friends? yet was all covered under the pretence of the common good, and safety of the State and Em∣pire. And the more to shadow Andronicus his se∣cret purposes, as not proceeding of any private or hidden malice, or aspiring humor, from which he of all men would seem most free; and the more to manifest his Devotion and Loyalty to the young Emperor his Cousin, he was the only Per∣swader unto the rest of the Nobility, to have him solemnly Crowned (which as yet by reason of his tender Age he was not;) and at the time of his Coronation, with his own shoulders supported him up, as he was (after the manner of that Solem∣nity) carried unto the great Church, and so back again; the Crocodiles tears still plenteously run∣ning down his aged face, as if it had been for exceeding joy; which many of the meaner sort beholding, and deeming thereof the best, highly commended his kindness, accounting the young Emperor thrice happy, in so grave a Governor, and faithful Counsellor; who in love and kind affection towards him, seemed not inferior to his natural Father; so cunningly had he under the Vail of Piety, shadowed his most execrable Treachery; as that in the very plotting thereof, he was accounted most loving and kind. But hid∣den Treason, be it never so well dissembled, must at length shew it self. So Andronicus having got into his Power both the Emperor and the Empire, and the chief Friends of the late Emperor Ema∣nuel being taken out of the way, or else driven into exile, thought it now high time for himself to aspire unto that high Soveraignty, after which he had so many years longed. Wherefore calling together a Council of his Flaterers and Favorites,* 4.67 whom he had for such purpose promoted unto the highest Places of State (all or the most part of the grave Counsellors and friends of the late Empe∣ror Emanuel being now displaced, or otherwise taken out of the way) he as a man only careful of the common good, declared unto them the dangerous State of the Empire, by reason of a Rebellion raised in Bythinia at Nice, by Isaac Angelus, and Theodorus Catacuzenus; and another at Prusa, by Theodorus Angelus; requiring their grave advice for the suppressing thereof; who not ignorant of their Lords purpose (as thereof before sufficiently instructed) answered with one consent, That of such great Mischiefs there would be no end, ex∣cept he were joyned in Fellowship of the Empire together with Alexius, by his Gravity and deep Wisdom to supply what wanted for the good Government of the State in the young Emperor is Cousin. At which Speech the standers-by (be∣ing in number many, and for the most part the Followers of Andronicus his Flatterers) gave a great shout, and as if it had been already granted, with one Applause cried out, Long live Alexius and An∣dronicus the Greek Emperors; and that with such a vehemency, as if they would therwith have

rent the very Heavens. The bruit thereof flying abroad into the City, forthwith you might have seen every street and corner of the City full of the vulgar people, with some also of better sort, swarming together like Bees, and sounding the Praises of Andronicus (who now was come out of his House into the Court, with a world of people following him) and crying out, Long live the Em∣perors Alexius and Andronicus. With which loud acclamation, mixt with the heavy sighings of many good men, (for all were not mad of that Frenzy) the young Emperor awaked, and seeing the Court full of people, and Andronicus by them saluted his Fellow in the Empire; knowing now no other remedy, thought it best to yield unto the time, and so with the rest flattering the old Tyrant, welcomed him full sore against his will, by the name of his Friend and Companion in the Em∣pire; which he now in dissembling manner seem∣ing unwilling to take upon him, and refusing the place offered, was by the rout of his flattering Favorites enforced to his own great contentment, to yield to their request; some of them with both their hands carrying him up, until they had as it were against his will placed him in the Imperial Seat, prepared for him fast by the young Em∣peror; others in the mean time no less busied in pulling off his private Attire, and putting upon him the Imperial Robes.

The next day, when this Participation of the Empire should be published, and they both proclaimed Emperors, the name of Andronicus was set before the name of Alexius; whereof his Favorites (though some others interpreted it otherwise) gave this reason, That it fitted not with the Majesty of the Empire, that the name of a Boy should be set before the name of so reverend, grave, wise, and excellent a man as was Andro∣nicus his Companion in the Empire. Shortly after, Andronicus being brought into the great Temple to be Crowned, then first began to shew to the people a chearful Countenance, and setting aside his stern Look, after his long devotion done, filled the vain peoples heads with many large Promises of a more happy form of Government than be∣fore. All which proved nothing but meer dissi∣mulation and deep deceit, that chearfulness of Countenance and Speech serving but for a while to cover his inward, secret, and most inhumane Cruelty. And the more to deceive the World, the Ceremonies of his Coronation past, at such time as he should for Consummation and Con∣firmation of all, receive the sacred and dreadful Mystery, the pledge of our Redemption, not without due reverence to be named, much less with impure hands touched; after he had received the Bread, and taken the Cup in his hand, he with a most devout Countenance framed of purpose to deceive, and his eyes cast up to Heaven, as if his Soul had there already been (the fairest Mask of Hypocrisie) swore by those dreadful Mysteries, and most deeply protested in the hearing of the people standing by, that he had taken upon him the Fellowship of the Empire for no other end or pur∣pose but to assist Alexius his Cousin in the Govern∣ment, and to strengthen his Power; whereas his secret meaning was nothing less, as shortly after appeared. For after a few days spent in feigned Devotions for the prosperous beginning of his Empire, he forthwith turned his mind unto other his more secret, but most wicked and execrable Designs. And having above all things purposed the death of the young Emperor, he called toge∣ther them of the Council, his own Creatures and corrupt Ministers of his Wickedness, who had now oftentimes in their mouths that saying of the Poet,

Est mala res multos dominarier; unicus esto —Rex Dominusque.

An evil thing it is to be ruled by many; One King and one Lord, if there be any.

And that the old age of an Eagle was better than the youth of a Lark.* 4.68 So by the general consent of that wicked Assembly (unworthy the name of a grave Council) a Decree was made, That Alexius should (as a man unfit to Govern the State) be deprived of all Imperial Dignity, and commanded to live a private life. Which disloyal Decree of the Conspirators was yet scarcely published, but that another more cruel came out of the same Forge,* 4.69 That he should forthwith be put to death, as one unworthy longer to live. For the execution of which so horrible a Sentence Siephanus Hagiochristophorites (one of the chief Ministers of Andronicus his Villanies, and by him promoted even unto the highest Degrees of the Honours of the Court) with Constantinus Trypsi∣cus, and one Theodorus Badibrenus, Captain of the Tormentors) were sent out;* 4.70 who entring his Chamber by night, without compassion of his tender age, or regard of his Honour or Innocency, cruelly strangled him with a Bow string; which detestable murther so performed, Andronicus short∣ly after coming in, spurned the dead body with his foot, railing at his Father, the late Emperor Emanuel, as a forsworn and injurious man; and at his Mother, as a common Whore. The head was forthwith struck off from this miserable Carkass (the mirror of Honours unstability) and left for the monstrous Tyrant to feed his eyes upon; the body wrapped up in Lead, was in a Boat carried to Sea by Io. Camaterius, and Theodosius Chumenus, two of Andronicus his noble Favorites; who with great joy and glee returned with the same Boat to the Court, as if they had done some notable Exploit. But long continueth not the joy of the Mischievous, Vengeance still following them at the heels; as it did these two, who not long after, with the rest that conspired the innocent Emperors death, all or most part of them came to shameful or miserable ends. Thus perished Alexius the Emperor, not yet full fifteen years old, in the third year of his Reign; which time he lived more like a Servant than an Emperor, first under the command of his Mother, and afterwards of the Tyrant which brought him to his end.

Who joyeth now but old Andronicus, made young again, as should seem,* 4.71 by his new gained Honours? for shortly after the murder committed, he married Anne the French Kings Daughter (as some report) before betrothed to young Alexius; a tender and most beautiful Lady, not yet full eleven years old, an unfit Match for three score and ten. And in some sort as it were to purge himself and his Partakers of the shameful murther by them committed, and to stop the mouths of the people, he by much flattery and large promi∣ses procured of the Bishops a general Absolution for them all, from the Oath of Obedience which they had before given unto the Emperor Ema∣nuel, and Alexius his Son: Which obtained, he for a while had the same Bishops in great Honour, and shortly after in greater Contempt, as men forget∣ful of their Duties and Calling. After that he gave himself wholly unto the establishing of his Estate, never reckoning himself thereof assured,* 4.72 so long as he saw any of the Nobility or famous Captains alive, that favoured Emanuel the late Em∣peror, or Alexius his Son; of whom some he secretly poysoned, as Mary the Emperor Emanuels Daughter,

with her Husband Caesar; some for light occasi∣ons he deprived of their sight, as he did Emanuel and Alexius the Sons of that noble Captain Iohn Com••enus; Andronicus Lapardus, whose good Ser∣vice he had oftentimes used; Theodorus Angelus, Alexius Comnenus the Emperor Emanuels base Son; some he hanged, as Leo Synesius, Manuel Lachanas, with divers others; some he burnt, as Mamalus one of the Emperor Alexius his chief Secretaries; all men of great Honour and place. For colour whereof he pretended himself to be sorry for them, deeply protesting, that they died by the severity of the Law, not by his will, and by the just doom of the Judges, whereunto he was him∣self (as he said) to give place; and that with tears plentifully running down his aged Cheeks, as if he had been the most sorrowful man alive. O deep dissimulation, and Crocodiles tears, by nature or∣dained to express the heaviness of the heart, flow∣ing from the eyes as showers of rain out of the Clouds; in good men the most certain signs of greatest grief, and surest testimonies of inward torment; but in Andronicus you are not so, you are far of another nature, you proceed of joy, you promise not unto the distressed pity or compassion, but death and destruction! how many mens eyes have you put out? how many have you drown∣ed? how many have you devoured? Most of the Nobility that favoured the late Emperor Emanuel and Alexius his Son, thus taken out of the way by Andronicus, struck such a fear into the rest, that for safeguard of their lives they betook themselves to flight, some one way, some another, never thinking themselves in safety so long as they were within the greedy Tyrants reach; whereof short∣ly after ensued no small Troubles, to the shaking of the State of the whole Empire. Isaac Comne∣nus the Emperor Emanuels nigh Kinsman, took his Refuge into Cyprus, and kept that Island to him∣self. Alexius Comnenus, Emanuels Brothers Son, fled into Silicia, and there stir'd up William King of that Island, against Andronicus, who with a great Army landed at Dyrrachium, took the City, and so from thence without resistance passing through the heart of Macedonia, spoiling the Country before him as he went, met his Fleet at Thessalonica, which famous City he also took by force, and most miserably spoiled it, with all the Country thereabout, so that he brought a great fear upon the Imperial City it self. Unto which so great evils Andronicus (intangled with domestick Troubles, and not knowing whom to trust) was not able to give remedy, although for shew he had (to no purpose) sent out certain of his most trusty Ministers with such Forces as he could well spare. For the Majesty of his Autho∣rity growing still less and less, and the number of his Enemies both at home and abroad daily in∣creasing, and the favour of the unconstant people (who now began to speak hardly of him) declining; he uncertain which way to turn himself, rested wholly upon Tyranny,* 4.73 proscribing in his fear, not only the Friends of such as were fled, and whom he distrusted, but sometimes whole Families together, yea and that for light occasions, sometime those who were his best Favorites, whose Service he had many times used in the execution of his Cruelty; so that now no day passed wherein he did not put to death, imprison, or torture one great Man or other. Whereby it hapned that the Im∣perial City was filled with sorrow and heaviness, every man hanging the head, and with silence co∣vering his inward grief, not without danger to have been then uttered. Among many others appointed to this slaughter, was one Isaac Angelus a man of great Nobility, whom Hagiochristophorites (the chief Minister of Andronicus his Tyranny, and for the same by him higly promoted) sus∣pecting, as one that bare no good will to the Emperor (cause enough of death) came to his house to apprehend him; and finding him at home, after a few hot words commanded him to follow him; whereat the Nobleman making some stay, and abhorring the very sight of the Wretch, as unto him ominous and fatal, Hagiochristophorites himself began to lay hands on him, reviling his Followers, that they had not forthwith drawn him out of his house by the hair of his head, unto the Prison by him appointed. For they, touched with the honour of the Man, and moved with pity, forced him not, but stood still as behold∣ers. Isaac seeing himself thus beset, and no way now left for him to escape, resolving rather there presently to die, than shortly after to be murdred in Prison, drew his Sword as the rest were lay∣ing hands upon him, and at the first blow cleft the wicked head of Hagiochristophorites down to his shoulders; and so leaving him wallowing in his own blood, and like a desperate man laying about him amongst the rest, made himself way through the midst of them. And so imbrued with blood, with his bloody Sword yet in his hand, running through the midst of the City, told the people what he had done, and crying unto them for help in defence of his Innocency, fled into the great Temple,* 4.74 there to take the Re∣fuge of the Sanctuary; where he had not long sat (in the place where the guilty flying thither for Refuge used to sit, and confessing their Of∣fence, crave Pardon of such as go in and out) but that the Temple was filled with the multitude of people flocking thither out of all parts of the City, some to see the Nobleman, some to behold what should become of him; for all men thought that he would before Sun-set (notwithstanding the reverence of the place) be drawn thence by An∣dronicus, and put to some shameful death. Thither came also Iohn Ducas, Isaacs Uncle, and his Son Isaac, to increase the tumult; not for that they were any thing guilty of the death of Hagiochristophorites, but for that they had before become Sureties unto the suspitious Tyrant, for their Kinsman Isaac, and he likewise for them; by whose trespass they well knew themselves now brought into no less danger than if they had been Abettors thereunto. And be∣side them also, many other there were, which doubting of their own estate, and fearing the like might happen to themselves, pricked forward with hard Speeches, the common people flocking thither, instantly requesting them to stay there, and to stand by them now at their need, being so injuriously wronged; whose pitiful complaints moved many to take part with them. At which time also,* 4.75 no man yet coming from the Em∣peror (being as then out of the City) to repress the Sedition, nor any of the Nobility opposing themselves, no Friend of Andronicus appearing, none of his bloody Ministers or Officers shew∣ing themselves, nor any that did so much as speak a good word in his behalf, or in dislike of the tumult, the boldness of the seditious people in∣creased, every man in so great liberty saying what he list, and after their rude manner one in∣couraging another. So spent Isaac that long night, not thinking (God wot) of an Empire, but still expecting the deadly stroke of Andronicus: Yet had he with great intreating so prevailed, that divers of the Assembly shutting the Church doors, and bringing Lights into the Church, stayed there with him all night, and by their example caused some others to stay also. The next morning by break of day were all the Citizens flockt again unto the Temple, cursing the Tyrant to the Devil, as the common Enemy

of mankind, wishing unto him a shameful death, and the honour of the Empire unto Isaac. At that time by fortune, or rather God so appointing it, Andronicus was out of the City at his Palace of Meludinum, on the East side of Propontis, where he was by nine a clock at night certified of the death of Hagiochristophorites, and of the tumult of the people: yet that night stirred he not, neither did any thing more, but by short Letters ad∣vised the people to pacifie themselves, and not by foolish Rebellion to cast themselves into further danger. In the Morning Andronicus his Favou∣rites began to shew themselves,* 4.76 and to do what they might to have appeased the tumultuous Multitude; yea and presently after came Andro∣nicus himself, and landed with his Imperial Gally at the great Palace in the City. But with the inraged People nought prevailed either the persuasions of the one, or report of the presence of the other; for they all, as upon a signal given, and as men inspired with one spirit, or stirred up with the same fury, flocked together into the Temple of S. Sophia, one encouraging another, and scoffing at such as stood by as idle lookers on, without Weapons in their hands, reviling them and cal∣ling them rotten Limbs that had no feeling of the common harm. After that, they broke open the Prisons and set at liberty the Prisoners, as fittest instruments to increase the Tumult, who were not all notable Offenders of the Dregs of the People, but many of them born of good Houses, and for some light Fault, or inconsiderate Word (whereof every man was in those times bound to give an account) or for some Friends Offence against Andronicus, there laid fast. These of all others most animated the people, in such sort, as they which before for fear of the danger did but softly murmure to themselves against An∣dronicus, did now openly joyn with the rest of the base seditious. Then might you have seen some with their Swords and Targets, some also in their Armour, but the greatest part armed but with Clubs and Staves, and other such like rude Weapons, Arms of Fury, hastily taken up in their Shops as by chance they came first to hand, running forth in every place. By this As∣sembly of the most furious and promiscuous Peo∣ple was Isaac hoised up,* 4.77 and with a general ap∣plause saluted Emperor. At which time one of the Sextons of the Church, with a ladder took down Constantine the Great his Crown of Gold, (which for a Monument hung over the holy Altar) and set it on Isaacs Head; which he at the first seemed unwilling to wear, not for that he was not desirous enough of the Empire, but for that he feared the extream danger of the matter, and thought those things that were then done to be but as it were a sick mans dream, like enough straightway to vanish; beside that, he feared in so doing, the more to exasperate Andronicus. Which his Uncle Iohn Ducas (as is said before, standing by him) perceiving, plucking off his own Cap, and shewing his old bald Head, requested the People, That if his Nephew did refuse it, they would set it upon his; whereunto they with a great outcry answered, That they would no more yield their obedience to an old bald Man, as ha∣ving received many harms from the hoary hairs of old Andronicus; and therefore for his sake hated every old Man, more fit for Charons Boat, and his Coffin, than for an Empire, and especi∣ally if he had a forken Beard, and bald Head, as had Andronicus and this Ducas. Thus was Isaac by the tumultuous Multitude invested in the Em∣pire; and so royally mounted upon one of the Emperors Horses, richly furnished with a Saddle and Trappings of Gold, which they had by chance gotten, was by them brought from the Temple unto the Court; Basilius Camaterus the Patriarch waiting upon him, whom the headstrong Peo∣ple had inforced against his Will to confirm with his Authority what was by them done for the establishing of Isaac in the Empire. Andronicus at his coming to the Palace perceiving first by the confused cry of the tumultuous Multitude, and afterward by that which he saw with his Eyes, how the world went; calling upon his old Friends and flattering Favourites,* 4.78 thought first by their help to have repressed the Fury of the Rebellious; who as Friends of his better Fortune, and not of himself, were now for the most part shrunk from him; and those that were left, so feintly coming on, as if in his quarrel they had had no mind to spend their lives; with which heartless Company Andronicus fearing to oppose himself against the Fury of the Multitude, with his Bow and Ar∣rows in his hand got him up into the highest Tower of the Palace, called Centenaria, and from thence bestowed certain shot among the Peo∣ple. But seeing that to be to no purpose, and bet∣ter persuaded to do more with them by fair words, than such vain force, he from the top of the Tower cried aloud unto them, That if they would be quiet and depart, he would by their consent resign the Empire unto his Son Manuel; whereat the People more inraged, spared not to pour forth most reproachful words in contempt both of himself and his Son; and so furiously brake into the Court by one of the Gates called Carea. Which Andronicus beholding, and now out of all hope, casting from him all his Habiliments of Honour, and disguising himself fled again to his Gally, accompanied only with Anna his Wife, and Maraptica his Minion, and so returned to Meludinum, his place from whence he came. Isaac but yesterday in the bottom of despair, and shadowed as it were with the hand of Death,* 4.79 by the strange change of Fortune to day moun∣ted unto the hig••est Type of worldly Honour, entring the Palace, was there again with the greatest applause of the People that might be, saluted Emperor. From whence he forthwith sent out certain Companies of his most assured Friends and Followers, to apprehend Andronicus; who now as a man at once forsaken both of his Friends and of his better Fortune, secretly fled with his Wife and his Paragon, before remembred, to Chele▪ attended upon only with a few of his trusty Servants, which had of long time served him before he was Emperor. There taking Ship, with purpose to have fled unto the Tauroscythes, (as not thinking himself safe in any Province of the Empire) he was twice or thrice by foul Weather put back again, the rough Sea abhor∣ring (as it seemed) to carry him that had so pol∣luted it with the dead bodies of the Innocent by him slain, and still threatning (as it were) to devour him. Thus strangely stayed by foul Weather, or more truly to say, by the revenging hand of the Highest, he was found by such as were sent out to seek after him, and being by them apprehended, was with two great Iron Chains fast lockt about his proud Neck, and heavy Gyves upon his legs, cast into the Castle of Amena;* 4.80 and in that miserable Habit shortly after present∣ed to the Emperor Isaac, yet busied in appeasing and reforming of the disordered City, where by the way as he went, he was by the People most shamefully reviled, and injuriously used; some plucking him by the Beard, some by the Hair of the Head, some other in the mean time playing with his nose, and bobbing him in the face, with a thousand other despights done unto him; especially by such Women, as whose Husbands he

had before murdred or deprived of their sight. Afterward being commited to the hateful Fury of the People, he had his right Hand cut off, and was again committed to the same Castle, without Meat, Drink, or any other comfort; where af∣ter he had lien a few days, having one of his Eyes put out, he was set upon a foul lean Camel, with his Face towards the tail thereof, and so (as it were in Triumph) led through the Market place, his bald Head all bare, as if it had been a dead mans Skull taken out of a Charnel House, in a short old Coat; so miserable a Specta∣cle, as might have expressed a fountain of tears out of the Eyes of a right hard hearted man. But the Bedlam and most insolent Citizens, especially they of the baser sort, as Cooks, Cob∣lers, Curriers, and such like, flocking about him like Bees (without regard that he had but the other day worn upon his Head the Imperial Crown, then honoured by them as a God, and extolled unto the Heavens; that they had not long before solemnly sworn him Obedience and Loyalty) ran now as men out of their Wits, omitting no kind of Villany they could devise to do unto him; some thrust nails into his Head, some cast dirt in his Face, some the dung both of Men and Beasts, some prickt him in the Sides with spits, some cast Stones at him as at a mad Dog, and other some opprobrious and despiteful words, no less grievous unto him than the rest; amongst others, an impudent Drab coming out of the Kitchen, cast a pot of scalding water in his Face; and in brief, their outrage so exceeded, as if they had striven among themselves, who should do him the greatest Villany. Having thus shamefully, as in a ridiculous triumph brought him into the Theater, they there betwixt two Pillars hanged him up by the Heels; where having suffered all these despightful Indignities,* 4.81 with many more, not without offence to be named, he with an invincible Courage yet still held his patience, not giving one evil word, but sometimes saying, Lord have mercy upon me; and other∣whiles, Why do you break a bruised Reed? Yet the furious People nothing moved with the Calamity of so great a man, (of all others now the most mi∣serable) stript him of his bad Cloaths as he hung, and cut off his Privities. One among the rest, to make an end of him, thrust his Sword in at his Throat up to the twist as he hung; other two with their long Swords proved their Strength, who could strike furthest into his Buttocks. Thus miserably perished this famous Emperor, after he had reigned two years. That which was left of his Body (for many had carried away some pieces thereof) be∣ing taken down from the place where he hung, was cast into a base Vault in the Theater, where it for a space lay, as the loathsome Carkass of some wild Beast, and the miserable Spectacle of Mans Fragility;* 4.82 for Isaac the Emperor would not suffer it to be buried. Howbeit aftewards (the Fury of the People overpassed) it was by some more cha∣ritable men removed thence, and laid in a low Vault near unto the Monastery of the Ephori; which as Nicetas Choniates (Author of this History speaking of the time wherein he lived) saith, is yet there undissolved to be seen. He was a man most honourably descended, of Stature tall, and well proportioned; in his Countenance sate a cer∣tain reverend Majesty, adorned with such notable Vertues, as might have made him worthily to have been compared unto the greatest Emperors of his Stock and Family, had he not obscured the same with too much Ambition and Cruelty; whereof the one caused him to lead the greatest part of his Life in Prison or Exile; the other brought unto him a most shameful End.

Isaac Angelus his Successor, by the Favour of the People thus exalted unto the Empire, at the first governed the same with great Lenity and Moderation, as if he had altogether abhorred from the Effusion of his Subjects Blood; but aftewards not a little troubled both with Foreign Enemies, and Domestical Rebellion, besieged in the Imperial City by such of the Nobility as thought themselves no less worthy of the Empire than himself; for repressing of which Insolencies, and the assuring of his State, he became so severe in chastising the Offendors,* 4.83 and such others as he had in distrust, that he was counted of most men not inferior in Cruelty to Andronicus his Pre∣decessor; few days passing without the condem∣nation of execution of one great Man or other, besides them of the meaner sort, of whom he seemed to make no great reckoning; whereby he in few years lost the Love and Favour of his Subjects, who before had him in great honour; and became unto them no less odious than was before Andronicus. Upon which general dislike of the People,* 4.84 his ingrateful younger Brother A∣lexius (by him before for a great sum of Mony redeemed from the Turks) took occasion to rise up against him, and by the Favour of the Soul∣diers deprived him together both of the Empire and his Sight; and having put out his Eyes, thrust him into a Monastery, there to live as it were out of the World, as a man condemned to perpe∣tual darkness, after he had reigned nine years and eight months, being not yet full forty years old. Whither it were the revenging hand of God, for the hard measure used to Andronicus, or not, I leave it to the wiser to consider, who in his deep Providence, wherewith he best governeth all things, would have a moderation used in punish∣ment of our most Capital Enemies, as having always before our Eyes the slippery State of Power and Authority; and that as all worldly things are subject to change, so by the just Judgment of God it oftentimes falleth out, that what hurt we do unto others, the same we may receive again from others. In these so great and strange mutations of the Constantinopolitan Empire (which I have somewhat more at large prosecuted, not so much for the novelty of the matter, although it were right strange, as for that out of the Losses, and Ruin thereof, the great∣ness of the Turks for the most part grew) Cli∣zasthlan Sultan of Iconium,* 4.85 after the death of the Emperor Emanuel, found means to take from the Empire divers strong Towns and Castels in the lesser Asia, together with a great part of the Country of Phrygia; Alexius, Andronicus and Isaac the succeeding Emperors, troubled with dangers nearer home, having nothing to oppose against him, but fair Intreaty and rich Presents, so redeeming for a while an unsure Peace, with no less charge in short time to be renewed again. This victorious Sultan (for so he may of right be called) holding in his Subjection a great part of the lesser Asia, now a Man of great years, dy∣ing, left behind him four Sons, Masut, Coppatine, Reucratine, and Caichosores, all men grown. A∣mongst whom he divided his Kingdom. Un∣to Masut he bequeathed Amasia, Ancrya,* 4.86 Dory∣leum, with divers other pleasant Cities of Pon∣tus; unto Coppatine, he assigned Melytene, Cesa∣rea, and the Colony now called Taxara: unto Reucratine he allotted Aminsum, Docea, with some other Cities upon the Sea-Coast; but unto Caichosroes, he left Iconium his Regal Seat, and with it Lycaonia, Pamphilia, and all the Countries thereabouts as far as Cottianyum. Of these four, Coppatine long lived not after his Fa∣ther; for whose Inheritance Reucratine Prince

of Docea,* 4.87 and Masut Prince of An••yra (his two Brethren) fell at variance, and so at last into an open War. But Masut finding himself too weak for his warlike Brother Reucratine, yielded unto him the Territories which he saw he must needs forego; and glad now to keep his own, so made peace with him. Reucratine being a man of an ambitious and haughty Spirit, with his Forces thus doubled, denounced War unto his Brother Caichosroes; who doubting his own Strength, fled unto the Emperor Alexius Angelus for aid, as had his Father done before him unto the Emperor Manuel, although not with like good Fortune. For the Emperor but of late having obtained the Empire by the deposing of his Brother; and altogether given to pleasure, reputing al∣so those Domestical Wars of the Turks, some part of his own safety; sent him home with∣out Comfort, as one strong enough of him∣self to defend his own quarrel against his Bro∣ther.

Howbeit, he was scarcely come to Iconium, but he was by Reucratine expulsed thence, and driven to fly into Armenia, where he was by Zebune King of that Country, a Turk also, ho∣nourably received and courteously used, but yet denied of the aid he requested; the King pretending that he was already in League with Reucratine, and therefore could not; or as some thought, fearing the dangerousness of the mat∣ter, would not intermeddle therein. Wherewith the poor Sultan utterly discouraged, returned again to Constantinople, and there in poor Estate, as a man forlorne, passed out the rest of his days.

Now having thus passed through the Turkish affairs in the lesser Asia, together with the troubled Estate of the Constantinopolitan Empire, no small cause of the Turkish greatness; the course of time calleth us back again before we pass any farther, to remember their proceedings also at the same time, and shortly after, in Syria, Iu∣daea, Aegypt, and those more Southerly Coun∣tries, where these restless People ceased not by all means to enlarge their Empire, until they had brought all those great Kingdoms under their Obeysance.

After the death of Baldwin King of Ierusalem, of whom we have before spoken,* 4.88 Almericus his younger Brother, Earl of Ioppa and Ascalon, be∣ing then about seven and twenty years old, was by the better good liking of the Clergy and People, then of the Nobility, elected King: not for that there wanted in him any good parts worthy of a Kingdom, but for that some of them envied unto him so great an honour. Never∣theless he was (as we said) by the general con∣sent of the People, Elected, Proclaimed, and by Almericus the Patriarch with all Solemnity crown∣ed, the seventeenth day of February, in the year of Grace, 1163. To begin whose troubled Reign, the Egyptians first of all denyed to pay unto him their wonted Tribute. In revenge whereof, he in person himself with a puissant Army entred into Egypt; and meeting with Dargan the Sultan, overthrew him in plain Battel, and put him to flight; who to stay the further pursuit and passage of the Christians, cut the Banks of the River Nilus, and so drowned the Country, that the King was glad to content himself with the Victory he had already gotten, and so to return to Hieru∣salem.

The next year Almericus was again drawn down with his power into Egypt, by Dargan the Sultan, to aid him against Saracon; whom Noradin the Turk, King of Damasco, had sent as General with an Army, to restore Sanar the Sultan be∣fore expulsed, and to depose Dargan. In which Expedition Dargan being slain, and Soracon having won certain Towns, kept them to himself; Sanar doubtfull of his good meaning, joyned his Forces with Almericus, and by his help expulsed Saracon out of Egypt. But whilst Almericus was thus bu∣sied in Egypt, Noradin the Turk making an inroad into the Frontiers of the Christians near unto Tripolis, was by Gilbert Lacy,* 4.89 Master of the Tem∣plars in those quarters, and the other Christians, when he least feared, so suddenly set upon, that he had much ado by flight to save himself, half naked for haste, most of his followers being at the same time slain. In revenge of which disgrace, he not long after with a great power came and besieged Arethusa; for relief whereof, Bohemund Prince of Antioch, Raymond the younger, Earl of Tripolis, Calamon Governour of Cilicia, and Toros Prince of Armenia, came with their power. Of whose coming the Turk hearing, raised his Siege and departed. After whom these Christian Princes eagerly following, were by the Turks shut up in certain deep and rotten Fenns (whereinto they had unadvisedly too far entred) and there with a great Slaughter over∣thrown. In which conflict, all the chief Com∣manders of the Army were taken, except the Prince of Armenia, who forecasting the danger, had retired, after he had in vain disswaded the rest from the further pursuit of the flying Enemy. The Prince of Antioch there taken, was about a year after for a great sum of Mony redeemed; but the Count of Tripolis was after eight years straight Captivity hardly delivered. Noradin after this Victory returning again to the Siege of Are∣thusa, in few days won the Town; and encou∣raged with such good success, and the absence of the King, laid Siege to the City of Paneade, which was also delivered unto him, upon condi∣tion that the Citizens might at their pleasure in safety depart.

At the same time Saracon General of Noradin his Forces, took from the Christians two Castles, the one in the Country of Sidon, the other be∣yond Iordan upon the Borders of Arabia, both in the Custody of the Templars; twelve of whom the King at his return hanged up for Treason.

Shortly after Saracon, King Noradin his great Man of War, with all the power of the Turks, came down again into Egypt, with purpose to have fully subdued all that notable Kingdom unto his Lord and Master. Of whose power, Sanar the Sultan standing in dread, prayed aid of Almericus, promising unto him beside his year∣ly Tribute, the sum of forty thousand Ducats for his pains. The matter fully agreed upon, and all things now in readiness, Almericus set forward with his Army, and encountring with Saracon and his Turks at the River Nilus, over∣threw him in a great Battel, yet not without some loss, for the Turks in their Flight lighting upon the Kings Carriages with the whole Bag∣gage of the Army, and overruning them that had the charge thereof, carried away with them a most rich Prey, whereby it came to pass that as the Christians had the Victory, so the Turks injoyed the Spoil.

Saracon after this overthrow having again ga∣thered together his dispersed Souldiers, took his way to Alexandria, where he was by the Citizens received; after whom the King following, gave no attempt unto the City, for that he knew to be but vain, but incamped close by the side of the River Nilus, from whence the City was chiefly to be victualled. Whose purpose Saracon perceiving, and betime foreseeing the distress of his whole

Army for want of Victuals, if he should there long stay; leaving there his Son Saladin (or as some call him his Nephew) with a thousand Horsemen for the keeping of the City, secretly by night departed thence himself with the rest of his Army; and passing through the Desarts, did great harm in the upper parts of Egypt. Of whose departure Almericus understanding,* 4.90 was about to have followed him, but that he was otherwise persuaded by the Egyptian Captains to continue his former purpose for the gaining of the City; wherefore now after the departure of Sa∣racon he began to approach the Walls, and with divers Engines of War to disturb the Defendants; wherewith the Citizens (better acquainted with the Trade of Merchandize, than the Feats of War) discouraged, began now to consult among them∣selves for the turning out of those troublesome Guests whom they had so lately received; which Saladin perceiving, certified Saracon his Uncle thereof, requesting his speedy relief in that his so dangerous Estate, and with much intreaty per∣suaded the Citizens for a while to hold it out, until he might from him receive an answer; of all which the Christians and Egyptians without ha∣ving intelligence, laid so much the harder unto the City. Gladly would Saracon have done what he was by his Nephew requested; but perceiving it to be a matter of no less danger than difficulty, he by the means of Hugh,* 4.91 Count of Cesarea, and one Arnolphus another noble Christian, both then Prisoners with him, concluded a peace with the King; whereupon the City was forthwith yielded up, and Saladin with his Turks suffered in safety to depart. At which time also all Prisoners were on both sides freely and without ransome set at liberty. Thus Saracon for this time disappoint∣ed of this his purpose for the Conquest of Egypt, returned back again to Damasco; and Almericus with great glory to Ascalon, where he arrived with his Army the one and twentieth day of Sep∣tember in the year 1167. [year 1167.]

In this late expedition, King Almericus on the one side enflamed with the Wealth of Egypt, and on the other encouraged with the Weakness of that effeminate People, resting for the most part up∣on forraign Strength; had purposed himself to invade the Kingdom, and so if possible he might, to joyn it to his own. For colour whereof, it was pretended that the Sultan contrary to his faith before given, had secretly sought to joyn in League and Amity with Noradin the Turk, King of Damasco. The chief stirrer up of the King unto this War, was one Gerbert Master of the Templars; who in respect of the aid by them of his order to be given, had obtained of the King, after the Victory gained, to have the City of Pe∣lusium with all the rich Country about the same, given unto him and his Brethren the Knights of the Order for ever; upon which hope, he con∣trary to the mind of many of the Knights, for the furtherance of that War, gaged his whole Wealth and Credit, with all the Treasure of his House. So all things now in readyness for so great an Enterprise, Almeric••s with his Army set for∣ward in October, and having in ten days passed the sandy Desert, came to Pelusium; which City he (after three days Siege) took by force, and put to the Sword all them that were therein,* 4.92 without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition; which City, he according to his promise before made, gave unto the Templars. After that, he began also to besiege Caire, at which time his Fleet sacked the City of Tapium. In the mean time, Sanar the Egyptian Sultan, considering the danger he was in, to satisfie Almericus his greedy desire, offered to pay him twenty hundred thousand Ducats to withdraw his Forces; and forthwith sent him one hundred thousand, for the ransom of his Son and his Nephew taken Prisoners at Pelusium; and for the rest to be paid within five days after, he gave two of his Nephews Hostages. Nevertheless the payment he deferred from day to day, of purpose in the mean time to raise the whole power of E∣gypt, also to receive aid from the Turks by Saracon, which he daily expected; of whose speedy coming, Almericus understanding, left part of his Army at Pelusium, and with the rest went to have met him; but missing him by the way, Sa∣racon with his Turks came in safety to Caire unto the Sultan, as he had desired. Wherefore Alme∣ricus dismaid with the multitude of two so great Armies now joyned together, retired back again to Pelusium, and there taking with him the Gar∣rison before left, returned home to Hierusalem; having in that expedition (begun with the breach of Faith) laid the foundation of the ruin of his Kingdom, as in few years after, it by proof appeared, by the evil Neighbourhood of the Turks, by that means brought down into Egypt.

Saracon the Turk after the departure of Alme∣ricus,* 4.93 easily perceiving a most fit time and oppor∣tunity to be offered for him now to obtain that, which he had in vain before both sought and sought for, encamped with his Army near unto Caire, and notably counterfeited himself of all others the most devoted Friend of the Sultans; so that betwixt them two passed all the kind to∣kens of Love and Friendship, that could possibly be devised; the Sultan oftentimes feasting the Turk, and in kindness likewise being feasted of him; but at length going as his manner was, unto the Camp to visit him, he was by the Turks slain. So Saracon having brought to pass what he desired, and entring the City with his Army, was by the great Caliph (from whom the Egyptian Sultans, as from their Superiors, the true Successors of their great Prophet Mahomet, took their Autho∣rity) appointed Sultan, the first of the Turks that ever enjoyed the same; which Royal Dig∣nity he had not possessed fully a year, but that he was taken away by death. In whose stead Sa∣ladin his Brothers Son, by and by stept up; who altogether a Martial Man, not regarding the re∣verend Majesty of the Caliph (as had his Uncle Saracon, and all the Egyptian Sultans before him) with his Horsemans Mace struck out his Brains; and not so contented, utterly rooted out all his Posterity, the better to assure himself and his Suc∣cessors the Turks in the possession of his new begotten Kingdom; and after that divided the great Treasures of the Egyptians among his Turks, to encourage them the more to follow him in his Wars against the Christians.

This glorious Kingdom so much spoken of in Holy Scripture,* 4.94 and renowned of the Learned Historiographers of all Ages, after the Ruine of the Roman Empire, was sometime part of the Constantinopolitan Empire, and a notable Mem∣ber of the Christian Common Weal; until that about the year of our Lord 704, the Egyptians weary of the Pride and Covetousness of the Grecians, revolted from them unto the Sarasins, whose Superstition they also received; and so under the Government of the Sarasin Caliphs, the Successors of the false Prophet Mahomet lived about 464 years, until that now being in∣vaded by Almericus, they prayed aid of Nora∣din the Turk, Sultan of Damasco; who to their relief sending Saracon with an Army, repulsed indeed the Christians, but oppressing their liberty, took to himself the Kingdom, which he left unto his Nephew Saladin, in whose Posterity it re∣mained

until it was from them again taken by the Circassian Slaves the Mamalukes; under whose ser∣vile Government it was holden of long time, till that by the great Emperor of the Turks Selimus the first, it was again conquered and the Mamalukes utterly destroyed: In the Govern∣ment of whose Prosperity, the mighty Empe∣rors of the Turks, it hath ever since remained as part of their Empire, until this day, as in the process of this History God willing shall appear.

[year 1170.] Saladin thus possessed of the great Kingdom of Egypt, and all things set in such order as he thought best for the Newness of his Estate, with a great Army entred into the Land of Palestine, in the year, 1170. and there besieged Daron; which Town he won, and overthrew such as were sent by King Almericus to have relieved the same; with which small Victory contenting himself, as with the good beginning of his rising Fortune, he returned back again into his Kingdom; yet was his Army so great and populous, as that the like Army of the Turks had never before been seen in the Holy Land. Wherefore Almericus considering in what great danger he stood, his Kingdom now being on both sides beset by the Turks, sent out his Embassadors unto the Christi∣an Princes of the West, to crave their Aid for the defence of that Kingdom which their Fathers had won; and for the same purpose went himself in Person unto the Emperor of Constantinople, of whom he was Royally entertained, and after∣ward sent back loaded with the promises of great matters, as were also his Embassadors from the Princes of the West. All which for all that sorted unto nothing, but vanished into smoke.

The year following, viz. 1171. Saladin be∣sieged Petrea, [year 1171.] the Metropolitical City of Arabia; but hearing that Almericus with a great Power was coming to the Relief thereof, he raised his Siege, and retired; as he did also next year after, having in vain attempted the strong Castle of Mont-Royal, on the further side of Iordan. In like manner also the third year he came again in∣to the Holy Land, and spoiled the Country beyond Iordan; but hearing of the Kings coming against him, he forthwith returned again into Egypt. All these light Expeditions, this politique Prince made not so much for hope of Victory, or to prove his Enemies strength, as to train his Soul∣diers, especially the effeminate Egyptians, and to make them fitter to serve him in his greater designs.

[year 1173.] Shortly after died Noradin Sultan of Damasco, and in his time a most notable Champion of the Turks, after he had reigned nine and twenty years. Upon whose death, Almericus forthwith besieged the City of Paneale, in hope to have again recovered the same; but he was by the Widow of the late dead Sultan, for a great sum of money and the delivery of certain noble Pri∣soners, intreated to raise his Siege and depart. So having sent away his Army, and traveling with his ordinary Retinue to Tyberias, where he had the Summer before been sick of the Flux, feeling himself not well, he returned on Horse-back by Nazareth and Neapolis to Ierusalem, where his old Disease increasing upon him, he was also taken with a Fever; wherewith after he had been some few days grievously tormented, he re∣quested his Physitians, with some gentle potion to loose his Belly, which was now somewhat stayed; which they refusing to do, he commanded the potion to be given him upon his own peril, hap thereon what hap should; which being given him, and his Belly again loosed, he seemed there∣with to have been at the first well eased; but his wonted Fever with great vehemency returning, before his weak and spent Body could be with convenient meats refreshed, he suddenly died the tenth of Iuly, in the year, 1173. when he had reigned about ten years. His dead Body was with the great lamentation of all his Subjects, solemnly buried by his Brothers. He was a most wise Prince, and withall right valiant, amongst many most fit for the Government and Defence of that troublesome Kingdom, so hardly beset with the Infidels, if it had pleased God to have given him longer life.

Four days after the death of Almericus,* 4.95 was Baldwin his Son, then a Youth about thirteen years old, by the general consent of the Nobility chosen King, and by Almericus the Patriarch in the Temple with great Solemnity Crowned in the year, 1173. unto whom as not yet by reason of his tender age, fit himself to manage the weighty Affairs of the Kingdom, Raymond Count of Tri∣polis was by the whole consent of the Nobility appointed Tutor to supply what was wanting in the young King.

Noradin Sultan of Damasco (dead as is aforesaid) left behind him Melechsala his Son, yet but a Youth, to succeed him in his Kingdom. Whose Government the Nobility disdaining, sent secret∣ly for Saladin Sultan of Egypt, unto whom at his coming they betrayed the City of Damasco, the Regal Seat of the Turks in Syria. Whereof Sala∣din possessed, and entring into Coelosiria without Resistance, took Heliopolis, Emissa, with the great City of Caesarea; and in fine, all the whole King∣dom of Damasco, the City of Arethusa only ex∣cepted. But thus to suffer Melechsala the young Prince to be wronged, and the Kingdom of Da∣masco to be joyned to the Kingdom of Egypt, was of the wiser sort thought not to stand with the safety of the Kingdom of Ierusalem, lying in the middle betwixt them both. Wherefore the Count of Tripolis, Governor of that King∣dom, made out certain Forces to have hindred his proceedings. At which time also, Cotobed Prince of Parthia, and Melechsala Uncle, sent certain Troops of Parthian Horse-men to have aided his distressed Nephew, who were by Sala∣din overthrown and almost all slain, near unto Aleppo where Melechsala lay. As for the Count of Tripolis and the other Christian Princes, with whom Saladin in the newness of his Kingdom had no desire to fall out; he appeased them with fair Intreaty and Rewards; unto the Count he sent freely the Hostages, which yet lay for his Ransome at Emissa; unto the other Princes he sent rich Presents; and therewith so contented them all, that they returned without any thing doing against him. After which time, three or four years passed in great quietness, to the great strengthen∣ing of him in those new gotten Kingdoms. At length upon the coming over of Philip Earl of Flanders, the Christian Princes of Syria encouraged, consulted of an Expedition to be made into Egypt, whereof Saladin having Intelligence, drew down into that Country the greatest part of his strength. But Philip disliking of that Expedi∣tion, and the rather for that he saw no great chearfulness in the Count of Tripolis and the rest thereunto; they with one consent changed their Purpose for Egypt, and turning their Forces a quite contrary way, miserably and without re∣sistance wasted the Country about Emissa and Caesarea.

