The Turkish history from the original of that nation, to the growth of the Ottoman empire with the lives and conquests of their princes and emperours / by Richard Knolles ... ; with a continuation to this present year MDCLXXXVII ; whereunto is added, The present state of the Ottoman empire, by Sir Paul Rycaut ...

The LIFE of SELYMUS, First of that NAME, The THIRD and most WARLIKE Emperor of the Turks.

THIS Selymus, by favour of the great Bassaes and Men of War whom he had before corrupted, [year 1512.] having deprived his Father Bajazet first of the Empire, and shortly after of his Life also, and now fully possessed of the Empire himself; first took view of the Treasures which the Turkish Kings and Emperors his Ancestors had before of long time heaped up in great abundance; out of which he gave unto the Souldiers of the Court two mil∣lions of Ducats; and for a perpetual remem∣brance of his thankfulness towards them aug∣mented their daily wages, allowing unto every Horsem••n four Aspers a day, and to every Foot∣man two, above their wonted allowance. By which exceeding bounty, he greatly assured unto himself the minds of the Men of War.

Shortly after he passed over with a great Ar∣my into Asia,* 1.1 leaving the government of the Im∣perial City of Constantinople unto his only Son Solyman; and marching into Galatia came to the City of Ancyra, in hope there to have oppressed his elder Brother Achomates. But he understand∣ing before of his coming, withal wisely consi∣dering how unable he was to withstand his Forces, fled before into the Mountains of Cappa∣docia upon the Confines of Armenia, taking up men by the way as he went, and praying aid of all sorts of People, yea even of such as were but of small ability themselves, and unto him meer Strangers; that so he might in best manner he could, provide such strength as might serve him to make head against his Brother, and for the recovery of Asia.

Selymus having spent that Summer without do∣ing any thing worth the speaking of, and con∣sidering that he could not well winter in that cold Country near unto the great Mountain Taurus, by reason of the deep Snows and extream cold there usually falling, and that to go farther was to no purpose, forasmuch as Achomates flying from place to place, and Mountain to Mountain was not to be surprised, he retired back again into Bithynia, and sending his Europeian Horsemen down to the Sea-coast, and the Janizaries to Con∣stantinople; resolved to winter with the rest of his Army at Prusa. At which time being wholly bent against Achomates his Competitor of the Empire, he for certain years continued the League which his Father Bajazet had before concluded with Uladislaus King of Hungary, Sigismundus King of Polonia, and the Venetians. And think∣ing no care (no not of Children) superfluous which might concern the establishing of his Em∣pire,* 1.2 he called unto him five of his Brothers Sons, Orchanes the Son of Alem Scach; Mahometes the Son of Tzian Scach; Orchanes, Emirsa, and Musa the Sons of his Brother Mahometes; all young Princes of great hope, of years betwixt sixteen and twenty, excepting Musa who was not past seven years old; Of all these, Mahometes (whom his Uncle Achomates had a little before taken Priso∣ner at Larenda, as is before declared, and upon the death of Bajazet had again set him at liberty) being about twenty years old, was for rare Fon∣ture and Princely Courage accounted the Para∣gon and Beauty of the Othoman Family; which great perfection, as it won unto him the love and favour of the Men of War, and also of all the People in general; so did it hasten his speedy death, only Selymus his cruel Uncle envying at his life. After he had got these poor innocents in∣to his hands, he sent for divers of his great Doctors and Lawyers, demanding of them, Whether it were not better that some five, eight, or ten persons should be taken away, than that the State of the whole Empire should with great effusion of Blood be rent in sunder, and so by civil Wars be brought in danger of utter ruin and destructi∣on? Who although they well perceived where∣unto that bloody question tended, yet for fear of displeasure they all answered, That it were better such a small number should perish, than that the whole State of the Empire should by Civil War and Discord be brought to confusion; in which general calamity, those few must also of necessity perish with the rest. Upon colour of this answer, and the necessity pretended, he commanded these his Nephews before named, to be led by five of his great Captains into the Castle of Prusa, where they were all the night following most cruelly strangled. It is reported, that Mahometes with a Pen-knife slew one of the bloody Executioners sent into his Chamber to kill him; and so wounded the other, as that he fell down for dead; and that Selymus being in a

Chamber fast by, and almost an Eye-witness of that was done, presently sent in others, who first bound the poor Prince, and afterward strangled him with the rest; whose dead bodies were bu∣ried at Prusa amongst their Ancestors. The cru∣elty of this Fact wonderfully offended the minds of most men, insomuch that many even of his Martial men filled with secret indignation, for certain days absented themselves from his pre∣sence, shunning his sight as if he had been some fierce or raging Lion.

Of all the Nephews of old Bajazet, only Amu∣rat and Aladin (the Sons of Achomates) yet re∣mained, [year 1513.] * 1.3 whom he purposed to surprise upon the suddain, and so to rid himself of all fear of his Brothers Children; having then left none of the Othoman Family, but them and his two Brethren upon whom to exercise his further Cruelty. These two young Princes had a little before recovered the City of Amasia, from whence they were the Summer before expulsed by their Uncle Selymus, at such time as Achomates their Father was glad to flie into the Mountains of Cappadocia. Sely∣mus fully resolved upon their destruction, sent Ufegi one of his Bassaes with five thousand Horse∣men, who by great journies travelling to Ama∣sia, might upon the suddain come upon these two young Princes, and take them altogether unprovided, and as then fearing no such danger, which was thought no great matter for the Bassa to do, forasmuch as he might with his light Horsemen easily prevent the fame of his coming; and the City of Amasia where they lay, was neither well walled, nor as then furnished with any sufficient Garrison for defence thereof; be∣sides that, Achomates himself was at that time absent, busied in taking up of Souldiers upon the Frontiers of Caramania. But Musthapha the old Bassa, by whose special means Selymus had ob∣tained the Empire (as is afore declared in the life of Bajazet) being privy unto his wicked purpose, and now in mind altogether alienated from him, detesting his most execreable Tyranny, both for the unworthy death of Bajazet, his Father, and the guiltless blood of so many young Princes his N••phews by him shed without all pity; and having compassion of the imminent danger where∣into these two Brethren were now like also to fall; by secret and speedy Messengers gave them warning of the coming of the Bassa, and all that was intended against them. Who upon such knowledge given, presently advertised Achomates their Father thereof, and laid secret ambush them∣selves for the intercepting of their Enemies. So that within few days after, the Bassa coming with his Horsemen towards Amasia, fell before he was awar into the midst of his Enemies; at which time also, Achomates following him at the heels, so shut him in with his Army on every side, that most of his men being slain, he himself with divers other Captains were taken Prisoners and brought to Achomates,* 1.4 and by his command∣ment committed to safe custody.

Now it fortuned, that some of Achomates Soul∣diers scoffing at the Prisoners whom they had taken, told them how they had been deceived, and how all the matter had been carried (so hard a thing it is to have even the greatest Coun∣sels in Court kept secret) boasting that they wanted not their Friends, even of such as were most inward with Selymus, who secretly favored the better cause, and would not long suffer the cruel Beast to rage further; all which things Selymus his Souldiers reported again after they were ran∣somed and retuned home. But Ufegi the Bassa lying still in Prison, and getting certain know∣ledge of the whole matter, by secret Letters gave Selymus to understand, that Mustapha the great Bassa whom he most of all trusted, had secret in∣telligence with Achomates, and had been the on∣ly cause of the loss of his Army.

Selymus of late envying at the great Honour and Authority of Mustapha, and wishing him dead, (whose desert he was not able, or at least∣wise unwilling to requite) caused him upon this accusation without further trial to be secretly strangled in his sight,* 1.5 and his dead body (as it were in scorn of his former felicity) to be cast out into the Street for every man to gaze upon. This was the shameful end of this traiterous Bassa, who had of long time at his pleasure commanded all things in the Turkish Empire, and was for Riches, Power and Authority, next unto the Emperors themselves; but now lieth as a dead Dog in the Street, no man daring for fear to cast earth upon him. A rare spectacle of the un∣certainty of worldly Felicity, and a worthy ex∣ample of Disloyalty. But Achomates hearing what had happened to Mustapha,* 1.6 in revenge thereof in like manner executed Ufegi Bassa his Prisoner, and according to his courteous nature set all the rest of the Prisoners at liberty.