Whilst the Christians w••re thus busied in Coelo∣siria,* 4.96 Saladin on the other side took occasion out of Egypt to invade the Kingdom of Ierusalem; of whose coming, King Baldwin having intelli∣gence, with such small Forces as he had left,

hastned himself to Ascalon. In the mean time Saladin with a great Army was entred into the Holy Land, where burning the Country before him, and raging in the blood of the poor Christi∣ans, he came and encamped not far from Asca∣lon; and struck such a fear upon the whole Coun∣try, that they which dwelt in Ierusalem, were about to have forsaken the City; as for the King himself, he lay close within the City of Ascalon, not daring to adventure upon so strong an Enemy. Wherewith Saladin encouraged, and out of fear of his Enemies, dispersed his Army, some one way, some another, to forrage the Country. Which the King perceiving, secretly with all his Power issued out of the City, if hap∣pily so he might overtake the Sultan unawares; neither was he deceived in his expectation; for coming suddenly upon him, and secretly charging him, he had with him for a good space an hard and doubtful battel, until that the Victory by the Power of God, at length inclining to the Christians, Saladin with his Turks fled, overthrown with a great slaughter, most part of his great Army being either there slain, or lost afterward with hunger and cold. This Victory fell unto the Christians the 25th day of November, in the year, 1177. not without the Almighty Hand of God, [year 1177.] the Turk having in his Army above six and twenty thousand Horse-men, and the King not past four hundred Horse, with some few Foot-men. After which Victory, Baldwin in great Triumph re∣turned to Ierusalem, and there shortly after with great care and diligence repaired the decayed Walls of the City. Saladin in revenge of this Over∣throw, made divers Incursions into the Frontiers of the Christians, and did great harm, specially in the Country about Sidon. For the repressing whereof, the King put himself in Arms, and going against him, overthrew part of his Army, as they were carrying away a great Booty. Of which overthrow Saladin understanding,* 4.97 came in such hast with the rest of his Army, as if it had been a sudden Tempest, upon the Christi∣ans, then in great security dividing the Spoil; of whom they slew a great number, and put the rest to flight: In which so sudden a Confusion, Otto, grand Master of the Templars, and Hugh the Earl of Tripolis his Son in law, were both taken Prisoners. The Earl himself with a few fled to Tyre; the King also at the same time was glad to shift for Himself, and by flight to save himself as he might; after which Victory, Saladin be∣sieged a strong Castle which the King but the year before had built upon the bank of the River Iordan, and given it to the Templars, with the Country round about; which Castle Saladin took by force, and put to Sword all that were therein, except some few whom he carried away Prison∣ers. By this Victory Saladin became dreadful unto the Christians in Syria, which caused them, especially such as had any charge, with more vi∣gilancy to look about them. Yet shortly after, a Peace was for a time concluded betwixt the Sul∣tan and the King; whereby their troubled Estates breathed themselves almost the space of two years.

But this so welcome a Calm was by dome∣stical troubles again by the Kings Friends sud∣denly troubled; for the Count of Tripolis, to whom the Government of the Kingdom was committed, coming towards Ierusalem, being by the suggestion of his Enemies brought into suspi∣tion with the King, as if he had affected the Kingdom, was to his great disgrace by the way commanded to stay. The chief Authors of which discontentment, were the Kings Mother, a Wo∣man of a turbulent nature, and her Brother the Kings Steward; who in the absence of the Earl, had wrought the Kings sick mind according to their own appetit••s. But the rest of the Nobility wisely foreseeing unto what great danger that discord might tend; in despight of them, with much labour, caused him to be sent for again, and so reconciled unto the King; by which means, that dangerous fire of dissention was for that time appeased, which afterwards brake out again, to the utter ruine of that Kingdom.

Saladin now weary of the League he had be∣fore made with King Baldwin,* 4.98 as no longer stand∣ing with his haughty Designs, renounced the same, and raising a great Power in Aegypt, set forward toward Damasco. Of whose coming, King Baldwin having knowledge, with the whole Power of his Kingdom went to have met him, not far from the dead Sea, and there encamped at an old Town called Petra. But Saladin turning out of the way, into the Kings Territory, came and encamped before Mount-Royal, a Castle which Baldwin had given unto the Templars, about three days march from the place where the King lay.

There Saladin with the Spoil of the Country refreshing his Army, now weary of long travel,* 4.99 set forward again, and so without resistance ar∣rived with his Army at Damasco. At the same time, the Turks Captains about Damasco, Bostrum, and Emissa, perceiving the Frontiers of the Christi∣ans thereabout to be kept with small strength, passed over Iordan, and spoiling a great part of Galilee, besieged the Castle of Burie, at the foot of Mount Tabor, not far from the City of Naim; which Castle they in few days took, and having there made a great slaughter, carried away with them about five hundred Prisoners. Saladin being come to Damasco, called together all the Gar••i∣sons of that Kingdom, and joyning them unto the Forces he brought out of Aegypt, entred into the Holy Land; at which time the Count of Tri∣polis, Governor of the Kingdom, lay sick of a burning Fever. Nevertheless the King encouraged by the Knights of the Order, went out with his Army against him; and encountring with him near unto a Village called Frobolet, overthrew him in a great battel; wherein, afterward in the flight, most part of the Sultans Army perished; Sala∣din himself being glad by speedy flight to escape the danger, and so by long marches to get him again to Damasco.

In revenge of this overthrow,* 4.100 Saladin having repaired his Army, and sent for his Fleet out of Egypt, came and besieged Beritus both by Sea and Land; at which time also his Brother, whom he had left Governor in Egypt, besieged Darum, a strong Town in the uttermost bounds of the Kingdom of Ierusalem towards Egypt; both whose Forces Baldwin being not able at once to repress, by the Council of his Nobility, thought it best first to relieve Beritus, as the place of greatest Importance. And for that purpose set forward with his Army by Land, having also rigged up three and thirty Gallies at Tyre, for the Relief thereof by Sea. Of which preparation Saladin understanding, as also of the Kings coming (by Letters intercepted by his Scouts, directed to the besieged, for the holding out of the siege, with promise of speedy Relief) he presently rose with his Army, and departed; whereof the King being advertised, retired to Sephor.* 4.101

Not long after, Saladin according to his ambi∣tious nature, desirous above measure to extend the bounds of his Kingdom, and seeing the suc∣cess of his Attempts against the King of Ierusa∣lem not answerable to his desire, converted his Forces unto the Countries more Eastward; and

passing the River Euphrates, and entring into Mesopotamia, partly by force, partly by corruption, got into his hands the Cities of Edessa, Carras, and divers others. In which time the King of Ierusa∣lem took occasion first to spoil the Country about Damasco, and after that divers other places of the Sultans Kingdom, making havock of whatsoever came in his way, and so laded with the spoil of the Turks, retired to Ierusalem.

* 4.102Saladin with Victory returning out of Mesopo∣tamia, in revenge of the injuries done unto him in his absence, marched directly to Aleppo, the strongest City of the Christians in that part of Syria, which above all other he longed after; where he had not long lien, but that it was by the treason of the Governor delivered into his hands, with all the Country thereabouts; where∣with the Christian Princes were so discouraged; that they even then began to fear greater matters to ensue. The Prince of Antioch sold Tarsus the Metropolitical City of Cilicia, to Rupinus Prince of Armenia; for that he saw it was not without great charge and danger to be by him defended, being so far from him, and Saladin as it were now stept in betwixt him and it.

At the same time, King Baldwin at Nazareth fell sick of a Fever, the Leprosie also his old Disease growing daily more and more upon him; insomuch as despairing of his life, he called unto him Guy Lusignan Count of Ioppa and Ascalon, unto whom he had before espoused Sybil his eldest Sister, and in the presence of his Mother, the Patriarch, and all the chief Commanders of the Souldiers of the Sacred War, appointed him Go∣vernor of the Kingdom, reserving unto himself only the Title of a King, with the City of Ieru∣salem, and a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats; all which was done, to the great disgrace and discontentment of the Count of Tripolis the old Governor.

It was not long, but that Saladin having breathed himself a little, after so great Labours came again into the Holy Land, where he took many Castles, and did infinite harm; insomuch that the Country people were glad for fear to forsake their Houses, and to fly into Cities. The Christian Army in the mean time lying fast by at Sephor, not once moving, although many a fair occasion were offered; for the chief Com∣manders affectionated unto the Count of Tripo∣lis, and envying the Preferment of Guy the new Governor, were unwilling to fight, but finding one excuse or other, suffered the Enemy at his pleasure to spoil the Country, and so in safety to depart, which he had never before done in those Quarters.

* 4.103Within less than a month after, Saladin with a great Army well appointed with all the Habili∣ments of War needful for the besieging of a City or strong Castle, came again into the Land of Palestine, and passing through the Country beyond Iordan, sate down at last before Petra, in hope by the taking thereof to have made his passage between Egypt and Damasco more safe. Of which his purpose King Baldwin having know∣ledge, and taught by the evil success of late, to what small purpose it was to commit the man∣aging of his Wars unto a General so evil beloved, and less regarded, as way Guy his Brother in law; sent against him with his Army, Raymund the Count of Tripolis, the old Governor, whom he had again restored unto the Government, and displaced Guy. Of whose coming Saladin hearing, raised his Siege after he had lien there a month, and so departed.

A little before this Expedition, the King still growing sicker and sicker, his foul Disease still increasing, by the common consent of the No∣bility, appointed Baldwin his Nephew by his Sister Sybilla, a Child but of five years old, to succeed him in the Kingdom; and the Count of Tripolis to have the Government of the State during the time of his Minority. This Sybilla the Kings Sister was first married to William the younger, Marquiss of Mont-Ferrat, who dying within three months after, left her with child with this his Posthumus Son Baldwin, now by his Uncle deputed unto the hope of the Kingdom. After whose death she was married to Guy Lusignan Count of Ioppa and Ascalon, the late Governor; who taking in evil part this the Kings designment, especially for the Government of the Kingdom by the Count of Tripolis, departed from the Court as a man dis∣contented, unto his City of Ascalon; whereof the Patriarch and the Princes of the Sacred War, fearing (and that not without cause) great danger to ensue, came to the King,* 4.104 then holding a Par∣liament in the City of Acon, most humbly re∣questing him for avoiding of further danger, and the safety of his Kingdom, to receive again into his Favour the Count Guy his Brother in law, and to make an atonement betwixt him and the Count of Tripolis. But this their request sorted to no purpose, so that the Parliament was dissol∣ved without any thing for the good of the Com∣mon-weal in that point concluded.

After that time the Kindgom of Ierusalem began still more and more to decline. In the old King Baldwin (sick both in body and mind) was almost no hope; in the young King (yet unfit for so great a burthen) much less; and the dissention betwixt the two Counts Guy and Ray∣mund with their Favorites, was like enough to bring great harm unto the State. Besides that, the Count of Tripolis fearing the Power of Guy his Enemy, was thought to have secret Intelli∣gence with Saladin the Turk, insomuch as the King was almost in purpose to have proclaimed him Traytor. Wherefore the King now rested only upon the Counsel of William Archbis••op of Tyre, and the Masters of the Knights of the Sa∣cred War; by whose advice he sent H••raclius Patriarch of Ierusalem, Roger Molins Master of the Knights of St. Iohns,* 4.105 and Arnold Master of the Templars, Embassadors unto Lucius the Third, then Pope, unto Frederick the Emperor, Philip the French King, and Henry the Second, King of England, to declare unto them the dangerous State of that Christian Kingdom, and to crave their Aid against the Infidels. These Embassa∣dors coming to the Council then holden at V••∣rona, with great gravity and diligence, in the pre∣sence of the Pope and of the Emperor, declared the hard estate of the Christians of the East, with their humble Request unto them for Aid; in such sort that they moved them, with all the Princes there present, to Compassion. From thence they were by the Pope directed unto Philip the French King, with whom having dis∣patched their Affairs, they from him passed over into England, and afterward into Germany; and had at length brought their Negotiation to so good pass, that in every place great preparation was made for a great Expedition to be made against the Turks, for the Relief of the Christi∣ans in the East; with which good News the Embassadors returning to Ierusalem, filled the sick King with the hope of great matters. But greater Quarrels shortly after arising betwixt the Pope and the Emperor, and sharp War likewise betwixt the French King and the King of Eng∣land, and the other Christian Princes also being at no better quiet, the notable Expedition that had with the expectation thereof so filled the

World, was again laid aside and quite dashed. Whereof King Baldwin understanding, both by Messengers and Letters from his Friends, op∣pressed with grief and heaviness more than with the force of his Disease, (a man for his prowess and painfulness not inferiour to any his Predeces∣sors) died without Issue the 16th day of May, Anno 1185. being but five and twenty years old, [year 1185.] where∣of he had reigned twelve. His Body was after∣ward with the general mourning of his Subjects, solemnly buried in the Temple near unto the Mount Calvary, together with his Predecessors the Kings of Ierusalem.

King Baldwin thus buried, Baldwin the Fifth of that name, yet but a Boy, was Crowned King. But then began the Sparks, which had of long lien raked up and hidden in the ashes, to break out into a great fire; for Raymund Count of Tri∣polis contended the whole Government of the Kingdom, and tuition of the King to be due unto him, by the appointment of the late King, and consent of the Nobility; and did so much, that he had almost obtained it to have been con∣firmed unto him in open Parliament. But Sybilla a woman of a most haughty spirit (Sister unto the late King, and Mother unto the young King yet living) prickt forward her Husband Guy, in no case to give place unto his Competitor Raymund; and so animated him, that by the help of his own Favorites, and the countenance of Boniface Mar∣quess of Mont-Ferrat, (who even then was come with a great Power into Syria) he extorted from the Nobility whatsoever he desired. But seven months were scarce well passed, but that this young King Baldwin was dead and buried; poy∣soned (as was reported) by his Mother, for the de∣sire she had of the Kingdom her self; whose death she with all secrecy concealed, until she had ob∣tained of the Patriarch and other Princes of the Kingdom, that Guy her Husband might be pro∣claimed King.* 4.106 So by her means it was so wrought, that upon one and the self same day the young King Baldwin was buried by his Uncle, and Guy the Count Crowned. This young King Baldwin, by reason of his tender years and short Reign, is of some not reckoned amongst the Kings of Ierusalem; howbeit, seeing he was by his Uncle and the Princes of that time thought worthy of the Kingdom, let him also have his place amongst the rest as the Eighth King of Ierusalem.

When Guy was thus possessed of the Kingdom, the Count of Tripolis seeing himself out of all hope of the Government, and highly therewith dis∣contended, did what he might by all means to cross the doings of the King; whose sick and aspiring mind Saladin prickt daily more and more forward, promising him his helping hand when∣soever he should need; which courtesie the Count desirously embraced. For now the fatal period of the Kingdom of Ierusalem grew fast on, and all things tended to destruction, discord reigning in every place; which Saladin well perceiving (after that he had compacted with the Count) by Messengers sent of purpose, invited the Turks, Sarasins, and Aegyptians, as men agreeing in one and the same Religion, generally to take up Arms in so fit an opportunity of the discord of the Christians,* 4.107 assuring them of great prey and spoil, besides the Honour of the Conquest. The City of Ptolemais was the place by him appoint∣ed, where all this Power should meet; whe∣ther such a multitude of the barbarous Maho∣metans (partly for the hatred of the Christian Religion, partly for the hope of the rich spoil which Saladin had promised them) came flocking out of all places, that in short time there was met together about fifty thousand Horsemen, besides an infinite number of Foot; and unto such as could not safely pass by the borders of Ierusalem, to them the false Count gave safe conduct, by the Countries of Tiberias, Nazareth, and Galilee.

All the Power of the Infidels thus assembled,* 4.108 Saladin laid siege unto the City of Ptolemais; which the Templars and the Knights Hospitallers had notably fortified, and strongly manned (as before unto them given by the Kings of Ierusalem, to defend against the Infidel) and therein now were both the Masters of both those honourable Orders, with the whole flower of the Knights of their Profession. Unto this City Saladin gave a most terrible Assault upon May-day in the morning, in the year, 1187. which was by the Christians notably defended, [year 1187.] and the Enemy with great slaughter still beaten down. In the heat of this Assault, the two great Masters sallied with cer∣tain Troops of their most ready Horsemen, as∣sailed the Enemies Camp, and bearing down all before them, raised there a great tumult; and by and by turning upon the backs of them that were assaulting the City, made there an exceed∣ing great slaughter. Insomuch that Saladin dis∣maid, first with the confusion in his Camp, and now with the sudden danger behind him, was glad to give over the Assault, and to turn his whole Forces upon them, where was fought a most bloody and terrible battel. Amongst others that there fought, the Count of Tripolis, now an Enemy unto God and his Country, disguised in the habit of a Turk notably helped the Infidels, and meeting with the great Master of the Knights Hospitalers, unhorsed him; who surcharged with the weight of his Armor, and oppressed with the multitude of his Enemies, there died. Neverthe∣less, such was the valour of these worthy men, and new Succour still coming out of the City, that Saladin having in that battel, and at the Assault lost fifteen thousand of his Turks, was glad with the rest to betake himself to flight. Neither was this so notable a Victory gained by the Christians without blood, most part of the worthy Knights Hospitalers being together with their grand Master there slain.

Saladin by this Overthrow perceiving, that by open Force he should not be able to do much against the Christians, thought it good unto his Forces to joyn also Policy. Wherein the false Count of Tripolis was the man he thought best to make choice of, as his fittest Instrument to work by. Him he compacted withall, to seek for grace at the King of Ierusalems hands, as of his dread Soveraign, and after so long discord, to sue to be reconciled unto him, as now weary of the Turks Amity, with whom he should make shew to be utterly fallen out. At which time also, to give the matter the better grace, Saladin of pur∣Pose with a great Army came and besieged Tibe∣rias, a City of the Counts Jurisdiction; for the relief whereof, the traiterous Count craved Aid of the King and the other Princes of the Sacred War. Who with an Army, though not great, yet very well appointed, came according to his desire, and encamped near unto the Fountain of Sophor; where they had not long stayed, but that they met with the huge Army of the Turks, being in number one hundred and twenty thousand horse, and one hundred and sixty thousand Foot; with whom they joyned a most sharp and terrible battel, which by reason of the extremity of the heat of the weather (it then being the twelfth of Iuly) and the approach of the night, was again given over, both Armies (as if it had been by con∣sent) retiring. The next day the battel was again begun, wherein the Turks, by the treason

and shameful flight of the false Count of Tripo∣lis, gained the Victory. In this Battel Guy the King himself, with Gerard Master of the Tem∣plars, Boniface Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, and di∣vers others, Men of great mark, were taken Prisoners. And to say the truth, in this Battel was broken the whole Strength of the Christians in the East.

The Christian Commonweal by the Treason of the false Count thus betrayed unto the Infi∣dels,* 4.109 Saladin without any great resistance had the Cities of Ptolemais, Biblis, and Berithus delivered unto him; in all which places he used his Victo∣ry with great moderation; not enforcing any Christian (more than the Latines) to depart thence, but suffering them there still to remain as before, yielding unto him their obedience, with such Tribute as he had imposed upon them. With like good fortune he within the space of one Month took all the Port-towns betwixt Sidon and Ascalon alongst the Sea-coast, excepting only the ancient City of Tyre; unto the City of Ascalon also he laid Siege by the space of nine days; but loath to stay the course of his Victory, by the Valour of the Defendants resolved there to spend their lives, he departed thence, and marched di∣rectly unto Ierusalem the chief City of that King∣dom;* 4.110 and approaching the same, gave summons thereunto, perswading the Citizens yet whiles they had time, to yield themselves, together with the City, unto his mercy. Which they refusing to do, he inclosed the same with his Army, and by the space of fourteen days laid hard Siege unto it, leaving nothing undone or attempted, that might help for the gaining thereof. At which time the Citzens considering the danger they were in, and that the Strength of the Kingdom, with the Flower of their Chivalry, were in the late Battel lost, and that they were not now to expect any forreign aid, agreed upon certain conditions to yield up the City; which were, That such Christians as would, might remain still with their Liberty and Goods; and that such as would not, might in safety depart with so much of their Goods as they could carry upon their Backs. These Conditions being by Saladin granted, the Holy City was unto him delivered the second of October,* 4.111 in the year 1187. after that it had been by the Christians holden from the time that it was by Godfrey of Bulloin and other Christians won, about 89 years. Saladin entring into the City, prophaned first the Temple of the Lord, converting it unto the use of his Mahometan Su∣perstition; the other Churches he used as Stables for his Horses, only the Temple of the Sepulchre was by the Christians for a great sum of Mony redeemed, and so kept undefiled. The Latine Christians he thrust out of the City, yet with leave to carry with them such things as they were able themselves to bear; who travelling with heavy Burthens, but much more heavy Hearts, some to Tripolis, some to Tyre, some to Antioch, (for only these three Cities were now left unto the Christians in Syria) were by the false Count of Tripolis by the way lightened of their Burthens, to the increasing of the heavy∣ness of their Hearts, most of them being by him and his Followers spoyled of that little they had by the mercy of their Enemies saved in the ruin of their State.

Unto the other Christians that were natural Syrians, Greeks, Armenians, Georgians, and such like, Saladin appointed certain places of the City for them to dwell in, where some of their Poste∣rity were long time after to be found. All the Monuments of the Christians were by the bar∣barous Mahometans and Turks defaced, only the Sepulchre of our blessed Saviour Christ, with the Monument of Godfrey of Bulloin, and his Brother Baldwin, for the reverence of the m••n, were by them spared. In these so great troubles above twenty Thousand of the Christians perished; amongst the rest,* 4.112 the Count of Tripolis was shortly after found dead in his bed, and (as some say.) cir∣cumcised; a manifest token of his Revolt, not from the King only, but from the Christian Faith also.

Ierusalem thus won, Saladin returned again to the Siege of Ascalon, which after he had by the space of ten days most straightly besieged, was unto him by composition delivered; wherein amongst other things agreed upon for the safe departure of the Citizens, was comprised also, that he should freely set at liberty Guy the King, and Gerard Master of the Templars, both before taken Prisoners, as is before declared; which he afterward performed.

Thus the victorious Turk still urging his good fortune, departing thence attempted to have taken Tripolis; but having made some proof of his own Forces, and the Valor of the Defendants, he was glad to give over the Siege, and to depart as he came. Marching thence with his Army, be∣cause he would leave no place unattempted, he laid Siege unto the City of Tyre, where Conrade Marquess of Mont-Ferrat was a little before arrived with Isaac Angelus the Greek Emperors Fleet, and a supply of certain Companies of good Souldiers. Unto which place were come great numbers of the poor distressed Christians, fled from Ie∣rusalem and other places, so that the City was full of Men.

This City Saladin most furiously assaulted, but was by the Christians notably repulsed, not with∣out the great loss of his best Souldiers. At which time also the Admiral of Sicilia discomfited his Fleet at Sea, and landing his Forces, came un∣lookt for upon the back of him; so that having his Hands full before by them of the Town, and charged behind by these new come Enemies, he was glad to retire in such hast, as that he le••t his Tents, with all that therein was, unto the Spoyl of the Christians.

Within a few days after, Saladin having again repaired his Army, invaded the Country about Antioch; with Fire and Sword destroying what∣soever was subject to his Fury, even to the gates of the City; but knowing that so strong a City was not without great charge and long Siege to be won, he thought it good to make proof if it might by policy or corruption be gained.* 4.113 Wherein he so cunningly dealt with the Patriarch that he had by his means the Castle (otherwise almost im∣pregnable) for gold betrayed unto him. By means whereof he in short time became Lord and Master of that famous City (about nineteen years before hardly gained by the whole power of the Christi∣ans, after eleven months Siege) and with it five and twenty Cities more, that depended on the fortune thereof, with all the Provinces belonging thereunto, always deemed to have been the third part of the Kindom of Ierusalem.

The loss of so great a City, together with the Ruin of the whole Kingdom, had in a short space filled every corner of Christendom with the heavy Report thereof. Wherewith the Christian Princes of the West (namely Frederick the German Em∣peror, with Frederick his Son Duke of Su••via, Philip the French King, H••nry the Second, King of England, Otto Duke of Burgund••, L••••po•••• Duke of Austria, with many other g••eat Princes and Prelates of Germany, Italy, and other places) not a little moved, as also with the pitiful com∣plaints of the Embassadors at the same time sent

from the distressed Christians, and the effectual perswasions of Clement the Third, then Pope; promised, and all, or most part indeed, made great preparations; which they afterwards, though not all at once (as letted by other oc∣casions) but at divers times imployed, for the most part with the danger of their own Persons, against the Turks, for the relief of the poor op∣pressed Christians, and recovery of the Holy Land; but with what success shall hereafter (God willing) be declared.

Of which so great preparations made against him, Saladin not ignorant, set at liberty Guy the King of Ierusalem, who contrary to his promise made at Ascalon, he had now detained a year in Prison; yet before his inlargement exacting of him an Oath, Never by force of Arms afterwards to seek to recover his Kingdom, or to revenge the wrongs he had sustained; hoping thereby to stay the coming of the other Princes in his quarrel. Which Oath for all that, the Pope dispensed withall, as extorted by the constraint from him, at such time as Saladin had longer detained him in Prison, than of right he should.

Guy now at liberty, and yet in mind a King, came to Tyre, but could not be there received, the Citizens having before sworn their Obedience unto Conrade Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, by whom they had been notably defended against the Fury of Saladin. Wherefore departing thence with such power as he had, and the dispersed Christi∣ans dayly repairing unto him out of all parts of Syria, he came and besieged Pt••lemais; where he had not long lien, but first came unto him the Ve∣netian Fleet, with them also of Pisa, and after them the Flemings with a Fleet of fifty Sail, who all joyned their Forces together for the winning of the City. But whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege of Ptolemais, came Saladin with a great Army to the relief of the besieged; where betwixt him and the Christians was fought a great Battel, wherein the Christians at the first had the better; but afterward fainting, and ready to flie, had there undoubtedly received a notable overthrow, had not Geffrey Lysignan the Kings Brother (left for the guarding of the Camp) in good time come in with new Supplies; and not only staied their Flight, but also repressed the further pursuit of the fierce Enemy, now all∣most in possession of the desired Victory. Ne∣vertheless there were 2000 Christians there slain, and among them Gerard Master of the Templars. Saladin by that which was now done, perceiving how hard a matter it would be for him by Land to relieve his City, sent for the Fleet which he had strongly rigged up at Alexandria, and so by force put new supplies both of Men and Victuals into the besieged City. Wherewith the Turks encou∣raged, made often sallies upon the Christians; and in despight of the Christian Religion, whip∣ped the Image of Christ crucified, which they had for that purpose in the sight of the Christians set up on the top of the Wall. With the same Fleet also he so scoured the Seas, that no Victu∣als or new Supplies of Men could that way with∣out great danger be brought unto the Camp; whereby such Scarcity and Want of all things be∣gan shortly after to arise among the Christians, that some of them not able longer to indure the Famine, fled unto the Turks Camp, then lying not far off, crying out for Bread. Of which distress in the Camp of the Christians, Saladin knowing right well, both by such Fugitives as dayly came over unto him, and by his own Espi∣als, yet made shew as if he understood nothing thereof; but suddenly rising with his Army (as doubtful of his own Strength) departed, leaving his Camp full of all manner of Victuals. Where∣of the Christians understanding, and supposing him to have for fear been gone indeed, in great numbers hasted unto the forsaken Camp, as unto a most desired Prey: where whilst they were gorging themselves, Saladin suddenly returning, and getting betwixt them and home, made of them a great Slaughter. Nevertheless the Christi∣ans having now lien before the City six months, continued the Siege all the Winter, overcoming with patience the hardest difficulties, in hope of aid from the other Christian Princes, whose coming they expected with the first of the next Spring: during which time many an hot skirmish passed betwixt them and the Turks both by Sea and Land.

Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege of Ptolemais, Frederick the Emperor, [year 1160.] * 4.114 with divers of the great German Princes and others, before re∣solved upon an expedition for the recovery of the Holy Land, and the relief of the distressed Christians in Syria; having now raised a great Army, furnished with all things necessary for so long a journey, set forward from Ratisbon, and so coming to Vienna, and passing through Hungaria, Bulgaria, and Thra••ia, arrived at length at Constan∣tinople; where he was by Isaac Angelus the Em∣peror that then reigned, honourably entertained; but indeed more for Fear and Fashion sake, than for any Love or good Will; for that he after the suspicious manner of the Greeks, having in distrust so great a power of the Latine Emperors, wished rather for his absence than his presence. And therefore ceased not in what he might, to hasten his passage over into Asia, pretending for colour thereof, the necessity the Christians had of his present aid. So the Emperor with his Army passing over the Straight, and without resistance marching through the greatest part of the lesser Asia, entred into Lycaonia, where meeting with a great power of the Turks, that were come from the Sultan of Iconium to stay his further passage, he overthrew them in a great Battel, and so marching directly on to Iconium, took it by force, and gave the Spoil thereof unto his Souldiers, in revenge of the injuries before done unto his Uncle the Emperor Comrade, by the Sultan of that City. Departing thence, and marching through Cilicia, he in another Battel overthrew the Turks, that having taken the Straights of the Mountains, had thought to have staied his further passage into Syria. After that he took the City Philomela, which the Sultan had strongly fortified, which he rased to the ground, and put to the Sword all the People therein, for that they contrary to the Law of Nations, had slain such Messengers as he had sent unto them for the summoning of the City. In like manner he entred into the lesser Armenia, where he took the City Melitene, and subdued all the Country thereabouts; unto the relief whereof the Turks coming with a most huge Army, were by him with an exceeding great Slaughter overthrown and put to Flight. After that, entring into Comagena, and meeting with Saphadin, Saladin his Son, with a great Army of the Turks, he overthrew him in the plain Field, and discomfited his whole Army; but whilst he too eagerly pursueth the Enemy he had then in chase, his Horse foundring under him as he passed the River Saleph, he was so overthrown, and his Foot hanging fast in his Stirrup, drawn through the deep River, and almost drowned; and at the farther side of he River was so plunged by his Horse, at his landing, that he was taken up for dead; yet breathing a little, and casting his Eyes up to Heaven, with much ado he uttered these few words, Lord receive my Soul; and so in the

Hands of them that took him up gave up the ghost, unto the great grief and hindrance of the Christian Common-weal; for Saladin hearing of his approach, was so afraid of him, as that he began to doubt, not how to keep that he had before won in Syria, but how to defend himself in Egypt. Thus miserably perished this worthy Emperor, the tenth of Iune, in the year of Grace, 1190. being then of the age of seventy years, whereof he had with much trouble reigned eight and thirty. His dead Body was carried along with the Army, and afterward with all funeral Pomp buried in the▪ Cathedral Church at Tyre.

* 4.115Frederick the Emperor thus dead, Frederick his Son Duke of Suevia, was by the general consent of the Princes in the Army chosen General in his stead; upon whom, with the rest of the Army, yet mourning for the death of the Emperor, the Turks gave a sudden and fierce Charge, in hope so to have overthrown them; but finding greater resistance than they had before supposed, and having lost some of their men, they with like speed that they came, retired again. Now be∣gan Famine (one of the ordinary Attendants of great Armies) to increase in the Camp; for why, the Turks for that purpose had before destroyed or carried away all that was in the Country, leaving nothing for the Christians more than the bare ground. Wherefore Frederick turning a little out of the way, came to Antioch, which was easily delivered unto him, and his hungry Souldiers well refreshed by the Citizens, being as yet for the most part Christians. But he had not there stayed past fifteen days for the refreshing of his Army, but that the Plague (the Hand-Maid of Famine, and another Scourge of the greatest mul∣titudes) began to rage among his Souldiers, in such sort, that he was glad with his Army to forsake the City, and to get him abroad again into the open field; where forthwith News was brought unto him, that Dodequin General of such Forces as Saladin had sent for out of Egypt (which were not small) was by great Journeys coming towards him; against whom he in good order set forward, with his Fathers Corse still carried in the midst of his Army. These two Armies meeting together, and both willing to fight, joyned a great and doubtful battel, fortune now inclining to the one side, and by and by to the other;* 4.116 the Christians exceeding their Enemies in valour, and they them again in number. At length the Christians in the Vantguard began to retire, and they that seconded them were also hardly charged; when Frederick mindful of his Fathers valour, with a Troop of valiant Horse∣men brake into the Enemies battel with such force, that the Turks were glad to give ground; after whom Leopold Duke of Austria coming pre∣sently on with his Footmen, brought such a fear upon the whole Army of the Turks, that they betook themselves to speedy flight. In this battel were four thousand of the Enemies slain, with small loss of the Christians; and about one thou∣sand more taken Prisoners, with fifteen of their Ensigns. After which Victory, Frederick march∣ing further in Coelo-Syria, pacified Laodicea then in mutiny, and like to have been delivered unto the Turks. He also with a little labour took Bery∣thus, with divers other Cities of Syria, which before belonging unto the Kings of Ierusalem, were now revolted unto the Turks. So after∣ward coming to Tyre, he there solemnly buried his Father, (dead, as is before said;) and from thence certified Guy the King (still lying with the other Christian Princes at the Siege of Pto∣lemais) of his coming; who forthwith sent the Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, with part of the Fleet, to transport him with his people that were left, by Sea; for that by Land he could not so safely have come, being now but weak, for meeting with Saladin; who with a great Army lay still hovering about his besieged City, intentive to all opportunity. So was Duke Frederick, with his Souldiers yet left, safely by Sea conducted from Tyre to the Camp at Ptolemais, and there joy∣fully received by the King and the other Prin∣ces, with the general Applause of the whole Camp.

In the mean time the Turks sallying out of the City of Ptolemais, had done great harm among the Christians, by whom they were not without some loss again repulsed. But after the coming of Duke of Frederick and his Germans, it was thought good by the general consent of all the great Commanders in the Army, that the City should be assaulted round; and to that purpose was every mans Regiment appointed what place to assail. The King himself with the Templars and the Italians from Pisa, undertook that part of the City which was toward the Sea; unto Duke Frederick and his Germans,* 4.117 was allot∣ted all betwixt the Bridge over the River Bele, and the Bishops Palace; the Venetians, Genoways, and Knights Hospitalers, were appointed unto the rest of the Wall as far as the Court of Ray∣mund; the Frieslanders, Flemings, and Hollanders, took up all the rest of the Wall unto the Sea-side. Thus was the City at once on every side assailed by the Christians, with such fury, as if they had thereon purposed to engage their whose Forces; seeking by a thousand Wounds, and a thousand kinds of death to have by their scaling-Ladders gained the top of the Walls; the Turks with no less courage still beating them down again. But in the heat of this so dreadful and desperate an Assault, Saladin still hovering aloof, came now upon the sudden and assailed the Camp of the Christians, filling the same with fear and tumult; whole charge they that were left for the defence of the same, at the first notably received, but finding themselves too weak, began to give ground; by which means the Turks took cer∣tain Tents with some Ensigns, and fired some other of the Pavillions of the Christians, having slain somewhat more than an hundred of the De∣fendants.

The Christians in the mean time little prevail∣ing in the Assault, and troubled with the danger of their Camp, retired to the Relief thereof. But the Turk perceiving himself too weak for the whole Power of the Christians, retired also; yet not with such hast, but that he had there almost lost himself. This notable Assault was given the fourteenth of October; after which, many light skirmishes passed betwixt the Christians and the Turks, but more for booty, than for any other great purpose.

In the mean time, divers great Princes of the West that had vowed themselves unto this Sacred War, came thither, whose number rather in∣creased the want of Victuals, than furthered the Service. At which time also the discord betwixt Guy the King (whose Wife and Children were now dead) and Conrade Marquess of Mont-Ferrat (who had married ••••••bel the late Queens Sister, by whom he prete••••••d a Claim unto the Title of the imaginary ••••••••dom) did much harm unto the proceedings 〈…〉〈…〉 Christians; so pleasing a thing these haughty styles be unto the losty minds of the ambitious. Shortly after the Christi∣ans yet lying at the Siege, the Contagion and Famine still increasing, it fortuned that Duke Frederick fell sick of the Plague, whereof he died; and with the great mourning of the whole

Army, was afterward solemnly buried fast by his Father in the Cathedral Church at Tyre; after whose death the Christians attempted no great matter against the City, although they were often∣times by the Turks provoked, but lay still strongly intrenched, expecting some greater Aid from the Princes of the West.

Now all the hope of the Christian Affairs in Syria, and in the Land of Palestine, rested upon the coming of the two mighty Princes, Philip the Second of that name, King of France, and Richard the First, King of England; who having agreed betwixt themselves, with their combined Forces to relieve the distressed Christians of the East; and again (if it were possible) to repair the bro∣ken State of the Kingdom of Ierusalem, were now met together at Marseilles in Provence. From whence the French King first departing with his Fleet for Cicilia, and with a prosperous gale for certain days holding on his course, and now come nigh unto the Island, was by force of a furious tempest suddenly arising, so tossed and tumbled in the deep, that many of his Ships there perished, eaten up of the Sea; others by force of Weather driven upon the Sands and Rocks, were there broken all to pieces; and the rest, some with their Masts broken, some with their Tacklings and Sails rent, and all in general sore Weather-beaten, with much ado arrived at Messana, the desired Port. At which place King Richard afterwards (but with better fortune) ar∣rived with his Fleet also. Both the Kings now met together, resolved there to winter; the French King enforced by necessity so to do, for the repairing of the late Losses he had received, as well in his People and Provision, as in his Shipping; all which was to be relieved by new Supplies out of France; and the King of England staying to take Order for the Dowry of his Sister Ioan (Widow of William the late King of Cicilia) with Tancred the base Son of Roger, that had now aspired unto the Kingdom of that Island. About which matter great Stirs arose betwixt King Richard the Queens Brother, and Tancred the new King, insomuch that it was like to have broken out into open War, had it not to the good contentment of King Richard been otherwise taken up, and so the Controversie ended. But whilst these two great Kings thus wintred in this fruitful Island, and oftentimes as good Friends met together, sometime for their disport, and sometime to confer of their so weighty Affairs; the way (as was thought) to have appeased all former displeasure, and to have increased love; it fell out clean contrary, jea∣lousie and distrust, not only reviving the old, but also still raising new Quarrels betwixt them, to the great hindrance of the common good by them intended; which may serve for a warning to all great Princes, willing to continue in Amity, and to hold a good Opinion one of another, never to see one the other; or coming so to an interview, not to converse or stay long together; which as it is not often done without the danger of their persons, so can it not possibly be long continued, but that it will engender in themselves as well as in their Followers, Jealousie, envy, hatred, and mistrust, a•• we have before said and hereafter in the cours•• of this History may appear.

* 4.118There was an old 〈◊〉〈◊〉 betwixt these two great Kings, Richard ••nd Philip, about Adela the French Kings Sister; whom Richard having before (his Father yet living) affianced, had now rejected, as her whom his aged Father Henry the Second had too familiarly used; and in stead of her, to the great disgrace of the French, espoused the Lady Berengaria, Daughter to the King of Navar; which Indignity with divers others, then arising betwixt the French and the English, as then with great heart-burning smouldred up in respect of the common Cause then in Hand, after∣wards brake out again, to the shameful overthrow of this most honourable Expedition, and lament∣able disturbance of both Realms.

Winter past, and the Spring now come, the French King not altogether the best pleased, first loosed from Messana, and with his Fleet in safety arrived at Ptolemais, where he was by the Christi∣ans, now the third year lying at the Siege, so joyfully received, as if he had been to them sent with Succours from Heaven. After whom, short∣ly after followed also King Richard; of whose Fleet (by force of Weather sore beaten and dispersed) two Ships by the rage of the Tempest driven aground upon the coast of Cyprus, were by the Island people spoiled, and the Men that in them had hardly escaped the danger of the Sea, with most barbarous Inhumanity, some slain and some taken Prisoners; the rest of the Fleet arriving there also, were with like Incivility for∣bidden to land; the Cipriots ready at hand in all places to keep them off.* 4.119 With which so great an Indignity the King justly moved, and by force landing his people, with incredible Cele∣rity and Success over-ran the whole Island, ne∣ver ceasing, until he had made a full Conquest thereof, and taken Isaac Comnenus, commonly cal∣led The King of that Island, and of some (for what reason I know not) Emperor of the Griffons, Pri∣soner; yet was he indeed neither King nor Em∣peror, but being a man of great Nobility and Power, and of the honourable Stock of the Com∣neni, had in the troublesome Reign of Androni∣cus Comnenus the Emperor, his Cousin, laid hold upon that fruitful Island, and there tyrannized as a reputed King; until that now he was by King Richard taken Prisoner, and for his unfaith∣ful dealing sent fast bound in Chains of Silver into Syria. The King thus possessed of the whole Island, there at Limozin married the Lady Beren∣garia the King of Navars Daughter, brought thither by Ioan late Queen of Cicilia, the Kings Sister. And so disposing as he thought best of all things for the safe keeping of the Island, set forward again with his Fleet towards Syria. Where by the way he light upon a great Ship of the Sultans, laded with Victuals and other War-like Provisions for the relief of the besieged; all which became a Prey unto him. So holding on his course, he at length arrived at Ptolemais, where he was by the French King,* 4.120 and the rest of the Christians there lying, most honourably re∣reived.

Now had the City of Ptolemais been three years besieged by the Christians, and notably defended by the Turks; during which time many an hot Assault and bloody Skirmish had passed betwixt them. And now the eyes of all men were fixed upon the two Kings of England and France, unto whom all the rest offered their Obe∣dience and Service. The Christian Camp was great, composed especially of Englishmen, French∣men, Italians, and Almains; not them that were left of the Emperor Frederick his Army (for they were for the most part dead, or else returned home again into their Countries) but of such as (moved with the Zeal they bare unto this Re∣ligious War) came daily in great numbers thither; as did also many others of divers Nations, desirous in some measure to be partakers of so honourable a War.

These Religious and Venerous Christians thus lying at the Siege, had with much painful la∣bour

undermined one of the greatest Towers of the City, called the accursed Tower, with some part of the Wall also, by means whereof they were in hope to find a way into the City. Where∣fore all things being now in a readiness for the firing of the Mine, it was thought good by ge∣neral consent, that an assault should also at the same time be given unto the City: and there∣upon every Regiment was by lot appointed which part of the Wall to assail, which they all with great courage undertook. In the heat of which Assault, the aforesaid undermined Tower, with some part of the Wall (the Timber whereon it staied, now burnt) fell down with a great fall, laying open a fair Breach for the Christians to enter: wherewith the Turks dismaied, forthwith craved to come to parl; which granted, they for safeguard of their lives yielded forthwith to give up the City, and to restore to the Christians the Holy Cross, with two thousand Captives, and two hundred Horsemen, such as they should re∣quire of all them that were in the power of Sa∣ladin; besides 200000 Constantinopolitan Ducats, to be by him given to the two Kings, for the cost by them bestowed in the Siege. For payment whereof the Turks in the City were to remain as hostages under the safe keeping of the Christians, so that if all the Covenants aforesaid were not within forty days performed by Saladin, they should all for their lives be at the Kings mercy. So was this strong City, after it had been almost three years besieged, delivered up unto the Christi∣ans the 12 of Iuly, in the year 1191. The first that entred were the Germans of Austria, [year 1191.] who as if they had been the only men by whose Va∣lour the City had been won, at their first entry presumptuously advanced their Ensigns upon the top of the Walls, to the great Offence of all the rest of the Christian Princes, but especially of King Richard, who (not unworthily for his Prince∣ly Courage was commonly called Richard Cueur de Lyon) not brooking so proud an indignity, caused the Ensigns of Leopold their Duke to be pulled down, and foiled under foot; which shortly after gave him occasion of Repentance, as shall here∣after be seen.