Selymus thirsting after nothing more than the guiltless blood of his Brethren and Nephews, upon whom he had against all right usurped the Kingdom, whereof he never thought himself sufficiently assured so long as any of them breath∣ed; began with the first of the Spring to devise with himself, how he might first take away his Brother Corcutus, who then lived at Magnesia, and having cast off all hope of the Empire, gave himself wholly to the study of Philosophy, which he (seduced with Ambition) had in e∣vil time a little before forsaken; but now re∣tiring himself thereto again, as to his greatest contentment, spent his time in quiet contem∣plation, not attempting any thing against his cruel Brother usurping the Empire. Selymus re∣solved upon the destruction of this harmless Prince, suddainly commanded his Captains to make choice of ten thousand Horsemen to be in readiness within three days, giving it out that he would make an inroad upon the sud∣dain into Cappadocia. In the number of these Horsemen, Antonius Moenavinus a Genoway, Au∣thor of this History (as he himself reporteth) was one.

All things being in readiness against the ap∣pointed time, Selymus in person himself set for∣ward with his Army from Prusa, still keeping the way on the right hand; so that the Souldiers, who thought they should have marched directly into Cappadocia, and so to Amasia, as it was be∣fore commonly reported; began now to per∣ceive by the contrary course they held, that they were to go for Lydia and Ionia. When a vali∣ant Souldier among the rest, who had sometime served one of the Bassaes in Corcutus his Court, by divers circumstances gathering the intention of Selymus, secretly conveied himself out of the Army, and being excellently well mounted, taking the nearest way, came to Magnesia, and gave Corcutus warning of the coming of his Brother. Corcutus considering the great danger he was in, richly rewarded the Messenger, and leaving his House in such order as it was wont to be, fled with two of his Servants to the Sea side, in hope to have found passage either in∣to Crete or else Rhodes.

The next day after Corcutus was departed, early in the Morning came Selymus to the Castle of Magnesia before the rising of the Sun, in hope to have found Corcutus yet in his bed; but be∣ing deceived of his expectation, he fell into a

great rage, and with cruel torments examined all his Brothers Servants and Eunuchs, What was become of him, and where he had hid him∣self? and with much ado got it out of them, That he had warning of his coming by a fu∣gitive Souldier, and was thereupon fled, but whi∣ther they knew not. Wherefore Selymus staied there fifteen days, during which time he caused diligent search to be made all over the Coun∣try, and along the Sea Coast, for to have ap∣prehended him. But when after much search he could hear no tydings of him,* 1.7 he caused all his Brothers Treasure and rich Furniture to be trussed up, and to be sent by Sea to Constanti∣nople. So leaving one of his Captains with a thou∣sand Horsemen in Garrison at Magnesia, he re∣turned again to Prusa with as much speed as he came from thence; verily supposing, that his Brother was for safeguard of his life, by Sea fled into Italy. All this while Bostanges, Selymus his Son in Law, lying with a Fleet of Gallies upon the Coast of Ionia, had taken from Corcutus all hope of escaping by Sea: so that he was fain to hide himself in a Cave near unto the Sea side, not far from Smyrna; living in hope, that after a few days the Fleet would depart, and so he should find some opportunity to escape.

After he had thus a great while in fear most mi∣serably lived with Country Crabs and other like wild Fruit (a poor Diet for a man of State) and was with extream necessity inforced to send his man for relief to a poor Shephards Cottage thereby, he was by a Country Pesant discover∣ed to Cassumes,* 1.8 who with too much diligence sought after his life; and being by him appre∣hended, was carried towards the Tyrant his Bro∣ther at Prusa.

Right welcome to Selymus was the report of his taking; who as soon as he understood that he was within a days journey of Prusa, sent one Kirengen-Ogli (who of his squint look was called Chior Zeinal) to strangle him upon the way, and to bring his dead Body to Prusa.

This Captain coming to Corcutus in the dead time of the night, and awaking him out of his sleep, told him his heavy Message; how that he was sent from his Brother Selymus to see him ex∣ecuted, which must as he said presently be done. Corcutus exceedingly troubled with these heavy news, and fetching a deep sigh, desired the Cap∣tain so long to spare his life, until he might write a few short lines unto his Brother Selymus. Which poor request being granted, he called for Pen and Paper, and readily in Turkish Verse (for he had spent all his time in study) reproved his Brother of most horrible Cruelty; upbraiding him that he had not only most disloyally thrust his Fa∣ther out of his Empire, but also most unnatu∣rally deprived him of Life, of whom he had be∣fore received the same; and not so content, had most tyrannously slain his Brothers Children; and now like an unmerciful wretch thirsted after the guiltless blood of himself, and Achomates his Brethren. At last concluding his Letters with many a bitter curse, he besought God to take of him just revenge for so much innocent blood by him most unnaturally spilt. And when he had thus much written, he requested the Captain, that it might together with his dead body be de∣livered unto Selymus. So without any further de∣lay he was according to the Tyrants command presently strangled.* 1.9 The next day after, when the dead body was presented unto Selymus, he uncovered the face thereof, to be sure that it was he, and seeing a Paper in his hand, took it from him; but when he had read it (for all his cruel nature and stony heart) he burst out into tears; protesting, that he was never so much grieved or troubled with any mans death as with his; for which cause, he commanded general mourn∣ing to be made for him in the Court, and with Princely solemnity buried his body. Three days after, he caused fifteen of those diligent searchers who first found Corcutus, to have their Heads struck off, and their bodies to be flung into the Sea, saying, That if he were by any extremity driven to fly and hide his Head, they would not stick to serve him in like manner as they had done his Brother.

Now of all the Posterity of Bajazet remained none alive to trouble the cruel Tyrants thoughts but only Achomates and his two Sons; who up∣on the approach of the Spring, set forward with his Army from Amasia, excited by the often Letters of his Friends, who assured him, that Se∣lymus might upon the suddain be easily oppressed, if he would with all expedition come to Prusa; forasmuch as the Janizaries and Europeian Horse∣men, the undoubted strength of his Army, were at that time absent, and he himself as one hated both of God and Man, could not in so sud∣dain and unexpected danger tell what he were best to do, or which way to turn himself; where∣fore they willed him without delay to hasten his coming, and not to expect the milder Wea∣ther of the Spring, lest in the mean time Se∣lymus should call together his dispersed Forces; God (they said) did oftentimes offer unto men, both the opportunity and means to do great matters if they had the power to lay hold there∣on, and therefore he should do well now by ce∣lerity and courage to seek to better his evil For∣tune, which but a little before had bereft him of his Fathers Kingdom; for if Summer were once come on, he must either gain the Victory by plain Battel, which would be a hard matter, or else get him packing out of Cappadocia and all Asia the less.

Achomates, who before had promised unto himself better success, as well for the great Strength he had of his own, as for the new sup∣ply of Horsemen he had procured from Hysmael the Persian King, but especially for the hope he had, that Selymus generally hated for his late Cruelty, should in the time of the Battel be for∣saken of his own Souldiers; yielded to the per∣swasions of his Friends, who with many plea∣sing words set before his Eyes glorious things, easie to be spoken, but hard to be effected. Where∣fore, when he was come into Galatia with some∣what more than fifteen thousand Horsemen, having for hast left his Footmen by easie marches to come after him; Selymus advertised of his coming, by speedy Messengers sent for his Horse∣men to Prusa. In the mean time whiles he is levying other common Souldiers, and expecting the rest of his Forces, Fortune which always favoured his attempts, did then also avert the danger prepared for him by the unfaithfulness of his Followers, and shewed to him the open way to Victory. For Achomates secret Friends which were in Selymus his Camp, continuing firm in their good will toward him, did earnestly by Letters perswade him (being already set forward, and now come as far as Paphlagonia) to make hast, and to come before Selymus his Forces were come together; for that he had sent for the Janizaries, and Europeian Horsemen, and did with all speed and diligence make all the preparation he could possibly; which for all that would all come too late, if he should upon the suddain come upon him before he were pro∣vided. Which Letters being by chance inter∣cepted, gave Selymus certain knowledge both of