The two Kings possessed of the City, divided the same, with all the People and Spoil thereof betwixt them, without regard of the rest of the other noble Christians, that had sustained the whole travel of that long Siege; for which cause most part of them, seeing themselves so deluded, withdrew themselves from them, and with one consent sent them word, That they would forsake them, except they were made partakers of the gains, as they had been of the pains. Which the two Kings to content them, promised they should; howbeit, they delayed so long their promises, that many worthy men, constrained by Poverty, departed discontented from them into their Countries.

But long it was not▪ that this one City, so lately gained, could contain these two great Kings; whom two large Kingdoms could not re∣tain in peace. For albeit that they were in body together present, and in one, and that a most ho∣nourable action, combined, yet were they in hearts far asunder, and their secret designs much different; envy and distrust still reviving unkind∣ness past, and ministring new matter of greater discontentments. King Richard, according to his noble nature, was of nothing more desirous, than to have the War continued until they had made a full Conquest of Syria and the Land of Palestine; and for that cause requested the French King to bind himself together with him by so∣lemn Oath, there to stay yet three years, for the regaining of those Countries. But he in mind long before estranged from King Richard, and in his deep conceit plotting matters nearer home better fitting his purpose, would by no means be perswaded so to do, but still found one occasion or other for to colour his departure. And shortly after (as the French Chronicles report) fal∣ling extreamly sick, he requested King Richard and the other Christian Princes to come un∣to him; unto whom being come, he in few words declared his purpose of return, as fol∣loweth:

I cannot, my Lords, longer endure the inclemency and intemperature of the Air in this extream hot sea∣son. If my death might profit the Christian Religion, or any one of you, or the Christian Commonweal; there should be no distemperature whatsoever, that could separate me from you, or withdraw me from hence. But more may the life of one absent, serve and profit you, than the death of him present. I must of necessity depart, yet at my departure I will leave you five hundred men at Arms, and ten thousand Footmen, the Flower and Choice of all the Forces of France, under the conduct of my Cousin Odo, Duke of Burgundy, unto whom I will give Pay and En∣tertainment, with a continual supply of all things for them necessary.

This excuse of the French Kings, King Richard could not take in good part; but said,* 4.121 That it was apparent to all men, that he abandoned the Wars in Syria, to return into France, for no other end or purpose, but the more easily to invade the Provinces of Guien and Normandy, now dis∣furnished of their Garrisons, and so subiect to his malice. Which point he so urged, that the French King could have no leave with his Ho∣nour to depart, until such time as he had by solemn Oath bound himself unto King Richard, not to attempt any thing either by force or fraud against him, or any thing of his, until ••ifty days were expired after King Richard his return home; which how well it was by the French King observed, I leave it to the report of the Histories of that time. And so the French King, not to be intreated longer to stay, leaving be∣hind him the aforesaid number of men he had promised, embarking the rest of his Army, and accompanied with three tall Ships of the Geno∣waies his Friends, and Ruffin Volta their Admiral, departed from Ptolemais to Tyre, the first of Au∣gust, and two days after, loosing thence, sailed alongst the Sea-coast of Asia, and cutting through the Mediterranean, arrived at length in the mouth of the River of Tiber, and from thence went to Rome: where after he had visited Pope Celestine, and the famous places of that most Renowned City, he returned again to his Fleet, and so by Sea arrived in safety in France; having in that great expedition, so honourably by him entertained, per∣formed nothing answerable to that the World looked for.

After the French King, followed Leopold Duke of Austria, with his Germans; and not long after him the Venetians also, with them of Pisa and Genoa. Of whose departure Saladin understand∣ing, and that the Christian Forces were thereby much empaired, refused either to pay the Mony, or to restore the Prisoners, as was promised at the giving up of Ptolemais; threatning moreover to chop off the Heads of all such Christian Cap∣tives as he had in his power, if the King should shew any extremity unto the pledges in the City. Nevertheless, shortly after he sent his Embassa∣dors with great Presents unto the King, requesting a longer time for the sparing of his pledges;

which his request, together with his Gifts, the King refused to grant or accept. Whereupon Saladin forthwith caused such Christian Cap∣tives as were in his power, to be beheaded; which albeit King Richard understood, yet would he not prevent the time before agreed upon for the execution of his Prisoners, being the twen∣tieth day of August; upon which day he caused the Turks Prisoners, to the number of 2500. (or as the French and Germans write, to the number of 7000) in the sight of Saladins Army to be executed.

The loss of the strong Town of Ptolemais, much empaired the reputation of Saladin, even among his own People; as it commonly falleth out, that the evil success of a great Comman∣der in his affairs, altereth the good Will, Affection, and Opinion, especially of the Vulgar Sort, which judge of all things by the Event. And albeit that his losses were great, and such as much daunted him; yet he thought it best as the case then stood, to make them greater, and with his own hands (as it were) to ruinate and over∣throw such Towns and Cities as he saw he could not keep, rather than to suffer them whole and undefaced to fall into the Enemies Hand. So carried headlong with despair, he caused all the Towns he had along the Sea coast in Syria and Palestine, to be sacked and ruinated, and their Walls overthrown; especially such as were of most importance, and like to stand the Christi∣ans in stead, namely, Porphiria, Cesarea, Ioppa, Ascalon, Gaza, and Elam, with divers other Castles and Citadels in the Countries thereabouts; most part whereof were again by King Richard and the Templars fortified and repeopled, although Saladin in the mean time did what he might to have letted the same.

Nothing more hindred the good proceeding of the Christian Princes, in this and other their most honourable expeditions against the Infidels, than the discord among themselves; one still envying at anothers Honour, and every one jealous of his own. Great strife and heartburn∣ing there had been between the two Kings of France and England, during the time they were together in this sacred Expedition, to the great hindrance of the same. No less contention had there been betwixt Guy the late King of Ierusa∣lem, and Conrade Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, about the Title of that lost Kingdom; whereby the whole power of the Christians in Syria was di∣vided into two Factions. Richard King of Eng∣land, Baldwin Earl of Flanders, Henry Earl of Champaine, the Knights Hospitalers of St. Iohn, the Venetians and Pisans, taking part with Guy; And Philip the French King, Odo Duke of Bur∣gundy, Rudolph Earl of Claremont, the Templars, the Genoways, the Lantgrave of Thurin, Leopold Duke of Austria, and Robert Count of Nassau, taking part with Conrade the Marquess. But Conrade shortly after the taking of Ptolemais be∣ing slain, by two of the desperate Assassins, or (as some others say) by two desperate Ruf∣fians, (suborned thereunto by the Prince of To∣rone, in revenge of the despight done unto him by the said Marquess, by taking from him Isa∣bel his Espoused Wife) as he was walking in his City of Tyre, and doubting no such Treason; King Richard seeing now a fit occasion offered for the utter extinguishing of that claim, and how to entitle himself unto that Kingdom; perswaded the aforesaid Isabel (the Widdow of the late Marquess, and in whose right he had laid claim unto the Kingdom) to relinquish that so troublesom a Title, and to take to her Hus∣bnamd Henry Earl of Champain, his Nephew, un∣to whom he gave the City Tyre. Guy the King exclaming to the contrary, as of a wrong done unto himself. Shortly after he began also to tamper with Guy, perswading him to resign un∣to him that little right and interest he had in the Kingdom of Ierusalem, and in lieu thereof to receive at his Hands the Kingdom of Cyprus; which his offer the poor King was glad to ac∣cept. By which exchange, Guy became King of Cyprus, and Richard King of Ierusalem; which honourable Title he afterwards (as some re∣port) used in his Stile, as did some others his Successors the Kings of England after him. So Guy with all his Wealth passing over into Cyprus, took possession of the Kingdom, where he long lived not. Nevertheless that pleasant Kingdom continued in his Family of the Lusignans, by the space of about 283 years afterwards; un∣till that at length that Family failing in the Posthumus Son of Iames the Bastard, last King of that Island, it fell into the Hands of the Venetians; by whom it was holden as a part of their Seigniory almost an hundred years, until that it was in our fresh remembrance again from them taken by Selymus the Second, great Empe∣ror of the Turks, in the year 1571. as in the process of this History shall in due place (God willing) be declared.

Now was King Richard, for the increase of his honour,* 4.122 more desirous than before of the City of Ierusalem, as the most precious and ho∣nourable prize of all that religious War. And thereupon with all the power of the Christians then at his command, set forward from Ptolemais, and was come on his way as far as Arsu••, a Town situated betwixt Cesarea and Ioppa. In the Vauward was King Richard himself, with the Englishmen; after whom followed Odo, Duke of Burgundy, with his French, and in the Rereward Iaques de Avenes, with the Flemings, Braban∣ders, and Wallons, who after the death of their Count Philip at the Siege of Ptolemais, had put themselves all under his Regiment. Saladin with a great Army still at hand, and as it were tend∣ing upon them, first with certain Embuscadoes charged the Rereward, and so afterwards came on with his whole power; upon whom Iaques turning himself with his Flemings, received the charge with great assurance, and so long them∣selves endured the same, until the French came in to their succors, and after them the English also. There was fought a notable Battel, and great Valour shewed both on the one side and on the other,* 4.123 but especially by them of the Turks part, who knew well the purpose of the Christi∣ans for the besieging of Ierusalem, and that there∣upon depended their only hope, and that he that could hold the same, might almost assure himself to carry away the glory of that War. The French and the English in that ••attel ho∣nourably strove who might shew the greatest Va∣lour; neither would the low Countrymen under Iaques their General, seem to be any thing behind them. This sharp conflict began about Noon, and continued until the going down of the Sun. King Richard (as some write) was there wounded with an Arrow; and Iaques valiantly there fighting was slain, having sold his life dear, to the great admiration of the Infidels, and dying left the Victory unto the Christians. It is reported, that in this Battel was slain more Turks and Sa∣rasins, than in any one Battel within the memory of man before; of the Christians were not lost any great number, either any man of name, more than the aforesaid Iaques, the valiant General of the Flemings.

The next day the Christians removed to Bethlem,

a Town about the mid way betwixt Ioppa and Ie∣rusalem. But winter now coming fast on, and want of Victuals like enough to increase, the King changing his mind for the Siege, returned with the greatest part of the Army to Ascalon, which he that Winter new fortified, the Walls thereof being before by Saladin in his dispair de∣molished; the Duke of Burgundy, with his Frenchmen, all that while quietly wintring at Tyre. In the mean time the power of the Christi∣ans was thus greatly diminished, some one way departing from the Camp, and some another. The Italians for the most part, with them of Pisa (who in these three years Wars had striven with the Venetians for the Honour of their Ser∣vice) were now returned home, as were the Venetians themselves also. Nevertheless, Win∣ter now past, and the Spring time come, King Richard took the Field again, and came to Beth∣lem; where by the way he met with an exceed∣ing great number of Camels, charged with great store of Victuals and Munition, sent by Saladin out of Egypt to Ierusalem, all which he took; but purposing to have gone on to the Siege of Ie∣rusalem,* 4.124 he was by the backwardness of the French glad to change his purpose, and to return to Ptolemais; for the Frenchmen, perswaded by the Duke their General (who well knew the French Kings mind) that if any thing worth remembrance were done, it was to be done by them, and that the glory thereof should wholly redound unto the King of England, as there in person present, and to his Englishmen; shewed themselves so unwilling to the Siege, as that there∣in was nothing done, to the great grief of that worthy Prince. At which time also news was brought unto King Richard, how that Philip the French King (forgetful of his solemn promise made before his departure out of Syria) had now invaded the Country of Normandy, and excited Earl Iohn (the Kings Brother, a man of an haughty and aspiring nature) to take upon him the Kingdom of England in his absence; as had before in like case William the younger Bro∣ther, served Duke Robert his eldest Brother, then absent at his Father the Conquerors death, in the first sacred expedition under Godfrey of Bulloin. Wherefore King Richard beside the present diffi∣culties, fearing lest while he was so far off in Wars for defence of the Christian Common∣weal, he might lose his Kingdom at home; thought it best to grow to some good end with Saladin, and so to make his return; but the politick and wary Sultan, not ignorant of the discord of the Christians, and that their Forces daily decayed in Syria; either of the troubled Estate of the Kings affairs at home in his Kingdom, or of his desire to return; would not hearken to any other conditions of Peace, but such as might both for the present, weaken the Forces of the Christians in Syria, and discourage others that had a mind to come thither afterward, when they should see that for nought they should travel to conquer that, which they must of necessity restore again. The conditions he offered, were, That the Christians should forthwith restore whatsoever they had won in those three years Wars,* 4.125 Ptolemais only excep∣ted; and from thenceforth for the space of five years, the Turks should not in any thing molest the Christians, but to suffer them in peace to live by them; which hard conditions (for that no better could be had) the King was glad to accept, and so concluded a Peace. Whereby the labour and travel of the two great Kings and so many Nations with them, were all become frustrate and vain; having now to no purpose lost their Men, their Mony, their Time, their Hope, their Blood, their long Travel, to gain that they must now in one hour forego; nothing more left unto the poor Christians in Syria, than the Cities of Antioch, Tyre and Ptolemais.

This done, King Richard leaving the affairs of Asia unto the charge of Henry Count of Cham∣pagne his Nephew,* 4.126 shipping the greatest part of his People, with his Wife Berengaria, first for Ci∣cilia, and from thence for England, (where they in safety at length arrived) followed shortly after with some few himself; where by the way, by extremity of Weather he was in the Adriatique driven to land upon the Coast of Histria; where travelling with a small retinue homewards in the Habit of a Templar, he was discovered and taken Prisoner by Leopold Duke of Austria, whom he had before disgraced at the winning of Ptolemais, as is before declared: who now glad to have him in his power, made prise of him, and sold him to Henry the Emperor, for forty thousand pounds; by whom he was kept Prisoner by the space of a year and three months, and then ransomed for the Sum of an hundred and fifty thousand pounds.

About this time died the great Sultan Saladin, the greatest terror of the Christians; who mind∣full of mans fragility, and the vanity of worldly honours, commanded at the time of his death no Solemnity to be used at his burial, but only his Shirt in manner of an Ensign, made fast unto the point of a Lance, to be carried before his dead body as an Ensign, a plain Priest going before, and crying aloud to the People in this sort; Sa∣ladin Conqueror of the East, of all the greatness and riches he had in his life, carrieth not with him after his death any thing more than his shirt. A sight wor∣thy so great a King, which wanted nothing to his eternal commendation, more than the true know∣ledge of his Salvation in Christ Jesus. He reign∣ed about sixteen years with great honour, and dying left nine Sons, which were all murthered by Sephradin their Uncle, excepting one called also Sephradin Sultan of Al••ppo, who by the Fa∣vour and Support of his Fathers good Friends, saved himself from the treacherous practises of his Uncle. Of this Sephradin the Uncle, descended Meludin Sultan of Egypt, and Coradin Sultan of Damasco and Ierusalem, Saladin his great King∣dom being by them now again rent in pieces.

The death of Saladin in short time bruited abroad, with the discord among the Turks and Sarafins about his Dominions, put Celestinus (then Pope) in good hope, that the City of Ierusalem might in that change and hurly be easily again recovered, and that Kingdom established. But when he had in vain dealt to that purpose with the Kings of France and England, (then alto∣gether busied in their Wars the one against the other) he perswaded Henry the Sixth, then Em∣peror, to take the matter in hand; who (for that he well could not, or else would not himself in person undertake that long expedition) sent Henry Duke of Saxony his Lieutenant, with a great Army into Asia, unto whom were joyned two Legats, Conradus Archbishop of Mogunsia another of the Electors, and Conradus the Bishop of Herbi∣polis. At which time also may other great Princes took upon them that holy War; namely Herman Lantgrave of Thurin, Henry Palatine of Rhine, Henry Duke of Brabant, Conrade Marquess of Moravia, Frederick Duke of Austria, and Al∣bertus Haspurgensis, with some others; unto whom also joyned themselves the Bishops of Rheme, Halberstat, and Ratisbone, with divers other great Prelats. Who having passed through Hungary and Thracia, and by the Greek Emperor Alexius An∣gelus relieved with all things necessarie, were by the Grecian Ships transported unto Antioch, and

so by Land came to Tyre, and from thence to Ptolemais, with purpose to have gone to relieve the Germans besieged in Ioppa; who before their coming were all by treason slain, and the City ••ased; wherefore being come to the ruines there∣of, they departed thence to Sidon, which they found also abandoned by the Turks. After that, they took Berithus, which City they fortified, and so went to besiege Torone; which City when they had brought to the extremity, as that it must needs (as it was thought) either yield or be taken, the Turks came on so fast to the relief there∣of, that the Christians were glad to raise their Siege and to be gone; which they in garrison at Berithus perceiving, and seeing the Enemy to approach them, then abandoned the City, and joyning themselves unto the rest of the Army, marched all together to Ioppa, a little before ruinated, which they now again fortified. But the Enemy coming to Berithus, and finding it for∣saken, rased it down to the ground, and so in few months space was Berithus both repaired and rased, in the year 1197.

[year 1197.] But whilst the Christians were repairing the City of Ioppa, the Turks proud of that they had done at Berithus, came now to disturb also the fortifying of that place. Of whose coming the Christians understanding,* 4.127 removed by night about five miles from the City, of purpose to draw the Turks unto a convenient place for Battle. The Turks thinking them to have been fled for fear, sent part of their Army to assail the City; and with the other followed after them disorderly, as if it had been after men they had had in chase. Upon whom the Christians turning, had with them at the first a sharp encounter, but after∣wards put them to flight; in which conflict cer∣tain thousands of the Turks fell; of whom the Christians taking the Spoil, and having put the rest to flight, returned again to the fortifying of the City.* 4.128 But the joy of this Victory was by the sudden death of two of the greatest Princes in the Army greatly diminished: for the Duke of Saxony having in the Battle taken great pains in performing the parts both of a worhty General and valiant Souldier, had over-heated himself, and thereupon without regard of his health taking cold, died of a Fever the fourth day after. The Duke of Austria mortally wounded in the Battel, died also the night following.

About this time, or not long after, died Celestinus the Pope, Author of his Expedition, and Henry also the German Emperor; after whose death great troubles began to arise in Germany about the choosing of a new Emperor. Whereof the Bishop of Mogunsia (then chief Commander of the Army of the Christians in Syria) one of the Electors, and the other German Princes with him, having intelligence, could not by any entreaty of the poor Christians (in whose quar∣rel they were come) be perswaded longer to stay, but that needs home they would;* 4.129 and in∣deed home they went the same way that they came. After whose departure the Turks took Ioppa, having one of the Ports betrayed unto them by one of the City, at such time as the Germans there in Garrison, after the manner of their Country, upon St. Martyns day were care∣lesly making merry together in their Pots; upon whom so surcharged with Wine, the Turks entring by the Port given unto them, put them all with the rest of the Christians to the Sword, and so afterward rased the City down to the ground. Of which Victory they became so proud, that they had thought without stop to have driven the Christi∣ans quite out of Syria; but by the coming of Simon Count of Mont-Fort (a most valiant and expert Captain, sent thither by Philip the French King, with a Regiment of tall Souldiers, at the Instance of Innocentius the Third, that succeeded Celestinus in the Papacy) and by civil discord then reigning amongst the Turks themselves for Soveraignity, their fury was repressed, and a peace betwixt them and the Christians conclu∣ded for the space of ten years; during which time the Turks promised not to molest the Christians in Tyre or Ptolemais; which happened in the year 1199, or as some others say, [year 1199.] 1198. After which peace so concluded, the worthy Count returned again with his Souldiers into France; with whom we also will repair into the lesser Asia (whither the course both of the time and of the History now calleth us) to see the other great affairs of the Turks in those Eastern Countries; leaving for a season these poor re∣mainders of so many Christians in Tyre and Ptolemais now for a while in peace, but to be ere long devoured of the Infidels their Enemies, as in the process of this History shall in due time and place appear.

The Ruine of the TURKS first Empire in PERSIA; with the Success of their Second Kingdom in the lesser Asia, under the Aladin Kings.

* 4.130AS no Kingdom or Empire upon Earth (were it never so flourishing or great) was ever yet so assured, but that in the Revolution of time, after the manner of other worldly things, it hath as a sick Body been subject unto many strange Inno∣vations and Changes, and at length come to no∣thing; so fared it now with the Turkish Empire, which first planted by Tangrolipix in Persia, and the other far Eastern Countries, increased by Axan his Son, and so by the Turkish Sultans their Successors (although their names and doings, as too far off, be not unto us all known) for the space of one hundred and seventy years continu∣ed, must now (I say) give place unto a greater Power, and settle it self else-where, the inevita∣ble destiny thereof so requiring. It fortuned, that about this time (when in the space of a few years such Mutations as had not before of long been seen, chanced in divers great Monarchies and States) that the Tartars, or rather Tattars, inhabiting the large, cold, and bare Countries in the North-side of Asia, (of all others a most bar∣barous, fierce, and needy Nation) stirred up by their own wants, and the perswasion of one Zin∣gis (or as some call him, Cangis) holden amongst them for a great Prophet, and now by them made their Leader, and honoured by the name of Ulu-Chan; that is to say, The mighty King, (commonly called The Great Cham) flocking toge∣ther in number like the Sand of the Sea, and conquering first their poor Neighbours, of con∣dition and quality like themselves, the easie enough to be entreated with them to seek their better Fortune, like swarms of Grashoppers sent out to devour the World, passed the high Moun∣tain Caucasus, part of the Mountain Taurus, of all the Mountains in the World the greatest; which beginning near unto the Archipelago, and ending upon the Oriental Ocean, and running through many great and famous Kingdoms, divideth Asia into two parts; over which great Mountain, one of the most assured bounders of nature, that had so many Worlds of years shut up this rough and savage people, they now passing without number, and coming down as it were into another World, full of Natures pleasant delights, such as never were to them before seen, bare down all before them as they went, nothing being now able to stand in their way. Old Zingis their fortunate Leader dead in this so great an Expedition, Hoc∣cata his Son, eldest of his twelve Brethren, a man of great Wisdom and Courage, took upon him his Fathers place; who sending part of his great Army for the subduing of the Countries West∣ward, turned himself with a world of people towards the East; where having subdued the Bactrians and Sogdians, with divers others, he en∣tred into India, and subduing that rich Country on both sides the River Indus, even to the East Ocean, there in the Country of Cathai built the famous City of Cambalu, in circuit eight and twenty miles about; for pleasure and plenty of all things necessary for the life of man, of all the Cities of Asia the chief; where the great Cham of Tartary still Resiant, as in his Imperial City, commandeth over one of the greatest and strongest Empires of the World. In whose King∣dom also, in the Province Mangy more towards the East, he hath another most famous City called Quinsay, of all the Cities in the World the greatest, in circuit an hundred miles about, as M. Paulus Venetus writeth, who himself dwelt therein about the year, 1260. It is situate in a Lake of fresh-water, and hath in it twelve thou∣sand Bridges; of which some are of such an height, that tall Ships with their Sails up may easily pass under them. In this populous City the great Cham hath for the keeping thereof always thirty thousand men in Garrison. The Tartar Kingdom thus planted in Cambalu, Hoccata con∣tenting himself with the rich pleasures of India, afterward managed his Wars by his Lieutenants, being for the most part his Brethren, or other his nigh Kinsmen; of whom he sent out with his Armies some Northward, some Westward, and some toward the South; by whom he subdued the Arachosians, Margians, and divers other great Nations; and entring into Persia, subdued the Country, with all Parthia, Assyria, Mesopotamia,* 4.131 and Media. At this time in the City Balch or Belch in the Country of Chorasan in the farthest part of Persia, reigned over the Turks one Cur∣sumes, of the Greeks called Corsantes; who find∣ing himself far too weak to stand before the Tartarians, fled with all his people, leaving unto them both the City and the Country which he and the Turks his Predecessors had ever since the time of Tangrolipix possessed; which City the Tartars rased, and took the Country unto them∣selves. In this general flight of the Turks, when as every man was glad to make what shift he might for himself, Cursumes their Sultan died, the last of the Kings of the Selzuccian Family that reigned over the Turks in Persia; whose Son Ugnan-Chan taking upon him the leading of such multitudes of Turks as followed his Father, seised upon the great City of Babylon, now called Ba∣gadat, near unto the ruines of the old Babylon; where having put to the Sword all the Inhabi∣tants thereof, he there and in the Country there∣about seated himself with the Turks his Follow∣ers; but long he had not there rested, but that the Tartars hearing thereof, pursued him, took him Prisoner, and expulsed thence all his people. There was at the same time also another King∣dom of the Turks at Nachan a City in Persia, giving name unto the Country wherein it stood, not far from Chorasan; wherein then reigned one Solyman, of the Oguzian Family, as had divers other of his Progenitors before him; who terri∣fied with this dreadful Storm so suddenly risen out of the North, and warned by the sudden fall of the Selzuccian Sultan and his Kingdom, of far greater Fame and Power than himself or his, fled also with such his Subjects as would fol∣low him, into the lesser Asia. But of him and his proceedings more shall be said hereafter in the rising of the Victorious Othoman Family, as de∣scended from him. After this, the Tartars toge∣ther with their good fortune still extending the bounds of their Empire, conquered Armenia the greater, with the Countries of Colchis and Iberia; so that now their Empire was become of all

others the greatest and most flourishing. This great Conqueror the Tartar, had in his proud conceit purposed to have subdued all Asia, and to have made the Sea the only bounder of his Empire; but overcome with the delicacies of India, having divided amongst his people those great Provinces and fruitful Countries, with the rich Cities and pleasant Fields, he so rested, embracing the Manners and Superstition of the people he had overcome. Long it were, and far from our purpose, to recount all the famous Victories and Conquests of this bare Northern people; sufficeth it to the History we have in hand, that the Turks were by them then driven out of Persia, with the Countries thereabout; and their Togran Kingdom (as they call it) first founded by Tangrolipix, there extinguished, about the year of our Lord, [year 1202.] 1202. The Turks thus driven out of Persia, and their Kingdom overthrown, retired themselves into the lesser Asia,* 4.132 possessed by the Turks their Country-men, long before brought thither by Cutlu-Muses and his Sons, (as is before de∣clared) and by them ever since in some part, though with divers Fortune holden. Where these Turks now arrived out of Persia under the lead∣ing of Aladin the Son of Kei Husr••n, descended also of the Selzuccian Family in Persia, and taking the opportunity offered them by the mortal dis∣cord of the Latines with the Greeks, and the Greeks among themselves, seised upon Cilicia with the Countries thereabouts, and there first at Sebastia, and afterward at Iconium, erected their new Kingdom; which of this Aladin is by the Turks called the Kingdom of the Aladin Kings, although their names were not all so.

Now about this time, and within the course of some few years after, such great and strange mutations happened in the Constantinopolitan Empire, as had not therein at any time before been seen; whereby the whole Estate of that great Empire, which sometime commanded over a great part of the World, was almost utterly subverted, and a fit opportunity given unto the Turks and Infidels for the sure setling of them∣selves, and establishing of their Kingdoms both in Syria and the lesser Asia; which briefly to run through shall not be from our purpose; their Affairs prospering by these Troubles, and their proud and stately Empire that now braveth all the rest of the World, being raised out of the ruines of that Christian Empire; and at this present triumphing even in some Imperial City wherein these so great Innovations happened through the working of ambitious heads, to the lamentable ruine and destruction of a great part of the Christian Common-weal.

* 4.133Alexius the Usurper, but now Emperor, not contented (as is before declared) traiterously to have deprived Isaac his elder Brother of his Em∣pire and sight together, sought also after the life of the young Prince Alexius his Brothers Son, and Heir apparent of the Empire; who seeing the Villany committed in the Person of his Father, saved himself by flight from the fury of his Uncle, and so accompanied with certain great Lords of the Greeks, his Fathers Friends, fled to crave Aid of the Christian Princes of the West, whom the Grecians commonly call the La∣tines. And first he took his way to Philip the German Emperor, who had married Irene his Sister, the Emperor Isaacs Daughter, by whom he was most honourably received and entertain∣ed. This great Lady not a little moved with the Miseries of her Father, and the flight of her Bro∣ther, ceased not most instantly to solicite the Emperor her Husband, not to leave unrevenged so great a Villany, by the example thereof dan∣gerous unto himself and others of like Majesty and State. She declared unto him, what an ex∣ecrable Indignity it was, to see her Father the Emperor unworthily imprisoned, deprived of his Empire and sight, and of the society of men, by his Brother that had by him received and re∣covered his Life, his Light, and his Liberty; and to see the Heir apparent of the Empire banish∣ed by the wickedness of his Uncle, to wander up and down here and there like a Beggar; a great part of which disgrace, as she said, redound∣ed unto her self the Daughter of Isaac, and Sister to the young wandring Prince, and to himself also, the Son in law unto the unfortunate Em∣peror her Father. Moreover she said, that the Murderer Alexius durst never have been so hardy as to commit so great and detestable a Villany, if he had not lightly regarded and contemned the Majesty of the said Philip; whom if he had had in any Reverence or Honour, or at all fear∣ed, he durst not have attempted so Villanous an act. This Greek Lady, moved with just grief, with these and such like Complaints so prevailed with her Husband, that he promised her to be in some part thereof revenged; which he could not for the present perform, letted by the Wars he then had with Otho his Competitor of the Empire. At the same time it fortuned, that great Preparations were making in France and Italy, and divers other places of Christendom, for an Expe∣dition to be made against the Turks into the Holy Land. The chief men wherein were Theobald Count of Champagne, (a man of great fame,* 4.134 and General of the Christian Army) Boniface Mar∣quess of Mont-Ferrat, Baldwin Earl of Flanders and Hainault, and Henry his Brother Earl of St. Paul, Henry Duke of Lovain, Gualter Earl of Breame, with divers other noble Gentlemen, which to name were tedious; unto whom resorted also many valiant and devout Christians out of di∣vers parts of Christendom, ready to have spent their lives in that so Religious a War; so that now the number of them was great, and the Army right populous. But being thus assembled together, they thought it not best to take their way to Constantinople, through Hungary and Thrace, and so to pass over into Bythinia, for that the Greeks had still in all former times shewed great dis∣courtesie unto the Latines, in passing with their Armies that way; and therefore they thought it much better now by the way of Italy to take their Journey by Sea into the Holy Land; and for their Transportation, especially to use the help of the Venetians, whom they found much the easier to be intreated, for that by the means of so great an Army, they were in hope to scoure the Adriatick (then much infested by the Dal∣matians) as also to recover Iadera, with some other Cities upon the Coast of Sclavonia, before revolted from their State to the Hungarians, as indeed they afterward did. But by the way as this Army was marching out of France, and come into Piemont, the noble Count of Champagne General thereof, there fell sick and died, to the exceeding grief and sorrow of the whole Army; in whose stead, the Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, a man of great Nobility, and well acquainted with the Wars of the East, was chosen General. This great Army, transported by the Venetians into Sclavonia, took Iadera, with divers other Port Towns along the Sea coast, and having there done what the Venetians most desired, was about again to have been imbarkt for Syria, and so into the Holy Land. But the young Prince Alexius in the mean time had by himself and the noble Grecians (fled with him for fear of the Tyrant) so wrought the matter with the Latine Princes

of the West, especially with Innocentius tertius the Pope, with Philip the Emperor his Brother in law, and Philip the French King, that they pittying his Estate, and induced also with some other Con∣siderations more proper to themselves, took him as it were into their Protection, commending by Letters and Messengers for that purpose sent unto the Army, (which they might command) the defence both of himself and his Cause; who with the Commendation of three so great Prin∣ces, coming to the Army yet lying at Iadera (expecting but a fair Wind to have passed into Syria) was there of them all most honourably re∣ceived,* 4.135 as the Son of an Emperor, and as became one to them so highly commended. And he himself also, as one knowing his good, was not wanting unto himself, but recommended his person to their Protection, as a poor exiled Prince in Distress; yet was he of a lively Spirit, gracious in Speech, beautiful to behold, and very young, and withall fully instructed by the noble Greci∣ans that were with him, in all things that might serve to further his purpose. And forasmuch as this great Army consisted of divers Nations, espe∣cially of the French, Italians, and Venetians, not all to be by one mean moved; he fitted every one with such motives as he thought might best prevail with them: Unto the French he promised to pay the great sums of money they had bor∣rowed of the Venetians for the furnishing of them∣selves in this War: Unto the Venetians he pro∣mised Recompence for all the Injuries they had sustained by the late Constantinopolitan Em∣perors, especially by the Emperor Emanuel (who for that they refused to Aid him in his Wars against William King of Sicily, did in one day confiscate all the Goods of the Venetian Merchants within his Empire, of a great value; and after∣wards contrary to the Law of Nations, shame∣fully entreated their Embassadors sent unto him, amongst whom was Henry Dandulus, now by for∣tune General for the Venetians in the Army; who moved as well with the wrong in parti∣cular done unto Himself, as with the Common, desired to be revenged both of the one and the other; which although he could not have of Emanuel himself, being long before dead, yet was he still desirous to have it of some one of the Greek Emperors, whosoever he were;) Unto the Pope and the Italians, both he and the Noblemen with him, had before promised, that the Greek Church should ever acknowledge the Supremacy of the Church of Rome, and from thenceforth submit it self thereunto, as unto the Soveraign Judge of all the Christian Churches; which caused the Pope Innocentius, by Letters, by Legates, by Embassadors, and by all other means possible, to further the Cause of the young Prince Alexius, so combined with his own; al∣ledging the diversity of Opinions in matters of Religion, betwixt the Greeks and the Latines, to have been the chief cause that the Mahometans had not been long ago by their United Forces subdued, or utterly rooted out. In brief, the young Prince spared not to promise most bountiful Re∣wards in general, to all that should take his part against his Uncle the usurping Emperor.

By this means, the devout War taken in hand for the Relief of the poor Christians in Syria, was laid aside, and the same Forces that should have been therein imploy'd, now converted against the Greek Empire, to the great weakning of that side of the Christian Common-weal, and advantage of the Common Enemy; who might then easily have been oppressed, had he with the United Forces of the Christians been on this side charged home, as he was on the farther by the Tartars. The Grecian War thus resolved up∣on, it seemed best unto the great Commanders of the Army, to march directly to Constantinople, as to the head of the Grecian State, and place where the Tyrant whom they sought after was resiant. In the mean time it was by them given out through all the Greek Cities which the Em∣peror had strongly manned and fortified for the staying of their passage, that their purpose was not to make War against the Grecians their Friends, but only to restore their lawful Emperor unto his former State and Honour: And that forasmuch as every City and Town in ancient Greece had appointed Rewards, and almost di∣vine Honours unto such as had delivered them from Tyrants, they should now more favourably receive and intreat them that came to restore unto every City, and to every man in general, their former Liberty and Honour. And so upon the Resolution for Constantinople imbarking their Army, and passing through the Ionian-Sea into the Aegeum, and so without let through the Straits of Helespontus into Propontis, and entring the Straits of Bosphorus Thracius, which divide Europe from Asia, they came to an Anchor even in the face of the City.* 4.136 In this Fleet were two hundred and forty Sail of tall Ships, sixty Gal∣lies, seventy Ships for burden, and one hundred and twenty Sail of Victuallers; which all toge∣ther made a most brave shew, covering that Strait in such sort, as that it seemed rather a Wood than a part of the Sea. Thus for a space they lay facing the City, attending if happily upon the coming and sight of so great a Fleet, and the report of so puissant an Army as the young Prince Alexius had brought with him, any Tumult or Sedition might arise in the City. But the wary Tyrant had so well provided therefore before hand, that the Citizens, although they in heart favoured the young Prince, and wished him well, yet durst they not once move or stir in his Quarrel. Whilst the Fleet thus lay, Em∣bassadors came from the Isle of Creet, in two great Gallies, with three banks of Oars, yielding unto the young Prince that goodly Island, with all the Towns and Cities therein; which he forthwith gave unto the Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, General of the Army, thereby to encourage the other great Commanders of the Army to do the uttermost of their devoir, in hope of Recom∣pence and Rewards answerable to their deserts and valour.

Before the arrival of this Fleet,* 4.137 Alexius the Emperor had with a great Chain made fast the entrance of the Haven betwixt Constantinople and Pera, and appointed twenty great Gallies well manned for the keeping thereof; but a great gale of Wind arising, the General sent out the greatest and strongest Ship in the Fleet (for her greatness and swiftness called the Eagle) which with all her Sails up, carried with a full gale of Wind, by main force brake the Chain, and made a way for the rest of the Fleet to enter; which the Greeks in the Gallies seeing, for fear fled, leaving the Gallies for a spoil unto the Vene∣tians, by whom they were all taken, but not a man found in them. The Haven thus gained, Theodorus Lascaris the Emperors Son in law, was presently ready upon the shore with a select Com∣pany of the bravest Gallants of the City and of the Court,* 4.138 to have hindred the Latines from landing; who running their Ships aground, landed with such chearfulness and courage, and with such hast, that in one moment you might have seen them leap out of their Ships, take land, enter into the battel, and lay about them like mad men. This hot skirmish endured a great

while, for that they were only Foot-men that sustained this brunt, for the Horses could not so soon be landed, and the Greeks were bravely mount∣ed. All this great fight the Constantinopolitans beheld, with doubtful hearts, expecting what should be the event thereof. There were in the City six thousand of the Flower of Greece, which bravely sallying out, made the battel much more doubtful; yet such was the valour and resolu∣tion of the Latines, that in fine the Greeks dis∣comfited, were glad to retire themselves again into the City, but with what loss, was not certain∣ly known; easie it were to guess, that it was right great, for that the old Tyrant Alexius discouraged therewith, and doubtful of his own estate, with Theodorus Lascaris his Son in law, and some few others of his trusty Friends (hard to be found in so dangerous a case) the next night following secret∣ly fled out of the City, carrying away with him a wonderful mass of Treasure (which he against all such events had caused to be secretly hidden by his Daughter Irene, in a Monastery of Nuns within the City, whereof she was the Abbess) and so saved himself.

* 4.139The flight of the Tyrant once bruted, the next morning the Constantinopolitans taking the old Emperor Isaac out of Prison, saluted him again for their Emperor, rejoycing greatly for his deli∣verance and the safeguard of his life; and after that opened the Gates of the City to the Latines, calling and saluting them by the names of the Revengers and Saviours of the Liberty of the Greeks, as also of the Life and Majesty of their Emperor; they requested them that they might see and salute Alexius their young Prince, whom they had so long desired; and so was the City of Constantinople, by the submission of the Citi∣zens, for that time saved from saccage and spoil. The old Emperor thus delivered, and together with his Son Alexius again placed in the Impe∣rial Seat, gave the most hearty thanks that possi∣bly he could unto the Latine Princes, for that by their Bounty, Charity, and Valour, the Greek Empire had been delivered out of a long and mise∣rable Servitude; and for his own particular, that he had received of them so great good, that al∣beit his sight could not be restored to him again, nevertheless he acknowledged his Life, his Liberty, his Empire, his Country, his Son, to have been unto him by them restored, and he likewise to them; for which their so great Deserts he could not (as he said) render them condign Thanks, or devise Rewards or Honours answerable to their Demerits and Valour; and that therefore he did ratifie and confirm whatsoever his Son had before promised unto them for his deliver∣ance; and not only that, but further promised, That if they were not therewith contented, he would of his own bounty give them better con∣tentment, not meaning they should go discontent∣ed, that had saved his life, and otherwise so high∣ly pleasured him. Hereupon this good old Em∣peror began to consult with his Friends about the means whereby he might satisfie and content the Latines in such things as the young Prince his Son had unto them promised. And to the intent that the Citizens of Constantinople might the more willingly do that he was to command them, and the more chearfully pay such Impositions as he was to lay upon them, he intreated all the La∣tines to retire themselves out of the City into their Camp, or about their Ships, which they ac∣cordingly did. But the Imposition being set down, and what every man was to pay, seemed unto the Greeks (as men of long accustomed to re∣ceive Tribute of others, and not to pay Tribute to others) a matter most heavy and intollerable. In this very instant that this Exaction was re∣quired, died the old Emperor Isaac, who having of long been kept in a dark and stinking Prison in continual fear of death, and now delive••ed and restored to his Empire, could not indure so sudden and unexpected a change, both of the Air and of his manner of living, but so suddenly died.

At this Exaction imposed for the contentment of the Latines, the light Constantinopolitans grievously murmured, and exclaimed, saying, That it was a villanous thing to see the Greek Empire ingaged and bound (by a young Boy) unto a covetous and proud Nation, and so to be spoiled and made bare of Coin: That the great and rich Island of Crete lying in the midst of ••he Sea, was by him given as a Gift unto the Latines: That the City of Constantinople and the Greek Church, had by him been enforced and constrain∣ed to yield unto the See of Rome, to receive the Opinions of the Latine Church, to submit it self unto the Obeysance of old Rome, from whence it had once happily departed ever since the time that the Empire was by Constantine the Great translated thence to them. Thus every one said for himself in particular; thus all men said in general. And thereof the Noblemen in their Assemblies, and the vulgar people in their meetings, grievously complained; whereupon a Sedition and Tumult was raised in the City. Some presently took up Arms, and the common people all enraged ran furiously disordered unto the Palace, with a purpose to have committed some great Outrage upon the Person of the young Emperor Alexius; who in that so sudden an In∣surrection, as might well have troubled a right constant man, without longer delay resolved upon a most wholsome and necessary point for the ap∣peasing of the peoples fury; unto whom (assem∣bled in a wonderful multitude) he shewed himself from above in his Palace, promising them to re∣main in their Power, and not from thenceforth to do any thing without their advice and liking, but wholly to depend upon them; with which good words the people held themselves well content, and so was the tumult for that time ap∣peased. But forthwith the young Emperor con∣sidering the injury done unto him, began to burn with the desire of Revenge, and to change his purpose. He could not together satisfie the Citizens and the Latines; for if he would keep his promise with the Latines, he must of necessity offend his own people; neither was there any means to be found to satisfie both the one and the other. But thinking himself more bound to keep his promise with the Latines, whose Forces he knew not how to withstand,* 4.140 he sent secretly to request the Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, General of the Army, to send him about mid-night cer∣tain Companies of Souldiers unto the City, as∣suring him to receive them in by a Gate near unto the Palace, which should be opened unto them by certain of his trusty Servants there left for that purpose. Of this Plot Alexius Ducas (of his bittle brows sirnamed Murzufle, whom of a base Fellow the Emperor Isaac had promoted unto the greatest Honours of the Court) was not ignorant, who being a man of an aspiring mind, and in those troublesome times having long thirsted after the Empire, took now this occasion to work upon.

The night following, he by his Agents,* 4.141 men in∣structed for the purpose, raised a tumult in the City, not inferior unto that which had hapned the day before; and at the same instant, as if he had had nothing to do in the matter, came sud∣denly to the young Emperor in the dead time of

the night (which he might at all time do, by reason of the great confidence the Emperor had in him) and with a sad countenance told him, That the People were up again in an uprore, and especially they of his Guard, and that they were coming toward him to do him some violence for the love he bare unto the Latines. With which unexpected news the young Emperor terrified, demanded of him as of his most faithful Coun∣sellor, What were best in that case for him to do? Who presently embracing him in his Night∣gown, led him out by a secret door into a Tent he had of his own in the Court, as if he would there have kept him safe; but far was that from his traiterous thoughts; who departing from him, as if he had gone to appease the Tumult, had be∣fore taken order, that he should presently after his departure, be cast into Bonds, and so be clapt up into a close stinking Prison: which done, the false Traitor openly shewing himself, made an Oration to the People, wherein he shewed himself to have great compassion of the Greek Empire, and of the Greeks his Country men themselves, especially in that they were governed by a youth unfit for the government, who suffred himself to be misled according to the pleasure of the Latines. And that it was high time for the City of Con∣stantinople, the seat of the Greek Empire, to look about it, and to have an Eye unto it self, sith it was betrayed and sold by them which ought to preserve and keep the same; that they had now need of a man that loved his Country and Coun∣try-men, before that which yet remained of the Graecian name were utterly extinguished by the Latines.