his Brothers purpose and coming, together with the Treason intended against him by his own Servants;* 1.10 wherefore executing them who had writ those Letters, he in their names caused others to the same effect to be written to Achomates, per∣swading him with all speed possible to come still on, and not to stay for his Footmen, for that Se∣lymus might easily be oppressed with a few Troops of Horsemen, if Achomates would with speed but come and shew himself unto his Friends and Favourites; who upon the first signal of Battel would raise a tumult in the Army, and upon the suddain kill Selymus, unadvisedly going to and fro in the Battel. Which Letters so written, Selymus caused to be signed with the Seals of them whom he had before executed, and found means to have them cunningly delivered to Achomates, as if they had been sent from his Friends; who giving credit to the same, and presuming much upon his own Strength, doubted not to leave his Footmen, who followed easily after him, under the conduct of Amurat his Son; and came and encamped with his Horsemen near unto the Mountain Horminius, upon the Bank of the River Parthemius. Selymus also departed from Prusa, and having received into his Army ten thousand Ja∣nizaries (but a little before come over the Strait) sent before Sinan Bassa, General of his Asian Horsemen, to know and make proof of the Strength of his Enemies. The Bassa not know∣ing as yet where Achomates lay, neither of what force he was, being deceived by the darkness of the Morning, fell into a place of disadvantage, where he was set upon by Achomates, and having lost seven thousand of his men,* 1.11 was glad with other eight thousand which were left, to fly back to Selymus.

For all this loss, was not Selymus discomfort∣ed, or doubtful of the Victory, but forthwith marched on forward to the River Elata, which runneth directly out of the Mountain Hormi∣nius into Pontus, watering most large Fields up∣on the right hand, which at this day are cal∣led the Plains of the new Land. So did Achoma∣tes also, who although he knew his Brother to be every way too strong for him, yet being in∣couraged with the late Victory, and in hope that his Friends in Selymus his Army (whom he vain∣ly supposed to have been yet living) would in the very Battel do some notable matter for him, and that Victory would follow his just quar∣rel; resolved neither to retire back, neither to expect the coming of the rest of his Army. The River was betwixt the two Camps, and the number of both Armies certainly discover∣ed, yet could not Achomates (to whom the open Fields offered a safe retreat unto the rest of his Army) possessed with a fatal madness, be perswaded (considering the greatness of the danger) in time to provide for the safety of him∣self and his Army, carried headlong (as it seemed) by inevitable destiny to his fatal destruction, which presently after ensued.

Selymus a little before the going down of the Sun,* 1.12 with his Army passed over the River Elata, and gave general commandment through all his Camp, that every man against the next day should be ready for battel; and in a Wood not far off placed a thousand Horsemen in ambush, under the leading of Canoglis, his Wives Brother, a vali∣ant young Gentleman, whom his Father had a little before sent from Taurica unto his Son in law with a chosen Company of Tartarian Horse∣men; unt him Selymus gave in charge, that when the Battel was joyned, he should shew himself with his Horsemen upon the back of his Ene∣mies, and there to charge them.

As soon as it was day, Selymus in a great open Field put his Army in order of Battel, placing his Horsemen in two Wings, so that all his Spearmen were in the right Wing, and the Archers and Car∣bines in the left; in the main Battel stood the Janizaries with the rest of the Footmen. On the other side Achomates having no Footmen, divided his Horsemen into two Wings also.

Whilst both Armies stood thus ranged, expect∣ing but the signal of Battel, a Messenger came from Achomates to Selymus, offering in his Masters name, to trie the equity of their quarrel in plain Combat hand to hand; which if he should re∣fuse, he then took both God and the World to witness, that Selymus was the only cause of all the guiltless blood to be shed in the Battel, and not he; whereunto Selymus answered, that he was not to trie his quarrel at the appointment of Achomates; and though he could be content so to do, yet would not his Souldiers suffer him so to adventure his person and their own safety; and so with that answer returned the Messenger back again to his Master, giving him for his reward a thousand Aspers.

Achomates having received this answer, with∣out further delay charged the right Wing of his Brothers Army, who valiantly received the first charge; but when they were come to the sword, and that the matter was to be tried by handy blows, they were not able longer to en∣dure the force of the Persian Horsemen; who being well armed both Horse and Man, had before requested to be placed in the foremost ranks, by whose Valor the right Wing of Sely∣mus his Army was disordered, and not without great loss enforced to retire back upon their Fellows. Which thing Selymus beholding, did what he might by all means to encourage them again; and presently brought on the left Wing with their Arrows and Pistols, instead of them that were fled; and at the same time came on with the Janizaries also, who with their Shot enforced Achomates his Horsemen to retire. Acho∣mates himself carefully attending every danger, with greater Courage than Fortune came in with fresh Troops of Horsemen, by whose Valour the Battel before declining was again renewed, and the Victory made doubtful; but in the fury of this Battel whilst he was bearing all down be∣fore him, and now in great hope of the Victory, Canoglis with his Tartarian Horsemen rising out of ambush, came behind him, and with great outcries caused their Enemies (then in the greatest heat of their Fight) to turn upon them; at which time also the Footmen standing close together assailed them afront, and the Horsemen whom the Persians had at first put to flight, now mo∣ved with shame, were again returned into the Battel; so that Achomates his small Army was be∣set, and hardly assailed on every side. In fine his Ensigns being overthrown, and many of his Men slain, the rest were fain to betake themselves to flight. Where Achomates having lost the Field, and now too late seeking to save himself by flight, fell with his Horse into a Ditch, which the rain falling the day before, had filled with water and mire; and being there known and taken by his Enemies, could not obtain so much favour at their hands as to be presently slain, but was re∣served to the farther pleasure of his cruel Bro∣ther. Selymus understanding of his taking, sent Kirengen (the same squint-eyed Captain which had before strangled Corcutus) who with a Bow∣string strangled him also. His dead Body was forthwith brought to Selymus,* 1.13 and was afterwards by his commandment in royal manner buried with his Ancestors at Prusa.

Now Amurat, Achomates his Son, understand∣ing upon the way by the Persian Horsemen (who serred together,* 1.14 had again made themselves way through the Turks Army) of the loss of the Field and the taking of his Father, returned back again to Amasia; and there after good deliberation, re∣solved with his Brother to betake themselves both to flight; he with the Persian Horsemen passing over the River Euphrates, fled unto Hysmael the Persian King; but Aladin the younger Brother passing over the Mountain Amanus in Cilicia, fled into Syria, and so to Campson Gaurus the great Sul∣tan of Egypt.

After this Victory, Selymus having in short time and with little trouble brought all the les∣ser Asia under his obeisance, and there at his pleasure disposed of all things, determined to have returned to Constantinople; but understand∣ing that the Plague was hot there, he changed his purpose, and passing over at Callipolis and so travelling through Grecia, came to Hadria∣nople, where he spent all the rest of the Summer, and all the Winter following; and afterward when the Mortality was ceased, returned to Constantinople; where it was found that an hun∣dred and threescore thousand had there died of the late Plague.

Hysmael the Persian King, whose Fame had then filled the World, hearing of the arrival of Amurat, sent for him, and demanded of him the cause of his coming. The distressed young Prince, who but of late had lost his Father, to∣gether with the hope of so great an Empire, and now glad for safegard of his life to fly in∣to strange Countries, oppressed with sorrow, by his heavy Countenance and abundance of Tears, more than by Words, expressed the cause of his coming; yet in a short strained Speech, de∣clared unto him, how that his Father, his Uncle, with the rest of his Cousins, all Princes of great Honour, had of late been cruelly murthred by the unmerciful Tyrant Selymus, who with like fury sought also after the life of himself and his Bro∣ther, the poor remainders of the Othoman Family, who to save their lives, were both glad to fly, his Brother into Egypt, and himself to the Feet of his Imperial Majesty.

Hysmael moved with compassion, and deeming it a thing well beseeming the greatness of his Fame, to take the poor exiled Prince into his pro∣tection and to give him relief, willed him to be of good comfort, and promised him Aid. And the more to assure him thereof, shortly after gave him one of his own Daughters in marriage. For it was thought, that if Selymus (for his Tyranny become odious to the World) should by any means miscarry (as with Tyrants commonly falleth out) that then in the Othoman Family, sore shaken with his unnatural Cruelty, none was to be preferred before this poor Prince Amurat; be∣sides that, it was supposed, that if he should in∣vade him with an Army out of Persia, that up∣on the first stir, all the lesser Asia mourning for the unworthy death of Achomates, would at once revolt from him, who for his Cruelty and shame∣ful Murthers had worthily deserved to be hated together both of God and Man.

Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring Hys∣mael furnished Amurat his new Son in Law with ten thousand Horsemen, willing him to pass over the River Euphrates at Arsenga, and to enter into Cappadocia, as well to make proof how the Peo∣ple of that Country were affected towards him, as of the strength of the Enemy; after whom he sent Vasta-Ogli, the most famous Chieftain amongst the Persians, with twenty thousand Horsemen more, with charge, That he should still follow Amurat within one days journy; and he himself with a far greater power staid behind in Armenia, doubting to want Victual, if he should have led so great an Army through those vast, barren and desolate places, whereby he must of necessity pass.

Amurat marching through the lesser Armenia, [year 1514.] and entring into the Borders of Cappadocia,* 1.15 had divers Towns yielded unto him by his Friends; some others he took by force, which he either sacked or else quite rased; and brought such a general fear upon the Inhabitants of that Pro∣vince, that the People submitting themseves unto him all the way as he went, it was thought he would have gone directly to Amasia, had not Chendemus (an old Warlike Captain whom Se∣lymus had left for his Lieutenant in Asia) with a great Army come to meet him at Sebastia, which at this day is called Sivas. This Chendemus had also long before advertised Selymus both of the pre∣paration and coming of the Persians, as soon as he had learned by his Espials, That they were passed the River Euphrates. Upon which news Selymus came presently over into Asia, and com∣manding all his Forces to meet together at Pru∣sa, had with wonderful celerity levied thereabout forty thousand common Souldiers. Which so soon as Amurat understood, as well by such Pri∣soners as he had taken, as by advertisement from his Friends; although he was very desirous to have fought with Chendemus, yet doubting that if Selymus should with his wonted celerity come against him, he should be intangled in the Straits of the Mountain Antitaurus, he retired back again to Vasta-Ogli. But Selymus, who all that year had in his haughty thoughts been plotting some such notable exploit as were worthy his greatness, standing in doubt whether he should by Sea and Land invade Hungary, the Rhodes, or Italy, at that time sore shaken with Civil Wars;* 1.16 having now so fit an occasion given him by the Per∣sian, to the great joy of all Christendom, con∣verted himself wholly unto the East, and in thirty days march came to Arsenga. Where join∣ing his Army with Chendemus, when he under∣stood that his Enemies having harried the Coun∣try, were again retired, prickt forward with the grief of the injury and desire of revenge, with hope of Victory he resolved to follow after them foot by foot, and forthwith to enter into Arme∣nia the greater, the principal Province of the Persian Kingdom.

But the difficulties of this notable expedition, which were in Counsel propounded by them which had best knowledg of those Countries, were great and many, all which by his own good hap and invincible courage, he himself afterwards overcame; for the Souldiers which had in short time already marched by Land out of Illyria, Epirus, and Macedonia, into Cappadocia, must of necessity in this long expedition take upon them new labors; they were to endure the sharp and pinching cold of the huge Mountain Taurus, and by and by after the most vehement and and scortching heat in the Plains of Armenia the lesser, with extream Thirst, Hunger, and most desperate want of all things; and well the more, for that the Persians in their Retreat spoil∣ing the Country as they went, had utterly destroy∣ed all that might serve for the use of man, of pur∣pose to leave nothing to their Enemies but want of all things, if they should pursue them; besides that, his most expert Captains stood in no small doubt of the petty Princes of Armenia the less, and the Mountain King Aladeules, whom they were to leave behind them at their backs, without any great assurance of their Frindship,

who they well knew would leave them, if any thing should happen otherwise than well to Sely∣mus, either in the Battel, or for want of Victuals, or in the strait passages. For they were to be re∣lieved with Victuals from the Armenians: and Aladeules Forces then in readiness, were neither for number nor power to be contemned; who also with Castles commodiously placed, and strong Garrisons, at his pleasure commanded all the straits, passages, and entrances which led out of Cappadocia into Armenia and the Persian King∣dom: for all the Mountain Countries were un∣der his command, and his Kingdom stretched from the Mountains called Scodrisci near unto Pon••us, all alongst the great Mountain Taurus unto Amanus, which divideth Cilicia from Syria.

Amongst the rest, old Chendemus Viceroy of Natolia, a Man of great experience, and of all o∣thers in greatest credit, favour, and authority with Selymus, perswaded him to stay a while in Cappa∣docia, and there to refresh his Europeian Souldiers already weary of their long Travel, and so to expect the coming of his Enemies. And to per∣swade him from the dangerous expedition into Persia, spake unto him as followeth:

It is not to be thought (most mighty and invincible Emperor,* 1.17) that the Persians are fled for fear, because they retired before they set eye upon us their Enemies: it is a fineness, and they plainly go about to entrap us, whiles they by flight make a false semblance of fear. Know we not what cunning Heads and able Bodies Persia breedeth? Will they fear the naked Turkish light Horsemen or Archers, which with their c••uragious barbed Horses and themselves strongly Arm∣ed, feared not the Scythian shot? or (if they be too little) which by their Valour have vanquished so many Nations, and gained unto their King so great and large an Empire? Think you, that you have either greater or better Forces than had long ago, Cassumes y••ur Uncle, or Great Mahomet y••ur Grandfather; who divers times proving their Forces against this Enemy, were more than once put to the worst, I my s••lf then serving in their Camps near unto Trapezond and the Mountains of Nicopolis. I will not deny, but that the great Ordinance which you carry with y••u may stand you in great stead, so that fit place may be found to bestow so many field Pieces in: but this scortched Ground, the frozen and abrupt Moun∣tains, with the vast and solitary Plains beyond them, terrifie me, whom all the armed Forces of our Ene∣mies in places of great advantage could not dismay. You must fight not only with your valiant Enemies, but with the difficulties of Nature also. Neither may your Majesty give any credit to the Armenians or Aladeules, Princes of most doubtful Faith: although at your first setting forward they shew a fair Face, and seem never so friendly: for they will but expect and await some fit occasion to take you at an advan∣tage, and so to set upon you when you least fear them. But admit you were assured of Victory, O with how much warm Blood of your best Souldiers shall you buy the same? with what other Souldiers, with what o∣ther Forces will you defend Grecia, if the Christian Kings hearing that you for enlarging your Empire, or desire of Fame being gone into the furthest part of Armenia, shall in the mean time Invade you? Where∣sore if it be better and more wisdom, with safety to de∣fe••d your own, than with danger to seek for that is other M••ns; if Princes of greatest Policy have reposed the glory of their Victory, not in the greatness of the slaughter of their Enemies, but in the safety and pre∣s••rvation of their own Souldiers: spare to object your self and your Army to most manifest danger, and un∣advisedly to commit all at once to the hazard of good Fortune: which b••ing a most fickle and unconstant Mistress, if she shall but once dally with your dangerous attempts, you shall through your rashness in far shorter space tumble down head-long from the top of so great Majesty, than you have thereunto a while ago by your rare Vertues worthily aspired.