This his Speech, fitted of purpose unto the hu∣mour of the Seditious, was received with the great outcry and applause of the windy headed People. Some cryed out, that he, and none but he, was to be made chief of the Common-weal that was by them to be established; othersome cried as loud to have him made General of the Armies and Forces of the State; but the greatest cry was to have him chosen and created Emperor; where∣unto the rest giving place, he was by the general consent of the tumultuous People, without longer stay, chosen and proclaimed Emperor.

Alexius the Traitor, by no lawful Election or rightful Succession, but only by the fury of the tumultuous People, thus created Emperor; was of nothing more careful than how to break the Forces of the Latines, of whom only he now stood in dread. And therefore to begin withal, he first attempted by certain Gallies filled with Pitch,* 4.142 Flax, Brimstone, and such like matter apt to take fire, to have burnt the Venetian Fleet; which Gallies so set on fire and carried with a fare gale of Wind among the Fleet, had been like enough to have done great harm, had it not by the wariness of the Venetians been prevented; who being good Sea men, and not unacquainted with such devises, easily and without danger avoid∣ed the same, by keeping themselves aloof one from another in the Sea. This fineness sorting to no purpose, he to colour the matter sent certain Messengers to the General, and other Comman∣ders of the Army, to give them to understand that that which was done for the firing of the Fleet, had been done without his privity, by the malice of the tumultuous People, and that for his part he would be glad of their Favour and Friendship, assuring them likewise of his, and promising them to aid them both with men and mony, and what∣soever else they should have need of in their Wars against the Infidels. Whereunto an answer was given by Dandulus the Venetian General, that he would believe it, when Alexis the Son of the Em∣peror Isaac, whom the Latines had placed in the Empire, should assure them thereof, and intreat for the People, upon whom the fault of that out∣rage was laid; which answer the more moved the traiterous Tyrant to rid himself clean of the fear of the young Prince, by taking him out of the way; to the intent to hinder the People of the hope and great desire they had to grow to some peace with the Latines, by taking him out of Pri∣son, and receiving him again for their Emperor; For the People (by nature mutable, and not desirous of the good of themselves, but according to the occurrents present, without any great re∣gard of that they had already done, or ought to have done) begun now to repent themselves of that they had done against the young Emperor Alexis in Favour of the Tyrant, and com∣monly said, That they must find some means, whatsoever it were, to remedy their fault together with their troubles. Wherefore Murzufle fearing the sudden mutation of the People, with his own Hands most villanously strangled the young Prince Alexis in Prison, having as yet not raigned much above six months, and immediately after caused it to be bruited abroad, That the said young Prince despairing or his Estate, had as a man desperate, hanged himself.

The Tyrant in vain having thus attempted the burning of the Fleet,* 4.143 and still fearing the reveng∣ing Sword of the Latines, resolved now by plain force to meet them in the field, and there to dare them to battel. So having made ready and armed the whole Strength of the Imperial City, he with chearful speech encouraged his Souldiers, request∣ing them valiantly to maintain and defend their Country of Greece, the Monuments of their Fa∣thers, the Glory of their Ancestors, their present Honour, and the future Hope of their Posterity; that having before their Eyes the Walls of their City, within which they were born, nourished, and brought up in hope of great matters, they would have pity and compassion of their Temples, their Wives, their Children, and in no case to suffer them to fall again into so miserable and wretched a Servitude, but rather to die a thousand deaths. And the more to grace this his enterprise taken in hand for the defence of his Country (as he would have the world to believe it) with the colour of a superstitious Devotion also, he caused the Priests in their Ecclesiastical Attire and Or∣naments, to march forth in the Army, with an Ensign, having in it displayed the Picture of the Virgin Mary. So couragiously marching forward, he first charged that quarter of the Camp where Baldwin the Count of Flanders lay, where at the first was fought a right fierce and doubtful Battel. But afterward the Alarm running throughout all the Camp of the Latines, and new supplies coming in on every side, the Greeks were put to the worse, and inforced again to retire into the City, having lost a great number of men, together with their superstitious Ensign. It was a wonderful thing to see, with what rare agreement the La∣tines, being of divers Nations, continued this expedition undertaken against the Greeks. Se∣venty two days was this City of Constantinople straightly besieged by the Latines both by Sea and Land,* 4.144 without giving any time of rest or re∣pose day or night to the besieged, fresh men coming still on to the Assault, as the other fell off, and in such sort troubled the Greeks in the City, that they knew not well what to do, or which way to turn themselves. The Venetians unto whom was committed the charge to assault that side of the City which was toward the Haven, upon two great Gallies made fast together, built a strong Tower of Wood, higher than the Walls and

Rampiers of the Town, out of which they both with Shot and Fire-works much troubled the De∣fendants, wherewith they in the time of the assault approaching the Wall, by their sine devices fired that side of the City; by the rage whereof, a great number of Houses were burnt,* 4.145 with many other stately Buildings and ancient Monuments of that famous City; and had at that present gained a great Tower near unto the Port, destitute of defenders, had not the Tyrant himself in good time come with new Supplies to the rescue there∣of. In like manner, the French, with the rest, assayled the other side of the City by Land, where they were to fight not against the Defendants on∣ly, but against deep Ditches, high and strong Walls, and Bulwarks also; nevertheless, such was the Valour and Fury of the Latines, with the de∣sire of Victory; as that they were not with any difficulties to be dismayed; but pressing still on, by a thousand dangers, at length after a most sharp Assault, they gained one of the greatest Bastilions on that side of the City, called the Angels Tower, and so by plain force opened a way both for themselves and the rest into the City: Whereof Alexius understanding, and struck with present despair both of his State and Life, the night now coming on, fled with Euphrosina the Emperor A∣lexius his Wife, and Eudocia her Daughter, whom he had married when he had reigned about a month and sixteen days.

The Tyrant, Author of all this mischief, and of the calamities ensuing, thus fled, and the La∣tines furiously entring; the Priests and Religious Men in their Surplices, and other Ecclesiastick Ornaments with their Crosses and Banners (as in solemn procession) met the Latines, and falling down at the Souldiers Feet, with Floods of tears abundantly running down their heavy countenan∣ces, besought them, but especially the Captains and Commanders to remember the condition of wordly things, and contenting themselves with the Victory, the Glory, the Honour, the Empire, the Immortality of their Name, to abstain from Slaughter, from burning, from spo••ling and ran∣saking of so beautiful a City; and that seeing they were themselves men, they would also have pity of men; and being themselves Captains and Soul∣diers, they should also have compassion upon Cap∣tains and Souldiers; who although they were not so valiant and fortunate as they were, yet never∣theless were both Captains and Souldiers; and that they would keep and preserve their City, whereof (if they ruinated it not) they might have much more pleasure and commodity, than if they should destroy the same, which as it had been the princi∣pal seat of the Greek Empire, so might it now be of the Latines; That seeing they had thereof a careful regard, as then belonging to another man, they ought now upon better reason to have more care thereof, being their own: That the Authors of all these troubles and mischiefs, Alexius the Elder, and Murzufle, had already received a reward answerable to their follies, in that they were driven into Exile; That they would have pity and com∣passion of an innocent and unfortunate Multi∣tude of poor People, oppressed and grievously tormented with the often tyrannies of their mur∣derous Lords and Governours; That in so doing, God the Lord of Hosts, the giver and guider of Battels, the God of mercy, would therefore re∣ward them. To conclude, they humbly besought them to pardon their Citizens, to put on the hearts of gracious and merciful Lords and Fathers, not of Enemies and rough Masters; of Forgivers, not of Revengers; and to understand by their Tears, their miserable Estate and Woes passed. With this so humble a Submission and Complaint of the Religious, some of the better sort were happily moved; but with the common Souldiers, breathing nothing but Victory, with their Wea∣pons in their Hands▪ and the Spoil of an Empire in their Power, what availed Prayers or Tears? Every man fell to the Spoil, and in so great choice and liberty of all things, ••itted his own disordred appetite, without respect of the wrong or injury done to others; only from the effusion of inno∣cent blood they abstained▪ they whose lives they sought after, being already fled, together with the Tyrant. Other injuries and outrages (so great as that greater none could be) were in every place so ri••e, that every Street, every Lane, every Corner of the City was filled with Mourning and Heaviness. There might a man have seen Noble Men earst of great Honour, and reverend for their hoary Hairs, with other Citizens of great Wealth, thrust out of all they had, walking up and down the City weeping and wringing their hands, as men forlorn, knowing not where to shroud their Heads. Neither stayed the greedy rage of the insolent Souldiers within the Walls of mens private Houses, but brake out into the ••tately Palaces, Temples and Churches of the Greeks also, where all was good prize, and nothing dedicated to the Service of God, left unpolluted and de∣faced, no place unsought, nor corner unrifled; right lamentable and almost incredible it were to report all the miseries of that time. Some of the Greek Historiographers, men of great mark and place,* 4.146 and themselves Eye-witnesses and Par∣takers of those evils, have by their Writings com∣plained to all Posterity, of the insolency of the Latines at the winning of the City, to their eternal dishonour; but that disordered Souldiers in all Ages in the liberty of their insolent Victo∣ry, have done such outrages, as honest minds abhor to think upon. Thus Constantinople the most famous City of the East, the seat and glory of the Greek Empire, by the miserable ambi∣tion and dissention of the Greeks for Sovereignty, fell into the Hands of the Latines, the twelfth of April, in the year 1204, [year 1204.] or after the account of others, 1200.

Constantinople thus taken, and the Tyrants put to flight, the Princes and great Commanders of the Army held a Council, to consider what were best to be done concerning the City and the new gained Empire; for after so great a Victory, they thought it not good to ra••e so an∣tient and important a City, seated as it were a Watch-Tower upon the Theatre of the World, overlooking both Asia and Europe from the one to the other, as an eye of the Universal, and so commodiously planted, as was no other City of the World, for the keeping under of the Enemies of the Christian Religion; but that it were much better to place there a Latine Governour, to esta∣blish there the Latine Laws and Customs, and to unite the Greek Church as a Member unto the Church of Rome. In which consultation, some were of opinion, not to have any more Emperors in Christendom but one, and therefore to make choice of Philip the German Emperor, Author of this War, whose Wife Irene was the only Daughter and Heir of the late Emperor Isaac Angelus, unto whom by all right the Inheritance of her Fathers Empire belonged. But the greater part, con∣sidering that the troubled affairs of Greece, in so great a change and newness of the Empire, had need of the personal presence of a Prince, thought it better to make choice of one among themselves, who there still resiant in that place, might at all times give aid unto the Latines in their sacred Wars, taken in hand against the Infidels▪ which opinion as the better, was approved of them all.

The chief men in this Election of the new Em∣peror, were Baldwin Count of Flanders and Hai∣nault, Henry his Brother, Lewis Count of Bloys, Simon de Montfort, Iohn de Dammartin, Gualter de Brienne, Hugh Count of St. Paul, Iohn Count of Brenne, Boniface Marquess. of Mont-Ferrat, Stephen Count of Perch, and five Gentlemen of Venice; unto whom also were joyned two Bishops of Syria, the one of Bethlem, the other of Ptolemais, who had oftentimes come to the Camp of the Latines, to stir them up for the taking in hand the sacred War in Syria; with two Bishops of France also, namely of Soisson and Troy in Cham∣pagne, and the Abbot of Lemely. These great Lords and Prelates assembled into the Church of the holy Apostles, after they had there with great devotion craved of God to inspire them with his Spirit for the choice of a good and just Prince fit for so great a charge; with one consent made choice of Baldwin Count of Flanders and Haynault, for Emperor of Greece; a brave and valiant Prince, about two and thirty years old, who was afterward the sixteenth day of May, in the year 1204. (or after the computation of others, in the year 1205.) in the great Temple of S. Sophia solemnly crowned by Thomas Mau∣rocenus a Venetian, first Patriarch of the La∣tines in Constantinople. From which time the Greek Church in Constantinople began to receive the Rites and Ceremonies of the Latines, and to acknowledge the Supremacy of the Church of Rome.

It was not long after that Constantinople was thus taken by the Latines,* 4.147 but that they dividing their Forces without any resistance, took in the most part of the great Countries and Provinces on Europe side, belonging to the Greek Empire in the time of Isaac Angelus the late Emperor; the for∣tune of the whole Empire, as it were following the fortune of the Imperial City. Which large Countries so gained from the Greeks, the Latines divided amongst themselves, as good prize taken from their Enemies. Unto Baldwin the Emperor and his Sucessors in the Empire, was assigned the Imperial City of Constantinople, and the Country of Thracia, with a limited Soveraignty over all the rest of the Provinces by the Latines already or afterwards to be gained. Unto the Venetians in this division of the Empire, was allotted for their share all the rich Islands of the Aegeum, and Io∣nian, with the famous Island of Candy also; which although it were before by the young Emperor Alexius in the beginning of these Wars, given unto the Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, yet in this division of the Empire, it was taken from him (not without his good liking) and given to the Venetians, as for them more fit; instead and lieu whereof, the Marquess had the City of Thessalonica with all the Kingdom of Thessaly, and a great part of Peloponesus assigned unto him, with the Royal Title of a King. Of the afore∣said Islands (in number many and exceeding rich) the Venetians in the name of the State, fortified some few of the greatest with convenient Garri∣sons, the rest they left to be possessed and defen∣ded by the better sort of the Citizens at their private cost and charges; who according to their ability, took into their possession, some one Island, some another, and some two or three, as they were able to set out their Gallies, one, two, or more, for the keeping of the same; over all which, the Seigniory nevertheless had a gene∣ral care, still keeping a Fleet with one of their Admirals at Sea; by whom they not only re∣pressed the Genoa Pirates then busie in those Seas, but also took in certain strong Towns in the Main upon the coast of Peloponesus, namely Modon and Corone; all which they of long time after held as a part of their Seigniory. Some other particular places, yet parts of the Empire, were given unto particular men; as the Dukedom of Athens unto one Geffrey of Troy in Champaigne, a Frenchman, a valiant Captain, whom they also made Prince of Achaia; another Dukedom was also given to the Count of Bloys; as were divers other Coun∣tries and Towns also unto other more private men; who nevertheless were bound to hold the same of the Emperor, as of their Lord, and to pay him yearly a fourth part of the Revenue arising thereof, towards the maintenance of his State. Yea the Greeks themselves in this ship∣wrack of their State and Empire, although they disdained nothing more than the strange Go∣vernment of the Latines, yet could they not be perswaded to joyn together in so common a ca∣lamity, but after their wonted manner sought every man how to share out something for him∣self, without regard of the common good; one seized upon one strong Town or City, and so likewise another; which for all that they held not long, driven thence for the most part by a greater power, either of the Latines, or of their own Countrymen.

The man whom the discontented Greeks most looked after, was Theodorus Lascaris, the Emperor Alexius Angelus his Son-in-Law; who at the taking of the City, fled to Adrianople, and afterward in∣to Bythinia, where he was of the People, not of that Country only, but of others also farther off, joyfully received and honoured as their Empe∣ror. So taking into his hands the Countries of Bythinia, Phrygia, Missia, Ionia, and Lydia, even from the windings of the famous River Maean∣der Southward, unto the Euxine Sea North∣ward; he with the general good liking of the People, took upon him the Estate of an Empe∣ror, and so in the renowned City of Nice made the seat of his Empire. At the same time also David, and Alexius Comneni,* 4.148 the Nephews of the Tyrant Andronicus (sometime Emperor of Con∣stantinople) by his Son Manuel, possessing the more Eastern Countries of Pontus, Galatia, and Capa∣docia, erected unto themselves another Empire in Trapezond, where their Posterity of the honou∣rable house of the Comneni reigned in great glory many years after, until their Empire, to∣gether with the Empire of Constantinople, was by the great Emperor of the Turks, Mahomet the Second, subverted and brought to nought, as shall afterward in due time and place be de∣clared. Thus the Greek Empire exposed (as it were) to the general Spoil, was no longer one, but many Empires; Baldwin reigning in Constan∣tinople, the Marquess of Mont-Ferrat in Thessaly, Theodorus Lascaris at Nice, Alexius Comnenus in Trapezond, and the Venetians in the Islands▪ all in Royal Dignity. Besides whom were many other lesser Princes, which had here and there according to their ability seized upon some one or other part of the Empire, and there erected their Toparchies, reigning therein as petty Kings; as did Aldebrandinus in Attalia, Michael Angelus in Epirus, with divers others too long to rehearse.

Baldwin (as is aforesaid) created Emperor of Constantinople,* 4.149 by the help of the Venetian Ad∣miral Dandulus, and other great Commanders of the Army in short time brought under his obei∣sance all the Cities of Thracia, excepting the City of Adrianople, whereunto the better sort of the discontented Greeks, together with Theodorus Lascaris (disdaining the Government of the La∣tines) were fled, as unto a most safe Sanctuary; which Baldwin knowing, and withal desiring

whilst yet he had his Friends about him, to set his new Empire in some good stay, without far∣ther delay came and laid hard Siege to the same. Now the Greeks generally evil entreated by the Latines, and grieved to be governed by them, were some of them fled into other their Neigh∣bour Princes Countries, but especially into Bul∣garia, otherwise called Misia, a large Kingdom lying betwixt the great Mountain Aemus and Da∣nubiu••▪ by whose perswasion, Iohn King of that Country, aided by the Scythians, (a fierce Nor∣thern People, but lately come into those quar∣ters) and by the fugitive Greeks themselves, took upon him to relieve the besieged City; and so with a great Army approaching the same, sent before certain Troops of the Scythian Archers on horseback, to fetch in such booty of Horses or Cattel as they should find near unto the Em∣perors Camp; and withal commanded them, that being charged by the Imperials, they should forthwith retire, so to draw them out of their Trenches, into the place where the King with the greatest part of his Army lay covertly to in∣trap them. Which the Scythians (well acquainted with such service) so well performed under the leading of one Cozus their General, that having once or twice drawn their Enemies unto some light skirmishes, and so retyring, and ere long again with a greater number returning, they at length cunningly drew the Emperor with all his Army, in hope to do some great matter upon them, even as they wished, into the place where the King with his Army lay in wait among the Woods and Mountains for them; where they, wearied and out of breath with the former pur∣suit, and now on every side beset with fresh Ene∣mies, were overthrown with a great slaughter. In which conflict to increase the loss, Baldwin the Emperor himself was taken and sent Prisoner in bonds to Ternoua; where afterwards by the com∣mandment of the barbarous King he was most cruelly put to death, having his Hands and Feet cut off, and so dismembred was cast out into a deep Vally, where he yet lay miserably breath∣ing three days after, and so died; leaving his body as fortunes scorn, for a Prey unto the wild Beasts and Birds of the Air, no Man vouchsafing to bury it. Thus perished this worthy Prince, for his Virtues commended even of the Greeks themselves, being about the age of three and thirty years, and not having reigned yet a full year, in the year of our Lord 1206.

[year 1206.] The Victory thus gained, and the City relieved, the barbarous King with his savage Souldiers having tasted the wealth of the Latines over∣thrown in the late Battel, and the pleasures of Thracia now subject to their Lust; greedily pur∣sued their good fortune, without respect of all humanity; the open Country they overran, spoyling whatsoever came to hand, the rich and famous Cities they rifled, and afterward rased them down to the ground; namely Serrae, Phili∣polis, Apri, Rhedestum, Perinthus, Daonium, Arca∣diopolis, Mesena, Zurulus, and Athyra; the Citizens and Country People fled into the Cities for re∣fuge, they put all to the Sword, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition, except some few, whom they carried away with them Prisoners; so that of all the Provinces of that rent and ru∣inated Empire, the Country of Thrace was most miserable, as first spoyled by the Latines, and now laid desolate by the Bulgarians and Scythians. Only some few of the strongest Cities, as Didy∣motichum and Adrianople (valiantly defended by the Greeks and Latines) escaped this fury of the Barbarians, all the rest that fell into their hands being laid wast and desolate.

In this so troubled a State of the new erected Empire of the Latines in Constantinople,* 4.150 the La∣tines made choice of Henry the late Emperor Bald∣wins Brother, as of all others the fittest to succeed him in the Empire; who aided by the Marquess, now King of Thessaly, and the other Latine Princes, notably repulsed the Barbarians, and le••t them not until that at length he had recovered from them all such Towns and Cities as they had before taken, and driven them quite out of the Country, and so well established himself in his new Empire.

But to leave this dismembred Empire, now in the hands of many, and to come nearer to our purpose; Alexius Angelus the Usurper, driven out of the Imperial City by the Latines, to save himself fled into Thessaly, and from thence unto Leo Scuru•• (then a man of great Fame among the Greeks) who tyrannising at Nauplus, as had his Father be∣fore him, was in these troublesome times grown greater, by surprising of the two famous Cities of Argos and Corinth; by whose means he cunningly entrapped Alexius Ducas, sirnamed Murzufle, the Traitor, and for a secret grudg not commonly known, put out his Eyes; himself an exiled man, being a most heavy Enemy unto the other also exiled; and himself thrust out of the Empire, a deadly Foe unto the other, oppressed with the like calamity. Shortly after which loss of his Sight he was by chance taken by the Latines, and so brought back to Constantinople, where he was for murdring the young Emperor Alexius, wor∣thily condemned unto a strange and horrible kind of death; for, cast off from an high Tower, and tumbling Heels over Head downward, he was with the weight of himself, and violence of the Fall, crushed all to pieces, and so miserably died; a death too good for such a Traitor. Not long after it fortuned also, that Alexius himself wandering up and down in Thracia, was by the Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, going against Scurus, taken and stript of his great Treasure, and what∣soever else he had; and so sent away naked, long time after in beggars Estate wandred about in Achaia and Peloponesus, now far unlike that Alexius which sometime proudly reigned in Constantino∣ple; but such is the assurance of evil gotten Ho∣nour. He hearing that Theodorus Lascaris his Son-in-Law reigned in Asia, and there held the State of an Emperor, rejoyced not thereat as a kind Fa∣ther-in-Law, but inwardly grieved thereat as an Enemy, sorry that any other but himself should be honoured with the Title of the Greek Em∣peror; in which malicious humor he sailing out of Greece into Asia over the Aegeum, came se∣cretly unto the Turks Sultan Iathatines his old acquaintance, then lying at Attalia, (which famous City he had not long before taken from the Christians) unto whom he declared his heavy Estate, and how his Empire had been rent from him, as well by the Greeks as the Latines; re∣questing, that by his means he might be re∣stored again into some part thereof, especially that in the lesser Asia, which was by Theodorus Lascaris, together with the honour of the Greek Emperor, unjustly (as he said) detained from him. This Iathatines, now Sultan of Ieonium; was the younger Son of Sultan Aladin; who not long surviving his Brother Cai-Chosroe, left his Kingdom unto his two Sons Azadin and Ias∣sadin, of the Greeks called Azatines and Iathatines; where long it was not, but that these two Bre∣thren falling out for the Sovereignty, (which admitteth no Equality) Iathatines was by Aza∣tin••s his Elder Brother driven into Exile, and for the safeguard of his life glad to flie unto this A∣lexius, then reigning at Constantinople, by whom

he was honourably entertained, and as some write, converted and baptised. But Azatines the Sultan shortly after dying, this Iathatines return∣ning home again, and renouncing the Christian Religion, was by the Turks received for their Sultan; of whom the Emperor Alexius in like extremity now craveth Aid. The Sultan not for∣getful of his own Troubles before passed, or of the kindness he had received, and moved with the pitiful Complaint of his old Friend, together with his large Offers, besides that he was in hope to share out some good part of whatsoever he got, for himself; took him into his Protection, and forthwith sent Embassadors to Lascaris, threatning unto him all extremities, except he did forthwith give place unto Alexius his Father in law, unto whom, as unto the Greek Emperor, those Countries which were by him possessed, of right (as he said) appertained. With which unexpected Message Theodorus was not a little troubled, as fearing both the Sultans Power, and the inclination of the people to their old Empe∣ror. Nevertheless, having propounded the matter in Council, and finding the minds of his Subjects well affected towards him, and a readiness in them in his quarrel to adventure their lives; he encouraged therewith, accompanied only with two thousand choice Horse-men, together with the Sultans Embassador, without farther stay set forward to Philadelphia; the Sultan at the same time with Alexius, (whom he carried with him as a bait to deceive the people withall) and twenty thousand Turks, besieging the City of Antioch,* 4.151 situate upon the winding banks of the River Meander. Which the Emperor Theodorus well understanding, and that the Sultan by gain∣ing that strong City (standing upon the passage of the great River, the bounder of his Empire) should open a fair way for himself into the heart of Romania Asiatica, to the great hazard of his whole Empire, resolved with those few he had, to do what he might to relieve his City. And so setting forward upon the Spur, carrying no∣thing with him more than a little Victual; and now come near unto the City, sent before the Sultans Embassor, following him at the heels. Who coming to the Sultan, and telling him of the Emperors approach with so small a Power, could hardly perswade him that it was so, al∣though he bound it with many Oaths; yet at length perswaded of the truth of the matter, and that indeed it was so, he in all hast put his Army in the best Order he could upon such a sud∣den, but not to his best advantage, being hindred so to do by the straitness of the place wherein he lay. Of the two thousand select Horse-men in the Emperors Army, were eight hundred Italians, all most resolute men, who giving the first charge, brake through the midst of the Sultans Army, disordering his whole battel as they went; after whom followed also the Greeks, though not with like courage; but those Italian Horse-men now divided from the rest, and in number but few, in coming back again, were by the disordered Turks, some on Horseback, some on Foo••, so be∣set on every side, as that there was no way left for them to pass,* 4.152 but there valiantly fighting, were altogether slain, having both before and at the time of their death made such a slaughter of the Turks, as is hardly to be believed to have been possible for so few men to have made. The Greeks also hardly laid to by the Turks, and discouraged by the slaughter of the Latines, were even upon the point to have fled; when as the Sultan, now almost in possession of a certain Victory, descrying the Greek Emperor, and trust∣ing to his own great strength, singled him out, being as ready as himself to meet him; when as at the first encounter, the Sultan with his Horse∣mans Mace gave him such a blow upon his head, as might have killed a Bull▪ so that the Emperor therewith astonied, fell down from his Horse; who yet even in the fall coming something again unto himself, and although dismounted, yet quick∣ly recovering his feet, with his Faulchion hoxed the hinder legs of the Mare whereon the Sultan rid, being a most beautiful Beast, and of a won∣derful height; which now suddenly faultring un∣der him, and so the Sultan tumbling down as from an high Tower, before he could recover himself, had his head cut off by the Emperor; which by and by put upon a Launce, and so holden up, with the sight thereof so dismayed the Turks, that strucken with a sudden fear, they presently fled, leaving the Victory unto the Em∣peror, before more than half overcome; who for all that, considering his small number, durst no fur∣ther pursue them, but entring the City, gave thanks to God for so great a Victory. Unto whom the Turks shortly after sent their Embassadors, and so upon such reasonable conditions as it pleased him to set down, concluded with him a Peace. Alexius himself Author of these Troubles, taken in this battel and carried to Nice, was by the Em∣peror his Son in law, notwithstanding his evil de∣serts, well intreated and used.

Whilst the Latines thus spend those Forces in subverting of the Greek Empire, which should have been imployed for the Relief of the Christi∣ans in Syria, and that the Greek Emperor L••sca∣ris was thus troubled with the Turks, the Affairs of the Christians in Syria and the Holy Land grew still worse and worse. Whereof the Knights Hospitalers and Templars (the chief Champions of the Christian Religion in those Countries) greatly blamed Almericus the King of Cyprus, for that he being so near at hand, and having mar∣ried Isabella the Heir of that Kingdom, and so in her Right taken upon him the Title of the King of Ierusalem, gave himself wholly to plea∣sure, doing nothing for the Defence or Relief of the poor distressed Christians, or repressing of the Turks; who although they were yet in League with the Christians there, and at some discord also among themselves, yet spared not as occasion served, still more and more to encroach upon them, and by building of new Castles and For∣tresses to cut them short. Of all which things, the aforesaid Knights by their Embassadors cer∣tified Pope Innocentius, requesting his fatherly care for the remedy thereof; certifying him withall, that there was yet living one Mary, the Daughter of the Marquess of Mont-Ferrat, a Lady of rare beauty, whom they as her Tutors had brought up in hope of the Kingdom, and now were ready to bestow her upon some such man as he should think worthy of her, together with the right she had unto the Kingdom. Hereupon Innocentius discharging Almericus of the Title of the King∣dom of Ierusal••m,* 4.153 gave it to Iohn Count de Brenn•• of Daulphine in France, a man of great fame and valour, then in Arms with the other Latine Princes against the Greeks. Who now re∣turning home, commended his Earldom to his Brother, and with such Power as he was able to make, setting forward, came first to Venice, where he was royally entertained; and from thence sailing to Constantinople, was with like Honour re∣ceived by the Emperor Henry, and so at length the fifth of September arrived at Ptolemais in Syria, where he was with the great rejoycing and ap∣plause of the people received as their King: And the last of the same month marrying the aforesaid Lady Mary at Tyre, was there together with her

with a great Solemnity Crowned King, in the year, [year 1209.] 1209. Which Almericus the old King of Cyprus hearing, shortly after died for grief. Nei∣ther wanted this noble Gentleman, thus honoured with the Title of a Kingdom, some that envied at his Promotion, and therefore commonly called him in derision, a King, but still with this ad∣dition, Sans Ville, that is to say, Without a Town.

Now was the ten years Peace, before taken betwixt the Turks and the Christians in Syria, at the coming over of Simon Marquess of Mont-Ferrat (as is before declared) almost expired; which had not so much given to those poor remnants of the Christians some time of rest and breathing, as had the discord of the Turks among themselves; which having for the space of nine years continued betwixt Noradin and Saphadin for the Soveraignty, was now by the death of Sapha∣din ended. Noradin contenting himself with the Government of Aleppo,* 4.154 and Corradin and Meledin the two Sons of Saphadin, dividing their Fathers Kingdom betwixt them, the one taking unto him∣self Damasco and Syria, and the other the great Kingdom of Egypt, but all Enemies unto the Christians.

About this time also, or not long after, Inno∣centius tertius yet Pope, summoned a general Coun∣cil at Lateran, whereunto, besides a multitude of great Bishops, and other reverend Prelates, re∣paired also the honourable Embassadors of most of the Princes of Christendom; unto whom so assembled, among other things was propounded the dangerous estate of the Christians in Syria, and how the same was by the help of the Christi∣an Princes of the West to be relieved. Where∣unto all the Fathers and Princes there assembled easily gave their consent; and thereupon were some appointed in every Country and Province, to publish this Decree of the Council, for the Relief of the oppressed Christians, and to stir up the devout people for the undertaking of so religious a War. The chief Furtherers of this sacred Expedition, to be thus taken in hand against the Infidels, were the Bishops of Germany, especially the three great Bishops of Mets, Cullen, and Tri∣ers, whose example moved also many others, all which to rehearse were tedious. Out of France also were sent Henry the Count of Nivers, and one Gualter the Kings great Chamberlain, with a great number of the gallant Youths of France, and so out of divers other places; so that at length such a number of men were met together at divers Ports of the Adriatick, as made up a Fleet of two hundred Sail; which with a prospe∣rous Wind carried over into Syria, arrived in safety at Ptolemais the chief City of the Christi∣ans, now that Ierusalem was lost. After whom followed also Andrew King of Hungary, long be∣fore bound both by his Fathers commandment and his own promise, for the undertaking of that sacred Expedition; with whom came also Lewis Duke of Bavaria, and Leopold Duke of Austria, with their Forces all well appointed; unto whom also Iohn King of Ierusalem joyned himself with his Power. Great hope and expectation there was for some great matter to have been done, now that so great Forces of the Christians were thus met together. Who setting forward from Ptolemais, and the first day marching into Galilee, by the way met with certain Companies of the Turks, whom they easily overthrew and put to flight. The next day they came to the River of Iordan, where they also distressed certain of the Turks Garrisons. There the King of Hungary bathing himself in the River, forthwith (as one discharged of his Vow and Promise) returned with all his Power unto Ptolemais, and so from thence back again into his Country, all the rest of the Army of the Christians crying out to him to the contrary; who after the Kings departure still marching on, came to the Mount Thabor. But shortly after, Winter now coming on, and many of their Cattel dying for cold and want of meat, they returned some to Ptolemais, some to Tyre, and there wintred. King Iohn and the Duke of Austria in the mean time took a Castle betwixt Coesarea and Caipha, called The Castle of Pilgrims, from whence they much troubled the Barbarians thereabouts all that Winter. Upon the appearance of the Spring, and the Army again met together, it was thought best by all the great Commanders, that for so much as the King∣dom of Egypt was the chief Maintenance of the Mahometan Superstition, against the Christians in those parts, and that so long as it stood upright, they should not be able to do any great matter in Syria, to attempt the Conquest thereof, as an exploit best beseeming their Valour, and so great preparation; for that Kingdom being once sub∣dued, the City of Ierusalem, with all the Land of Palestine, would of themselves without more ado straightway yield unto them. And for as much as the famous City of Damiata, called in ancient time Pelusium, not much inferior unto Alexandria, was the first and most commodious Port for that purpose, as nearest unto Syria; and that by the taking thereof they should have a fair entrance into the great River Nilus, with the command of a most rich and pleasant Coun∣try about it. They resolved there to begin the War; and thereupon embarking themselves with all things necessary for so great an Enterprise at Ptolemais, and carried with a fair Wind, they in short time arrived at the desired Port.* 4.155 Now that rich and ancient City, the Key of that side of the Kingdom, stood about a mile from the Sea, and somewhat distant also from the great River, environed with a Navigable Ditch or Cut, drawn out of Nile, in manner of an Island, as a man cometh from Syria by Land; and com∣passed about with three strong stone Walls, the work of the good Emperor Aelius Pertinax, and of him (as some affirm) called also Aeliopolis. At the mouth of this Cut, as you should enter into the City, stood a strong Watch-Tower for the defence thereof, and round about it a number of fair Houses, in manner of a pretty Town en∣trenched. Besides that, for the more safety there∣of, the same Cut was barred with a great strong iron Chain, in such sort, as that it was not possible for any Ship, without breaking of the same to enter. The Christians with their Fleet entring the mouth of the River, and coming to this Cut, by great strength brake the Chain; but thinking so to have made their passage unto the City, they found a greater stay at the Watch-Tower, which strongly built of square Stone, and well stored with War-like Engins of all sorts, and a good Garrison of valiant Souldiers, stayed their further passage, overwhelming them as they approached, with shot, fire, stones, timber, and such like, before provided for that purpose.

The Christians (after the manner of the fight of that time) had upon certain flat Vessels built certain high Towers of Wood for the assailing of the Watch-Tower; in the approaching where∣of, they were not only troubled with the Enemy, but with the tumult and stir of their own people also; some crying that they should yet draw nearer unto the Tower; othersome crying out as fast, to have the Bridges cast out, thereby to enter; and the Enemy likewise with much cla∣mour encouraging one another for the repulsing

of the Christians. So the Souldiers hindred the Mariners to do their business, and the Mariners the Souldiers. In the midst of this hurly-burly and tumult, one of the wooden Towers sur∣mounting the rest in height, overcharged with the press of men, fell, and in falling made such a noise, as if Heaven it self had fallen, where in a moment (as it were) was presently to be seen a most heavy Spectacle; many overwhelmed with the falling of the Tower, lay there crushed to death; some grievously hurt, and yet not dead, lay oppressed with the timber, crying out for help; others bruised or hurt, but not overwhelm∣ed, for fear of further harm, leapt some into the Nile, some aboard the other Ships near by, some crying out of his Arm, some of his Leg, some of his Head or other part of his body, to the great dis∣comfiture of the rest, in so much that the Assault was for that time given over.

King Iohn (as well for his Valour, as for the Title of the King of Ierusalem, chosen General of the Army) after he had appeased this tumult, and given the charge of them that were maimed or hurt, unto skilful Surgeons, and buried the bodies of such as were found drowned or over∣whelmed; with chearful Speech encouraged the rest of his Souldiers, perswading them not to be discouraged with the accident of the fall of a Tower, which was neither to be imputed to their Cowardise, or the Valour of the Enemy, but only to the chance of War.

In the mean time Meledin the Egyptian Sultan, had with a great Army encamped himself with∣in the sight of Damiata, thereby to encourage the besieged, and to fill them with hope of relief; sending them oftentimes by the River, News, Messages, Victuals, Souldiers, Armor, and what∣soever else they wanted. The chief cause of his staying there, was to take occasion for the sur∣prising of the Christians, if any should be offered, either by chance, or their own negligence. Eve∣ry day some skirmish or other passed betwixt our men and the Barbarians, ours still carrying away the Victory; yet could these Barbarians nei∣ther be drawn forth to battel, neither could our men keep them from Victuals, for as much as they had the River of Nile at command, where∣by Victuals were out of the upper part of Egypt in great abundance conveyed into the Sultans Camp; whereas on the contrary part, the same River dividing it self into many Arms, in some places here and there overflowing, in another cut into many Ditches and Channels, and in some other pent up by Walls and Causies, gave unto our men a thousand displeasures. And therefore seeing that the Sultan would neither give nor ac∣cept of battel, they resolved again to lay siege to the Tower. Wherefore having with great cunning, upon two Ships made fast together, framed a Tower of most strong Timber, equal in height unto the Watch-Tower, they brought the same near unto the Turks Tower, and the Suburbs adjoyning thereunto, after which followed also the rest of the Fleet well appointed for the Assault. At which time all the rest of the Army at Land stood in battel ready ranged, as well to discourage them of the Town, as that the Sultan should not be able to help them without the hazarding of battel. There began a fierce and cruel Assault; they of the Suburbs right valiant∣ly defending themselves against their Enemies. Within these Suburbs, the Tower, and the Trenches, dwelt not only Egyptians, (the natural Inhabitants of the Country) but also Arabians, Persians, Syrians, Indians, Moors, and Aethiopians, who were there resiant; for that, that City was a publique Mart whereunto all kind of Merchan∣dises were brought from far out of the remotest parts of the World, and so from thence in like manner transported also; which encouraged them the more to fight for the defence of their Lives and Goods, the two things which men hold most dear; and in like sort animated our men unto the Assault, as well in the quarrel of the Christian Religion, as to inrich themselves with the spoil of those rich Nations. The Christians with their Ships drew as near as possibly they could unto the Land, to the intent that upon the bank of the River they might come to fight hand to hand, and man to man, and so come close unto their Enemies. But the Barbarians on the other▪ side sought by shot and all other means they could, to keep them further off, and so from landing.

That which most feared the Egyptians, was,* 4.156 that as one of our Ships by chance ran aground upon that side of the River where the Enemy lay, and being boarded by the Enemy, thronging in as fast as he could, and there making a cruel slaugh∣ter, one of the Christian Souldiers going down under the Hatches, made there a great hole, whereby the water abundantly coming in, sunk the Ship before the Enemy was aware, and so drowned a great number of the Egyptians toge∣ther with the Christians. At which time also the high Tower built upon the two Ships, joyning now close unto the Watch-Tower, and mating the same, dismayed the Defendants with the strangeness thereof, as with a Miracle, in such sort, that they strucken with a great fear, as now being to fight with a strange, hardy, and cruel kind of men, without any great resistance for∣sook the Tower and fled. The Watch-Tower thus taken, and they that should have defended the same, some slain, and some fled; they in the Suburbs discouraged, and flying away, were many of them wounded from above, out of the Watch-Tower but now gained by the Christi∣ans. At which time also the other Ships landed the Souldiers, who entring the Suburbs, put all they found there to the Sword, even unto the last man. There was found great abundance of Victuals, but far greater store of Riches, in so much that it seemed to have been the spoil of Arabia, Persia, and the rich Indies.

Now yet remained the strong Town of Da∣miata,* 4.157 which was forthwith assaulted by the Christians, more to prove if in that heat and sudden fear it would be yielded, than for any hope they had by force to win it. But having done what they could both by scaling, and by other Engins, they gained nothing but hard blows and wounds, and so retired. Nevertheless they lodged themselves in the Suburbs, and laid a great part of the Army betwixt the Sultan and the besieged City, to the intent that no supply of Victuals should be brought unto it; yet both the Enemy oftentimes attempted to have entred the City, and the besieged to have sallied out, but both the one and the other were letted to do what they would have done, and that not without the great loss of their men; for why, the Town was now on every side so inclosed by the Christians, as that no man could enter in or out thereof. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege, it fortuned that the River of Nile swelling with a great Eastern Wind, rise above the banks, and so overflowed the places wherein the Christi∣ans lay, that they could keep nothing dry, and that most part of their Victuals were therewith spoiled. With which unseasonable rising of the River, the Christians not a little troubled, by commandment of Pelagius the Popes Legate, gave themselves to fasting and prayer by the space of

three days. But the Wind falling the fourth day, and the River again decreasing, they gave them∣selves more earnestly to prayer than before, thank∣ing the Almighty, that as he had put them in a great fear, so he had in mercy again comforted them.

Now with long lying began Victuals to grow scant in the Sultans Camp, so that he was glad to send away half of his Army up again into the Country of Caire. At which time also it chanced (as if it had been in an extream and common danger of the Mahometan Superstition) that Embassadors sent from Corradin Sultan of Damasco and Ierusalem, unto the Princes of the Christian Army, came to sue for Peace, both for Himself and his Brother the Egyptian Sultan; pro∣mising in regard thereof again to restore unto them the Holy Cross, and whatsoever else him∣self, his Father, or Sultan Saladin had before taken from them; of which their Offer, most part of the Army liked well, saying, That they had therefore taken up Arms for the recovery of that which had been before gotten, and gain∣ed by the Valour of the worthy Christian Cap∣tains, and had of late been taken from them; and to blot out tbe Ignominy of the loss thereof, to the end it should not be said, that they could not leave whole and entire unto their Children, what their Fathers had got, when they had the keeping thereof; neither having lost it, be able again to recover it; that all these things being restored, there rested not any further occasion of War, or let to stay them as most victorious Conquerors to return home. Nevertheless Pela∣gius,* 4.158 Pope Honorius his Legate (for Innocentius in the preparation of the Wars was before dead at Pe∣lusium) with King Iohn, the Masters of the Knights Hospitalers and Templars, the Duke of Austria, and the Germans, were of opinion to the con∣trary; alledging, That this Sacred War was un∣dertaken generally against the Infidels, and for Religions sake against the Mahometan Supersti∣tion, whereof the Kingdom of Egypt was the chief Seat and stay; and that therefore they ought especially to impugn that. Which per∣swasion, together with the Authority of the Per∣swaders, so prevailed, that the Sultans large Offers were rejected, and so the Embassadors dispatched without any thing obtained of that they came for. Whereupon Corradin fearing that the Christians would at length come to Ie∣rusalem, as the place they most desired; and doubting how he should be able to defend the same, forthwith rased the Walls thereof, and the more to deface it, overthrew and pluckt down most of the goodly Houses, and other stately Buildings therein, sparing yet the Tower of David, and the holy Sepulchre; which he is said to have done at the humble Request and Inter∣cession of the Christians of divers Countries, which yet dwelt there mixt with the Turks and Sarasins.

Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege of Damiata, the Plague began to rage in the Camp, whereof so many died, that it began to repent the great Commanders of the Army that they had so much hearkned to the perswasion of the Legate (a man making no profession of Arms) rather than to the sound Advice of others, who by long experience taught the sudden alteration of matters of War, would willingly have ac∣cepted of the Sultans large Offers; so began Pela∣gius the Legate to be generally evil spoken of.* 4.159 There were now already six months past since the beginning of the Siege, and the Sultan lying in sight had not with him so great an Army as before, but only the flower and choice of his people, having (as we have before said) for want of Victuals sent away the rest up again into the Country; now it fortuned that the Christians, as men weary of the long Siege, stood not so carefully upon their Guard, with Watch and Ward, as before, but gave themselves more to ease; which the Sultan perceiving, drew nearer to the Town, in hope under the covert of the silent night, to send new Supplies unto the besieged; which Companies by him appointed for that Service, couragiously set forward, in hope to have de∣ceived the Christian Sentinels, and so indeed came near unto the Town unseen or discovered; and now the foremost of those Companies were already entred the Town; when the Christians perceiving them, and raising an Alarm, put them∣selves in Arms, and so furiously assailed the hin∣dermost of them, and in such sort, that they which were before within, and those that were but now entred, fearing lest the Enemy in that hurly burly should pell mell enter in with the rest, shut them out of the Gates, exposed to the butchery, where all were presently cut in pieces.