Selymus as he was of a rough and fierce Na∣ture, so would he have all things done according to his own device and direction: and though he were not a little moved with this Speech of so grave a Counsellor and most expert Com∣mander, and saw many of his Captains troubled with the imagination of the future danger; yet in a fume refuting some little of that which Chen∣demus had said, he dismissed the Counsel, pro∣testing openly, that he would proceed in his in∣tended purpose, hap what hap should, from Friend or Foe: although that old Fellow were (as he said) so careful of his life, that he feared to die a noble Death. Which Selymus had no sooner said, but presently others about him, ac∣customed to serve his Humor, which envied at the glory and wealth of old Chendemus, took hold upon these words, and beginning with the great∣ness of his Forces, the valour of his Souldiers, the store of his Artillery, with his own invincible Fortune; made easie matters of all the former difficulties, and with great words laboured to ex∣tenuate all that the grave Bassa had before said concerning the prowess and power of the Ene∣my. After that, they began to discredit Chen∣demus, saying, That he (being a martial Man, and of known resolution in all his most warlike Actions) had not said as before, for want of cou∣rage, of any distrust he had of the Victory, but of purpose to hinder that most honourable Expe∣dition, and to cut off all hope of Victory, which was (as they said) as good as already gotten; being before loaded with Amurat his great Pro∣mises, and the Gold of Persia. Wherefore they wished him to beware of the slie old Fox his wiles and treason, and to proceed on in his Ex∣pedition so much the more boldly: and not to think that his Souldiers would refuse any dan∣ger or labour, so long as they saw courage in him∣self, but would be ready (as they said) to un∣dertake the most desperate difficulties of War, and desired nothing more, than to be conducted into those far Countries, where by their martial Prowess and valiant Acts they might make their Emperor Selymus equal with the Great Alexander, and themselves comparable to his Macedonians. And to work the utter destruction of this most faithful Counsellor without all recovery, these false Flatterers suborned bold-faced Accusers, who falsly and shamefully affirmed, that he had re∣ceived great sums of Mony from Amurat, and did not therefore in time go against the Persian Robbers, whereby all the former Calamities hap∣ned (as they said) to that Province. For which pretended Causes,* 1.18 Selymus commanded Chende∣mus without further hearing to be slain: but in∣deed to terrifie others from like liberty of Speech; and withal to teach them, to deem those devices and counsels as most excellent, which their Sove∣reign should as it were by divine Inspiration find out himself, and so to accept of them without con∣tradiction. The sudden death of this most faith∣ful Counsellor Chendemus, struck an exceeding fear into the minds of all Men, for that so ho∣nourable a Personage, of late in so great credit and favour with his Sovereign, was whithout hearing Executed; who they had known as a Man of great account, both for his prowess and policy, to have stood fast on Selymus his side, first in his Wars against his Father, and of late a∣gainst his Brother: not doubting but that Selymus

by nature cruel and suspitious even of trifles, would with like Tyranny not spare Men of meaner calling, which spared not his dearest and most ancient Friends.

Selymus marching from Arsenga, came to the Confines of the lesser Armenian Kings, and of Ala∣deules; where by his Embassadors he requested the Kings of those Nations (who were then in Arms) that they would joyn their Forces with his against the Persian, and to go with him into Armenia the great; promising that when the Wars were hap∣pily ended, he would give unto them all such Ter∣ritories as should chance in those Wars to be taken from the Enemy, as a reward of their Aid. But these poor Kings, which hated both Hysmael and Selymus for their manifold injuries they daily received in the Frontiers of their Dominions, lying in the midst between them, (as commonly it falleth out, that the weakest go to the walls) craftily expecting the E∣v••nt of this War, would not openly shew them∣selves; but answered, that they had taken up Arms for no other purpose, but for the defence of them∣selves and their Kingdoms. Not meaning in that doubtful War to bear themselves as En••mies unto either of those great Princes their Friends and Neighbors, of whofe just grievances they were not able or worthy to determine; yet if he would with∣out Hostility in peaceable manner pass through their Dominions, they promised to give free passage unto him and his Army; and after he was entred into Armenia the greater, to relieve him with such Provision of Victual as their bare Countries could afford.

Selymus thus deceived of this his first Hope, (for why, he thought those poor Kings would at the first, either for love or fear have been ready to have done him all the service they could) dissembled his grief for the present, as wholly bentagainst Hysmael; fear∣ing that if he should by word or deed defend those neuter Princes, he should have them at his back his most assured and undoubted Enemies. Wherefore passing the Mountains called Scodrisci, he came in eight days unto the great Mountain called Moschij, which the famous River Euphrates, with his mighty stream and huge broken banks, separateth from the great Mountain Antitaurus, and with perpetual steep ridges runneth into Iberia and Colchis, and on the East discovereth Armenia the greater; here Selymus with Ensigns displayed marching alongst the bank of the River, departed not from the same, for fear to lack Water in that hot and dry Country; and so held on his way directly Eastward, leaving the Country of Armenia the less upon his left Hand, and the Fronti∣ers of the Kingdom of Aladeules on the right, until he came unto the Mountain Periardo. This great Mountain, famous by the rising of two great and notable Rivers out of it, is for the wonderful fertility of all things, of the barbarous People called Leprus, which is to say, fruitful; for Euphrates and Araxis there running out of two divers and contrary Marshes, with many arms, water and enrich that champion and dry Country. Selymus having made so great a Journy, and yet not able so much as by re∣port, to understand what was become of Hysmael his so great and populous Army, which he knew was but a little before departed out of Cappadocia; as a Man in doubt and half afraid, stayed and incamped his Army at the head of the River Euphrates, and from thence sent out his Scouts every way, if happi∣ly they could intercept some which might give him knowledge of his Enemies. But the Armenians, whe∣ther it were for fear of the coming of the Turks, or that Hysmael their King had so commanded, were all before fled out of that part of the Country, where∣by Selymus was to pass with his Army; and having forsaken their Houses, and carried away with them, or else by Fire destroyed whatsoever might serve for the use of Man.

The Turkish Scouts after they had by the space of two days scoured up and down the Country,* 1.19 return∣ed back again to Selymus, not having taken so much as any one Man; shewing unto him, That all things were destroyed before him, and nothing left but wild Fields and a most desolate Country, without a∣ny appearance of Man or Beast; and that they were of opinion, that either the Armenian Guids were de∣ceived in the way, or else had of purpose brought them into such desert places, whereas wanting Pa∣sture for their Horses, and Food for Men, they must needs together perish with Hunger. Which their pre∣sent fear was greatly increased by the weak Kings whom they had left behind them at their backs; but especially Aladeules, who either for shame or fear had a few days at the first holpen the Turks with Victual, but after they were farther entred into Ar∣menia, performed nothing of that he had before most faithfully promised; seeking therein the favor of Hysmael, who he thought would with the same good fortune vanquish the Turks; that he had not long before the greatest part of the East. Selymus perplexed in mind, began now to suspect Treason, to fear Famine, to dread the Deserts and forsaken places, and with grief of mind to call to remem∣brance all that old Chendemus his faithful Counsel∣lor had before most truly told him; for all that, he shewed himself unto his Souldiers with cheerful Countenance, as a Man nothing dismaied; which his firm constancy seemed to promise unto their discou∣raged minds good success, with speedy Victory. Wherefore calling unto him his Guids, and such as best knew the Country, and understanding by them, that on the right Hand beyond the Moun∣tain Periardo lay the most fruitful Country of all Armenia, he rose with his Army, and compassing the Hill toward the North, turned down toward the River Araxes, and above the City of Coy passed his Army over the River, his Footmen by little Bridges,* 1.20 and his Horsemen by Foords; for Araxes, until it have received such Rivers as fall into it out of the Marshes of Periardo, runneth but with a small stream, and is in some places easie to be passed over.

Selymus had scarcely well got over the River, and incamped his great Army, when Vasta Ogli (who having joyned his Forces with Amurat, lying in∣camped not far off, and fearing lest the City of Coy and the unprovided Citizens should by the sudden, coming of the Enemy be oppressed) quickly rose with his Army, and set forwards to meet the Turks; for that City of all others in that Country, for fresh Fountains and Rivers, most pleasant (wherein the Persian Kings for the great plenty of all man∣ner of Fruit, and wholsomeness of the Air, leaving Tauris, were wont to spend most part of the Sum∣mer) had then in it many rich Citizens, and sum∣ptuous Buildings; which Vasta Ogli thought good betimes to rescue, and not with dishonour to lose that rich City, looking as it were upon it; and leaving it unto the Enemy, to suffer him there ••o refresh his hunger-starved Souldiers with plenty of all things. Cassianus an Armenian Born, and present in those Wars, did by many probabilities (as Iovius writeth) shew unto him, That this City of Coy was in ancient time that most famous City which was called Artaxata, which Domitius Corbulo destroyed. Neither did Hysmael himself (although he had but a little before sent the greatest part of his For••es against the Coraxeni, who were then risen up a∣gainst him in Rebellion; as he that made no great reckoning of the Turks, or ever thought that they durst have come so far into Armenia) make any de∣lay, but forthwith as soon as he had heard of the coming of Selymus, came also in person himself unto his Army.

By chance Vasta Ogli (who contrary to all Mens expectation had until then shunned to fight, or

come in sight of his Enemies, of purpose with less danger and loss of Men to overthrow them afterwards, being sore weakned and almost spent with long Travel and want of Victuals) lay then incamped near the City, when as the Turks Scouts, upon the coming of Hysmael, perceived by the great rising of the dust, and by the neighing of the Persian Horses, that some greater power was at hand. Which so soon as it was noised in the Turkish Camp, they began to rejoyce exceed∣ingly, and to conceive the first hope both of their safety and victory; glad, that now meeting with their Enemies, they should either by Victory turn their labour, toil, famine, and extremities where∣with they had of long time striven, into ease and plenty of all things, or else by honourable death end all their miseries at once: for many of the Horsemen, especially of them that came out of Europe, whose Horses were starved for want of Forrage, and the common Footmen spent with long Travel, and grievously troubled with the Flux, (who travelling in the extream heat of the Sun, had for most part lived upon Crabs and other wild Fruits, with a bad supping made of Meal and Vineger, and almost desparing to get the sight of their Enemies) began now to die in every corner.

Hysmael as soon as he was come within sight of his Enemies,* 1.21 reposing great confidence as well in the valour of his Souldiers, as in his own rare Fortune, the more to terrifie them, thought it good forthwith to give them Battel: Where∣upon he sent an Herald unto Selymus, accompa∣nied with certain skilful Souldiers, which should in best sort they could take view of the number and force of their Enemies, of their Artillery, and in what sort they lay incamped; and to tell him, That forasmuch as he had no Title unto Armenia, nor that the Turks had at any time claimed any interest therein, he could not but mar∣vel, why he had against all right entred with his Army into his Dominion: but if he happly upon a vain presumption, to the imitation of Alexander of Macedon, should think so much of the World his own, as he could by the Sword and his own good Fortune win, he should then make himself ready against the next day to make proof of his Fortune, and the Forces of others not in∣ferior to his own.

* 1.22Whereunto Selymus answered, That the fresh remembrance of the manifold Injuries done to the Turks by the Persians, was such, as might give him just cause to take up Arms; for as much as long ago both his Grandfather Mahomet the Great, and his Uncle Cassumes, and even of late his Fa∣ther Bajazet, and he himself also in his Wars a∣gainst his Brother Achomates, had received great wrong and dishonour from the Persians. All which things, although they were of themselves important, yet he esteemed not of them as suf∣ficient causes of War, but only sought after his Enemy Amurat, his Brothers Son, who had of late spoiled Cappadocia; whom if he would quiet∣ly and friendly deliver unto him, as the mutual Laws of amity and friendship amongst Princes for the maintenance and preservation of their Estates and Kingdoms required, then he would withdraw his Forces, and peacebly return into his Kingdom; otherwise, he threatned with Fire and Sword to destroy, not the Frontiers of Ar∣menia, but even the heart of Persia. And so dis∣missing the Herald, both the Armies for that day lay still in their Trenches, expecting the dreadful event of Battel.

* 1.23The next day Selymus by perswasion of his Captains brought his Army into the open Field, and in order of Battel set forward against his Enemies, which lay about two Miles off, think∣ing that Hysmael, a Prince of so great name, would without delay accept of Battel; yet what strength the Persian King was of, what number of Men he had, what manner of Horsemen, how Armed, and with what Weapons, he could not certainly learn: for beside that the Persians are by nature ingenious and subtil, the Souldiers gene∣rally so reverenced and loved Hysmael their King, that not one was found to have gone from him to the Turk; whereas many revolted from Selymus to him, as it was afterwards learned of the Persian Captains.

Selymus, who had at that time eighty thousand Horsemen under his Ensigns, placed Chasan Bassa his Lieutenant General of Europe, with his Euro∣peian Horsemen in the right Wing; and Sinan Bassa with his Asian Horsemen in the left; and be∣fore them both the Acanzij, which were volun∣tary Horsemen, the forerunners of the Turks Army, who in hope of spoil follow the Turks Wars out of all Countries: In the middle Battel he placed the Asapi or Common Souldiers, which base and half naked People, as Men of little worth or estimation, are commonly thrust into the Front of the Turks Battels, to receive the first fury of the Enemy, and to blunt their Swords, more than for any other good service; directly behind them he bestowed his great Artil∣lery, guarded with four thousand Horsemen: Last of all followed himself with his chosen Pensioners and Janizaries, compassed about with small field-Pieces, and his Carriages, as with a double Trench; for he had (as their manner is) so en∣vironed himself round with his sadled Camels made fast one to another with long Chains, that they stood him in stead of a strong Trench, from whence he might speedily relieve any part of his distressed Army; and in case of extremity being in the midst of his strength, might as out of a sure Fort repress the furious Assault of his Enemies. He also commanded his Footmen in the vauward of his Battel, that upon the approach of the Enemies Horse, they should speedily withdraw themselves aside into two parts, leaving space for the great Ordnance which was placed behind them, to play in the middle between them. On the contrary part Hysmael, who by the Turks Fugi∣tives understood all the devices of his Enemies, cal∣ling unto him the chief Commanders of his Army, shewed unto them, That there was no doubt of the Victory, so that they could shun the fury of the great Artillery; which he assured them would easily be done, if when they saw the Turkish Footmen divide themselves, they would also in like manner withdraw themselves into two parts, and give place to the fury of the great Ordnance; for which purpose he caused two great Ensigns to be displaied, whereunto they should at the time appointed retire, the one for himself and those whom he conducted, the other for Vasta Ogli and the rest of his Army.

Hysmael (as Iovius reporteth) had in his Ar∣my about thirty thousand Horsemen,* 1.24 without a∣ny Footmen, amongst whom were ten thousand Men at Arms, resolute Gentlemen, of great expe∣rience, all gallantly mounted upon couragious barbed Horses, and themselves bravely Armed, both for the shew and terror of the Enemy; their Weapons were a good Lance, a sure Sci∣mitar, and a Horsemans Mace; the rest were Armed with strong Curiasses and Head-pieces, and were either Archers on Horseback, or else used light Horsemens Staves made of Ash after the Spanish Fashion, wherewith they served at the half Staff. As for Guns they had none, in which thing only and number of Men, they were

inferior to the Turks. But such was the invin∣cible courage and noble minds of the Persians, that contemning the huge multitude of their Ene∣mies (who were in number about three hundred thousand) and making no great reckoning of their great Artillery, they doubted not with so few to give them Battel.

Hysmael having given the signal of Battel, came on with his Army, exhorting his Soulders then to remember the Honour they had long before gotten in many Battels, and couragiously to follow him their Sovereign, whom they by their worthy ser∣vice and many victories had made the greatest Monarch of the East; telling them, that they should have now to do but with naked Men, whose Wea∣pons were but weak Staves and light Targets, and their Horses little poor Jades almost dead with hunger, never able to abide the first charge of his valiant Men at Arms.

On the other side, Selymus perceiving the co∣ming of his Enemies by the rising of the dust, caused knowledge to be given through his Army by his Captains and Officers, that the time of Battel which they had so long wished for, was now come; wherein if they would worthily ac∣quit themselves against those their proud Ene∣mies, they should to their immortal Fame ex∣tend the Turkish Empire from the Persian Sea to the Mountain Caucasus: but if they cowardly forgetting their ancient Prowess, should faint in time of Battel, they were not then to think by any means to escape by flight back again through those great Plains and desolate Countries; where they should by the way either shamefully perish, or else to their perpetual infamy be taken Pri∣soners, and as base Slaves, during their lives be enforced to serve the Persian Women; forasmuch as beside the great distance of the place, both the great River Euphrates, and the huge Mountain Taurus, and the faithless King Aladeules, who had shut up all the passages, did cut off all hope from them, if they should be overcome, by any means possible to escape back again into Cappadocia.