The Christians encouraged with this Victory, the next day leaving a great part of the Army before the Town to continue the Siege, presented themselves before the Sultans Camp to give him battel; who for all that well considering that the loss of a battel might endanger the whole State of his Kingdom, would by no means be drawn out of his Trenches, but lay still; wherewith the Christians, especially the French-men (in the first charge naturally furious) greatly encouraged, attempted to have forcibly entred their Ram∣piers, but not with success answerable to their courage. For the Egyptians perceiving the small number of their Enemies, notably repulsed them, and in fine inforced them to retire, having lost Gualter, one of their chief Commanders, with divers others; yea King Iohn in assailing the Camp, lost many of his men, and grievously burnt in his face, hardly escaping himself with life. After which discomfiture, they resolved, not to think of any thing else but of the Siege, and above all things to provide that no Suc∣cours should be brought into the Town. They in the City more straitly beset and besieged than before, and now brought unto extream necessity and famine; and out of all hope of Relief, assem∣bled themselves to consult of their Affairs, and what were best for them to do in so dangerous a state; some one or other of them by night or otherwise secretly flying into the Camp. And that more was, the City had undoubtedly been yielded by the greater part, had not the chief Commanders within mured up the Gates, and commanded that none of the Inhabitants upon pain of death should come upon the Walls or Rampiers, to the intent they should not get out, or cast themselves from above the Walls into the Ditches. The chief Commanders and Cap∣tains went here and there up and down the City, to search and view all things, especially the shops and store-houses, where finding small store of Wheat, they divided it in small portions among themselves; the common people enforced with want, eat whatsoever came to hand, were it lawful or unlawful, or forbidden by their Super∣stition, wholsome or unwholsome, good or bad, salt or fresh, roasted or raw; and so prolonged their lives with such things as they could find. Now the besieged, not able to indure these ex∣tremities of the Famine (being the passion that most grievously and often troubleth Mankind) they were also attached with the Wrath of God; for the Plague (the fury whereof had before attainted the Camp of the Christians, and after∣ward quite ceased) was now got into the City, where it made a great Slaughter; which morta∣lity

day by day in such sort increased, that men were not only now no more to be found, to visit, comfort, succor, serve and help the Sick; but were wanting also to bury them, to draw them out of their Beds and Houses, and to separate the Living from the Dead; the Streets and Houses full of dead Bodies, gave forth a most horrible stink, with a most grievous and infectious Air; there was not any place clear from the Plague, or any man that could boast he had not been at∣tainted therewith, or the fear thereof▪ and re∣medy there was none. The rage and fury of these two Devourers, the Famine, and Plague, devoured them without number, choosing rather so to die, than to submit themselves to their Enemies; or to humble themselves so low, as to crave their Fa∣vour. That they within were thus pinched with Famine, the Christians knew; but that the Plague so raged amongst them, they knew not. Now the Christians had of purpose cast up certain Trenches and Baricadoes, for the keeping in of such as the Famine should enforce to come out of the Town; thinking that the besieged, to ease their wants, would thrust the baser sort of the people and un∣profitable mouths out of the City; unto whom the Christians meant not to give any passage; for they having long before so straightly environed the City, as that no relief could be brought unto it, lay now still expecting when the besieged, enforc'd by necessity, should yield themselves; and so with∣out loss of any man, to become Masters of so strong and rich a Town. It was now more than a year that the Christians had thus lien at the Siege of Da∣miata, when as certain of the Souldiers upon a bravery adventured with a few scaling Ladders to mount the Wall; in which doing, finding no re∣sistance, and withall hearing so great silence, as if there had been no body within the City, they stood still a great while hearkening, but seeing that dumb silence still to continue, they returned unto the Camp, giving the Captains to understand how the matter stood; who at the first thought it to be some policy and fineness of the deceitful E∣nemy; yet afterward they thought it good to ad∣venture certain men, to prove their fortune, and to cause certain companies well appointed to scale one of the Bulwarks of the City, in such sort, as if they should have gon against a puissant Enemy, that had had the power to resist them. And here∣upon were scaling Ladders brought forth, and all things made ready, as for a great Assault. So the Christians couragiously mounting the Ladders, without resistance took the Bulwak.* 4.160 But as they were entring farther into the Town, a small Com∣pany of the Turks and Barbarians (all the Soul∣diers that the Fury of the Plague had left, and they also with the Famine and Infection of the Air very weak and feeble) met them, and began to make some small resistance, but to no purpose, be∣ing forthwith all cut in pieces. Which done, the matter wherewith the Gates of the City were mured, was presently removed, the Gates set open, and the Christians with Ensigns displaied let in. But even at the very entring in at the Gates, they were attainted with a most grievous and horrible stink, they saw a fair City dispeopled, and that which was most fearful to behold,* 4.161 the Streets co∣vered with bodies of the dead, and such a dreadful desolation, as might move even the Enemy himself to compassion. The Christians were entred, as men appointed to have done a great execution, and to have made the Channels run with blood, as men justly provoked with the long Siege, and the pains they had endured; they had their Swords and Weapons in their Hands, but found none against whom to use them; for a man could not enter into any House, or go into any Street, but he must pass over the dead, or others, which being not yet altogether dead, were miserably drawing toward their end. Of seventy thousand persons in the City, were not found above three thousand alive, and those for the most part yet young Chil∣dren; for all the rest were dead, taken away ei∣ther with the Sword, Famine or the Plague; the greatest part whereof lay yet stinking above the ground unburied. These three thousand that were left, were so maigre and poor, that pity it was to behold them; unto whom their lives were granted upon condition that they would make clean the City, and bury the dead, which they were three months in doing.

Thus was Damiata taken by the Christians the fifth day of November, in the year 1221, [year 1221.] after it had been more than a year by them besieged. The Spoil there taken was great, for besides the rich Merchandize brought thither from far, was found great store of Gold, Silver, and precious Stones. The Christians thus enriched, and the City made clean, staied there more than a year after, as in a Colony wherein they had been willing to dwell, forgetful of their own Country. In the beginning of these Wars, the Princes of the Army had with one consent agreed, That whatsoever City or Territory should by them be taken from the Turks or Infidels, should be given unto the King of Ie∣rusalem, whom after the departure of the King of Hungary, they had made General of the whole Army. But now that the City was taken, Pela∣gius the Legate, pretending, That by the vertue of his Legation, it belonged unto him to dispose of all things taken in that sacred War, (as a man not unmindful of his Master) adjudged the City from thenceforth to belong unto the See of Rome. With which indignity and wrong, the King inwardly discontented, (and yet for the Authority of the Legate, dissembling the matter) withdrew himself, and so retired to Ptolemais.

The year following, Pelagius weary to see the Arms of the Christians to corrupt with rust, [year 1222.] and nothing doing, considering the desire and hope he had utterly to have ruinated the Infidels, together with their Superstition, commanded, That every man should again take up Arms for the prosecu∣ting of this War against the Sultan, and the be∣sieging of Caire. But for all that, when he had commanded what he would, or could, the Soul∣diers little regarding his command with one voice cryed out, that they would not be commanded by any, but by the King of Ierusalem only. So that the Legate, enforced by the Souldiers, was glad to send unto the King, to request him again to re∣turn to Damiata, and to take upon him the charge for the managing of that War, taken in hand for the defence of the Christian Religion; who for all that excused himself from so doing, one while by his own particular Affairs, another while by his own indisposition; yet in fine, pressed and over∣come with the prayers and requests of the other Latine Princes, he returned to Damiata, at the self same time, that the Duke of Bavaria arrived there with a goodly company of brave men, brought thither out of his own Country, after he had been now from thence ten months absent.

The Legate desirous of the prosecution of this War, requested and urged the King,* 4.162 with the rest of the Princes and great Commanders, without delay to take the Field, telling them, that the En∣terprise of the holy War was grown old, and cold, by those long delaies and protracting of the time; and that they which kept Wars so far from home, ought to make hast to force the Enemy, to take all occasions, to lose no time, but ever to be doing; and to prove all things for the annoying of the Enemy; and that that was the way, whereby

the Worthies of ancient times, both Kings and Emperors, had gained unto themselves Empires, Glory, Greatness, and Wealth; That it was for them that were invaded and assailed, upon whose lives depended the safety of their Country, their Wives, their Children, and Goods, to delay and prolong the time as they might to delude the E∣nemy, to frustrate his designs, to defeat his At∣tempts, and with delaies to dally him off, until that having thereby weakned his Forces, he should together with his courage lose also his hope; Caire (he said) to be indeed a great City, but yet that the greatest Cities that ever were, had by the Wars become great Desarts, forced by the power of their puissant and speedy Enemies; and that great Empires, as were those of the Sultans, ought not to be invaded or assailed by any forreign force, if they were not at the first onset, over∣thrown, or at least so weakned, as that they could not afterwards lift up their Heads or recover themselves; for otherwise, that they which had prepared a destruction for others, should fall into the same themselves; That it behooved either not to have attempted or assailed Egypt at all; or else now, after it had been once assailed, not so to give it over before it were conquered. The King of Ierusalem, whether it were that he were pricked with the gri••f, that being called the King of the Holy Land, he could not have the City of Dami∣ata (under the leading and conduct won by the Christians come to the sacred War) given unto him by the Legate; or that he had before proved that the higher Country of Egypt was not without great and manifest danger to be attempted; said, that he would not in any case go; alleadging that honourable and sacred War to have been taken in hand, only for the recovery of the Holy Land, and not for the winning of Memphis, Babylon, or Thebes in Egypt; which after they were taken, would not for any long time continue in their Fidelity or Allegeance, and could not possibly be kept by force; whereas Syria, by Godfrey Duke of Bulloin and the other great Princes his Associ∣ates, entred into, conquered and possessed; and since his time, by divers other Christian Kings and Princes holden, was in right their own; and that therefore he greatly commended the forward∣ness, the diligence, the courage, the desire, and whatsoever thing else Pelagius commended; but that he ought to employ the same in Syria, and not there where no need was, or from whence no profit was to be drawn or expected. Never∣theless the Legate wedded to his own opinion, by the power of his Authority, commanded the King of Ierusalem, the Duke of Bavaria, with the rest of the great Commanders and Captains, to take up their Arms, to get them into the Field upon the Expedition by him appointed against the Sultan; threatning the pain of the high sentence of Excommunication against him or them, that would shew themselves backward or unwilling to do what he had commanded. So as it were enforced by the Legate, they began with evil Will and worse Speed, to set forward in August, in the very hottest time of the year. At which time the Sultan beholding the great Army of the Christians, in number about seventy thousand, re∣tired as a man afraid, into such places as he thought best, farther off; which the Legate see∣ing (as one not acquainted with the feats of War) rejoyced greatly, as if the Victory had been al∣ready more than half gained; commending to the Heavens them that he saw couragiously march∣ing forward, saying, That fortune always favoured the Valiant, and that unto Cowards all things fell still out to the worst. By the way the Christi∣ans seized upon a Bridge, which the Enemy had made over the Nile, and cut in pieces such Com∣panies as were left for the keeping thereof; so marching on they drew neer unto Caire, and there in the sight of that great and rich City encamped; where running up and down, the more to terrifie them of the City, provoked them to Battel, upbraiding unto them their Laziness, their Cow∣ardise and Sloth, braving them, (if they were men) to come out; Yet for all that they would not so do, but keeping themselves close and covert with∣in the City, let them alone to brag and boast at their own pleasure. This Siege continued long, of purpose protracted still from day to day by them of the City; and the great opinion the Christi∣ans had of their own valour, with the small re∣gard they had of their Enemies, made them so proud and careless, that they remembred no more to take good care of the War, of their Duty, their Watch, or their Sentinels; their confidence was in their own Valour and good Fortune, not con∣sidering or remembring that they were come into Egypt, and that they had put themselves within the Trenches, Sallies, Channels and Cuts of a deceitful River, which not only brought Victuals unto their Enemies, but also fortified them; who by how much they were the less valiant, and less understood of the Art of War, the more they used of Craft and Subtilty for the preserving of them∣selves; so the crafty Enemies drew the Christians out at length, abusing them with many delaies and deceits; making semblance of great Fear, to make themselves the less to be feared; and more con∣temptible in their doings, to the end that they knowing the Passages and Straights of the Coun∣try, and reserving themselves unto the occasions and advantages both of the time, and of their E∣nemies, might circumvent them and entrap them at such time as they least feared any such matter. The Christians, at all adventure had encamped themselves in a low ground, within the Banks and Causies of that Fenny Country, under the covert thereof, thinking themselves safe as in their Tren∣ches, against all sudden Sallies or Attempts of their Enemies; but these places wherein they lay were soft and dirty, for so much as the Country People used at their pleasure to water them by Channels and Sluces out of the River of Nile; which now pluckt up and opened, the River be∣gan to rise and overflow all. Then too late they perceived themselves 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as in a Grin,* 4.163 with∣out power to defend themselves, or to make any resistance, or by any other means to shew their Valour. So the River still arising and overflowing gave unto the Turks and Egyptians good hope of their Wars, and of a Victory more desired than hoped for over a warlike and victorious People. All the ground where the Christians lay encamped, was covered with Water, so high that the Victu∣als were corrupted, and no place left for a man to stand or lie dry in.

Now at the same time the Egyptians had taken the high places, with the passages upon the Walls and Banks in that drowned Country, to the in∣tent that the Christians should not be able to re∣tire or to save themselves out of the Bogs and Marishes covered over with Water. So was their rash Valour and presumptuous Confidence in themselves, exposed unto the Enemies Shot and Fury; and when they would by force have de∣fended themselves, their hardiness was overcome by the crafty Subtility of the weak Enemy. Then began every man to cry out against Pelagius the Legat, accusing, condemning, and rayling at him; the King himself they blamed not, for that he had done his duty, in disswading of this expedition, and was contrary to his good liking himself drawn into this War, the charge whereof

he had not without great intreaty taken upon him; neither might he with his credit well com∣plain of this misfortune, lest in so doing, he might seem to have had no comfort in himself. But as for the Legate, what Counsel could he then give, what Counsel could he then take for himself? They of Venice, Pisa, and Genoa, left at Damiata, were indeed strong at Sea, but how could they come to relieve him at Caire? And how, or by what Forces could the Christians break out of the Banks and Sluces of the Cuts and Chan∣nels; which winding in and out with a thousand inextricable turnings inclosed them, beset also on every side with the victorious Enemy? After they had been thus coupt up, and environed with the Waters three days, you might have seen the poor Souldiers in every place fall down dead for want of Food and Sleep,* 4.164 and so perish in the Water; the like miserable kind of death, the rest were also in short time after to expect; other help there was none, but to yield unto necessity, and to accept of such conditions as it should please the proud Enemy to propound. Now the Sultan desired not so much their lives, as the Liberty of his Country; and therefore required to have the City Damiata again restored unto him, and all things else in such sort as were be∣fore the besieging thereof; and so the Christians without more ado to depart his Country. Hard Conditions if a man respect the hope where∣upon the Christians had undertaken this War, and were so come into Egypt, with the toil there by them endured; but unto him that will but enter into consideration of mens affairs, and especially in Martial matters, it will seem but an accident to be yielded unto, the like whereof hath oftentimes happened unto the greatest men in the World. These Conditions (such as they were) were by the distressed Christians accepted of. But when they were brought to Damiata, and there propounded to the Christians there left, a great contention began to arise among them; some said they would not accept of them, or surrender the Town, which being kept would be a stay for all the affairs of the Christians in the East, and a most commodious place for them to have re∣course unto; but being restored and lost, carried away with it all the hope of the Christians, and that therefore it were better to endure all extre∣mities, than to receive such dishonourable and hurtful a peace. Others of the contrary opinion said, That they ought not to forsake them that were in danger before Caire, nor to expose them to the butchery, but to have a Christian com∣passion of so many thousands of Souls as there lay distressed, seeing they might be saved by the surrender of that one Town; Towns (they said) consisted of the number of men, and not Men of the Inclosures of Walls and Ditches. They that were of this opinion, for the delivering up of the Town, seeing the other obstinately set down to the contrary, withdrawing themselves from the Council, presently took up Arms, and by force entred the Houses of them that were of the contrary opinion, and took from them their Weapons, by that means and perforce to constrain them to yield to their desire. As soon as they that lay before Caire (almost drowned in the Waters) understood of this dissention at Da∣miata about the delivery of the Town, they sent them word, that if they would not yield the Town to the Sultan, they would forthwith send to Ptolemais, which would not fail to do what should be commanded, to have it instead of Damiata surrendred to the Egyptians. So was Da∣miata again yielded to the Infidels, and so great labours of the Christians taken at the Siege and winning thereof, all lost. That which made this indignity more tolerable, was that Sultan Me∣ladin, having without bloodshed gained so great a Victory, did neither by word or deed any thing in despight or reproach of the Christians, but used them with all courtesie, relieving them also with Victual and such other things as they wanted, and by faithful Guids conducting them in safety out of the Country.

In like manner also, Coradin his Brother, Sultan of Damasco, made truce with the Latines for eight years. Whereupon the King of Ierusalem went over into Italy, and there by the perswa∣sion of Honorius the Pope, his Wife being now dead, gave his Daughter Yoland (now crowned Queen of Ierusalem in the right of her Mother) in marriage to Frederick King of Sicilia, and Em∣peror of the Latines, the rather thereby to stir him up for the taking in hand of the sacred War. Ever since which time, he and the Kings of Sici∣lia his Successors have been called Kings of Ie∣rusalem, albeit that they have evil prosecuted that their pretended Right and Title, as still busied in more prophane Wars against other Christian Princes. King Iohn afterwards departing from Rome for France, was by the way honourably en∣tertained at Pisa; but arriving at the French Court, he found Philip the French King despe∣rately sick, who by his last Will and Testament gave unto the Knights Hospitalers and Tem∣plars, sixty thousand Crowns for the maintenance of their Wars against the Infidels; which Mony was to their use afterward paid unto King Iohn. Who shortly to discharge himself of a Vow he had made, to visit the Pilgrimage at Compostella, going into Spain, by the way married Berengaria, the King of Castile his Daughter; and there staying a great while, returned again into France, where he lay long expecting the setting forward of the Emperor Fredericks Son-in-Law for the recovery of his Wives Right to the Kingdom of Ierusalem; which although he solemnly vowed at such time as he with all Princely Magnificence married the said Lady at Rome, yet otherwise letted with troubles nearer home, performed not the same, untill almost seven years after; all which time the Christians in Syria enjoying the fruit of the late concluded Peace for eight years, lived in great rest and quietness; where so leaving them, until the arising of new troubles, let us in the mean time return again unto the troubled affairs of the Turks, Greeks, and Latines, at Constantinople, and in the lesser Asia.

Henry the Second Emperor of the Latines at Constantinople,* 4.165 after he had (as is aforesaid) with much ado repressed the Fury of the Bulgari∣ans and Scythes, his barbarous Enemies, and so given peace to the miserable Country of Thracia, died, having reigned a most troublesome Reign, about the space of eleven years. Afte•• whom succeeded Peter, Count of Ausserre, his Son-in-Law, third Emperor of the Latines in Constan∣tinople; who in the beginning of his Empire, willing to gratifie the Venetians, and to revenge himself of Theodorus Angelus, a great Prince of Epirus, Competitor of his Empire, besieged him in Dirrachium; which strong City, the said The∣odorus had but a little before surprised, belong∣ing unto the Venetian Seigniory. At which Siege, Peter the Emperor lying, was so cunning∣ly by the wilie Greek used, that a Peace was upon most honourable conditions betwixt them concluded, and a familiar kind of Friendship joyned. Insomuch that the Emperor at his re∣quest, not well advised, came unto him as his Guest; who now of his Enemy became his

Host, entertaining him with all the formalities that feigned Friendship could devise. But having him now in his power, and fearing no harm, regarding neither the Laws of Fidelity or Hospi∣tality, he most traiterously slew him, as he was yet in the midst of his Banquet. Of whose end, some others yet otherwise report, as that he should by the same Theodorus have been inter∣cepted about the pleasant Woods of Tempe in Thessalia, as he was travelling from Rome to Con∣stantinople, and so afterwards to have been by him cruelly put to death. Of whose misfortune, Te∣pulus Governour of Constantinople understanding, for the more safety of the State in that vacancy of the Greek Empire, made peace with Theodo∣rus for five years, and the Turks for two. Shortly after came Robert (the Son of the aforesaid un∣fortunate Emperor Peter) with his Mother to Constantinople,* 4.166 and there in his Fathers stead was solemnly saluted Emperor; but not with much better luck than was his Fa••her before him; for shortly after his coming he took to Wife a fair young Lady, the Daughter of a great rich and noble Matron of the City, but before betrothed unto a gallant Gentleman, a Burgundian born; with whom the old Lady broke her promise, and more careful of her Daughters preferment, than fidelity, gave her in marriage unto the new Emperor. The joy of which so great an Ho∣nour was in short time converted not into a deadly heaviness, but even into death it self; for the young Burgundian, more enraged with the wrong done him than discouraged with the greatness and power of the Emperor, consorted himself with a company of lusty tall Souldiers, acquainted with his purpose, and awating his time when the Emperor was absent, by night entred the Court with his desperate Followers, and first meeting with the beautiful young Empress,* 4.167 cut off her Nose and her Ears, and afterward threw her old Mother into the Sea, and so fled out of the City into the Woods and Mountains, with those desperate cut-throats the ministers of his bar∣barous cruelty. The Emperor pierced to the heart with this so great a disgrace, shortly after went to Rome, to what purpose was not certainly known; but in returning back again through Achaia, he there died, leaving behind him his young Son Baldwin, yet but a Child, begotten by his first Wife, to succeed him in the Empire; who by the name of Baldwin the Second, was crowned the fifth and last Emperor of the La∣tines in Constantinople.* 4.168 And for because he was as yet but young and unfit for the Government, he was by the consent of the Nobility affianced, and afterward married unto Martha the younger Daughter of Iohn Brenne King of Ierusalem, a worthy old Captain, (but as then Governour of Ravenna, which City, he being certain years be∣fore sent for out of France for that purpose, by Honorius the Pope, he notably defended against the Emperor Frederick his Son-in-Law, but that affini∣ty was before broken off by the death of the said Emperors Wife) who now sent for out of Italy un∣to Constantinople, had committed to his charge and protection, both the Person and Empire of the young Emperor Baldwin, now his Son-in-Law. Which great and heavy charge he for certain years after worthily and faithfully discharged, until such time as that Baldwin was himself grown able to take upon him the government. Now although the Imperial City of Constantinople, with the Countries of Thracia, Thessalia, Macedonia, Achaia, Peloponesus, and the rest of the Provinces of Greece, were all or for the most part under the Government of Baldwin the Emperor, the Venetians, or other the inferior Latine Princes; yet were the oppressed Greeks, the natural In∣habitants thereof, in heart not theirs, as abhorring nothing more than that their forreign govern∣ment; but wholly devoted to their own natural Princes, Theodorus Lascaris and Alexius Comnenus, the one reigning at Nice in Bithynia, the other at Trapezond in Pontus, both called by the Greeks, Emperors, and so of them generally reputed. Las∣caris of the two the better beloved, and by far of greatest power, had during the time of his Go∣vernment fought many an hard Battel, (as is in part before declared) and strongly fortified his chief Cities against the invasion of his Ene∣mies, as well the Turks as the Latines; and so having as it were erected a new Empire in Asia, and there reigned eighteen years, died, leaving behind him one Iohn Ducas Batazes, that had married the fair Lady Irene his Daughter and Heir,* 4.169 to succed him in the Greek Empire in Asia. This Iohn was a man of a great Wit and Spirit, and of more gravity for his years, than was Theodorus his Father-in-Law, never undertaking any thing be∣fore he had thereof well considered; and once resolved, not omitting or neglecting any thing for the performance thereof. So that it was not unfitly said of the Greeks, The planting of this new Empire to have required the celerity of Lascaris, but the stay thereof to have been the gravity of Ducas. He in the beginning of his Reign in very short time having set all things in good order, greatly augmented his Legions, and shooting at a fairer mark than the Empire he held, even the Imperial City it self, and the re∣covery of all Thracia and Grecia out of the hands of the Latines, which could not be done without a Fleet at Sea, built a great number of Gallies in the Ports of the lesser Asia. And so having rigged up and manned a strong Fleet, and scour∣ing the Seas, in one Summer took in most of the Islands of the Aegeum, namely Lesbos, Chios, Sa∣mos, Icaria, Coos, with the famous Island of the Rhodes, and many others also. And not so con∣tented, to have increased his Empire, the next Spring crossing the Hellespont, and landing his Forces, first invaded Chersonesus; and afterward to terrifie the Latines, forrageing the Country far and near, even to the Gates of Constantinople, no man daring to oppose himself against him. At which time also he took many Cities and strong Towns alongst the Sea-coast, as Calliopolis, Sestus, and Cardia, with divers others thereabout, some by force, some by composition, the Greeks almost in every place yielding themselves, where they were not so oppressed by the Latines, as that they could not help him. Now by these pro∣ceedings of the Greek Emperor in Europe, was plainly to be seen again the ruine of the Latine Empire in the East, all things prospering in his hand according to his hearts desire. Assan the Bulgarian King (no small terror both unto the Latines and the Greeks) moved with the fame hereof, by his Embassadors sent of purpose un∣to Iohn the Greek Emperor, offered his Daughter Helena in marriage with young Theodore his Son; of which offer the Emperor gladly ac∣cepted. For being busied in his great Affairs, he was loath to have so great a King as was Assan, his Enemy, able at his pleasure to call in the Scythes; who with their multitude, as a great flood breaking over the Banks, had oftentimes carried away whole Countries before them. Wherfore the match agreed upon, the two great Princes by appointment met together about Cher∣sonesus, where Hel••na King Assans Daughter, being then about ten years old, was with great Joy and Triumph solemnly married unto young Theo∣dor the Emperors Son, much of the same age. Not

long after, Embassadors were also sent unto the Emperor from the Sultan of Iconium, to confirm and prolong the League betwixt them; for the Tartars not contented to have driven the Turks out of Persia and the far Eastern-Countries, began now also to cut them short in their Provinces in the lesser Asia. Wherefore the Sultan of Iconium, fearing lest whiles he had his hands full of those his most dreadful Enemies, of themselves too strong for him, he should behind be set upon by the Greek Emperor, and so thrust out of all; sent these his Embassadors unto him for Peace; which he for many causes easily granted. First, for that he foresaw what an hard matter it would be for him to maintain War at once both in Asia against the Turks, and in Europe against the Latines; then by this War-like Nation, as by a most sure Bulwark, to keep his own Countries safe from the Invasion of the barbarous Tartars, unto whose fury he should himself lie open, if the Turks were once taken out of their way. Both suffici∣ent Reasons for the Emperor to yield unto the Sultan, which he did; so was the Peace con∣cluded, and the Embassadors dispatched. This Peace exceedingly comforted,* 4.170 and afterwards in∣riched the Emperors Countries; for now the people generally delivered of the fear and misery of continual War, began on all hands to fall to their fruitful Labours of Peace. Yea the Emperor himself, to the stirring up of others to the like good Husbandry, caused so much Land to be ploughed up for Corn, and so many Vineyards to be planted, as might plentifully suffice his own house, and such poor as he daily relieved; with a great overplus, which he caused to be carefully laid up in store; he kept also great Herds of Cattel, Flocks of Sheep, and Fowls of all sorts without number. The like he caused his Kins∣men and other of the Nobility to do, to the in∣tent that every great Man having sufficient for his own spending at home, should not take any thing from the poor Country men, that so every man contenting himself with his own, might live in peace without the grievance of others. By which means in a few years every Barn and Granary was full of Corn, every Cellar full of Wines, every Stable full of Cattel, every Store-house full of Victuals; the Fields were covered with Corn and Cattel, and in every mans Yard were to be seen all kinds of tame Fowls, without num∣ber. About which time also there fortuned a great Famine among the Turks, insomuch as that they were enforced to fetch their greatest Relief from out of the Christian Countries. Then might you have seen every way full of Turks, Men, Women, and Children, travelling to and fro into the Emperors Countries for Victuals; their Gold, their Silver, their other rich Commodities, they gave unto the Christians for Food; a little Corn was worth a good Commodity, every Bird, Sheep, and Kid, was sold at a great rate; by which means the Country-mens houses were full of the Turks wealth, and the Emperors Coffers stored with their Treasure. The greatness of the profit arising of this plenty of the Christians, and penury of the Turks, may hereby easily be ga∣thered, for that of Eggs daily sold, so much Money was in short time gathered, as made the Empress an Imperial Crown of Gold, richly set with most orient Pearl and precious Stones of great price;* 4.171 which the Emperor called Ovata, for that it was bought with Egg-money. Thus flourished the Greek Empire in the lesser Asia, under the good Emperor Iohn Ducas; the Turks at the same time declining as fast, daily pilled in one corner or another by the Tartars, and consumed with Famine at home.

Frederick the German Emperor had of long time vowed to take upon him an Expedition into the Holy Land; for performance whereof he was hardly called upon, first by Honorius quartus the Pope, and afterward for his long delay ex∣communicated by Gregory the Ninth; not so much for the Zeal they had unto the Sacred War, as to busie the Emperor afar off in Wars abroad, whilst they in the mean time, to increase their own power, drew from him some one part or other of his Empire; which he not without cause fearing, from day to day, and year to year, delayed the performance of his Vow, so much urged by the Pope; by his Presence and Power still disappointing all the fly designs of the Popes, conceived or put in practise against him. But now at length moved, or more truly to say, in∣forced with the Thundering and Lightning of Pope Gregory, he resolved to set forward, in the year, 1227. About which time, Iolenta,* 4.172 or Yoland his Wife, the King of Ierusalem his Daughter, died in Child-bed, being before delivered of a fair Son. Now were met together at Brundusium an exceeding great number of couragious and devout Souldiers out of all parts of Christendom, especially out of Germany, under the Leading of Lodwick Lantgrave of Thuring, and Sigefride Bi∣shop of Augusta; all stirred up with the fame of so notable an Expedition. But whilst they there stayed somewhat long, the Plague arose among the Germans, whereof in short time after, both the Lantgrave and the Bishop died, with many of the other best Souldiers. The Emperor him∣self was upon his way as far Mal••a, upon the further side of Peleponnesus, where falling despe∣rately sick of a Burning-Fever, and put back with contrary Winds, he returned again to Brundusium, and there stayed a great while after. Then be∣gan the Pope again to fret and fume, and to cast out his Excommunications against the Em∣peror, as if it had been Thunder and Lightning, accusing him of Perjury, Infidelity, and many other grievous Crimes; of all which the Emperor was ready to have cleared himself in an open Assembly of the Princes of Germany to have been holden at Ravenna, had it not been by the Pope and the Troubles of Lombardy disturbed. Never∣theless, he by open Protestations and Writings, fully answered all the Popes unjust Accusations, wherewith he had been so. hardly charged; and yet desirous to perform the Expedition by him taken in hand, having set all things in good Or∣der, and put himself again in a readiness, he set forward from Brundusium in August, in the year, 1228.* 4.173 leaving the Charge of his Territories in Italy under the care of Reynold Duke of Spaleto. The Pope displeased, for that the Emperor at his departure had neither reconciled himself, nor taken his leave of him, and deeming therein his Excommunications and Fulminations to be con∣temned and set at naught, fell into such a rage and choler, that he forbad all the Christian Forces that were in Syria, to follow him, or to yield to him their Obedience; and writ Letters also unto the Sultan, not to come to any agreement with the Emperor, or to yield unto him any part of the Holy Land, which Letters the Sultan afterwards sent unto the Emperor. Neither yet so contented, immediately after his departure, ran upon his Kingdom of Naples, and so filled all Italy with Troubles. Nevertheless the Emperor happily arriving at Ptolemais, was there honour∣ably received of the Christian Forces, notwith∣standing the Popes Threats and Cursings. Of whose arrival Sultan Meledin having Intelligence, and loth to draw so mighty an Enemy as was the Emperor, upon him, by his Embassadors offered

him most honourable Conditions of Peace; which before he would accept of, he by convenient Messengers sent unto the Pope, to have his con∣sent and approbation. But such was his rage, as that he would not suffer the Messengers to come into his presence, or vouchsafe to read the Em∣perors Letters, being brought unto him, but like a mad man presently rent them in pieces. All which Indignities the Emperor nevertheless took in good part, and concluded a Peace with the Turks for ten years, upon these conditions: First, That he should be anointed and accounted King of Ierusalem; then, That the holy City, with all the Land of Palestine should be delivered unto him; thirdly, That he might at his pleasure fortifie the Cities of Nazareth and Ioppa; fourthly, That all such places as were sometime in the Power of Baldwin the fourth King of Ierusalem, and taken from him by Sultan Saladin, should be restored; and last of all, That all Prisoners on both sides should be set at liberty without Ransome. So the Peace concluded, the Emperor with his Army came to the desolate City of Ierusalem, and there upon Easter-day with great Solemnity was Crowned King thereof, [year 1229.] in the year, 1229. And so having repaired the Walls of the City, with certain Churches,* 4.174 fortified Nazareth and Ioppa, and furnished them with strong Garrisons, and appointed Raynold Duke of Bavaria, his Lieute∣nant in Syria, he with two Gallies only returned into Italy. Ever since which time the Kings of Sicilia have been also called Kings of Ierusa∣lem, and have oftentimes born the Arms of both Kingdoms.

The next year Pope Gregory, in despight of the Emperor Frederick, [year 1230.] more than for any Zeal to the Christian Religion,* 4.175 did by the Domini∣cans and Franciscans (two Orders of Friers but then lately erected) as by his Trumpeters, stir up a wonderful number of zealous and devout Christians, almost in every part of Christendom, to take upon them the Cross (as they termed it) the cognisance of such as had by Vow bound themselves to take up Arms against the Turks and Sarasins, for the Recovery or Defence of the Holy Land. These devout men met together in great number, under the leading of Theobald King of Navar, Almericus, Count of Montfort, Henry Count of Champaigne, and others too long to rehearse, (of purpose stirred up to trouble the ten years Peace before concluded betwixt the Emperor and the Turks in Syria) set forward, and after long travel passing the Strait of Bos∣phorus, not far from Constantinople into Bithynia, came to the River Sangarius, and there stayed a while to refresh themselves. Afterwards passing through Galatia, and so from Country to Coun∣try through the lesser Asia, they came at length unto the Straits of the Mountain Amanus (a part of the Mountain Taurus) which they found before taken by the Turks, and the Sultan of Iconium Himself not far off incamped with a strong Army. Nevertheless the valiant Count of Montfort, which had the leading of the Vant∣guard, couragiously marching forward, by plain force opened the passage of the Mountain, having slain or put to flight the Turks appointed for the keeping thereof; the King of Navar in the mean time (though in vain) assailing the Sultan in his Camp; who fearing the great Power of the Christians, kept himself within his own strength, and would not stir. Wherefore the King seeing it to no purpose there longer to stay, dividing his his Army into three parts, left the Sultan, and followed after the Count, placing his Baggage in the midst, and th•• best of his Souldiers in the rereward. But whilst they thus march up the great Mountain, the Turks better acquainted with those passages, were still at hand, assailing them sometime behind, sometime on the one side, sometime on the other, as they saw occasion; and at length taking them at an advantage in a great Plain, set upon them, now before almost spent with hunger and travel, and there slew of them an exceeding great number. But by the coming on of the night the battel was broken off, and the Christians repairing unto their Ensigns, passed the Straits, and so at length arrived at Antioch, having lost by the way the greatest part of the Army, with all their Wealth, their Victuals, and most part of their Horses; the remnant yet left, having a little refreshed themselves, were by Sea transported to Ptolemais; from whence they were afterward by the Templars conducted to Gaza, where they lay, and of the spoil of the Country greatly enriched themselves. As for any other great matters they were not able of themselves to take in hand; and help of such ••••rces as the Emperor had before left at Ierusalem, and other places, they could have none; having express charge from the Emperor himself, not to do any thing against the Enemy, tending to the breach of the ten years League; which the Turks well perceiving, and that they had to do but with these new come Guests, and some few others their partakers; having gathered together their Forces, lay in ambush for them in every corner, to cut them off. Neither was it long, but that these of Gaza going far into the Country, and returning laded with spoil, were set upon by the Turks; whom they (casting away the spoil they had before taken) notably repulsed and put to flight, the day now drawing to an end. But early the next morning appeared a far greater number of Turks than before; which now putting on, charged the Christians, who all that night had stood watching in their Armor, and so joyned with them a most cruel battel; wherein the Christians shewed so much valour as was possi∣ble for men to do; but wearied with the long fight, and oppressed with the multitudes of their Enemies, they were overcome and slain almost every Mothers Son. Amongst the rest, the two Counts, Almericus and Henry fell; the King of Navar Himself hardly escaped by the exceed∣ing swiftness of his Horse, and by uncertain ways wandring up and down the Country, not knowing well which way to take, after two days came by good fortune to Ioppa; some few others escaped by flight to Ptolemais, the heavy Messen∣gers of the misfortune of their Fellows. The King afterwards visiting the holy places at Ieru∣salem, returned home into his Country, with some few of his Followers, having performed nothing of that the World expected.

About four years after, Raynold Duke of Bava∣ria,* 4.176 whom Frederick the Emperor had left his Lieutenant in Ierusalem, died; having by the space of five years peaceably governed that bruised Kingdom. After whose death, the Tem∣plars (who, he yet living, would oftentimes have broken the League, but that they were by his wisdom restrained) now took occasion to stir up the people to take Arms against the Turks, with∣out respect unto the League yet in force, or of the dangers like thereof to ensue. Whereof the Egyptian Sultan hearing, raised a great Army, sending also for the Chorasines, a War-like Nation then lying near unto Babylon, to come unto his Aid. Thus become very strong, he first laid siege to Gaza, but a little before repaired and fortified by the King of Navar and the Tem∣plars, which he at length took by force, and put to Sword all that were therein, as well the

Citizens, as the Garrison Souldiers; in like man∣ner he dealt also with them of Ascalon and other places as he went. To repress this his fury, the Templars and Hospitallers had assembled the whole strength of that weak Kingdom, and near unto Tyberias came to have given him battel. Who upon their approach hastily retired, as if he had for fear shunned battel. But whiles the Christians as Victors the night following lay neg∣ligently incamped along the River side, he re∣turning back again with his Army, came upon them before they were well aware, half-sleeping, half-waking, but altogether unarmed, with a most horrible Out-cry. The Christians now alto∣gether awaked, and not a little troubled with the suddenness of the matter, hastily and disorderly (as must needs in so great a confusion) took up their Weapons, such as came first to hand, and so couragiously opposed themselves against their Enemies. There was fought a most terrible and doubtful battel, and that also for a long space, the Christians still encouraging one another to do their last devoir; but the Turks still keeping their Order against the disordered Christians, and far more also than they in number, prevailed, and there overthrew them with a great slaughter, but not without the loss of many thousands also of their own men, which there lay dead upon the ground. Most part of the best Commanders, both of the Templars and Hospitalers were there slain, such as escaped fled to Tyre.

[year 1234.] The Sultan incouraged with so great a Victory, marched forthwith to Ierusalem, which he took without resistance,* 4.177 and there put to Sword all that he found therein, Men, Women, and Chil∣dren, without respect of Sex or Age; and after∣wards having rifled the same, rased it down to the ground, burning the Buildings, and over∣throwing the Walls, not long before repaired by the Emperor Frederick, and much beautified by his Lieutenant Raynold. And carried with an infernal fury, defaced and most shamefully polluted the Sepulchre of our blessed Saviour, never before then violated or defiled, but of all Nations un∣touched and reverenced; which for all that may seem to have been done not so much for the hatred unto the Christian Religion, as for that it was the place of all others most desired of the Christians; and for the gaining whereof they had undertaken so many hard Adventures, and so much troubled the Sarasins and Turks.

Thus by the unfaithful breaking of the League, the most ancient and famous City of Ierusalem, sometime the terrestrial Seat of the most High, and glory of the World, fell again into the Power of the Turks and Infidels, in the year, 1234. in whose hands it hath ever since remain∣ed even until this day; now a poor ruinous City, governed by one of the Turks Sanzacks, and for nothing now more famous, than for the Sepulchre of our blessed Saviour, again repaired and much visited by the devout Christians, and not unreverenced by the Turks themselves.

The loss of this so famous a City, together with the dangerous State of the Christians in Syria, much grieved the other Christian Princes of the West, especially Frederick the Emperor, by whom it had been but a few years before gained. Howbeit he could not now remedy the matter according to his desire, being himself grievously entangled with the endless Troubles which Pope Gregory had as it were by tradition left unto the other Popes his Successors, for the troubling of his State, until at length they had deprived him of his Empire, and not long after of his life also. Among other the great Princes, careful for the poor Christians in Syria, was Lewis the Ninth, the French King, a Prince of great Power, but of all others of that time most famous for his Zeal unto the Christian Religion, and for his devout manner of life; who abounding in wealth, and all things else of a great Prince to be de∣sired, and withall oftentimes considering the no∣table Expeditions many Christian Princes had (to their Immortal Glory) made, some into Syria, some into Egypt, against the Enemies of Christ, and for the Relief of the oppressed Christians, was many times about to have taken upon him∣self the like. But in these his devout motions, before he could resolve upon so great an Enter∣prise, he fell dangerously sick, insomuch that for certain days he lay speechless, devoid of sense and motion, without any sign of life, but that he did a little faintly breath; when coming a little unto himself, (whither moved by devotion, or troubled with his former conceits then running in his weak brain, is uncertain) the first thing he asked for was the Cross (the Cognizance of such as vowed themselves unto the Sacred War) which he solemnly received at the hands of the Bishop of Paris. At which time also his three Brethren, Alphonsus Count of Poitiers, Charles Count of Anjou, and Robert Count of Arthois, with Hugh Duke of Burgundy, William Earl of Flanders, Hugh Count of Saint Paul, and after∣wards most of the Nobility of France, to accom∣pany the King, took upon them the same charge. Nevertheless it was not by and by taken in hand, but some few years let pass in the consultation and preparation for so great an Enterprise; many in the mean time discharging their Vow, by dying before at home in peace their own Countries. At length the devout King still re∣solute in his former determination, having taken order with Blanch his Mother for his affairs at home, and put all things in readiness for his Journey,* 4.178 came to Lions to take his leave of Pope Innocentius the Fourth, (who for fear of the Em∣peror Frederick, then lay there for his more safety) and from thence to Marseilles; where imbarking himself with his Army the five and twentieth day of August, in the year, [year 1248.] 1248. he the twen∣tieth day of September following arrived in safety in the Island of Cyprus, and was there royally en∣tertained by Guy Lusignan then King of that Country.

Now was the French King desirous to have gone directly for Egyyt, without longer stay in Cyprus, had he not been otherwise perswaded, both for that his whole Fleet was not yet come, and the time of the year began to grow unsea∣sonable, and the Weather tempestuous. But whilst he there stayed, passing the Winter, the Plague (one of the ready Attendants of great Armies) began to arise in the Camp, which daily increasing, had in short time taken away a great number of men, and those not of the meanest sort. Amongst whom were Robert Bishop of Beauvais, Iohn Count of Montfort, the Counts of Vendosme and Dreux, Archambaut Lord of Bur∣bon, with divers other Knights and Gentlemen, to the number of 240. so that by force of the infectious Contagion, the King was constrained to divide his Army into divers places of the Island, attending until the Infection should cease. In the mean time the Templars having in sus∣pect both the French and the Turks, (the Turks, for fear they should overrun all; the French, lest having gotten the Victory, they should take all into their own hands, and so diminish their Power and Authority wherewith they tyran∣nized over the other poor Christians) sent Embassadors secretly unto Meledin Sultan of Egypt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 perswade him betimes to come to some

good agreement for peace, so to avert the Power of the French King from doing him further harm, or proceeding further in that War. Of which motion the Sultan well liking, sent one of his Noblemen to intreat with the Master of the Templars concerning a Peace, so that it might be by consent of the French. The Templars glad of so honourable a Message, writ unto the French King out of Syria, how the matter stood; perswading him to accept of the Peace off••red, setting out in great words, the Sultans great Pre∣parations and Power. And so indeed had abused the King, had not the King of Cyprus acquainted with his doings, perswaded him that it was but a fineness of the great Master, and that he had first sent unto the Sultan, and procured that Nobleman to be sent; which the King upon con∣sideration perceiving to be true, fed the Turks Embassador with hope of peace, but writ unto the Master of the Templars, upon the price of his Head, from thenceforth not to receive any Embassy from the Enemy, or have any further Intelligence with him.