When Hysmael was come near with his Army, and the Asapi upon sign given dividing them∣selves,* 1.25 made place for the great Artillery to play, as was before appointed; he also presently di∣viding his Horsemen, charged the right Wing of the Turks Army, whith such force, that after a most terrible fight betwixt the half armed Turks, and the valiant Persian Men at Arms, Chasan Bassa the great Commander of the Europeian Horsemen, with the formost of that Wing being slain, and many more after them, he inforced all that Wing to retire unto that place where Selymus himself with the Janizaries stood. On the other side, Vasta Ogli having received no lit∣tle harm by the Turks great Ordnance, because he had not so speedily cleared himself and his followers of that danger, as had Hysmael, char∣ged the Asian Horsemen in the left Wing, and there in bloody Battel made great slaughter of the Enemy, but not with like good hap as did Hysmael; for whiles he most couragiously in the formost Ranks, assailed his Enemies, he was struck with a small shot and slain. With whose fall the Turks were greatly encouraged, insomuch as that they which but now were glad to give ground,* 1.26 and had lost the third part of that Wing, began afresh to renew the Battel, and valiantly to withstand the Persians; and with their Harque∣busiers (wherewith the Persian Horsemen were wonderfully terrified) drave them head-long up∣on the Turks common Footmen. The Persians whether it were forced by necessity for that they had lost so great a Commander, and not well able to govern their Horses, terrified with the thundring shot, or else for that the open side of the Footmen presented unto them greater place of advantage, setting themselves together brake through the middle of the Battel of those Turkish Footmen, and bearing them down be∣fore them with a mighty slaughter, came to the great Ordnance, and there shew the Canoniers, who discharging their Field-Pieces at all adven∣tures, in that great medly made a foul slaughter, as well of their own Men as of their Enemies. And so without stop (as victorious Conquerors) made way through the midst of their Enemies, until they came to the right Wing, where Hys∣mael was still hardly charging the Europeian Horse∣men, who having before lost Chasan their Gene∣ral, and being many of them slain or wound∣ed, were already enforced to retire; but now charged afresh upon the side, had much ado to endure the fury of their Enemies, but as Men in extream danger, were glad to cry to Selymus for help.

In this hard distress, Selymus in two places o∣pened his Carriages, wherewith he stood as it were entrenched, and presently sent out part of his Horsemen. And by and by turning himself unto his Janizaries, said, This days Victory is reser∣ved (most worthy Souldiers) unto your valour and labour, wherefore now valiantly set forward, and as fresh and couragious Men, assail your wearied Ene∣mies; their Horses are all on a water with Sweat, and the Men themselves faint under the weight of their Armor. But yet for all that Selymus could say, the Janizaries were not very forward, but stood still, as Men willing in so great a danger to keep themselves within the safegard for their Muni∣tion. Wherefore whilst they at their leisure set forward, the Persians in the midst of the heat of this Victory, compassing in the Europ••ian Horse∣men, slew them downright, Selymus looking on and wishing in vain to help them. Fabritius Car∣rectus great Master of the Rhodes, who of all these things had certain intelligence, writ to Leo the Tenth then Bishop of Rome, that the Jani∣zaries refused to be commanded by Selymus, and were not by any perswasion or intreaty to be in∣duced to reliev•• the distressed Europeian Horse∣men; but as Men distrusting the event of the Battel, chose rather in their strength to expect the success thereof, than with most manifest danger to expose themselves unto the violence of the Persian Horsemen, which had as a Tempest overborn the vantgard of the Turkish Footmen.

The Persians were now ready on every side to have assailed Selymus in his greatest strength; when Sinan Bassa, although the Wing he led was sore rent and weakned, yet following the Per∣sians through the midst of the heaps of the slain Footmen, came in, in good time for Selymus, and with certain fresh Troops which had escaped the fury of Vasta Ogli, restored the Battel before al∣most lost; but especially by the invincible cour∣age of Alis Beg and Mahomet his Brother de∣scended of the honourable Family of the Mal∣cozzij, which for Nobility amongst the Turks is accounted next unto the Othomans; both of them for courage resembling their Warlike Father Malcozzius, famous for that woful expedition he made into Friuli against the Venetians in the Reign of Bajazet. Selymus also not yet discour∣aged but still in hope, commanded all the great Ordnance wherewith he was environed, which he had reserved as his last refuge, to be dischar∣ged; by the violence whereof, such slaughter was made, as well of his own Men as of his Ene∣mies, mingled together, that what for dust, what for smoak, and thundring of the Artillery, having on both sides almost lost the use of sight and hear∣ing,

and their Horses being so terrified with the thundring report of the great Ordnance,* 1.27 that they were not now to be ruled, the Battel was broken off, the Victory yet doubtful. The Turkish Histories to express the terror of this day, number it amongst their dismal days, terming it The only day of Doom.

Hysmael in this furious Battel, having received a Wound under his left Shoulder with a small shot, by perswasion of his friends withdrew him∣self to have his Wound searched; which thing undoubtedly was the safegard both of Selymus and his Army: for the Persians by and by follow∣ing their King, left the Victory, now in all Mens opinion almost gotten. But after that Hysmael perceived the Wound was not deep, for that the strength of his Armor had so broken the force of the shot, that it pierced not far into his Body, he was about to have charged the Turks afresh: but understanding of the death of Vasta Ogli, in whom for his singular experience in martial Af∣fairs, he had reposed his greatest confidence; and his Captains also perswading him not to make so light reckoning of his Wound, the grief where∣of he yet felt not, being warm, but to have re∣gard to his own Health: He in seemly order soft∣ly marched away in such sort, that his departure had no resemblance of flight. And passing by the City of Tauris, willed the chief of the Citi∣zens to open the Gates of the City to Selymus (if he should come thither) and to receive his Gar∣risons, rather than by vain constancy to fall into utter destruction; and so marched himfelf into the Confines of Media.

But the Turks intangled with many difficulties, having no hearts for fear,* 1.28 nor strength for weariness to pursue their Enemies, yet coming to the Persian Tents, took them without re∣sistance: where beside the rich Pavillions wrought with Needle-work of Silk and Gold, and much other precious Furniture, many noble Ladies and Gentlewomen were found, which after the manner of the Persians had followed their Hus∣bands in those Wars, whom Selymus caused to be all freely set at liberty untouched, excepting one of the Wives of Hysmael, whom he detained and gave her in Marriage to one of his Bassaes. Some which were present at this Battel, reported that amongst the heaps of them that were slain, were found the dead bodies of divers Persian Wo∣men, which being Armed, and following their Husbands, died with them in the Battel; whom Selymus caused to be honestly buried.

Thus was that notable Battel fought in the Gal∣deran Fields near unto the City of Coy, betwixt these two great Princes, the seventh day of Au∣gust in the year of our Lord, 1514. In which Bat∣tel Selymus lost above thirty thousand Men, a∣mongst whom was Chasan Bassa his great Lieute∣nant in Europe; seven Sanzaks, in which were the two Malcozzian Brethren, who labouring the one to rescue the other, were both together slain. Bside his common Footmen of whom he made least reckoning, he lost most part of his Illyrian, Macedonian, Servian, Epirot, Thessalian, and Thracian Horsemen, the undoubted flower and strength of his Army, which were in that mortal Battel al∣most all slain, or grievously wounded.