Winter now past, and the Plague well ceased, divers noble Gentlemen and great Commanders which following the King, and setting forth somewhat late, or for fear of the Plague had stayed by the way, and wintred some in one place some in another, began to repair unto Cyprus; as Robert Duke of Burgundy, who having wintred in Achaia, came now in the beginning of the Spring unto the King, with a number of good Horsemen; and with him, William Prince of Achaia, with a great Fleet out of Peloponnesus, which Country, with most part of Grecia, was then under the Command of the Latines; amongst others came also William sirnamed Long∣espy, Earl of Salisbury, with a Band of lusty tall Souldiers. So the Army being met together, and all things again in readiness, King Lewis depart∣ing from Cyprus, and tossed at Sea with contrary Winds, about five days after fell on the coast of Egypt, and there with all his Fleet came be∣fore the strong Town of Damiata, being (as we have said) the Key of that Kingdom. The Sul∣tan long before understanding of the French Kings purpose for the Invasion of his Country, had strongly fortified his frontier Towns, and put into them strong Garrisons, beside the great Power he kept with himself in readiness at all assays, as occasion should require. Upon the approach of the Christians, the Governor of Damiata was ready upon the shore, with a number of brave Souldiers to keep them from landing; who never∣theless resolutely before set down for the per∣forming of that they came for, manning forth their long Boats with their Archers and Cross∣bows to beat the Enemy from the shore, ran aground with their other small Boats, made of purpose for the landing of men; and so without longer stay came to handy-blows; where for a while was fought a most sharp and cruel battel, the Christians striving to land, and the Turks to keep them off, many falling on both sides. But what should an handful do against so many? The Turks oppressed with the multitude still landing more and more, and having done what was possible for them to do, fled into the Town, leaving behind them their Governor, with five hundred of their best Souldiers dead on the shore.

[year 1249.] This City of Damiata was exceeding rich and populous, and had in the former Wars not been taken but by more than a years Siege, (as is be∣fore declared) and that not so much by the va∣lour of the Christians, as by the extremity of the Plague and Famine; since which time it had been strongly fortified by the Turks, with deep Ditches, High Walls, and strong Bulwarks, and was at that time well stored with Victuals also, and all things else for the induring of a long Siege. Nevertheless, the Souldiers that were left, and the Citizens (discouraged with the loss of their Governor, and remembrance of the mise∣ries before indured in the former Siege, and seeing the Christians now ready again to besiege the same) the night following, a little before the break of day,* 4.179 set fire every man upon his own house, and so by a Bridge which they had made of Boats fled over the great River, breaking the Bridge when they were over, for fear their Ene∣mies should thereby have followed after them. The Christians perceiving their flight, without resistance entred the City, and being strangers, did what they could to quench the fire, and to save that which the Inhabitants themselves would fain have with fire destroyed; and so afterwards found great abundance of Riches, with plenti∣ful store of all manner of Victuals, wherewith the Souldiers both inriched and refreshed them∣selves. This so happy and unexpected a Victory happened unto the Christians about the begin∣ning of October, in the year, 1249. Sultan Mele∣din himself, discouraged with the loss of so strong a City, offered unto the French King for the redeeming thereof, and to have peace at his hands, more Territory in Syria and the Land of Palestine, than the Christians had of long time before; which large Offer was by the French, especially by the Earl of Arthois the Kings Bro∣ther, proudly rejected, and Alexandria the most famous Port and Metropolitical City of Egypt, further demanded, to the great discontentment of the Turks and Sarasins. In these troubles died Meledin the old Sultan, a man not much beloved of his people; in whose stead Melech-sala (or Melexala, as some call him) a valiant and couragious Prince, well beloved of his Subjects, and but even then returned out of Syria and Arabia, where he had been to crave Aid of the other Mahometan Princes, was chosen Sultan. Which Princes, especially the Sultan of Damasco, although they had not of long been at any good accord amongst themselves, or with the Egyptians; yet in this common danger of their Superstition, which by the loss of Egypt was like to be greatly weakned, they joyned hands together, and so sent him great Aid.

The new Sultan thus strengthened, drew nearer unto the Christians, which then lay encamped not far from Damiata, and had with them a hot skirmish, wherein he was put to the worse, and so with some loss glad to retire. But the Christi∣ans the next day, in hope of like success, sallying out again were overthrown, with ten times more loss than was he the day before, and so fain to fly unto the Camp. By which Victory the Sultan encouraged, began now to conceive better hope of the success of his Wars; and by stopping the passages both by Water and Land, to provide, that no Victuals could without great peril be brought either unto the City or the Camp, insomuch that at length Victuals began to grow scarce in both; whereof the Sultan was not ignorant, as being thereof throughly in∣formed by such Fugitives; as for want or other causes, oftentimes fled out of the French Camp into his.

Winter thus passing, and want still increasing, it fortuned that the Governor of the great City of Caire (upon the fortune whereof depended the State of the whole Kingdom) a man not evil affected unto the Christian Religion, and in his heart highly offended with the Sultan, for

the death of his Brother by him wrongfully execu∣ted; by secret Messengers perswaded the French King to come on with his Army to the City, the Regal seat of the Sultan, promising him to deliver it into his power, with full instructions what he had in all points to do for the gaining thereof. Whereupon the King, who had before of himself purposed the same exploit, but now filled with a greater hope, assembled together the greatest Forces he was able to make. At which time also he sent for the Earl of Salisbury, with the rest of the Englishmen, who for many proud indignities offered them by the French (especially by the Earl of Artois the Kings Brother) whereof they could have no redress, were gone to Ptole∣mais, without purpose to have any more served in those Wars, but now being sent for by the King, with promise of better usage and honou∣rable recompence for the wrongs past, returned again into Egypt, there to do their last endeavour. With whose coming the King strengthned, but more by the new supplies brought unto him by his Brother Alphonsus out of France, leaving the Duke of Burgundy with a convenient Garrison, with the Queen his Wife, Od•• the Popes Legate, and divers other great Ladies in Damiata, he him∣self set forward with his Army towards Caire. Of whose coming the Sultan hearing, and loath upon the Fortune of one Battel to adventure his whole Estate, offered by his Embassadors to re∣store unto him all the Land of Palestine,* 4.180 with a great summ of Mony for the defraying of the charges of those Wars, and all the Prisoners he had taken, so that he would redeliver unto him the City of Damiata, and joyn with him in League and Amity. Which fair offer for all that, the French King, by the perswasion of the Legate and others, refused. So the King marching still on, was to pass an Arm of the great River Nilus (the Sultan on the other side still ready with his Army to stay his passage) which he had thought to have made by a Bridge of Boats, prepared for the same purpose; but better conducted by a Fu∣gitive Sarasin unto a Foord, before to him un∣known, sent his Brother Robert Earl of Artois, with the third part of the Army before him, ac∣companied with the Master of the Templars and the Earl of Salisbury, with their Followers. Who passing the River at the aforesaid Foord, suddenly assailed the Turks in their Tents (the Sultan be∣ing then absent in solemnising one of their pro∣phane Feasts) and put them to flight. With which Victory the French Earl above measure encouraged, would needs on forwards, as if he would himself alone have carried away the glory of the whole Conquest. Whom for all that certain of the ancient Templars, better acquaint∣ed with the manners of that deceitful Nation than he, and better considering also of their own Ability and Strength, perswaded him to content himself with the Honour he had already got, and not to proceed any further in prosecu∣ting of the Enemy, until the coming of the rest of the Army, especially in that desperate estate of the Enemy, wherein he was to win or lose all. Unto whom the proud Earl in great despight replyed, that he would prosecute his Victory, and follow his good fortune; calling them Da∣stards and Cowards, opprobriously objecting un∣to them the common Fame, whereby it was commonly reported, That the Holy Land might long since have been again united unto the body of the Christian Common-wealth, but for the foul collusion of the false Templars and Hospi∣talers with the Turks and Infidels. With which reproachful Speech the Master of the Templars not without cause moved, answered for himself and his Fellows, That he should, when he would and where he durst, display his Ensigns, and he should find them as ready to follow as he was to go before them. The Earl of Salisbury also wil∣ling to stint this strife, perswaded Earl Robert not to be so wedded to his own opinion, but to listen to the grave and wholsome Counsel of the Templars, being men of great experience; and so turning unto the Master of the Templars be∣gan likewise with gentle words to pacifie him also. But whilst he was yet speaking, the Earl interrupting him with many opprobrious words, called him Dastard and Coward, and wished that the Army were rid of him, and the fearful Cowards his Country-men; Whereunto the Earl of Salisbury answered, Well General, on in Gods name, and wheresoever you dare set your Foot, mine shall be as far as yours; and I believe we go this day, where you shall not dare to come nigh my Horses Tail; as afterwards indeed it proved. How∣beit the Earl so said, for that Earl Robert and the Frenchmen had many times in reproach and disdain, after their manner, called him and his Followers English Tails.

The proud Earl constant in his former purpose, and not to be otherwise perswaded, set forward; and first assaulted a little Town or Castle, not far off, called Mansor, whereunto he inconside∣rately approaching, was notably repulsed; and having lost a number of his men, was as a man discouraged, about to have retired. When sud∣denly the Sultan, neerer at hand than the Earl had thought, stirred up with the noise of the Alarm, came on with his whole power; and finding the Army of the Christians now divided (as he had long wished) with the multitude of his People enclosed them round, and had with them a great and mortal Fight; wherein though the Christians right worthily behaved themselves, for the small number they were, yet oppressed with the multitude, and on every side beset, they were slain down right. Then, but all too late, it re∣pented the Earl of his foolish rashness, and that he had not hearkned unto better Counsel, and seeing the Earl of Salisbury valiantly fighting, cried out unto him to flie, seeing God as he said fought against them. Whereunto the Noble Earl answered no more, but God forbid that my Fathers Son should run away from the face of a Sarasin. The French Earl thinking by the swiftness of his Horse to have saved his life, flying out of the Battle, and taking the River of Thafnes,* 4.181 overladed with his Armour, was there drowned. The Earl of Salisbury couragiously enduring the Ene∣mies charge, with his own Hand manfully slew many a Turk and Sarasin that day,* 4.182 until that at length having his Horse slain under him, and himself so wounded in the Legs, as that he was not able longer to stand, yet upon his Knees lay∣ing about him like a desperate man, and selling his life as dear as he could, was there slain, but not vanquished. With him perished the whole Army, so enclosed by the Sultan, that scarce any one escaped alive, more than two Templars, one Hospitaler, and one Common Souldier, the Mes∣sengers of this heavy news.

About the same time also sickness daily in∣creasing in the French Camp, the King purposing to march forward to Caire, sent a great number of Sick and Weak People down the River of Ni∣lus to Damiata; of whose going the Sultan under∣standing, caused a great number of small Boats to be carried in Carts by Land unto the River side, which well manned, and meeting them by the way, set upon them, and burnt or drowned them every Mothers Son, saving only one En∣glishman, called Alexander Giffard, who wounded

in five places of his body, escaped yet into the French Camp, reporting there what had hap∣pened unto the rest.

* 4.183Now had the Sultan also got intelligence of the compact betwixt the Governour of Caire and the King, for the betraying of the City; and there∣upon had caused him to be suddenly apprehended and put in safe keeping, until he were at better leisure to understand farther of the matter: which no less troubled the French King, than did the former misfortune; all his hope for the yielding up of the City, being thereby cut off. Thus his hopes together with his strength dayly decreasing, he would have gladly accepted of the Conditi∣ons which he before refused, which the Sultan, now grown very strong, would by no means hear of, but in stead thereof, by way of derision, sent to know of him, what was become of all his Mattocks, Forks, Rakes, Sythes, Plows, and Harrows, which he had brought over with him? and why he set them not to work, but suffered them like an evil husband to rot and rust beside him? All which, with much more, the good King was glad to put up; for now his Forces great∣ly diminished, as well by sickness, as by the former losses, finding himself far too weak, he would fain have retired back again to Damiata; which the Sultan foreseeing, got so betwixt him and home, that now there was no remedy, but either to fight it out, or yield. The King himself had been often before intreated by his Nobility, whilst the River was yet unpossessed by the Enemy, to have conveyed himself by Water to Damiata, for that in the safety of his Person consisted (as they said) the safety of his Kingdom, whatsoever be∣came of them; whereunto he could never be perswaded, saying, hat he would never forsake his People, because he would not be forsaken of them, but was resolved to indure with them whatsoever it should please God to lay upon him; so passing the River by the same Foord where∣by his Brother had not long before unfortu∣nately passed, and coming to the place where the Battel was fought, he might see the dead bodies of the Christians pitifully mangled, with their Heads and Hands cut off; for the Sultan, the more to encourage his Souldiers, had before the Battle proclaimed, that whosoever should bring him the Head or Hand of a Christian, should have a great reward for his labour; in hope whereof, they had so dismembred them. But long he had not there staied, but that the Sultan began suddenly to appear, with a most huge great Army, as if he would even with the sight thereof have discouraged the Christians; against whom for all that, the Frenchmen in good order op∣posed themselves, and for the space of three hours made great resistance; but what could one do against ten, and he also fainting for sickness and food? the hard plight wherein the greatest part of the French army then was. In conclusion, oppressed with the multitude of their Enemies, and no way left to flie, they were all overthrown and slain, except some few, saved in hope of great ransome. The King himself, with his two Brethren, Alphonsus and Charles, and some few others, were taken prisoners, and brought unto the Sultan; who demanding of him, what had moved him so to make War against him? was answered by the King, that it was for Religion, and the defence of the name of his God. In this unfortunate Battel, fought the fifth of April, in the year 1250, besides the Common Souldiers, were slain most of the Nobility of France, and all their Tents taken.

The Sultan presently upon this overthrow, sent of his own Souldiers the like number that the French were of, with French Ensigns, and dis∣guised in the Attire of the slain Frenchmen, to Damiata, where the Duke of Burgundy, the French Queen, and the Popes Legate lay; in hope to have been so let in for Frenchmen; but they were not so well masked, but that they were by them of the City discovered for Enemies, and so kept out and deceived of their purpose.

The Christians thus overthrown, and the French King taken Prisoner, Melech-sala the Sultan taking compassion upon him, and yet minding of his life to make his own gain; cheering him up with comfortable speeches, began to talk with him of his deliverance, and of a good attonement to be made betwixt them. The Conditions whereof propounded by the Sultan were, That the King should forthwith deliver again unto him the City of Damiata, and moreover pay unto him for the ransom of himself and his, and for the charges of the War, eight thousand pound of Gold; That all Prisoners should on both sides be frank∣ly set at liberty, and so a Peace to be taken for ten years. For the more assurance whereof, the Sultan offered to swear, That if he failed in the performance thereof, to renounce his Ma∣homet; requiring also of the King to swear, If he failed in any thing that he had promised, to deny his Christ to be God; which prophane Oath the King detested, wishing rather to die than to give the same; the Sultan wondring at his constancy, took his word without any Oath at all, and so published the League. But whilst they were coming together to Damiata Melech-sala now in the pride of this Victory, fearing no∣thing less than the sudden change of Fortune, or the mischief hanging over his head, was in the presence of a number of his Noblemen suddenly slain by two desperate Mamalukes; and one Tur∣quiminus a sturdy Slave of their own order and vocation (by whose procurement it was suppo∣sed to have been done) by the consent of the whole Army created Sultan in his stead; who revoking the League before concluded by Melech-sala, made another in his one name with the King, much upon the same Conditions that the other was; which after he had received Damiata, he caused openly to be proclaimed. Nevertheless after that King Lewis had paid his ransom, and was with the remnant of his Army by the Ge∣nowaies transported from Damiata to Ptolemais, the false miscreant performed not the half of that he had promised, of twelve thousand Christi∣an Captives that should have been set free, scarce enlarging four thousand; and killing all the sick Souldiers whom by his promise he ought to have relieved, neither suffering any Christian to carry any of his goods with him out of Egypt, which by the League he ought to have done also.

The French King coming to Ptolemais, and purposing to have returned home, was intreated by the Master of the Templars and Hospitalers, and other the Nobility of the Christians, to stay, which he did almost by the space of four years; in which time he repaired the Cities of Cesarea and Ioppa, and fortified many strong places for the Defence of the Christians against the Infi∣dels; and so commending the protection there∣of unto the Knights of the sacred War, and send∣ing his Brethren away before him, followed after himself, greatly lamented for by all the Christians in Syria, and so arrived in France the sixth year from the time of his departing thence. This was the end of this long and unfortunate expedi∣tion of Lewis the French King, wherein as some write, were eighty thousand Christians lost: How∣beit the French Chronicles extenuating their

loss, report, of two and thirty thousand French, six thousand to have returned again into France. The City of Damiata in the space of a few years twice won, and twice lost by the Christians, was shortly after the delivering up thereof, by the Sultan rased down to the ground, because it should no more serve the Christians for an entrance into his Kingdom.

The late Egyptian Sultans thus oftentimes in∣vaded by the Christian Princes,* 4.184 and reposing no great assurance in the Prowess of the effeminate Egyptians, a People fitter for Merchandize and other base occupations than for Chivalry and War, had for the strengthning of their Kingdom, bought an infinite number of Slaves, especially of the poor and hardy Circassians, called in an∣tient time Getae and Zinchi, near unto Colchis and the Euxine Sea, brought unto Alexandria and other Ports of Egypt out of those bare cold Coun∣tries, by Merchants, and from thence transported to Caire and other Cities of Egypt; of which poor Slaves, the late Egyptian Sultans taking their choice, and culling out from the rest such as were like to be of the greatest Spirit and Ability of Body, delivered them unto most skiful and ex∣pert Teachers; by whom they were carefully taught to run, to leap, to vault, to shoot, to ride, with all other feats of activity, and withal cun∣ningly to handle all manner of Weapons, as well on horseback as on foot, and so instructed, and become cunning, were taken out of their Schools into pay, and inrolled together as the Sultans choice Horsemen, were commonly by the name of Mamalukes. In whose good service the late Sultans finding great use, spared for no cost, both for their maintenance and increasing of their number; dayly erecting new Nurseries stored with the young Fry, which growing up and ready, was still joyned to the other. It is wonderful to tell, unto what a Strength and Glory this order of the Mamalukes was in short time grown, by the care of the Egyptian Kings; by them they managed their greatest affairs, especially in time of Wars; and by their Valour, not only de∣fended their Country, but gained many a fair Victory against their Enemies, as they did now against the French; but as too much power in such mens hands, seldome or never wanteth dan∣ger, so fell it out now betwixt the late Sultan Me∣lech-sala, and those Masterful Mamaluke Slaves; who proud of their Preferment,* 4.185 and forgetful of their Duty, and seeing the greatest Strength of the Kingdom in their Hands, traiterously slew Melech-sala their chief Founder, setting up in his place (as aforesaid) one Tu••quiminus, a base Slave, one of their own order and servile voca∣tion, but indeed otherwise a man of a great Spirit and Valour. This Melech-sala murthered by the Mamalukes, was the last of the freeborn Kings of Egypt; in whom the Turks Kingdom in Egypt, erected by Saracon and the great Sultan Saladin (as is before said) and in his Stock and Family ever since continued, took end, as did also all the power of the Turks in that great and rich King∣dom. For the proud Mamalukes having now got the Sovereignty into their Hands, and ex∣alted a Sultan out of themselves, imperiously com∣manded as great Lords over the rest of the People, not suffering them to have the use either of Horse or Armor, or to bear any sway in the Common-Weal; but keeping them under with most heavy impositions, and still preferring their own Slaves (wherewith the Country of Eg••pt now swarmed) made the natural Country People, of all others most miserable, not daring to meddle with any thing more than Merchandize, their Husbandry, or other their base Mechanical Occupations▪ whereof the greatest profit still came unto the Ma∣malukes, who as Lords of all, with great insolency, at their pleasure took it from them as their own. As for the great Sultan, they still chose him from among themselves, not suffering any the Sultans Children to succeed their Fathers in the King∣dom; for fear lest they in process of time, proud of their Ancestors and Parentage▪ should reckon of them as of their Slaves (as indeed they were) and so at length bring in another more free kind of Government.

Against which they provided also, not only by this restraint of their Sultans Children, but of their own also; taking order and establishing it as an immutable Law, That though the Sons of the Mamalukes might enjoy their Fathers Lands and Wealth after their death, yet that it should not be lawful for them in any case to take upon them the name or honour of a Mamaluke; so debarring them from all government in the Common-Wealth, to the intent it might still rest with the Mamalukes. Neither was it lawful for any born of Mahometan Parents (which could not be Slaves) or of the race of the Jews, to be admitted into that order; but only such as being born Christians and become Slaves, had from the time of their Captivity been instructed in the Ma∣hometan Superstition; or else being men grown, and coming thither, had abjured the Christian Religion (as many Reprobates did in hope of preferment.) Right strange it is to consider, un∣to what Honour and Glory this slavish Empire in short time grew; many of these poor Slaves by rare Fortune or secret divine Power, exalted out of the dust unto the highest degree of Honour, proving most excellent and renowned Princes, of such strength and power, as was dreadful even unto the greatest Princes of the World. In which great glory, this servile Empire (to the Worlds wonder) flourished from this time amongst the greatest by the space of 267 years; until that having run the appointed race, it was with a great destruction by Selymus the victorious Em∣peror of the Turks, overthrown in the year 1517, and the Kingdom of Egypt, with all Syria and the Land of Palestine, brought into the form of Provinces, united unto the Turks Empire, as they are at this day, and as in the course of this History shall in due time and place (God willing) at large appear.

But leaving the Kingdom of the Turks thus overthrown in Egypt, and the Mamalukes there triumphing, the French King returned into France, and the Christians in peace into Syria; let us again return into the lesser Asia, and to the Imperial City of Constantinople, whither the affairs both of the Turks and of the Christians now call us. All this while the Greek Empire (for so the Greeks will have it called) flourished both in peace and plenty in the lesser Asia, under their Emperor Iohn Batazes; the power of the Latines in the mean time declining as fast at Constantinople, under the Government of the Latine Emperor Baldwin the Second. As for the Turks whom we left grievously troubled both with Famine and the often incursions of the Tartars, they had all this while, and yet also, enough and more than enough to do to withstand the same Enemy. At length it fortuned that Iohn Ducas the Greek Em∣peror died, being at the time of his death about thr••escore years old, whereof he had happily reigned three and thirty; by whose good and discreet Government, the Greek Empire before brought low and almost to nought by the Latines, began again to gather strength and to flourish both in Asia and some little part of Europe also. Of him are reportedmany notable matters, which as

impertinent to our purpose I could willingly pass over, were I not by the worthy remembrance of one of them staied a while by the way.

This noble and famous Emperor having long lamented the death of the fair Empress Irene his first Wife, at last married another young Lady, the Sister of Manfred King of Sicily, called Anne, with whom amongst other honourable and beau∣tiful Dames, sent by the King her Brother for the accompanying of her to Constantinople, was one Marcesina, a rare Paragon, of such a Feature as if Nature had in her meant to bestow her greatest skill:* 4.186 From whose Mouth always flowed a fountain of most sugred Words, and out of her Eyes issued (as it were) Nets to intangle the Amarous in. Upon this so fair an object, the Em∣peror not fearing farther harm, took pleasure oftentimes to feed his Eyes, until that at length caught with her Looks, he had lost his liberty, and was of a great Emperor become her thrall, in such sort, as that in comparison of her he seem∣ed little or nothing to regard the young Empress his Wife; but so far doated upon her, that he suf∣fered her to be attired and honoured with the same Attire and Honour that the Empress was her self; whom she now so far exceeded both in Grace and Favour with the Emperor, and Honour of the People, as that she almost alone enjoyed the same without regard of her unto whom it was of more right due. Whilst she thus alone triumpheth, at length it fortuned that she in all her glory, at∣tended upon with most of the Gallants of the Court, and some of the Emperors Guard, would needs go (whether for her Devotion or for her Recreation, I know not) to visit the Monastery and fair Church, which Blemmydes (a Noble Man of great Renown, both for his Integrity of Life, and Learning) had of his own costs and charges but lately built in the Country, where he together with his Monks, as men weary of the World, lived a devout and solitary contempla∣tive life, after the manner of that time, with the great good opinion of the People in general. This Blemmydes was afterward for his upright life and profound Learning, chosen Patriarch of Con∣stantinople; which great honour, next unto the Emperor himself, he refused, contenting himself with his Cell. Marcesina coming thither in great Pomp,* 4.187 and thinking to have entred the Church, had the doors shut against her by the Monks, be∣fore commanded so to do by Blemmydes their Founder; and so was to her great disgrace kept out. For that devout man deemed it a great Im∣piety, to suffer that so wicked and shameless a Woman, against whom he had most sharply both spoken and written, with her prophane and wicked feet should tread upon the sacred pavement of his Church. She enraged with this indignity, hardly by so proud a Woman to be with patience disgested, and prickt forward by her flattering Followers also, returning to the Court, grievously complained thereof unto the Emperor, stirring him up by all means she could to revenge the same, perswading him to have been therein him∣self disgraced. Whereunto were joined also the hard speeches of her pickthank Favourites, who to curry Favour, spared not as it were to put oyl unto the fire, for the stirring up of the Emperor to Revenge. Who with so great a complaint no∣thing moved unto Wrath, but struck as it were to the heart with a remorse of Conscience, and op∣pressed with heaviness, with tears running down his Cheeks, and fetching a deep sigh, said, Why provoke you me to punish so just a man? Whereas if I would my self have lived without reproach and infamy, I should have kept my Imperial Majesty un∣polluted or stained. But now sith I my self have been the cause both of mine own disgrace and of the Empires; I may thank mine own deserts; if of such evil seed as I have sown, I now reap also an evil harvest.

After the death of this good Emperor, Theodo∣rus his Son,* 4.188 born the first year of his Fathers Reign, being then about three and thirty years old, was by the general consent of the People saluted Emperor in his stead; who in the beginning of his Empire renewed the League which his Fa∣ther had made with Iathatines the Turkish Sultan. And so having provided for the security of his affairs in Asia, he with a puissant Army passed over the Straight of Hellespontus into Europe, to appease the troubles there raised in Macedonia and Thracia, by the King of Bulgaria his Brother-in-Law, and Michael Angelus the Despot of Thessalia; who upon the death of the old Emperor began to spoil those Countries, not without hope a•• length to have joyned them unto their own; by whose coming they were for all that disappointed of their purpose, and glad to sue to him for peace. But whilst he was there busied, he was advertised by Letters from Nice, that Michael Paleologus, whom he had left there Governour in his absence, was secretly fled unto the Turks; with which news he was not a little troubled. The cause of whose flight, as Paleologus himself gave it out, was, for that he perceived himself divers ways by many of his Enemies brought into disgrace, and the Em∣perors Ears so filled with their odious complaints, so cunningly framed against him, as that they were not easily or in short time to be refelled; and therefore fearing in the Emperors heavy displea∣sure to be suddenly taken away, to have wil∣lingly gone into exile, if so happily he might save his life from the malice of them that sought after it.

At his coming to Iconium, he found Iathatines the Sultan making great preparation against the Tartars; who having driven the Turks out of Persia and other the far Eastern Countries, (as is before declared) and running still on, did with their continual incursions spoyl a great part of their Territories in the lesser Asia also; and now lay at Axara, a Town not far off from Iconium; against whom the Sultan now making the greatest preparation he could, gladly welcomed Paleologus, whom he knew to be a right valiant and worthy Captain, commending to his charge the leading of certain Bands of Greeks, whom he had retained to serve him in those Wars, as he had others of the Latines, under the conduct of Boniface Mo∣line a Nobleman of Venice; and so having put all things in readiness, and strengthened with these forreign Supplies of the Greeks and Latines, set forward against his Enemies the Tartars; who at the first fight of the strange Ensigns and Souldiers were much dismaied, fearing some greater force had been come to the aid of the Turks; never∣theless, joyning with them in Battel, had with them, at the first a most terrible and bloody con∣flict, wherein that part of the Army that stood against Paleologus and his Greeks, was put to the worse, to the great discomfiture of the Tartars, being even upon the point to have fled, had not one of the greatest Commanders in the Turks Army, and a nigh Kinsman of the Sultans, for an old grudge that he bare unto the Sultan, with all his Regiment, in the heat of the Battel revolted unto the Tartars; whereby the fortune of the Battel was in a moment as it were quite altered, they which but now were about to have fled, fighting like Lions; and they that were Victors now glad to turn their Backs and flie; in which Flight a great number of Turks fell, the fierce Tartars most eagerly pursuing them. Paleologus, with the

General of the Turks, hardly chased by the Tar∣tars, and glad every hour to make a stand, and to fight for their lives, with much ado, after ma∣ny days flight recovered a Castle of the Gene∣rals, neer unto Castamona, and so saved them∣selves. The Tartars after this so great a Victory (wherein they had broken the whole Strength of the Turks, and brought in hazard the whole State of their Kingdom) without resistance forraged all the Countries and Provinces subject unto the Turkish Sultan, making Spoil of whatsoever they light upon; insomuch that the Sultan discouraged, and having now no Strength left to oppose against them, fled unto the Greek Emperor Theodorus for aid; who most honourably entertained him, with all his Train, and comforted him with such small aid as he thought good then to spare him; which for his more safety he sent home with him, un∣der the leading of Isaacius Du••as, sirnamed Murt∣zufle, a man in great credit with him. In recom∣pence of which kindness, the Sultan gave unto the Emperor the City of Laodicea, whereinto he presently put a strong Garrison; Nevertheless, it was not long before it fell again into the Hands of the Turks, being a place not to be holden by the Greeks. Yet for all this, the Sultan finding himself still to weak to withstand the continual invasions of the Tartars, and weary of the harms he dayly stustained, by the advice of his chief Councellors made a League with them, yielding to pay them a certain yearly Tribute, thereby to redeem his peace. From which time the Tar∣tars accounted of the Turks as of their Tribu∣taries and Vassals.

Not long after this, Michael Paleologus was by the Emperors kind and gracious Letters called home, with his faithful promise also before given for his security; who before his return bound himself also by solemn Oath, to be unto the Em∣peror and his Son always loyal, and from thence∣forth never to seek after the Empire, or give cause of new suspect for such matters as he had been be∣fore charged with; but for ever to yield unto the Emperor, his Son, or other his Successors in the Empire, his dutiful Obedience and Fideli∣ty. Upon which conditions he was again made great Constable, and so received into the Empe∣rors Favour, and lived the rest of his Reign in great honour and credit with him.

* 4.189Now Theodorus the Emperor having reigned three years, fell sick and died, leaving behind him his Son Iohn, then but a Child of six years old, to succeed him in the Empire; whom he upon his death bed, together with the Empire, commended to Arsenius the Patriarch, and one George Muzalo his faithful Councellor, as to his trusty Tutors, to see him safely brought up, and the Empire well and peaceably governed. This Muzalo was a man of mean Parentage, but for his familiar Acquaintance and civil Behaviour, of a Child brought up in the Court with the Em∣peror as his play fellow; with whom he growing up, so framed himself to his manners and dispo∣sition, that he alone was unto him instead of all, still at hand, ready to say or do whatsoever might be unto the Emperor gracious or pleasing. And the elder they grew, so increased this their mu∣tual affection and love also; in such sort, that with him now Emperor, he was of all others in greatest Favour and Authority; a wary ob∣server of his delights, a ready minister of his Affairs, and faithful partaker of his Secrets; for which he was in short time promoted unto the greatest honours of the Court, and honourably married unto one of the Emperors nigh Kins∣women; and now at his death, by his last Will, with the reverend Patriarch appointed Tutor to the young Emperor and his two young Sisters. And for the more assurance thereof, a solemn Oath of Obedience to the young Prince, as Em∣peror, and unto them as his Tutors, was exacted of all sorts of men, both high and low, of what vocation soever; and that not once, but first a little before the Emperors death, and again after he was now dead; for many of the Nobility honourably descended, seeing the sudden change of Muzalo's fortune, among themselves murmured thereat, as grieving at his preferment, seeing there were many among them, unto whom both the tuition of the young Emperor, and administra∣tion of the Empire, of better right appertained; insomuch as they were both neerer of kin unto the Emperor, and fitter (as they thought) for so great a charge than was Muzalo; whom (as they said) they had many causes both to contemn and hate: For,* 4.190 beside that he was not honoura∣bly born, and had served the late Emperor Theo∣dore, as the minister of his wrath against some of the Nobility, causes sufficient of the Peoples hatred; if he should now also in so great Autho∣rity affect the Empire, it was by his malicious Enemies vainly doubted, that he would not spare to commit any manner of Villany for the effecting of his inordinate desire. Of all which Muzalo was not ignorant, a man at all other times of a most quick apprehension for such matters, but as then especially, his Wits being awaked with these so great motives and dangers. Wherefore speedily calling together all the Nobility into the Court, he welcomed them one by one, and cur∣teously discoursing with them, offered to discharge himself both of the administration of the Empire, and tuition of the young Emperor, and willingly to yield the same to any one of them, whom the rest should think fittest for so great a charge; which though they all with one consent as it were refused, saying, That he was of all others to be preferred, unto whom the Emperor, Lord both of the Empire and the Child, had commited the same; yet Muzalo earnestly requested them to the contrary, and stifly withstood their desire, wish∣ing indeed rather to have led a quiet private life in security, than to have been so overcharged; not so much for doubt of the Envy then arising, as for fear of some great danger thereof to ensue. But would he, would he not, remedy there was none, but that as the late Emperor had appointed, so must he take the charge upon him. And now was every one, as well of the Nobility, as of the inferior sort, again with greater solemnity than before, the third time sworn, to the utmost of their power to defend the young Emperor in his Empire, and Muzalo in the tuition of him, and administration of the affairs of the State, and faith∣fully to yield unto them both all due honour and obedience; which if they should fail religiously to perform, they wished to themselves every man, and to all theirs, a shameful end and destruction. Yet notwithstanding all this solemn swearing, mixt most times with much forswearing, there was not fully nine days past, but that certain of the chief Nobility, forgetful, or else careless of their Oath, and full of Envy, seldom satisfied but with blood, conspired and unworthy death of Muzalo the Protector both of the Emperor and the Empire. The ninth day appointed for the funeral of the Emperor, was now come; at which time were met together at Sosandra (an Abbey by himself built in the honour of the Virgin Mary at Magnesia) many great Ladies and grave Matrons, to mourn as the manner was; all the great Princes of the Nobility, and among them the Conspirators also; thither re∣paired also a number of Souldiers prepared for

the slaughter, with an infinite number of the Com∣mon People, as at such Solemnities is usual. But what needs many words? while the Hymns were yet in singing, and the Obsequies performing, the Souldiers as they were before instructed, sudden∣ly breaking into the Church with their drawn Swords in their Hands,* 4.191 slew Muzalo (then fled to the Altar for refuge) with his two Brethren Andronicus and Theodorus, both men of great ac∣count, and divers others appointed to the Mas∣sacre. So the Matrons and the rest of the multitude breaking off their Mourning, and for fear throng∣ing on one anothers Neck, fled as fast as they could, some one way, some another, as they thought for their best safety; but the Priests and Monks thinking to have done the like, were by the imperious Souldiers, whether they would or not, again inforced into the Church; where tum∣bling one over another, as thronging in with great force and violence, and scarce able to stand by reason of the slipperyness of the blood there shed upon the pavement, they in great fear made an end of those bloody Obsequies. This outrage appeased, Ars••nius the Patriarch, and only Tutor of the young Emperor now left, was therewith yet much troubled, as with a thing dangerous both to the person of the young Prince, and qui∣etness of the State; but what good course to take therein he could not tell; for as he was a man for his Learning and Integrity of Life not inferior to the best, so in matters of State he was as far to seek; as it commonly hapneth, the con∣templative man buried in his meditations, to be unfit for temporal Government; whereas he that should perform both, must to his rare vertues and great learning joyn a civil conversation, with great experience in worldly affairs, not to be learn∣ed but by great and long practise. This reverend Father (of no great reach, yet wishing all well) calling together the Nobility, consulted with them what were best to be done for the Government both of the young Emperor and the Empire, now that Muzalo was dead; not considering in the mean time, who they were with whom he consulted, or, that Counsel grounded upon no wise foresight, or approved experience, was more dangerous unto him whom he would have provided for, than all the Enemies murthering Swords, as shortly after appeared.

Among others of the Nobility called to Coun∣sel,* 4.192 was Michael Paleologus (of whom we have before spoken) much superior to the rest, as descended of the Imperial House of the Comneni, a man of a chearful countenance, gratious and cur∣teous, and withall exceeding bountiful and libe∣ral, whereby he easily won the Hearts of all men in general, but especially of the Colonels, Cap∣tains, and other Martial Men, Commanders in the Army; of whose aspiring to the Empire, many presages and common rumors (not always vain) had in former time passed also, to the moving of many; yea the Patriarch himself not considering his haughty and aspiring nature, made no less account of him than did the rest, but upon an especial favour, committed to his only trust the keys of the common Treasure, at such time as Mony was to be delivered out for the payment of the Armies, or other like great occasions of the State; the most effectual means for the furthe∣rance of his secret practises, and the readiest way for the effecting of that he had so long before plotted; for having in his fingring such a mass of Treasure, as he might well have wished, but ne∣ver reasonably hoped for, he poured it out as it were by bushels, amongst the Nobility and Mar∣tial Men, and such others as he thought were able to do most with the People; amongst whom were many of the Clergy also; of which his Favourites were made many meetings, and by them was the Patriarch continually sollicited, but yet in general terms, without delay (according to the necessity of the time) to take order for the good Govern∣ment of the State, which now as a great Ship in the midst of the Sea without a Master, was (as they said) in danger to perish, and being once lost, was not to be again recovered. At which time also the name of Paleologus was in every mans mouth, as the only man for his Wisdom and ex∣perience fit to take upon him the charge and government of the Empire, until the young Em∣peror were come to age. Unto which common good liking, the Patriarch also (seeing no more, or peradventure not so much as the rest) gave his consent; and so without longer stay, to the great contentment both of the Nobility and Peo∣ple in general, made him Governor of the Em∣pire, and Tutor to the young Emperor, wanting now nothing of an Emperor himself, more than the Title and Imperial Ornaments. This was the first step whereby the aspiring man (twice before in disgrace with the two late Emperors, Iohn Ducas, and his Son Theodorus) mounted at last un∣to the Empire.

It was not many days after, but that his Fa∣vourites held another Counsel, wherein it was al∣ledged, That it was not seemly for him that was Tutor unto the Emperor, Governour of the State and Empire, and to give audience unto the Em∣bassadors of forreign Nations, to want the honour next unto the Emperor, as well for the magnifi∣cence of the State, as for the credit of his place; whereupon he was both by the Patriarch and the young Emperor honoured with the title of the Despot, another step unto the Empire. But what contentment find the ambitious even in the greatest honours, so long as there is one above them? Little sure, or none at all more than that it serveth them to step at next up to the highest; as did this new made Despot, who shortly after, was by certain of the Nobility his great Favou∣rites, near unto Magnesia, with the great applause of the People, hoysed up and saluted Emperor. Whereof Arsenius the Patriarch hearing, was therewith much troubled, as fearing what would become of the young Child, the right Heir of the Empire. And first he was about to have excommunicated as well him that was made Em∣peror, as them that had so made him; but after∣ward changing his purpose, for fear of greater troubles, he thought it better by solemn Oath to bind both him and the rest, that they should not seek after the life of the Child, or by any force or colour go about to deprive him of the Empire; which was so done. Yet it was not full a month after, but that even he that had so great a care of the young Child, and so provided for his safety, (perswaded by them of the Nobility and Clergy) with his own Hands,* 4.193 and all the accustomed Ce∣remonies, set the Imperial Crown upon this U∣surpers Head; yet not as upon him that should still enjoy the Empire, but as upon a man ac∣cording to the present necessity of the time and State, thought fittest for so great a charge, until the young Child came to age; unto whom then he was to give place, and to resign to him the Empire. All which being by more solemn Oath than before, confirmed, good news (as the cer∣tain signs of his fortunate Government) were brought unto him of a great Victory obtained by his Captains, against Michael Angelus Despot of Aetolia and Epirus; who having married the late Emperors Daughter, and hearing of his death, with the troubles in Asia, aided by the King of Sicilia, and the Princes of Peloponesus and Achaia,

his Sons in Law, had thought in that hurle and per∣turbation of the State to have taken to himself the greatest part of the Emperors Territories in Ma∣cedonia and Thracia; and for the same purpose was with a great Army entred into them, burn∣ing and spoiling the Country before him; where∣of Michael Paleologus (then but newly made De∣spot) having intelligence, sent his Brother Iohn, and some other his best Captains, with a great Army against him, by whom he with his com∣plices were put to the worse, and not without great loss enforced to retire; the joyful news whereof he received even as he was crown∣ed. Which was shortly after confirmed by the coming of the great Commanders themselves, bringing with them the Prince of Peloponesus and Achaia, by them taken Prisoner; who for his Ransome was afterward glad to give unto the Emperor Paleologus, Monembasia, Maine and Sparta, three of the best Cities of Peloponesus; where∣into he put strong Garrisons under the com∣mand of Constantinus his Brother by the Mo∣thers side, a right valiant Captain. By whose good service and the commodious situation of the places, he gained divers other Towns and Cities, and at length the greatest part of Pelo∣ponesus, out of the hands of the Latines; for the utter rooting out of whom, he shortly after with a great Army passed over into Thracia, with purpose (as was thought) to have besieged Constantinople; but finding it to be a matter of more difficulty than was before supposed, he left that, and laid siege to the Castle of Pera over against it on the other side of the Ha∣ven, in hope by winning of that Castle, to have become Master also of the Town; where he was notably repulsed, and enforced with loss to retire. So rising with his Army, he fortified divers Castles and strong Holds in the Country about Constantinople, and putting into them strong Garrisons, charging them with continual in∣cursions to trouble the Constantinopolitans, and to cut them so short, if it were possible, as that they should not dare to look out at the Gates of their City. Which they so well performed, that in short time the Latines in the City were driven to such extremity, that for want of Wood they were fain to burn many of the fairest Houses in the City, in stead of Fewel. Which done, he re∣turned again to Nice, the chief seat of the Greek Emperors, ever since that Constantinople was taken by the Latines.

Now reigned in Constantinople the Latine Em∣peror Baldwin the Second (as is before decla∣red) a man of small courage, and less power, and therefore not much regarded either of the Greeks or Latines; who for the maintenance of his State, was glad to sell away the publick Or∣naments of the City, and to pawn his Son unto the Bruges Merchants for mony; by whom he was left at Venice to be brought up; which gave occasion for some Writers to report, That he was pawned unto the Venetians.

About this time Mango, the great Cham of Tar∣tary, stirred by Aitonius the Armenian King, by whose perswasion he had also received the Christi∣an Religion, [year 1260.] sent his Brother Haalon with an ex∣ceeding great Army against the Turks and Sarasins in Syria and the Land of Palestine.* 4.194 This Haalon (converted also unto the Christian Faith by his Wife) setting forward with a world of People following him, in the space of six months overran all Persia, with the Countries adjoyning, excepting one strong place in the Mountains, (which some say was Samarchand, afterward the Royal Seat of the great terror of the world, the mighty Tamer∣lane) which besieged by ten thousand Horsemen, by him appointed for that purpose, and so continued by the space of seven and twenty years after, was then at length (as Aiton himself writeth) yielded by the Defendants, only for want of Cloaths to cover their nakedness. Haalon (in whose Army those ten thousand left behind were not missed) marching on, and as a violent Tempest bearing all down before him, entred at length into Assyria, and there laid Siege unto the great City of Babylon, then the Seat of the great Caliph; whom all the Mahometan Princes honoured above all others, as the true Successor of their great Prophet Maho∣met, and received from his mouth the interpretation of their Law as most divine Oracles. Which great City Haalon won, and putting to the sword all he found therein, Men, Women, and Children, with the Spoil thereof, and the rich Treasures of the Caliph, inriched his Souldiers. The Caliph him∣self (reserved for that purpose) he commanded to be set in the midst of the infinite Treasure which he and his Predecessors had most cove∣tously heaped up together, and that he should of that Gold, Silver, and precious Stones take what it pleased him to eat, saying (by way of derision) That so gainful a Guest should by good reason be fed with nothing but things of greatest price, whereof he willed him to make no spare; in which order the covetous Wretch kept for certain days, miserably died with hunger, in the midst of those things whereof he thought he should ne∣ver have had enough; which though they were in value great, and with great care laid together, yet served they him to now to suffice Nature, best contented with a little. Babylon thus sacked, and almost rased, the Tartar marching on through Mesopotamia, by the way took the City Rhoais, where Aiton the Armenian King, and Author of this the Tartars expedition, came to him with twelve thousand Horsemen, and forty thousand Foot, as reporteth Aiton the Armenian Kings Nephew, then there present. So entring into Syria, in a few days took Aleppo,* 4.195 which he sacked and rased in the year of our Lord 1260. with divers other strong Towns sometime belonging unto the Kingdom of Antioch. Then was one Malacnesar Sultan of Damasco, commanding over all Syria and the Land of Palestine; who terrified with the loss of his Cities, and the fear of farther dan∣ger, with his Wife and Children came and humbled himself before the Tartar Prince, in hope so to have saved unto himself some good part of his Kingdom. Wherein he was much deceived, being (as some say) carried away afar off into exile, because he should not hin∣der the Tartars proceedings; or as others re∣port, (and haply with more probability) be∣ing by him detained as his Prisoner, and after¦wards to the terror of his Son, cut in pieces in his sight under the Walls of Damasco, after-that it had in vain been twice assaulted by the Tartars;* 4.196 which strong City for all that he after∣wards took by strong hand, and sacked it, and by the perswasion of his Wife overthrew all the Mahometan Temples, as he had before in every place where he came. But purposing to have gone on forward to Ierusalem, and to have con∣quered the whole Land of Palestine, news was brought him of the death of his Brother Mango, the great Cham; whereupon he staid his journey, and returned back again, in hope of that great Empire; having in this expedition spent almost six years.

Thus by the Tartars was the Kingdom of the Turks at Damasco overthrown. At which time, the broken affairs of the Christians in Syria and the Land of Palestine, might easily have been repaired and those two goodly Kingdoms again

restored to the Christian Common-Weal, had the Christian Princes of the West then in time put to their helping hand on the one side, as did the Tartars on the other; but they then at fatal dis∣cord among themselves, and busied with their Wars at home, let slip that so fair an opportunity, the like whereof they seldom or never had since. Haalon the Tartar Prince, in token of his good Will toward the Christians and their Affairs, at his departure from Damasco left his Son Abaga, there with twenty thousand Horsemen to aid them in their Wars, if they should come (as was expected) for the recovery of the Holy Land; who having there staied some while, and hearing of his Fathers troubles at home, followed him∣self after him; but yet left behind him Guirboca a valiant Captain, with ten thousand of his Horse∣men, to like purpose that his Father had him; who by the insolency of certain Christian Soul∣diers in Garrison about Sidon, was of a Friend, together with his Tartars made a Foe. These Garrison Souldiers having by chance fet in some booty out of the Tartars Territory, not only re∣fused to restore the same again, but also fouly entreated such as the Tartar had sent for the de∣manding thereof. Whereupon further quarrels arising, it fortuned a Nephew of Guirboca's, a vali∣ant young Gentleman, to be slain; in revenge whereof he besieged Sidon, and having taken it, sacked it, and burnt it down to the ground. After which time, he and his Tartars became utter Ene∣mies unto the Christians, doing them all the harm they could devise.

This discord betwixt the Tartars and the Chri∣stians,* 4.197 gave occasion unto Melech the Egyptian Sultan, now jealous of the Tartars nearness, with a great Army of his Mamalukes and others to enter into Syria, and to spoil the Country of Damasco; against whom Guirboca with his Tar∣tars, although both in Strength and Number far inferiour, went out. But joyning Battel with him at too much odds, and the Victory incli∣ning unto that side where most Strength was, he there valiantly fighting was slain, with most part of his Tartars; such as escaped fled into Armenia unto the friendly King. By this Victory, all Sy∣ria, with the Land of Palestine, excepting some few places holden by the Christians, fell again into the hands of the Egyptian Sultans; as did some of them shortly after also; for Bandocader succeeding Melech in the Mamaluke Kingdom, coming into Syria with a great Army, took An∣tioch from the Christians, and with it most of the places before by them defended. The City he burnt, and rased the Castle down to the ground, and afterward entring into Armenia, did there great harm also.

Whilst the Turks Kingdom thus goeth to wrack in Syria,* 4.198 ruinated by the Tartars, but pos∣sessed by the Mamalukes; their affairs in the lesser Asia, now the whole hope of that Nation, went not at that time much better; for Iathatines the Turks Sultan, there also invaded by the Tar∣tars, and having lost Iconium his Regal City, fled with his Brother Melech to the Greek Emperor Michael Paleologus, in hope to be of him relieved, for the kindness he had not long before shewed him in like case, when as he fled from the late Emperor Theodore; whereof now putting him in remembrance, he requested him either with some convenient force to aid him, or else to assign him some corner in his large Empire, where he might in safety rest with his Wife and Children, and other Followers, whom with much Wealth he had brought with him in great number. The Emperor on every side himself incumbred with Wars, thought it not good in so great newness of his Empire, to diminish his own Forces; and to assign unto him any place to inhabit, seemed no less dangerous; for that he having been a great Prince, and commanding over many great Coun∣tries, and brought up in all Princely Royalty, was not like to content himself with a little; be∣side that, his Nobility, then dispersed by the Tartars, were like enough in great numbers to resort unto him, as unto their Head, so soon as they should once hear that he were seated in any place; and unkindly to cast him off, that had so nobly used him in like extremity, the Emperor was loath. And therefore feeding him up with fair Words, and foording him on from time to time with delaies, he held him a great while as a man in suspence, betwixt hope and despair. At length in the absence of the Emperor (though happily not without his Privity) he was com∣manded with all his Train, in number about twelve hundred, to get him to Aenus a City of Thracia, standing upon the Sea-coast; where he much discontented, lived like an honourable Pri∣soner at large; but with the watchful Eyes of so many upon him, as that he could by no means (as he desired) escape. In which case we will for a while leave him, to feed upon his own melancholy thoughts.

Now had Michael Paleologus the Emperor reign∣ed at Nice two years, [year 1261.] when new troubles began again to arise in the West part of his Empire in Europe side, by the treachery of Michael Angelus Despot of Epirus. For the speedy repressing where∣of, he sent one Alexius Strategopulus, a worthy Captain, and a man of great Nobility (whom for his good service against the said Despot, he had in the beginning of his Reign made Caesar) with little above eight hundred Bythinian Soul∣diers; and Commission for the taking up of so many more as he should for that service need, in Macedonia and Thracia; commanding him when he had passed the Streight, with those Souldiers to take his ways through the Suburbs of Constanti∣nople, to terrifie the Latines, whom he was loath to suffer too long live in rest and quiet, or to stir too far out of the Gates, but to keep them as Prisoners coupt up within the Walls of the City. This warlike Captain with his handful of men, passing over Propontis, encamped at Regium, not far from Constantinople; where by chance lighting upon certain poor labouring men, Greeks born in the City, and there dwelling, he diligently inquired of them the state thereof, and of what Strength the Latines were, with many other things such as he was desirous to know; who not only told him that the Strength of the Latines was but small, but also that the greatest part thereof was gone to the Siege of Daphmusia, a Town not far off, upon the side of the Euxine Sea; and withall (as Greeks evil affected to the Government of the Latines, and desirous of the liberty of their Coun∣try) offered of themselves to shew him a means how to give him entrance into the City. These poor men dwelt within the City, close by one of the Gates, near whereunto by an old ruinous Mine almost swarved up, was a secret unsuspected way into the City, not known to any but to themselves; by this blind hole they promised him by night to receive in fifty of his best Souldiers; which suddenly setting upon the Watch fast by, and dispatching them out of the way, might presently break open the Gate, and so let in the rest of the Army; whereunto they promised themselves with their Friends to put to their helping hands, assuring him of the good success thereof. This Plot for the betraying of the City thus laid and agreed upon, Alexius and Caesar well rewarding the men, and filling them with greater

promises sent them away; who as if they had been about their Country work, were after their wonted manner received into the City, without suspition at all. And within a few days after ac∣cording to their promise, at an appointed hour received in by night the aforesaid fifty Souldiers; who aided by them, presently slew the Watch, and brake open the Gate, whereby Alexius en∣tring a little before day, in convenient place put his men in order of Battel, and afterward to the greater terror of the Latines, caused the City to be set on fire in four places, which increasing with the Wind, burnt in most terrible manner, and was in short time come almost unto the Emperors Palace. Who scarce well awaked, and seeing the City all on a fire about his Ears, and the Ene∣my coming on, was about at the first with those few Latines that he had (for Greeks he had none) to have made head against them. But better advised, and perceiving it to be now to no pur∣pose, he (the last of the Latine Emperors that ever reigned in Constantinople) with Iustinian the Latine Patriarch, and some other of his Friends, fled by Sea into Euboea, and so from thence after∣wards to Venice, and afterwards to Lewis the French King, in hope to have been by him and the Venetians relieved. After whom fled also all the rest of the Latines. Thus the Imperial City of Constantinople by great fortune fell again into the hands of the Greeks, in the year 1261. after that it had been in possession of the Latines about 58 years.

The joyful news of the recovery of the Impe∣rial City, was in short time carried unto Michael Paleologus the Greek Emperor at Nice; who at the first believed it not, as thinking it scarce possible, so strong a City to have been by so weak a power surprised, whereas he himself not long before was not able with a right puissant Army, and much other like provision, to win the Castle of Galata over against it. But afterwards assured of the truth thereof, with his Hands and Eyes cast up towards Heaven, gave most hearty thanks to God therefore, causing Hymns and Psalms of Thanks∣giving to be solemnly sung in every Church, with all the other signs of Joy and Triumph that could be devised. So setting all other things apart,* 4.199 he wholly busied himself in making pre∣paration for his going unto Constantinople, now once again the seat of the Greek Empire; wherein, and in travelling having spent many days, he at length with the Empress his Wife and Andronicus his Son, then but two years old, as if it had been in solemn Procession, on foot entred into the City, by the Gate called the Golden Gate; and so after Prayers and Thanks given, went to the Palace prepared for him near unto the Tilt-yard; for the other Im∣perial Palaces of greater beauty (sometime the stately dwellings of the greatest Emperors of the Greeks) had now of long, during the Reign of the Latines, lien ruinous, or altogether defaced. And shortly after, because vertue and true de∣sert should not want their due honour, he caused Alexius Caesar (by whose means the City was recovered) in solemn Triumph in his Robes of Honour, with a Crown upon his Head, not much inferior unto the Imperial Crown, with great Pomp to be carried through all the City; and farther commanded, that his name for one year next following, in all solemn Prayers and Hymns of Thanksgiving, should be joyned with the name of the Emperor himself. And yet not thinking to have done him honour enough, cau∣sed his lively Image afterward to be most curi∣ously made, and as a Trophie to be set upon a fair marble Pillar, before the great Church of the Holy Apostles, in perpetual remembrance of him, and what he had done for the delivery of his Country; which shortly after overthrown by an Earthquake, was by his Son again restored. Now was this great and famous City, sometime the Beauty of the World, by these strange and fa∣tal mutations, wonderfully defaced, and brought to great desolation; in every place was to be seen great Heaps, or rather (to say the truth) great Hills of Rubbidge, the eternal Witnesses of the ruin thereof; the Houses stood some quite fallen down, some ready to follow after, and some other great and stately buildings, now the small reliques of great Fires; for the great beauty thereof was before, at such time as the Latines took it, most defaced by Fire; who all the time that they had it, ceased not night and day to destroy some part or other of it, as if they had known they should not long keep it; neither did this last Fire raised by the Greeks themselves to terrifie the Latines, a little deform it; for which cause the Emperors chief care now was to cleanse the City, and in the best sort he could to reform so great a confusion of things not to be all at once amended; first beginning with the Churches, which ruinous or ready to fall, he re∣paired; and next to that filled the empty houses with new Inhabitants. And albeit that the chief of the Latines were together with the Emperor fled and gone, yet was most part of the Artificers and Tradesmen of the City, Venetians, and of them of Pisa, mingled together; unto whom also to joyn the Genowaies, and so to fill the City with Latines, he thought it not altogether safe, although that by them he reaped great pro∣fit; wherefore he assigned unto them the City of Galatia now called Pera, on the other side of the Haven, for them to inhabit; granting them great Privileges, and every of those Companies to be governed by a Consul or Potestate of their own. As for the Imperial City it self, he stored it, (as near as he could) with Natural Greeks born.

Now although all things went as Paleologus the Emperor could himself have wished;* 4.200 yet could he not rest so contented, for fear lest those which now did eat their own Hearts, and with great grief smouldred their anger, should at length as the rightful Heirs of the Empire by him usurped, break out into open force, and so breed him great troubles, yea and perhaps work his confusion. For such is the tormenting state if usurping Ty∣rants, never to think themselves safe so long as any one liveth, whom they may suspect. Where∣fore at once to rid himself of this fear, he thought it best so to dispose of the Children of the late Emperor Theodorus Lascaris, as that he should not need of them to stand in doubt; to take them out of the way, besides that it was a thing odious, he saw it like to be unto him dangerous; Mary and Theodora (two of the El∣dest Daughters) being before by their Father married unto two great Princes, (one the Despot of Epirus, and the other Prince of Bulgaria) with whom he had much before to do, and of them yet stood in some doubt; but these were safe enough out of his reach. Other two young Sisters there were in his custody, Theodora and Irene, with their Brother Iohn, the only Heir of the Empire; Theodora he married unto one Belicur•• a Gentleman of Peloponesus; and Irene to one Vigintimilio of Genoa; both Latines, men of no great Birth or Power, such as he needed not to stand in doubt of. These two Ladies, the Daughters of so great an Emperor as was Theodorus, thus basely bestowed; remained only their Brother Iohn, the only Heir of the Empire, then but ten years old, whom Peleologus long before even

in the beginning of his Reign, had sent unto Mag∣nesia, there to be safely kept far off from the Court, for fear lest in his right and quarrel some discon∣tented persons desirous of innovation, should now begin some new stirs dangerous unto his Estate. Which indignity done unto the young Prince, Arsenius the Patriarch (put in trust by his Father for the bringing of him up) took in so evil part, that he forsook the Court with all his Ecclesiasti∣cal dignity, and as a man weary of the World, retired himself unto a little Monastery of Pasca∣sins in the Country, there to spend the rest of his days. From whence for all that he was after the taking of Constantinople from the Latines, almost against his Will drawn thither by Pa∣leologus the Emperor, and made Patriarch there∣of, there together with so great an honour to find his greater discontent. For Paleologus the Usurper, altogether unmindful of his Faith so solemnly before given, for the safety of the young Prince, and the restoring unto him of his Empire; and now fully resolved to establish unto him and his Posterity the Soveraignty of so great an Empire, howsoever it was got, caused the young Princes Eyes to be most cruelly put out;* 4.201 the usual practise of the Tyrants of the East, upon such as they are loath or fear to kill, and yet would make them unfit for Government. Of which barbarous cruelty, his Sister Theodora (married to Constantinus Prince of Bulgaria) hear∣ing, ceased not with tears and prayers and all other womanly perswasions, to stir up her Hus∣band in revenge thereof; whereunto also Iatha∣tines the Turks Sultan, gave no small furtherance; who weary of Exile, and to be so in a corner confined as into a Prison from whence he might not start, by secret Messengers intreated the Bulgarian Prince to make War upon the usurp∣ing Emperor; promising him a great summ of Mony, if by his help he might recover his former Liberty. Wherewith he the rather moved, with a great power of his own, and above twenty thousand Tartars which then lay by the River Isther, suddenly brake into the Emperors Ter∣ritories, and in shorter time than was to have been thought, overran all the Country of Thra∣cia, even unto the Sea side, leaving neither man nor beast in all that Country as he went; in good hope also to have by the way surprised the Emperor himself, even then returning from his Wars against the Despot in Thessaly; who hearing of his speedy coming, being got unto the Sea side, and (having no way left to have escaped by Land) shipped himself into a Gal∣ly of the Latines, which with another, her consort bound for Constantinople, by good hap put in there for to water, and so in two days arrived safe at the Imperial City. Thus dis∣appointed of the Emperor, all his care was for the delivery of the Turks Sultan. Wherefore marching in hast to Aenum, he so terrified the Citizens with his coming, that they without farther delay delivered him into his hands, so to redeem their own Peace. In his return you might have seen the Souldiers, especially the Tartars, driving before them infinite numbers both of Men and Cattel, in such sort, as that in the open Country of Thracia for a space, was hardly to be seen either Countryman or Beast, it was so clean swept both of Inhabitants, and likewise of Cattel.

Iathatines the Sultan by the Tartars carried over Ister,* 4.202 and so by them set at liberty, shortly after died. In whose Kingdom succeeded not his Son Melicke (as some write) but two others (as the Turks themselves report) the one called Mesoot, the Son of Kei-Cubades, and the other Kei-Cubades, the Son of Ferameine, born also of the Selzuc••ian Family, as were all the other Turks Sultans, but how near of blood unto the late Sultan Iathatines, they say not. Betwixt which two, as his Vassals, Gaza the great Tartar Cham (by whom they were so preferred) for the pay∣ment of a yearly Tribute, divided the Turks King∣dom; apportioning unto Mesoot the Cities of A∣mida (in antient time called Amisus,) and Amin∣sus in Galatia, Melatia otherwise called Melesine in the lesser Armenia, Sivaste, in antient time Se∣bastia; and Harbarie, before Satabrea, both in Cap∣padocia, with all the Country about them. And unto Kei-Cubades, Iconium, the antient seat of the Turkish Sultans, with all Rumilia, Asiatica, or the Countries of the lesser Asia alongst the Sea-coast; which these two Princes held as the Tartars Tributaries, as had the late Sultan Iathatines be∣fore them, until such time as he was by the same Tartars again expulsed. So that the Turks Kingdom, which had of long time flourished in the Selzuccian Family in Persia, in Syria, Pa∣lestine, and Egypt, there quite overthrown by the Mamalukes and Tartars (as is before de∣clared) and now brought underfoot in the les∣ser Asia also, where only rested all the hope of that Nation, was now at a low Ebb, di∣vided betwixt two weak Princes, reigning but at the devotion of the Tartar. In which confu∣sion of the Turkish Empire, so rent, not only divers men of greater Power and Authority amongst them, shared unto themselves, some one corner of the declining Kingdom, and some another; but many of the obscure and basest People also, bearing with them nothing but their Bows and Arrows, took the straight passages of the Mountains, and from thence with their day∣ly Incursions, did much harm in the Countries of the Christians joyning upon them: which was no great matter for them to do, the Garrisons which were wont to defend the same, being for want of pay quite disbanded, and the Castles upon the Frontiers by them abandoned; which at the first, as a thing of small importance neglected, was at length unto the Greeks a great cause of the ruin and decay of the greatest part of their estate in Asia. These mischiefs unregarded, grew dayly more and more, the Turks still gaining upon the Greeks what they lost unto the Tartars. Whose invasions (the Glory of their Kingdom only excepted) was not so hurtful unto them, as the cause of their much greater felicity afterwards. At length it fortu∣ned, that a great power of these adventurous Turks meeting together in Paphlagonia, were about to have invaded the Territories of the Christians; against whom Michael Paleologus the Emperor sent out a strong and puissant Army to stay their further coming on, lest breaking in that way, they should without resistance at their pleasure forrage the Country before them. Which Army conducted by unskilful Captains, encountring with the Turks, was by them in a great Battel overthrown and utterly defeated, few or none of all that great multitude escaping; for whilst the Greeks unadvisedly pursued the Turks, retiring of purpose before them, they were by them drawn into the danger of a greater Power lying in ambush for them, and so entraped, were slain with an exceeding great Slaughter. After which so great a Victory (the beginning of the misery of the Christians in the lesser Asia) the Turks without let or stay overran all the Coun∣try, unto the River Sangarius; upon the Banks whereof the Greek Emperor was glad to for∣tifie divers Towns and Forts to keep them out of Bithynia. Nevertheless they in short time

after subdued all the Countries, from Po••ntus and Galatia, unto the Lycian and Carian Sea, and the River Eurymedon, which they divided amongst them into divers Toparchies; little or nothing acknowledging the Soveraignty either of Mesoot, or Kei-Cubades.

Whilst the Turks in the lesser Asia thus win from the Christians on the one side, and lose to the Tartars on the other, many an hard con∣flict in the mean time passed betwixt the Egyp∣tian Sultans with their Mamalukes, and the Tar∣tars, for the Soveraignty of Syria. The poor remainder of the Christians all that while there, in doubt both of the one and of the other; from whom and from the Armenians (then also much infested with the Mamalukes) divers Embassa∣dors were sent unto the Pope and the Christian Princes of the West, to crave their aid and help in that their hard Estate; whose prayers little prevailing with the rest, yet so moved Lewis the French King, and Henry the Third, then reign∣ing in England, that they both promised them aid. Whereupon Lewis a man of a great devoti∣on, and always forward in that service against the Infidels, took upon him the Cross, the cog∣nisance of the sacred War; causing his three Sons, Philip that succeeded him in the Kingdom, sirnamed the Fair, Peter Count of Alangon, and Iohn Count of Nevers (sirnamed Tristan, for that his Mother was in her greatest heaviness for the taking of her Husband, delivered of him in E∣gypt) and most of the Nobility of France to do the like; unto whom also Theobald King of Na∣var his Son-in-Law, Alphonsus his Brother, and Guydo Earl of Flanders, joyned themselves. And so having put all things in readiness, took his way to Marselleis, and from thence embarking himself with his Army in the Genoway Ships, hired for that purpose, set forward the first of March, in the year 1270. But being at Sea, he was by force of Weather constrained to land in Sardinia, [year 1270.] * 4.203 and there to stay a while; departing thence, he at length arrived at Carthage, the place by him desired; where in the entrance of the Haven he surprised certain of the Enemies Ships; but landing his men, and assaulting the Town, he was there notably repulsed. This is not that antient, great, and famous City, which sometime mightily strove with the proud Mistress of the World for Soveraignty, but another built long af∣ter in the ruins, or at least not far from the ru∣ins of the same. In the besieging whereof, the Frenchmen found such resistance, as well put them in remembrance of the antient glory of the Carthaginians. One day it fortuned as the King thus lay at the Siege, that the Defendants made a great and fierce Sally out upon the Frenchmen, who before commanded so to do, by little and little retired, to draw their Enemies further on; betwixt whom and the City, the Constable with a great power coming in and charging them be∣hind, and they which before retired, now standing close unto them, they were on both sides hardly beset; who for all that, as became valiant men, worthily defended themselves, and made there a great fight, though not without extreme peril; which they in the City beholding, gave out a most hideous and piteous cry, a certain sign of their hard estate within; astonying with the sud∣denness thereof, both their Friends and Enemies. But whilst they of the Town betwixt hope and despair stood thus beholding the fight at Land, the Frenchmen by Sea approaching a Bulwark on that side of the Town, took it without re∣sistance; which so dismaied them without, that they began forthwith to flie, of whom the greatest part casting away their Weapons, were by the Kings commandment taken to mercy; and they likewise of the Town upon promise of their lives yielded the same unto the King.* 4.204 Carthage thus won, the King laid Siege to Tunes, the chief City of that Kingdom, being not far off; where by the way he was encountred by the King of the Countrey, who having there lost ten thousand of his Moors, betook himself to flight with the rest. Who thus overthrown, resolved no more to tempt Fortune, but to keep himself safe within the Walls of the City, if happily so he might (as it oftentimes falleth out) more weaken his Ene∣mies by lying still and protracting the time, than by open Force and Valour. Which their pur∣pose King Lewis perceiving, resolved not to stir from thence until that he were become Master of the City; which as it seemed, could not hold out for want of Victuals, considering the mul∣titude of People that were got into it. Never∣theless thus besieged both by Sea and Land, and so straightly hemmed in on every side, as that no relief could possibly be brought unto it; yet held it out by the space of six Months. Af∣ter which time Wants daily more and more in∣creasing amongst the besieged, Embassadors were sent out to the King, to intreat with him of peace. But whilst these Embassadors go to and fro, and reason upon the capitulations of the desired peace, behold a great and furious Plague arose in the French Camp, which began to cut them down by heaps; there dyed Iohn Tristan Count of Nevers, the Kings youngest Son, born in the first expedition that the said King his Father made into the Holy Land, even at such time as he was taken Prisoner; which Tristan died the five and twentieth day of August in the year of our Lord 1270. The good King having yet scarcely performed the Obsequies of his Son, fell sick of the bloody Flix, whereof he there shortly after died also. About which time arrived there Charles King of Sicily, the French Kings Brother, with a great number of fresh Souldiers; whose coming lightned somewhat the Frenchmens hearts (heavy for the death of their King) and daunted the Moors, before brag of the same. Shortly after whom arrived there also Prince Edward, King Henry the Third his El∣dest Son, who travelling through France, and taking shipping at Aquesmort, not far from Mar∣seilles, was now in ten days with a brave Company of Englishmen come to Tunes; and thereof the other Christian Princes, namely of Philip the French King (his Father Lewis be∣ing now dead) of Charles King of Sicily, and of the two Kings of Navar and Aragon, joy∣fully received. But these Princes had a little before his arrival concluded a Peace with the Moors King, and the Infidels, upon condition that he should pay a yearly Tribute of forty thousand Crowns unto the King of Sicilia; and to suffer the Christian Religion to be freely preached in his Dominions, by such devout persons as should be there left for that purpose; and that unto such as should by their preaching be converted unto the Faith in Christ Jesus, it should be lawful for them to be baptized, and to pro∣fess the Christian Religion. Of which Peace, Prince Edward understanding, did what he might to have disswaded them from the same; say∣ing, that the War was by them all taken in hand against the Infidels, as Enemies to the Cross of Christ, with whom they were not to have Peace; and for the recovery of the Holy City. But say what he would, and do what he could, the Peace (to his great discontentment) was now concluded, which they might not (as they said) again break; and thereupon with the first

fair Wind hoised sail, and returned towards Sici∣lia, with purpose the next Spring to have gone into Syria; which their determination was short∣ly after by the hand of God disappointed. For being come upon the Coast of the Island not far from Drepanum, most of the great Princes and other Nobility, in their long Boats went on Land, the rest of the Fleet lying at Anker about a League off; for that being for the most part Ships of great burthen they were not able to put into the Harbor: But as they so lay, by force of a sudden and violent Tem∣pest then arising, some were eaten up with the rough Sea; some falling foul one on another, there perished together:* 4.205 others driven upon the Main, were there beaten in pieces: so that of that great Fleet before the Storm ceased, perish∣ed about an hundred and twenty Sail, with all the People, as well Mariners as Souldiers left in them, and great store both of Armor and Munition: In such sort that most of the com∣mon Souldiers and Mariners which had esca∣ped the Plague at Tunes, there upon the Coast of Sicilia perished by Shipwrack. Only Prince Edwards Fleet, being in number but thirteen Ships, escaped free without loss either of Ship or Man. Neither were they that were got to Land at Drepanum in much better case, the Plague still following them; whereof died Theobald King of Navar, and Isabel his Wife, King Lewis his Daughter, Elizabeth the French Queen, with a wonderful number of noble Gentlemen, and other common Souldiers; in such sort that Philip the French King discou∣raged with the greatness of the mortality, and the miserable loss at Sea, resolved there to make an end of the intended War, and so re∣turned into France, as did the rest that were left, every Man into his own Country. Only Prince Edward having passed that Winter in Sicilia, [year 1271.] * 4.206 with the first of the next Spring set forward again on his Voyage, and in 15 days after arrived with his Fleet at Ptolemais: where after he had by the space of a Month rested Himself and his Souldiers after their long tra∣vel, and fully inquired of the State of the Country, he with six or seven thousand Souldiers marching from Ptolemais about twenty Miles into the Land, took Nazareth, and put to Sword all them he found therein, and so again re∣turned. After whom the Enemies following, in hope to have taken him at some advantage, he understanding thereof, turned back upon them, and killing a great number of them, put the rest to flight. And after that about Midsum∣mer, understanding that the Sarasins were again making Head at a place called Cakhow, about forty Miles off, he set forwards towards them; and coming upon them early in the Morning before they were aware, slew about a Thousand of them, and dispersed the rest. Aided also by the Nobi∣lity of Cyprus, he with like success as before, made a third Expedition against the Turks and Infidels: insomuch that his Fame began to grow great amongst them, and they to stand of him in no little dread. But whilst he thus pre∣vailed, he was by foul Treachery almost taken out of the▪ way. The Admiral of Ioppa feign∣ing himself desirous to become a Christian, and willing to further the Princes▪ proceedings, had by a secret Messenger and Letters sundry times Intelligence with him, as well concerning his own good Entertainment, as the effecting of that which he had promised. This Messenger by the Admiral thus employed, was (though to the Prince unknown) one of the Assasines, a company of most desperate and dangerous Men among the Mahometans, who strongly delu∣ded with the blind zeal of their Superstition, and accounting it meritorious, by any means to kill any great Enemy of their Religion; for the performance thereof, as Men prodigal of their Lives, desperatly adventure themselves unto all kind of dangers. So now this Messenger, be∣ing resolved to die, coming the fifth time unto the Prince, and being searched for having any Weapon about him, as the manner was, had access unto him, then lying in his Chamber upon his Bed, in his Jerkin, bare Headed, because of the heat of the Weather, where after due reve∣rence done, he pulled out certain Letters from his Lord unto the Prince, which he read with great delight, as penned of purpose for to please. But as he was further questioning with him of many matters, and all the company voided, the desperate Messenger making as though he would have pulled out some other secret Letters, sud∣denly pluckt out an envenomed Knife, which he had secretly hidden about him, thinking to have struck him into the belly as he lay; for the avoid∣ing of which stroke, the Prince lifting up his Arm, was therein grievously wounded.* 4.207 But as the Villain was about to have doubled the stroak the Prince with his Foot gave him such a blow, that he felled him to the ground, and with that starting up, caught him by the hand, where in strugling with him for the knife, and wresting it out of his hand, he hurt himself therewith in the Forehead; but getting it from him, presently thrust it into the Murtherers Belly and so slew him. The Princes Servants being not far off, and hearing the bustling, came running in; where finding the Messenger dead on the floor, one of them with a stool beat out his brains; whereat the Prince took some displeasure, for so striking a dead man. This danger of the Princes much troubled and grieved all the Christians in Syria; and the more, for that the wound in his Arm, after it had been certain days well dressed by the skilful Surgeons and Physitians, began to morti∣fie and grow black, insomuch, that they and others about him began to mutter among them∣selves, and to look heavily upon the matter, as not without danger. Which he perceiving, said unto them, Why whisper you thus amongst your selves? What see you in me? Can I not be healed? Tell me the truth and fear not. Where∣unto one of them answered; And like your Highness, we doubt not of your healing, but that it will be painful for you to suffer. If suffer∣ing (said he) may again restore my health, I commit my self unto you, work on me your skill, and spare not. So the next day they cut out all the dead and poysoned flesh out of his Arm, and in fifteen days after perfectly cured his wound, to the great rejoycing of all his People. The great Sultan to clear himself of this so disho∣nourable a treachery, sent three of his Noble men unto the Prince, calling to witness his false Prophet, That the same was done neither by him nor his consent. Which Embassadors the Prince honourably used, but suffered them not to come nigh him. So having tarried eighteen Months at Ptolemais, and no ayd coming from the other Christian Princes, as was expected, he took ship∣ping, and returning homeward, landed first in Sicilia, and from thence crossing over into Apu∣lia, and so travelling to Rome, was there honou∣rably entertained by Gregory the Tenth, then Pope; and from thence by the way of France arrived in England, where he was shortly after crowned King, in the year 1272. his Father the old King, Henry the Third, being a little be∣fore his return dead.

The year following, Gregory the Tenth, not ig∣norant of the hard estate of the Christians in Sy∣ria, [year 1273.] * 4.208 (as having there been of late himself with Prince Edward, at which time he was in his ab∣sence elected Pope) and now desirous to pro∣cure them some relief, ratified the election of Ro∣dulphus of Hapspurge unto the Empire, upon con∣dition, That he should promise to take upon him∣self the Cross, and to give them relief; for the performance whereof he offered unto the Empe∣ror two hundred thousand Crowns, with the Tenths both of the Clergy and Temporalty for six years; and many goodly blessings were in his name also, by the Preachers of that time, promised unto all such as should with him take upon them that sacred War. Whereupon the Emperor, with all his Family took upon them the Cross, the sign of the s••cred expedition in∣tended; as did also the Duke of Lorain shortly after, with some others. Nevertheless the Em∣peror, otherwise busied in Wars against the Bo∣hemians and Bavarians, and delaying still the time, as not greatly willing to take upon him so long and dangerous a journey, and the Pope still threatning his high sentence of Excomunication, the time passed, the Pope died, and nothing was as yet done. Until that at length the Emperor having happily finished his Wars in Bohemia, and finding himself at some good leisure in some part to discharge his Vow, and to satisfie the ex∣pectation the World had long conceived of him, sent Henry Prince of Megapolis, or as the Germans call it, Meckelbourg, with a strong Power into Syria, to perform what himself had promised. Who coming to Ptolemais, made many notable incursions into the Country about Damasco, with Fire and Sword destroying all before him as he went, and carrying thence many great and rich booties; until that at length he was by the Mama∣lukes circumvented and taken Prisoner, and so carried unto the Sultan at Caire, where he re∣mained in strait prison six and twenty years after;* 4.209 until that by chance one of the Mamalukes (a renegate German) being chosen Sultan, caused him to be brought before him, and at his coming demanded of him, If it would not do him good to celebrate the remembrance of the Nativity of his Christ with his Friends in Germany? (for now that time of the year was at hand) And I know (said the Sultan) that thou art so addicted unto thy Superstition, that thou respectest the same more than thy Liberty. Truth (said Henry) mighty Prince; for Liberty would avail me nothing, if Christ by his most mild Incarnation had not taken away our Captivity; and therefore how much all men owe unto the reverend remembrance thereof, I would to God thou, O King, didst also understand; which as I most heartily wish, so I would I could thereof perswade thee. God for∣bid (said the Sultan) for I remember that when as I was chief Engineer unto thy Father at Knese-Fenicke in Livonia, and there did him good ser∣vice, I was altogether of the Christian perswa∣sion; but now having left that common Error, have therewith also changed my private Fortune. But as for thy Religion I have nothing to say, my talk is only concerning thy Liberty; wouldst thou therefore gladly be free, and so return home to thy Friends? That, Nature craveth (said Henry) although my fortune gainsayeth, which yet de∣pendeth on your pleasure; I desire indeed to re∣turn home, which if you should deny me, I must as I have done take it in good part; assuring my self, that my Wife Anastasia, with my beloved Sons, Henry, Leo and Iohn, having long since cele∣brated my Funerals, and ended their mourning. Thou art deceived, (said the Sultan) for I am sure that they know thou yet livest, and pray mo•••• heartily for thy return. Truly I owe much unto the remembrance of thy Father, and therefore this day give thee thy Liberty. And having so said, furnished him with all things necessary, and gave him leave to depart with one Martin his Ser∣vant, who taken with him, had born him com∣pany all the long time of his Captivity. So taking his leave of the Sultan, he came to Ptolemais; but shipping himself for Cyprus, he was by the way by certain Pyrates taken at Sea, and as a Fu∣gitive Captive brought back again unto the Sul∣tan; who pitying his hard fortune, set him again at liberty, and by a ship set out for that purpose, transported him into Cyprus; where he was by the Queen of that Island his Aunt (as some say) honourably entertained, and so furnished of all things fit for his Estate. Departing thence he came to Marseilles, where after he had some few days refreshed himself, he from thence travelled by Land home into his own Country; where at the first he was not known of his own Children and Friends, as being grown old in prison, and by them long before accounted among the dead; but now at last found again, and by them known, he was of his Children joyfully received as their Father, and of his Subjects as their Prince. How∣beit he shortly after died, and was honourably buried in the Monastery of Dobran.

Thus in the whole course of this History it ap∣pears, by that which is already written, what notable expeditions even the greatest Christian Princes of the West, to their immortal glory, from time to time undertook against the Enemies of Christ, and his most sacred Word, and for the relief of the poor distressed Christians in Syria and in the Land of Palestine; whereof as divers of them had right glorious success, unto the great profit of the Christian Common-weal; so some of them answered not with like Event, as undertaken with too small strength, or otherwise overthrown by the discord or malice of the Christians themselves, rather than by the Enemies Force. Which never∣theless how unfortunately soever they fell out in the hands of such worthy men as undertook them, yet have they this glory, commendation, and comfort, That they were taken in hand for the honour of the Son of God, Christ Jesus, and the defence of his Verity, against the false Prophet Mahomet, and his most blasphemous Doctrin; so honourable and just a quarrel as might well beseem the greatness of the greatest Prince, yea of all the Princes of Christendom. Yet could not the wor∣thiness thereof, even in those more zealous times, or the dangerous Estate of that part of the Christi∣an Common-Weal, even then like to perish, (as some others be now) or the lamentable complaints of the poor oppressed Christians, crying out unto their Christian Brethren for aid, any whit move the Christian Princes of that time, with their com∣bined Forces to reach unto them their helping hands, or to yield unto them any succor or re∣lief; for they little feeling those harms so far off, and more regarding their own hereditary quarrels, employed those Forces one against ano∣ther, unto the effusion of so much Christian blood, as might have sufficed not for relief of the distressed Christians in Syria only, but also to have regained whatsoever had been before from them taken by the Turks or Sarasins. The Ger∣man Princes were still at a jar about the choice of their Emperors; the French agreed not with the English, or them of the Low-Countries; neither the English with the Scots; the Arragonians were at odds with the French; and in Italy were almost as many deadly Factions as Provinces. Of which discord of the Christians (the greatest occasion

of their ruin and decay) Melechsares the Egyptian Sultan understanding by his Espials, raised a great Army of the Mamalukes and others, with a full purpose to have utterly rooted out all the remain∣ders of the Christians in Syria and the Land of Palestine, and so to have entirely joyned those two great Countries unto his own King∣dom. But what he had so mischievously devised, he lived not to bring to pass, being in the midst of those his great designs taken away by sudden death. After whom Alphix (or as some call him, Elpis) succeeding him in the Kingdom,* 4.210 and with a puissant Army entring into Syria, laid Siege to Tripolis, which he at length took by undermining of it, and put to the Sword all the Christians there∣in (except such as by speedy flight had in time got themselves out of the danger) and rased the City down to the ground; which calamity be∣tided unto the Christians the ninth of April, in the year 1289. Presently after, he had the strong Castle of Nelesine yielded unto him, [year 1289.] whereinto he put a strong Garrison, to hinder the Christians from building again the late destroyed City. In like manner also he took the Cities of Sidon and Berythus,* 4.211 which he sacked, and laid them flat with the ground. And after that, he re∣moved to Tyre,* 4.212 which a••ter three months straight Siege, was by the Citizens (now out of all hope of relief) yielded unto him, upon condition, That they might with bag and baggage in safety depart. With like good Fortune he in good time, and as it were without resistance, took all the rest of the strong Towns and Castles which the Christians yet held in Syria and the Land of Pa∣lestine, excepting only the City of Ptolemais; where∣unto all the poor Christians fled as unto a Sanctu∣ary, to be there defended by the honourable Knights Templars and Hospitalers. Nothing now le••t unto them more than that strong City, the Sultan of his own accord made a Peace with them for the space of five years, fearing (as was supposed) to have drawn upon him all the Christian Princes of the West, if he should at once have then utterly rooted out all the Christi∣ans in those Countries together.

The Christians affairs thus brought to the last cast in Syria, and yet faintly as it were breathing, by the benefit of the late obtained Peace; Peter Beluise Master of the Templars, with the grand Master of the Knights Hospitalers, suddenly pas∣sed over (as Embassadors from the rest) into Eu∣rope, unto Nicholaus quartus then Pope, craving his fatherly aid Who moved with so great miseries of the poor afflicted Christians, solicited the other Christian Princes to have sent them relief; espe∣cially Rodolph the German Emperor, who then busied 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the affairs of the Empire, and his Troubles nearer home, (as were the other Christi∣an P••inces also) gave good words, but no help at all. Yet some of them under the colour thereof, got from their Subjects great sums of Mony, which they imployed to other worse uses; only the Pope sent fi••teen hundred men at Arms; whom with devout perswasion, and much earnest Preach∣ing, he had induced to take upon them that sacred Expedition, and entertained them of his own charge; unto whom also many others out of di∣vers Countries, upon a Religious Zeal, joyned themselves as voluntary men; who meeting to∣gether at Brundusium, and there embarked with the two gr••nd Masters of the Templars and Hospita∣lers, in safety at length arrived at Ptolemais. There was then in the City a great number of People of all sorts;* 4.213 of able men there was about fifty thousand, and about forty thousand of the weaker sort; amongst whom, divers Murders, Felonies, Rapes, and such other shameful Out∣rages, (all hastning the dreadful judgments of God) were dayly committed, and let pass unre∣garded, more than of them that were injured. For all the chief Commanders were then at vari∣ance among themselves, every one of them laying claim (not worth a rush) unto the vain Title of the Kingdom of Ierusalem. Henry King of Cyprus coming thither with a great Fleet, charged the Templars to deliver him the Crown of that Kingdom, which they had (as he said) wrong∣fully taken from Almericus and Guy his Ancestors. And Charles King of Sicilia by his Embassadors laid claim unto the Title of that Kingdom, as due unto the Kings of that Island; and understanding it to be given unto Henry King of Cyprus, caused all the Revenues of the Templars within his Do∣minion, to be brought into his Treasuries, and their Lands and Houses to be spoyled. Hugh also, Prince of Antioch, laboured with tooth and nail, to defend the overworn Right that his Father and Grandfather had unto that lost Kingdom. And the Count of Tripolis laid in for himself, That he was descended from Raymund of Tholous; and that beside himself, remained no Prince of the an∣tient Nobility, which had won that Kingdom out of the hands of the Sarasins, and that therefore that regal Dignity did not of better right apper∣tain unto any other than unto himself. Neither did these four Princes more strive for the Title of the lost Kingdom, than for the present Govern∣ment of the City, straightway about to perish. The Popes Legate pretending thereunto a right also; for that King Iohn Brenne had before sub∣jected it unto the See of Rome. As for the claim unto the City of Ptolem••is, the Patriarch of Ie∣rusalem challenged unto himself the Prehemi∣nence, for that the Metropolitical City of Tyr•• (under which the City of Ptolemais was the third Episcopal Seat) was under his jurisdiction, even by the Decree of the West Church. The Tem∣plars also, and the Knights Hospitalers, whose power in the City was at that time far the greatest, pretended the Government thereof of best right to belong unto them, as the just reward of their blood, already and afterward to be spent in the defence thereof; promising great matters if it might be wholly referred unto them. Neither spared the French King, or the King of England, by their Messengers to claim the Soveraignty of the City, by their Predecessors sometimes won. And they of Pisa having still a Consul therein, and by often Marriages with the natural Inhabitants, grown into great affinity with them, did what they might to get the Government into their Hands. The Venetians also by their Authority and great Wealth, laboured to gain the good Will of the Peo∣ple, sparing therein no Cost. And they of Genoa, no less cunning than the rest, supplanted the strongest Factions, by giving aid both apertly and covert∣ly unto the weaker; that so having weakned the Faction they most doubted and hated, they might by the joynt favour of the weaker, aspire unto the Government of the stronger, and so conse∣quently of the City it self. The Florentines also by their continual Traffique thither, were not out of hope, by one fineness or other, amongst so many Competitors, to find a mean to step up above the rest. But the greatest part of the Peo∣ple for all that were most inclined unto the Ar∣menians and Tartars, as both for their nearness and power most like of all other to stand them in stead. All these aimed at one mark, which was the Government and Command of the Ci∣ty; and most of them had in the same their own proper Laws and Courts, to decide their Causes and Controversies in. Whereby it came to pass, that every man might without check or controle∣ment

almost do what he list, the offenders from one Court to another, removing their suits as best served their turns. Thus were murders (as is be∣fore said) dayly committed in the Streets, men abused, houses robbed, shops broken up, and many other outrages done, to the hastning of the wrath of God, and grief of all good men.

Division and dissention (the ruin of all Com∣mon-Weals) thus reigning in the City, [year 1291.] the Soul∣diers of late sent thither, or in zeal come of them∣selves, for the defence thereof, gave occasion for the more speedy destruction of the same; Such is the power of the Almighty, in his wrath and judgments for sin, even by those things wherein we most trust and joy, to work our utter ruine and destruction. These Souldiers, for want of such pay as was promised them, were enforced to seek abroad; and therefore contrary to the League before made with the Egyptian Sultan, oftentimes went out in great parties into the Fron∣tiers of his Territories, taking the spoil of such things as they light upon. Whereof the Sultan understanding, demanded by his Embassadors, That restitution might be made, and the offendors delivered unto him to be punished, according unto the League. But in that so sick a state of a dy∣ing Common-Weal, neither was restitution made as reason would, or yet the Embassadors courte∣ously heard.* 4.214 With which Insolency the Sultan provoked, sent Emilech Araphus a notable Cap∣tain, (and as some say, his Son) with an hun∣dred and fifty thousand men, to besiege the City; who coming thither, and having made his ap∣proaches, had by a Mine in short time overthrown a piece of the Wall; but in seeking to have entred by the breach, he found such strong resistance, that he was glad with loss to retire. Whilst A∣raphus thus lay at the Siege of Ptolemais, Alphir the Sultan died at Damasco; in whose stead the Mamalukes made choice of this Araphus for their Sultan; who more desirous of nothing, than of the glory of the utter rooting up of the Christi∣ans in Syria, was so far from raising of his Siege, (either for the death of the Sultan, or the news of his Kingdom) that he more straightly beset the City than he had in the three months space that he had there lien before. Now had they in the City chosen Peter the Master of the Templars, their Governor; a man of great experience and valour; unto whom, and the rest of the Nobi∣lity, the Sultan offered great rewards, and unto the Souldiers their pay, with free liberty to de∣part, so that they would without more ado yield unto him the City, which they could not long hold. Which his offer the Master rejected, and flatly told him, That he had not learned of his Ancestors, to sell for Mony unto the Infidels a City bought with so much Christian blood; ei∣ther did so much regard his vain threats, as there∣fore to forget his service due unto his Saviour Christ and the Christian Common-Weal. With which answer the Tyrant inraged, the next day with all his Forces assaulted the City, and that in such desperate and furious manner, as if he would even then have carried it; having before filled the ditches, and promised the Spoil unto his Souldiers,* 4.215 the more to encourage them. Yet having done what he could, and lost a number of his men, slain both in the assault, and in a Sally which the Christians made out at the same time, he was enforced to retire back again into his Trenches. In this so terrible an assault, not re∣pulsed without some loss also of the Christians, the grand Master and Governour of the City was wounded with a poysoned Dar••, whereof he in three days after died: with whom the courage of the Defendants fainted also, no man being left like unto him to undertake so great a charge, al∣though many there were, that overweening themselves desired the same. In the beginning of this Siege the Christians had sent away all their aged and weak People, unfit for service, into Cyprus, where they in safety arrived. But now many of the better sort, both Captains and others, discouraged, one after another conveighed them∣selves away out of the City; of whom a great number in passing thence to Cyprus, were upon the coast of the Island, together with the Patri∣arch drowned. In the City remained only twelve thousand, which were thought sufficient for the defence thereof; who afterwards (as some re∣port) fled also by Sea after their Fellows; and so left the City empty unto the barbarous Ene∣my; some others reporting of them more ho∣nourably, as that they should right valiantly de∣fend the City against the Assault of their Ene∣mies, until such time as that most of them being slain or wounded, and the rest by force driven from the Walls into the Market place, and there for a while notably defending themselves, in fly∣ing thence unto the Ships, were by the way all cut in sunder, or else drowned. But howsoever it was, the Sultan entring the City (by the Christians abandoned, or by force taken) gave the spoil thereof unto his Souldiers; who after they had rifled every Corner thereof, by his Command∣ment set it on fire and burnt it down to the ground; and digging up the very foundations of the Walls, Churches, and other publick or pri∣vate buildings, which the fire had not burnt, left there no sign of any City at all; but purging the place even of the very heaps of the stones and rubbidge left of the rased City, made it a fit place of Husbandmen to plow and sow Corn in; which he did both there, at Sidon, Beritus, and other Towns alongst the Sea-coast, because they should never more serve for a refuge unto the Christians, or give them footing again into those Countries. Thus together with Ptolemais was the name of the Christians utterly rooted out of Syria, and the Land of Palestine, in the year 1291, about 192 years after the winning of Ie∣rusalem by Godfrey of Bulloin and the other Christi∣an Princes his Confederates.

This loss, as tending to the great disgrace of the Christians in general,* 4.216 moved not a little even the greatest of the Christian Princes; wronged all or most part of them in the persons of the Templars or Knights Hospitalers, their Subjects, so shame∣fully now quite cast out of Syria and the Land of Promise; howbeit, troubled with their own tur∣bulent Affairs at home or with their neighbour Princes not far off, none of them once stirred for the redress or revenge thereof. Only Cassanes the great Tartar Prince, having of late subdued the Persians, and married the Daughter of the Armenian King (a Lady of great perfection, and of a Mahometan become a Christian) at the re∣quest of his Wife and his Father-in-Law, took the matter in hand. And for that purpose having raised a most puissant Army of two hundred thousand fighting men, and aided by the Armenians and Georgians, passing over the Mountain Amanus in∣to Syria, not far from the City Hama met with Melcenasar, the Egyptian Sultans Lieutenant, with a mighty Army, whom he overthrew in a great and mortal Battel, wherein forty thousand of the Egyptians are reported to have been slain, and so drave him quite out of Syria; sending Molais, one of his Captains, with part of his Army to pu••••ue him, who never left him until he had chased him over the desart Sands into Egypt. The victorious Tartar after this Battel took the City of Hama, where lighting upon the great Treasures of the

Sultan, he bountifully divided it, together with the Spoil, amongst his Souldiers, reserving no∣thing thereof unto himself, more than a Sword and a Casket full of secret Letters. The Egyptians thus put to flight; he without resistance took in most of the Cities of Syria,* 4.217 with the City of Ie∣rusalem also; which in many places by the Turks and Egyptians defaced, he again repaired; and together with the Temple of our Saviour gave it to the Armenians, Georgians, and other Christi∣ans, repairing thither out of Cyprus, Crete, and other places, to inhabit. And having himself honoured the holy places with great gifts, return∣ed with his Army to Damasco, which was forth∣with delivered unto him. But lying there, with purpose in Autumn following to have gon into Egypt, and to have utterly destroyed that King∣dom, he was certified of new troubles arising in Persia, and some other parts of his Empire; for repressing whereof, he with the greatest part of his Army returned himself into Persia, leaving one Capcapus Governour of Damasco; who after the overthrow of the Sultans Army had revolted un∣to him; and Molais (of whom we have before spoken) Governour of Ierusalem; commanding them at his departure to re-edifie the City of Tyre, and to send Embassadors unto the Christian Prin∣ces of the West, to joyn in League with them, for the more sure holding of those new gained Coun∣tries. And so Tyre was indeed repaired as he had commanded, and delivered to the Christians, with a convenient Garrison for the keeping thereof; but the Embassadors coming to the proud Bishop Bo∣niface the Eighth, then Pope, whom of all others it beseemed to have furthered their buisiness, they could of him obtain nothing, but returned as they came. For he at the same time fallen out with Philip the French King, thundering out his Ex∣communications, discharging his Subjects of their Loyalty, and so much as in him was, depriving him of his Kingdom, had given the same unto Albertus Duke of Austria, whom he had declared Emperor; whereof arose great troubles. Besides that, he being of the Guelphes Faction was not in any thing more careful, than of the utter extinguishing of the contrary Faction of the Gi∣bellines, especially of the most honourable Family of the Columnij, of whom some he had slain, some he had deprived of their honours, some he had imprisoned, and driven other some into Exile; so that thus wickedly busied for the maintenance of his own proud Estate, he had no leisure to fur∣ther the good of the Christian Common-Weal; which his intollerable pride, and forgetfulness of duty long escaped not the revenging hand of God; being when he thought least, suddenly taken prisoner at his Fathers house in the City of Anagnia (where he was born) by Sara Columnius his mortal Enemy; whom but lately before redeemed out of a Pirats Gally, the French King had sent for that purpose, with one Longaret (or as some call him, Nogaret) a French Knight; by whom the proud Prelat brought to Rome, in the Castle of S. Angelo within five and thirty days after most miserably died in his madness (as some report) renting himself with his Teeth, and devouring his own Fingers. This worthy Tartar Prince Cassanes (by whom the Christian Common-Weal might have again risen in Syria and the Land of Palestine,* 4.218 had not the pride of the great Bishop, and the dissention of the Christian Princes hin∣dred the same) was (as Aitonus writeth, who was present in this War, following his Uncle the Armenian King) a man of a very short Stature, and exceeding hard Favour; but with Valour, Bounty, and other Vertues of the Mind, plenti∣fully recompencing what wanted in the Feature of his Body. After whose departure into Persia, Capcapus Governour of Damasco, considering that the power of the Tartars there left was not great, and that no aid was to be expected from the other Christian Princes of the West; to recompence his former Treason of revolting from the Sultan, with a new revolt from the Tartar, rose up into open Rebellion, drawing after him not only the City of Damasco, but the greatest part of Syria also. Whereof Molais Governour of Ierusalem un∣derstanding, was about to have gone against him with his Tartars; but advertised by his Espials, that Capcapus in this his Conspiracy had compacted with the Egyptian Sultan, also perceiving himself too weak to withstand so great a power, retired with his Tartars into Mesopotamia, there expecting new Supplies both from Cassanes and the King of Armenia.* 4.219 Of whose departure out of Syria the Egyptian Sultan understanding, came directly with his Army to Ierusalem, which he took (be∣ing forsaken of the Inhabitants) and prophaned the Temple, sparing only the Sepulchre of our Saviour, at the humble suit of the Religious, making there a greater shew of Devotion, than of Cruelty. After that, he won all the other les∣ser Towns, which the Tartars had either kept for themselves, or given to the other Christians, and utterly rased all the Forts of the Hospitalers and Templars, which valiant men, without other help, for the space of almost a year, held out against the Tyrant, in which time most of them were honourably slain; the rest that were left alive be∣ing taken by the Enemy, had nevertheless leave given with bag and baggage in safety to depart, having before by solemn Oath for ever abjured the Country of Syria; and so these worthy men, the great ornaments of the Christian Common-Weal, the Hospitalers and Templars, which to the utmost of their power had by the space of three hundred years right worthily defended both the Christians and the Christian Religion, against the Infidels in Syria, and the Holy Land, were now for ever driven out thence about the year of our Lord 1300, [year 1300.] to the great dishonour of all Christendom.

Wherefore with them now taking our leave of Syria, and the Holy Land, leaving the same in the possession of the Egyptian Sultan and the Mama∣lukes, although it were shortly after like enough to have been again recovered from them by the Tartars, had not the death of the great Tartar Prince Cassanes, and their domestical troubles let∣ted; we will again return to the troubled Affairs of the Turks in the lesser Asia, whither the course of the time had somewhat before called us, with the occurents thereof, more proper to our purpose and the argument we have in hand, but that all cannot be at once told; and for the better un∣derstanding of the desirous Reader, I thought it not good abruptly to break off the course of the aforesaid History, drawing so near to an end, but to make him partaker of the heaviness thereof.

Now had the Turks no Kingdom left in the lesser Asia,* 4.220 and that also at the pleasure of Gazan the great Tartar Cham divided betwixt Mesoot and Cei-Cubades, as his Vassals, bound unto him by a yearly Tribute, as is aforesaid; who both kept in awe by the greatness of the Tartar, did no∣thing worth the remembrance; but as they lived, so also died, almost buried in obscurity. Of these two, Mesoot died without issue; but Cei-Cubades de∣parting left behind him his Son Aladin, who by the name of Aladin the Second succeeding in the Kingdom, united again the same before divided, yet paying still Tribute unto the Tartar his Sovereign, as had his Father with the other late Sultans of the Turks before him. Much it was not that this

Aladin did, albeit that the power of the Tartars in his time began to decline, and not to lie so hea∣vy upon the Turks as before. He was a man of a quiet Spirit, and therefore much delighted in Peace; a great Friend to Othoman the first foun∣der of the glorious and mighty Othoman Empire, as in his life shall appear. But this Aladin, the last of the Turks Sultans of the Selzuccian Family, dy∣ing without issue; one Sahib his Visier-Azemes or chief Counsellor, and then a man of greatest Au∣thority, aspired unto the Kingdom, which he had for the most part himself swayed all the Reign of the late Sultan his Master; which usurped Sove∣reignty, no way unto him due, he could neither himself long hold, or deliver unto his Posterity; for that many others of the Nobility, men of great Power, and born of greater Families than he,* 4.221 envying at his honour, and disdaining to be governed by him, or any other no greater than themselves, laid hold, some upon one Country or Province, some upon another, where they were able to do most, erecting unto themselves greater or lesser Satrapies, according to the measure of their own Strength and Power, without respect of any Superiority one should have over another, but every one of them absolutely commanding over so much as he was able by strong hand to hold. So that as it had oftentimes before chanced, that the great Monarchies destitute of their lawful Heirs, had in part, or all, become rich Preys unto such as could first lay strong hand upon them; even so fell it now out in the great Kingdom of the Turks, every one of their great Princes, mea∣suring the greatness of his Territory, not by the measure of his right, but by the strength of his own power. Wherein they shared so well for themselves, that Sahib at first in possession of all, was in short time thrust quite 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of all; and so the great Kingdom of the Turks in the lesser Asia,* 4.222 brought unto a meer Anarchie; no King now left among them, the whole Kingdom being di∣vided into divers Satrapies, or other lesser To∣parchies. The greatest of those Princes that thus shared the Turks Kingdom amongst them, was one Caraman Alusirius; who as strongest, took un∣to him the City of Iconium, the Regal seat of the Turkish Sultans, with all the great Country of Cilicia, and some part of the Frontiers of the Countries of Lycaonia, Pamphilia, Caria, and the greater Phrygia, as far as Philadelphia, and the City of Antioch upon the River Meander; All which large Territory, was of him afterward called Cara∣mania, and by the same name is commonly at this day known,* 4.223 and by our late Geographers descri∣bed. Of this Caraman also descended the Carama∣nian Kings, who of long time after unfortunately strove with the Othoman Sultans for the Sovereign∣ty of their Empires; until that at length they with their Kingdom, and all the rest of these Turkish Satrapies, were in the fatal greatness of the Othoman Empire, swallowed up and devoured, as in the process of this History shall (if God so will) in due time and place be declared. Next Neighbour unto him was Saruchan, of the Greeks called Sarchan, of whom the Country of Ionia-Maritima was and yet is called Saru-Chan-Ili,* 4.224 and Saruchania, that is to say, Saruchans Country. The greatest part of Lydia, with some part also of the greater Misia, Troas, and Phrygia, fell to Calamus and his Son Carasius, of whom it is called Carasia, or Carasi-Ili, (or as we might say) Carasius his Country.* 4.225 The greatest part of the antient Misia, with some part of Lydia, was possessed by Aidin, and was of him called Aidinia, or Aidin-Ili,* 4.226 as his Country. Some part of the great Country of Pontus, with the Cities of Heraclea-Pontica, Custa∣mona, Synope, and others neer unto the Euxine, and the Country of Paphlagonia, fell into the hands of the Sons of Omer, or as the Greeks call him, Amur; of whom that Country took not its name, as did the others, of such Princes as possessed them, but is commonly called Bolli,* 4.227 of a City in that Coun∣try by the Turks so named.* 4.228 As was also Mende∣sia, or as some call it Mentesia, a Country in the lesser Asia, so by the Turks called of Mendos or Myndus, a City in Caria. There were beside these, divers other places and Toparchies in the lesser Asia, which in the renting of this great Kingdom, from the Turks received names, before unto the world unknown; all which to prosecute were tedious. Let it suffice us, for the manifesting of the Turks Anarchie, and the ruin of their Kingdom in the lesser Asia, as in part also for the more evi∣dence of the heavy History following, to have re∣membred these as the chiefest; especially such as took their names of such great Princes or Captains as in that so great a confusion of the Turks King∣dom, by strong hand first seized upon them, and so left them to their posterity, of whom much is to be said hereafter. These Princes one and all that thus shared the late Aladinian Kingdom, were descended of the better sort of the Turks, which with the Selzuccian and Aladinian Sultans driven out of Persia by the Tartars, had under them seated themselves in the lesser Asia, as is be∣fore at large declared. Now amongst these great men that thus divided the Turks Kingdom, most of them that write of the Turks Affairs, both Greeks and Latines, reckon up Othoman (the raiser of his House and Family) for one, who in∣deed in the later time of the late Sultan Aladin began to flourish, and was of him for his Valour extraordinarily favoured (as in this History shall appear,) but of his Kingdom held no more than one poor Lordship, called Suguta in Bithynia, not far from the Mountain Olympus, (long before given unto his Father Erthogrul, for his good ser∣vice) with such other small holds thereabout, as he had himself gained from the weak Christians his Neighbours.* 4.229 For although he were a Turk born, yet was he not of the Selzuccian Family, as were the rest, but of another House and Tribe, and therefore not of them favoured or thought to have so good right to any of the late Sultans Provinces or Territories, as they had, who being of his House, and holpen with the prescription of time, envied at the sudden rising of the Oguzian Turk, being to them as it were a meer stranger; whose fortune for all that (I know not by what secret foreknowledg) they seemed to fear, as in time to grow dangerous unto them and their Posterity; wherein they were no whit deceived. But of him and his proceedings much more is to be said hereafter; leave we him now therefore with the rest unto their fortunes in this the Turks Anarchie, and so conclude this part of our Ge∣neral History: Glad when I look back to have waded thus far, yet fearing to be drowned before I get over; such a Sea of Matter and World of Troubles yet remaining, not without much labour and toil, and that in long time to be passed through.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Divers Opinions concerning the begin∣ning of the Turks.
• * 1.2

  2 King. 17 4 Esdr. 13▪
• * 1.3

  Jo. Leun∣clavius Pandect. cap. 22.
• * 1.4

  Sebast. Munster Universa∣lis Cosmo∣graph. lib. 2.
• * 1.5

  Scythia the native Country of the Turks. Pomp. Me∣la, lib. 1. cap. ult.
• * 1.6

  Plin. se∣cundus, lib. 6. ca. 7.
• * 1.7

  The great agreement betwixt the Turks and Scy∣thians.
• * 1.8

  When and for what causes the the Turks left their ancient and natural Seats in Scythia, to seek others in the Countries more South∣erly.
• * 1.9

  755.
• * 1.10

  844.
• * 1.11

  S••bellicus, Ennead. 9. lib. 2.
• * 1.12

  Armenia, now called Turcoma∣nia, the first Seat of the Turks, after their first coming out of Scythia.
• * 1.13

  Togra, otherwise called Tangroli∣pix, sent to aid the Persian Sultan.
• * 1.14

  Mahomet the Persian Sultan go∣••th himself with an Army a∣gainst Tangroli∣pix.
• * 1.15

  Tangroli∣pix by con∣sent of the Souldiers made Sul∣tan of Per∣sia.
• * 1.16

  Tangroli∣pix first Sultan of the Turks.
• * 1.17

  When the Turks first received the Mahometan Superstiti∣on.
• * 1.18

  Cutlu-Muses sent by Tangro∣lip••x a∣gainst the Turks.
• * 1.19

  Cutlu-Muses re∣belleth a∣gainst Tangroli∣pix.
• * 1.20

  The Turks Embassa∣dor con∣temned of the Empe∣ror.

  Tangroli∣pix inva∣deth the Emperors Dominions.
• * 1.21

  Dissention betwixt Tangroli∣pix and his brother Habramie Alim.
• * 1.22

  Cutlu-Muses fly∣eth into Arabia.
• * 1.23

  Covetous∣ness and lack of re∣ward the decay of the Con∣stantinopo∣litan Em∣pire.
• * 1.24

  Eudocia the Empress contrary to her Oath desirous to marry.
• * 1.25

  Diogenes Romanus of a Pri∣soner by the Empress made Gene∣ral of her Army.
• * 1.26

  Eudoc•••• marrieth Diogenes Romanus, and pro∣claims him Emperor.
• * 1.27

  The Pro∣vinces of the Empire spoiled by the Turks.
• * 1.28

  The Turks discomfited by Dioge∣nes the Emperor.
• * 1.29

  Diogenes goeth wit•• a great Army a∣gainst th•• Turks.
• * 1.30

  Axan the Sultan ••indeth Em∣bassadors unto Dio∣genes for peace.
• * 1.31

  John Du∣cas a nota∣ble Traitor cause of the flight of the Emperors Army.
• * 1.32

  Diogenes the Empe∣ror taken by the Turks.
• * 1.33

  Eudocia the Empress deposed by the Traytor John Du∣cas, Psel∣lus, and others.
• * 1.34

  Diogenes the Empe∣ror taken Prisoner by Androni∣cus.
• * 1.35

  The miser∣able death of Dioge∣nes the Emperor.
• * 1.36

  Axan the Sultan seeketh to revenge the death of Diogenes:
• * 1.37

  Cu••lu-••uses with his Sons and Kinsmen take up arms a∣gainst Ax∣an the Sul∣tan.
• * 1.38

  A most hurtful Or∣der for the Christian Common∣weal.
• * 1.39

  The ground of the er∣ror of di∣vers wri∣ters about the Succes∣sors of Tangrol••∣pix, other∣wise of them called Sadoch.
• * 1.40

  Peter a French Hermit goeth on pilgrimage to Jerusa∣lem.
• * 1.41

  The de∣scription of Peter the Hermit.
• * 2.1

  The Letters of Simon Patriarch of Jerusa∣lem, and of the grand Master of the Hospi∣talers, unto the Pope and other Christian Princes, in the behalf of the op∣pressed Christians in Jerusa∣lem.
• * 2.2

  Rome and Constan∣tinople, which was also called Nova Ro∣ma, or new Rome.
• * 2.3

  The Coun∣cil of Cla∣remont in France.
• * 2.4

  An expe∣dition a∣greed upon by the Council, for the re∣lief of the Christians oppressed in the Ho∣ly Land.
• * 2.5

  The chief Comman∣ders of the Christians in their expedition into the Holy Land.
• * 2.6

  Godfrey Duke of Buillon, and the o∣ther Chri∣stian Prin∣ces, meet together at Constanti∣nople.
• * 2.7

  Nice ••e∣sieged by the C••risti••ans.
• * 2.8

  A cruel battel ••••ught be∣twixt the Turks and the Christi∣ans.
• * 2.9

  Solyman flyeth.
• * 2.10

  Antioch in Pisidia taken by the Christi∣ans.
• * 2.11

  Heraclea yielded.
• * 2.12

  Sultan So∣lyman his letters un∣to the Per∣sian Sultan Axan.
• * 2.13

  The Chri∣stians bind themselves by Oath, never to return un∣til they had won the Holy City.
• * 2.14

  Antioch in Syria besieged by the Christi∣ans.
• * 2.15

  The de∣scription of the fa∣mous City of Antioch
• * 2.16

  Ant••och betrayed to the Christi∣ans.
• * 2.17

  Cassianus Governor of Anti∣och in fly∣ing slain.
• * 3.1

  The L••tters of Bohe∣mund Prince of Taren∣tum, to his Brother Roger Prince of Apulia, concerning the win∣ning of Ant••och.
• * 3.2

  Edessa in vain be∣sieged by the Turks.
• * 3.3

  Corbanas the Sultans Lieute∣nant, with a great Army com∣eth to re∣cover a∣gain the City of Antioch.
• * 3.4

  Bohe∣mund cho∣sen Prince of Anti∣och.

  The Plagu•• in the Christian Army.
• * 3.5

  Discord arising up∣on emulati∣on betwixt Bohemund and Rai∣mund.
• * 3.6

  The ex∣ceeding joy of the Chri∣stians upon the first descrying of the holy City.
• * 3.7

  Jerusalem re-edified by the great ••mperor Aelius A∣drianus. A brief discou••se of the state and fortune o•• the Holy City of Je∣rusalem, from the destruction thereof, un∣der Vespa∣sianus the Emperor, and Ti••us his son, un∣til it was now again recovered out of the hands of t••e Infidels by God∣fr••y of Buillon an•• the other Chri∣stian Prin∣ces of the West.
• * 3.8

  Jerusalem besieged by the Christi∣ans.
• * 3.9

  The Ge∣nowaies come to the Siege.
• * 3.10

  A most cruel and bloody fight, be∣twixt the Christians and the Turks in the Templ•• of Jerusa∣lem.
• * 3.11

  Godfrey Duke of Buillon by the ge∣neral con∣sent of the Christian Army cho∣sen first King of Jerusalem.
• * 4.1

  An hun∣dred thou∣sand Turks and Sara∣sins slain.
• * 4.2

  Godfrey of Buillon first Chri∣stian King of Jerusa∣lem▪ dieth of the Plague.
• * 4.3

  Baldwin Count of Edessa, and Brother to Godfrey, Second King of Jerusalem.
• * 4.4

  King Baldwin mortally wounded.
• * 4.5

  Ptolema••s won by King Bald∣win.
• * 4.6

  Bohe∣mund di∣eth at An∣tioch.
• * 4.7

  1111. Sidon won
• * 4.8

  Baldwin Brugensis chosen King of Jerusa∣lem.
• * 4.9

  Joppa be∣sieged by the Sara∣sins.
• * 4.10

  Tyre be∣sieged by the Christi∣ans.
• * 4.11

  Damasco in vain be∣sieged by the Christi∣ans.
• * 4.12

  The death of Bald∣win the se∣cond, the third King of Jerusa∣lem.
• * 4.13

  Calo Jo∣annes the Greek Em∣peror seek∣eth in vain to have sur∣prised the City of Antioch.
• * 4.14

  The deat•• of Calo Jo∣hannes the Greek Em∣peror.
• * 4.15

  The mise∣rable death of Fulk, fourth King of Jerusa∣lem.
• * 4.16

  Baldwin the third of that name fifth King of Jerusalem.
• * 4.17

  Conrade third Em∣peror of Germany taketh up∣on him an expedition into the Holy Land.
• * 4.18

  Conrade the Empe∣ror not suffered to enter into Constan∣tinople.
• * 4.19

  The Turks with a great Ar∣my seek to stay Con∣rade his farther passage at the River Maeander.
• * 4.20

  A notable speech of Conrade the Empe∣ror, to en∣courage his Soul∣diers to adventure the River Maeander.
• * 4.21

  The Turks overthrown by the Christians with a wonderful slaughter.
• * 4.22

  Nicetas Chonlates Annali primo re∣ium a Ma∣nuele Comneno Imperato∣re gestar. fol. 139.
• * 4.23

  Ico••lum in vain be∣sieged by the Chri∣stians.
• * 4.24

  The hono••r∣able Expe∣dition of Lewis the French King, by the malice of the Greeks, and envy of o∣ther Chri∣stian Prin∣ces of Sy∣ria frustra∣ted and brought to nought.
• * 4.25

  Damasco in vain be∣sieged by Lewis the French King.
• * 4.26

  Paneada taken and sacked by the Turks.
• * 4.27

  Paneada again re∣paired by the Christi∣ans.
• * 4.28

  The death of King Baldwin lamented by his Ene∣mies.
• * 4.29

  Discord among the Turks in the lesser Asia.
• * 4.30

  Masut the Sultan di∣videth his Kingdom amongst his three Sons.
• * 4.31

  Another foolish Ica∣rus.

  Nicetas Chonia∣tes, rerum ••b imper. Manuele Comneno, gestar. li. 3. sol. 143.
• * 4.32

  Unkindness betwixt the Empe∣ror and the Sultan.
• * 4.33

  A great oversight of the Em∣peror.
• * 4.34

  Baldwin slain.
• * 4.35

  The misery of the Chri∣stians by the Turks inclused in the straits.
• * 4.36

  The Empe∣ror in great perplexity.
• * 4.37

  The despe∣rate reso∣l••tion of the Empe∣ror.
• * 4.38

  A most mi∣serable Spectacle.
• * 4.39

  The Empe∣ror in dan∣ger to have been taken, valiantly defendeth himself.
• * 4.40

  The mala∣pert speech of an inso∣lent Soul∣dier, to the Emperor. The great patience of the Empe∣ror.
• * 4.41

  The fearful resolution of the Em∣peror.
• * 4.42

  A sharp repr••hensi∣on of a common Souldier, unto the Emperor.
• * 4.43

  The Empe∣ror return∣e••h.
• * 4.44

  The Empe∣ror altoge∣ther per∣forms not what he had pro∣mised to the Sultan.
• * 4.45

  Atapack with all his Army slain.
• * 4.46

  Androni∣cus aspir∣eth.
• * 4.47

  Ambition covered with the zeal of the Common∣weal.
• * 4.48

  Androni∣cus depar∣teth from Oenum toward Constan∣tinople.
• * 4.49

  Androni∣cus encam∣peth in sight over against Constan∣tinople.
• * 4.50

  Xiphili∣nus sent over to Androni∣cus, deal∣eth un∣faithfully in doing his mes∣sage.
• * 4.51

  The proud answer of Androni∣cus.
• * 4.52

  Contosle∣phanus re∣volteth to Androni∣cus.
• * 4.53

  Alexius in despair.
• * 4.54

  Alexius and his Friends apprehen∣ded.
• * 4.55

  A strange alteration.
• * 4.56

  Alexius brought to Androni∣cus, hath his eyes put out.
• * 4.57

  The meet∣ing of the Patriarch and An∣dronicus.
• * 4.58

  Androni∣cus passeth over the Strait.
• * 4.59

  Androni∣cus taketh upon him the Go∣vernment.
• * 4.60

  Androni∣cus tyran∣nizeth.
• * 4.61

  A misera∣ble State of a Co••mon∣••eal.
• * 4.62

  Mary the Daughter of Emanu∣el, with her Husband Caesar poy∣soned by Androni∣cus.
• * 4.63

  Xene the Empres•• accused of Treason, and con∣demned.
• * 4.64

  Dangerous to speak the truth to a Tyrant.
• * 4.65

  A wicked Council.
• * 4.66

  The misera∣ble death of the Em∣press.
• * 4.67

  The slie practise of Androni∣cus in as∣piring to the Empire.
• * 4.68

  Alexius deprived of of the Em∣pire.
• * 4.69

  Alexius condemned.
• * 4.70

  Alexius the Empe∣ror cr••••lly strangled.
• * 4.71

  An unequal Marriage.
• * 4.72

  Androni∣cus seeketh by tyranny to establish his Estate.
• * 4.73

  Exceeding Cru••lty.
• * 4.74

  Isaac An∣gelus taketh Sanctuary.
• * 4.75

  The people in a tu∣mult resort unto Ange∣lus.
• * 4.76

  Androni∣cus in vain seek∣eth to ap∣pease the tumultuous People.
• * 4.77

  Isaac An∣gelus by the people in a tu∣mult salu∣ted Empe∣ror.
• * 4.78

  Androni∣cus ••orsa∣ken of his flattering Favourites
• * 4.79

  A strange change.
• * 4.80

  Androni∣cus the Emperor taken, and brought in bonds to Angelus.
• * 4.81

  Androni∣cus the Emperor hanged up by the, Heels.
• * 4.82

  Nice••as Choniates Annal. lib. 1. fol. 161. col. 4.
• * 4.83

  Isaac An∣gelus the Emperor tyranniseth
• * 4.84

  Isaac the Emperor thrust from the Empire and depri∣ved of his sight by his Brother A∣lexius.
• * 4.85

  Clizasth∣lan the Turks Sul∣tan in∣croacheth upon the Greek Em∣pire in the lesser Asia.
• * 4.86

  Clizasth∣lan divi∣deth hi•• Kingdom amongst his four Sons.
• * 4.87

  The Sons of Clizasth∣lan at va∣riance a∣mong them∣selves.
• * 4.88

  Almeri∣cus sixth King of Jerusalem
• * 4.89

  Noradin the Turk discomfited by the Christians.
• * 4.90

  Saladin lest in A∣lexandria by Sara∣con, cra∣veth aid.
• * 4.91

  Alexan∣dria y••ed∣ed to Al∣mericus.
• * 4.92

  Pelusium ••aken by Almeri∣••us.
• * 4.93

  The Sultan of Egypt under the colour of Friendship slain by Saracon.
• * 4.94

  How the Kingdom of Egypt first fell into the hands of the Sara∣sins, with the notable alterations thereof.
• * 4.95

  Baldwin the Fourth of that Name, se∣venth King of Hierusa∣lem.
• * 4.96

  Saladin over∣thrown by King Bald∣win.
• * 4.97

  The Chri∣stians di∣viding the Spoil over∣thrown by the Turks.
• * 4.98

  Saladin▪ goet•• out of Aegypt to Damas∣co.
• * 4.99

  Galilee spoiled, and the Castle of Burie taken by the Turks.
• * 4.100

  Ber••••us in vain be∣sieged by the Turks.
• * 4.101

  Saladin invading Mesopota∣mia, is himself in∣vaded by the King of Jeru∣salem.
• * 4.102

  Aleppo betrayed unto the Turks.
• * 4.103

  Petra in vain be∣sieged by the Turks.
• * 4.104

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Court of Jerusalem.
• * 4.105

  King Baldwin sendeth Em∣bassadors unto the Ch••istian Princes of the West for Aid.
• * 4.106

  Guy the Ninth, and last King of Jerusa∣lem.
• * 4.107

  Saladin upon the discord of the Christi∣ans taketh occasion to invade the Holy Land.
• * 4.108

  Pto••omais bes••eged by Saladin.
• * 4.109

  Guy King of Jerusa∣lem taken prisoner.
• * 4.110

  Jerusalem besieged.
• * 4.111

  Jerusalem taken by Saladin.
• * 4.112

  The death of Ray∣mund the traiterous Count o•• Tripolis.
• * 4.113

  The famous City of Antioch betrayed unto ••he Turks.
• * 4.114

  Frederick the Empe∣ror seteth forward towards the Holy Land.
• * 4.115

  Frederick the Empe∣rors Son chosen Ge∣neral of the Christian Army.
• * 4.116

  A great battel be∣twixt the Turks and the Christi∣ans.
• * 4.117

  Ptolemais assaulted by the Christians.
• * 4.118

  An old gr••dge be∣twixt Phi∣lip the French King, and Richard King of England.
• * 4.119

  King Ri∣chard re∣vengeth the injury done to his peo∣ple by the Cipriots.
• * 4.120

  King Ri∣chard ar∣riveth at Ptolemais.
• * 4.121

  The French King swea∣reth to King Ri∣chard in his absence not to in∣vad•• his Territori••s in France.
• * 4.122

  King Ri∣chard mar∣cheth with his Army towards Jerusalem.
• * 4.123

  A notable Battel fought be∣twixt King Ri∣chard and Saladin.
• * 4.124

  King Ri∣chard pur∣posing to have be∣sieged Je∣rusalem, is by the backward∣ness of the French in∣forced to retire.
• * 4.125

  King Ri∣chard glad upon hard comnditions to conclude a peace with Sa∣ladin.
• * 4.126

  King Ri∣chard re∣turning out of the Holy Land ta∣ken P••i∣soner by Leopold Duke of Austria.
• * 4.127

  The Turks overthrown b•• the Christians
• * 4.128

  Joppa re∣paired by the Christi∣ans.
• * 4.129

  The Ger∣man Prin∣ces return home.
• * 4.130

  Kingdoms after the manner of other things, have but their time to flourish in, and so again de∣cay.
• * 4.131

  The Turks driven out of Persia by the Tar∣tars.
• * 4.132

  The begin∣ning of the Aladinian Kingdom in the lesser Asia, at Sebastia and Iconi∣um.
• * 4.133

  Al••x••us the young Prince craveth aid of Phi∣lip the Em∣peror and the Latine Princes, against his Uncle the Usu••per.
• * 4.134

  Great pre∣parations made by the Christians, for an Ex∣pedition into the Holy Land.
• * 4.135

  Alexius cometh un∣to the Ar∣my.
• * 4.136

  A great Fleet of the Latines be∣fore Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 4.137

  The Latines by force en∣ter the Ha∣ven of Constan••••••∣nople.
• * 4.138

  A hot skir∣mish be∣twixt the Greeks and the Latines at their landing.
• * 4.139

  Isaac the old Empe∣ror taken out of pri∣son, and again sa∣luted Em∣peror, toge∣ther with young A∣lexius his son.
• * 4.140

  Alexius seek••th to bring the Latines again into the City.
• * 4.141

  The Con∣stantinopo∣litans a∣gain in an uproar.
• * 4.142

  Murzufle attempt∣eth to burn the Venetian Fleet.
• * 4.143

  Murzufle encoura∣geth his Souldiers.
• * 4.144

  Constan∣tinople hardly be∣sieged.
• * 4.145

  Constan∣tinople set on fire.
• * 4.146

  Nicetas Cho••la••es, annalium, ••ol. 180.
• * 4.147

  The Greek Empire di∣vided a∣mongst the Latines.
• * 4.148

  The begin∣ning of the Empire of Trape∣zond by the Com∣neni.
• * 4.149

  Hadriano∣ple besieg∣ed by the Emperor Baldwin.
• * 4.150

  Henry se∣cond Empe∣ror of the Latines in Constan∣tinople.
• * 4.151

  Antioch besieged by Jathatines
• * 4.152

  Jathatines the Sultan slain by Theodo∣rus Lasca∣r••s the Greek Em∣peror.
• * 4.153

  John Brenne by Innocenti∣us the Pope appointed King of Jerusalem.
• * 4.154

  Corradi•• and Mele∣din divide their Fa∣thers King∣dom be∣twixt them.
• * 4.155

  The situa∣tion of Da∣miata in Egypt.
• * 4.156

  A desperate act of a Christian.
• * 4.157

  Damiata in vain assaulted.
• * 4.158

  A fair Of∣fer evilly refused.
• * 4.159

  Succours sent unto the be∣sieged.
• * 4.160

  Damiata without resistance taken by the Christi∣ans.
• * 4.161

  Damiata unpeopled by the Plague.
• * 4.162

  Pelagius the Legate perswadet the Princes of the Chri∣stian Army to proceed for the con∣quest of E∣gypt.
• * 4.163

  The Chri∣stians en∣trapped within thé Sluces of the River Nile.
• * 4.164

  The misery of the Christians in the drowned Land.
• * 4.165

  The death of Henry Emperor of Constan∣tinople. Peter Em∣peror.
• * 4.166

  Robert Emperor of Constan∣tinople.
• * 4.167

  An horri∣ble outrage committed upon the person of an Empress.
• * 4.168

  Baldwin the last Emperor of the Latines in Con∣stantino∣ple.
• * 4.169

  John Ba∣tazes made Emperor of the Greeks in Asia.
• * 4.170

  Plenty en∣suing of peace.
• * 4.171

  An Impe∣rial Crown bought with Egg-money.
• * 4.172

  1227▪
• * 4.173

  1228▪
• * 4.174

  Frederick the E••pe∣ror Crown∣ed King of Jerusalem.
• * 4.175

  The unfor∣tunate Ex∣pedition of the King of Navar into the Holy Land.
• * 4.176

  The Chri∣stians by perswasion of the Tem∣plars, break their league with the Turks.
• * 4.177

  Jerusalem taken and rased by the Turks.
• * 4.178

  King Lewis set∣teth for∣ward to∣ward the Holy Land.
• * 4.179

  The Citi∣zens of Da∣miata set fire upon the City, and ran away by the light.
• * 4.180

  A fair Offer ••ond∣ly refused.
• * 4.181

  Earl Ro∣bert in fl••ing drowned.
• * 4.182

  The Earl of Salisbu∣ry vali∣antly fight∣ing slain.
• * 4.183

  The Gover∣nour of Caire ap∣prehended.
• * 4.184

  The begin∣ning of the Mama∣lukes and their King∣dom.
• * 4.185

  The ruine of the Turks Kingdom in Egypt.
• * 4.186

  The Empe∣ror in love with Mar∣cesina.
• * 4.187

  Marcesina the Empe∣rors Concu∣bine shut out of the Church.
• * 4.188

  Theodo∣rus Lasca∣ris chosen Emperor.
• * 4.189

  The death of Theo∣dorus the Greek Em∣peror.
• * 4.190

  En••y in Court.
• * 4.191

  Muzalo traiter••us∣ly murdred in the Church.
• * 4.192

  Michael Paleolo∣gus aspi∣reth.
• * 4.193

  Michael Paleolo∣gus crown∣ed Emperor by Arseni∣us the Pa∣triarch.
• * 4.194

  Haalon the Tartar sent with a great Ar∣my against the Turks.
• * 4.195

  Aleppo rased by the Tartars▪
• * 4.196

  Damasco won.
• * 4.197

  The Egyp∣tian Sul∣tan inva∣ded Syria.
• * 4.198

  Ant••och taken from the Christi∣ans.
• * 4.199

  Paleolo∣gus the Greek Em∣peror ta∣keth pos∣session of the City of Constan∣tinople.
• * 4.200

  Paleolo∣gus jealous of his State.
• * 4.201

  Paleolo∣gus causeth the young Emperors Eyes to be put out.
• * 4.202

  Jathatines died in Exile.
• * 4.203

  Carthage besieged by King Lew∣is.
• * 4.204

  Carthage won.
• * 4.205

  The Chri∣stian Prin∣ces retur∣ing from Tunes suffer ship∣wrack up∣on the coast of Sicilia.
• * 4.206

  Prince Ed∣ward ar∣rived at Ptolemais.
• * 4.207

  Prince Edward wounded.
• * 4.208

  Rodulph the Empe∣ror taketh upon him the Cross.
• * 4.209

  Henry the Prince ta∣ken priso∣ner, and sent to Caire.
• * 4.210

  Tripolis won and rased by Elpis the Egyptian Sultan.
• * 4.211

  Sidon and Berythus rased.
• * 4.212

  Tyre yiel∣ded.
• * 4.213

  The mise∣rable ••state of a City abou•• to perish.
• * 4.214

  Ptolemais besieged.
• * 4.215

  Ptolemais in vain assaulted by the Sul∣tan.
• * 4.216

  Cassan••s the Empe∣ror inva∣deth Syri••
• * 4.217

  Jerusalem taken and repaired by Cassanes.
• * 4.218

  The descri∣ption of Cassanes.
• * 4.219

  The City of Jerusalem with all Syria a∣gain reco∣vered by the Egyp∣tian Sul∣tan.
• * 4.220

  The death of Mesoot and Cei-cubades.
• * 4.221

  The Turks Kingdom rent in sunder by themselves.
• * 4.222

  The Turks Anarchie.
• * 4.223

  Carama∣••ia.
• * 4.224

  Sarucha∣nia.
• * 4.225

  Carasia.
• * 4.226

  Aidinia.
• * 4.227

  Bolli.
• * 4.228

  Mendesia.
• * 4.229

  Othoman none of the Selzucci∣an Family.