Selymus for all this great loss, by the confession of his Enemies having gotten the Victory, and receiving Embassadors from Coy and the Cities thereabouts, and the great City of Tauris, promising to relieve him with whatsoever he needed, and to do what else he should command; marched directly to Tauris, desiring both to see and possess himself of that City, as one of the chief Palaces of the Persian Kings. This City is two days journey distant from Coy where the Battel was fought, and is verily thought to be the famous City called in ancient time Ec∣bathana, about an hundred and fifty Miles distant from the Caspian Sea. The Citizens were ready at the coming of the Turks, and brought them great store of Victuals out of the Gates of the City, where Selymus had lodged his Army in the Suburbs, thinking it no safety to lodge with∣in that great and populous City, contenting him∣self to have the Gates thereof delivered unto him, which he kept with strong Guard. Some report that Selymus durst not trust the Persians, and therefore never went into the City but dis∣guised in the Habit of a common Souldier. Yet some others say, that he did with great magnifi∣cence Banquet in the stately Palace of the Persian King, and there had great discourse with them of Taurus concerning his late Victory. But whilst he thus staied at Tauris, and with himself pur∣posed to spend that Winter in Armenia, he called together his great Captains and Commanders of his Army, to know how they liked thereof; who fearing his displeasure, wholly referred them∣selves to his own resolution. Only Mustapha his chief Bassa chanced to say, That it were good that the minds of the Janizaries and the other Souldiers of the Court should therein be known. Which his Speech Selymus took in such evil part, that he presently commanded him out of his sight, and deprived him of his greatest Honour; and the more to disgrace him, sent one of his Jesters after him, who in great scorn and derision com∣ing behind him, cut off part of his Tulipant that hung down, as the Fashion was.* 1.29 But the Janiza∣ries understanding the matter, and much offend∣ed with the indignity offered unto the great Bassa whom they dearly loved, rose up all together in Arms, and told Selymus flatly, That they would not in any case Winter so far from home in the Enemies Country; and therefore that it were best for him betime to consider of the matter, for that they were resolutely set down to forsake him if he would needs stay, and not with speed return. Selymus much troubled with this insolency of the Janizaries, and hearing daily, that Hysmael with new supplies out of Iberia, Albania, and Parthia, was coming upon him with greater power than before, and consider∣ing withal with what difficulty and danger he had escaped in the late Battel, preserved rather by his good fortune and force of his great Artil∣lery, than the valour and prowess of his Souldiers, and withal suspecting the multitude and strength of the Taurisians, of whose fidelity he could make no reckoning, he changed his former determi∣nation, and resolved again to return into Cappa∣docia; whereupon having contrary to his pro∣mise exacted a great Mass of Mony from them of Tauris, he departed thence, carrying away with him three thousand Families, the best Ar∣tificers in that City, especially such as were skil∣ful in making of Armor and Weapons, and so with speed retired towards the River Euphrates, a longer way than that whereby he came; fear∣ing to return again by the head of Araxis and the Mountains Periardes, for meeting the Iberian and Albanian Horsemen, who were reported to be then coming against him.

Hysmael understanding of his departure, fol∣lowed after with as much speed as he could, leaving behind him for hast his Carriages and such as his Souldiers as were not able to endure so long and speedy a march: yet for all his hast (forasmuch as Selymus was gone a great way before him) he could not overtake any part of his Army, until he was come to the great River

Euphrates, where Selymus staying two days, and having made divers little Boats, was passing over his Footmen; which because they were not sufficient for the speedy transportation of so great a multitude, many for hast swam over the River with Bladders, and some adventured to get over upon the broken pieces of their Carriages, which they had for that purpose burst in sunder. Selymus himself got over to the farther Bank in a little Boat, having before caused his Horsemen with their Horses at once to take the River,* 1.30 of purpose to break the violence of the stream, whereby his Footmen and Camels with their burdens got over with less danger, and some of his Field-pieces were also with less diffi∣culty transported; yet for all the speed he could make, the Georgian Horsemen, the forerunners of Hysmael his Army, being come within sight before the Turks were all got over, raised such a fear and a stir all alongst that side of the River, that two thousand of the Turks were in their hasty passage there drowned, divers Field-pieces left sticking in the Mud, and much of their Bag∣gage carried away with the force of the River. The G••orgians contenting themselves with such things as were left, pursued them no further: for the wheels of the Turks Carriages entangled to∣gether with the violence of the stream, had stay∣ed a great part of the Turkish Trash, floating in the River; and much more was in divers places driven upon the shore, all which the Georgian Horsemen easily drew out.* 1.31 Hysmael in the mean time rejoycing at nothing more, than that having chased away his Enemies, he had also recovered much of the great Ordnance whereby he had be∣fore received so great hurt.

Selymus by speedy flight thus got out of the hands of the Persians, found his passing much more dangerous at the Mountain Antitaurus, than he had before thought of: for Aladeules, the Moun∣tain King having now his fortune in contempt, and diligently waiting for his prey, had with his savage People before taken all the strait passages of the Mountain Country; who every night in thievish manner assailed the Turks, as they with their weak and weary Companies passed through those rough and broken ways; and robbing their Carriages, presently fled into their haunts and places of refuge in the thick Woods and rocky Mountains. Aladeules himself in the mean time (by whose fraud all this was done) every day excusing himself, as if it had been done against his will, by the rude mountain People, enured to such desperate Robberies, whom nevertheless he said he would in short time severely chasti••e so soon as he could find the Authors thereof. In the mean while, for fashion sake sending a little spare Provision for certain days, did every night rob and spoil the Turks by his Souldiers, as they could take them in places of advantage. Against which mischiefs Selymus could neither by Policy, neither his Souldiers by industry provide any sufficient remedy. Wherefore dis∣sembling the injuries he daily received, pur∣posing to be thereof in time revenged, toge∣ther with the foul and treacherous dealing of the faithless King; holding on his way, he with much ado came at length to Trapezond, and from thence to Amasia, where he spent that Winter in repairing his soreweakned Army, pur∣posing with the first of the Spring to make War upon Aladeules and the mountain People, who in his return had done him so great harm and injury.

In this sort Iovius, one of the great Historiogra∣phers of that time, reporteth the aforesaid Wars betwixt Hysmael and Selymus, whose credit in that matter other Writers have since for most part fol∣lowed. Howbeit, Io. Ant. Maenavinus, a Geno∣way, who served in those Wars, doth in his Book concerning Turkish Affairs, dedicated to the French King, much otherwise report the same: which to satisfie the desirous Reader, I have thought good here in few words to set down, as it is by himself reported.

Selymus (saith he) with his Army,* 1.32 in number about three hundred thousand Men, being come to the River Euphrates, found the Bridge bro∣ken down by his Nephew Amurat, and his Ene∣mies encamped in convenient place on the far∣ther side of the River, with their Forces greatly increased by new supplies lately sent from the Persian King; so that there was then in the Per∣sian Army about ninety thousand Men Horse and Foot, the Horsemen for most part furnished with two Horses apiece for service: And though Selymus did what he might, to know whether the Persian King were in person himself in the Camp, or else (which he most feared) was rai∣sing of greater Forces in Persia, yet could he by no means learn the truth of that he desired. Wherefore repairing again the broken Bridge, he first sent over his two great Lieutenants ••of Grecia and Natolia, who passing over the River, encamped themselves as they thought conve∣nient. The next morning, about two hours be∣fore the rising of the Sun, Amurat suddenly assai∣led the great Commander of Grecia, Chasan Bas∣sa, in his Trenches, and by plain force discomfi∣ted the Turks, and by good Fortune took from them their Tents: Whereupon such a terror and fear came upon the other great Commander of Natolia, that his Souldiers thrusting themselves for fear into the River, swam over with great danger, and again joyned themselves with the rest of the Army. Selymus troubled with the great loss thus received, caused all his great Artillery to be placed all alongst the hithermost Bank of the River Euphrates; and because the Enemy should not perceive the ••ame, ranged certain Companies of his Souldiers before the Ordinance, as if they should presently have passed the River: who upon signal given, should forthwith with∣draw themselves and give place to the great Ord∣nance bent upon the Enemy. But when Fire was given to these great Pieces, many of them being overcharged, burst in sunder, and slew divers of the Turks: Many also of their rich Horses and Mules being near unto the River side, and terrified with the thundring Shot, leapt in∣to the River, and were there drowned together with their riders. The Persians also receiving great loss, retired farther off for fear of the great Artillery. So Selymus without resistance passing over the River, marched forthwith toward the Enemy, whom the Persians as Men nothing dis∣mayed, notably encountred. The Battel was of long time doubtful, and much Blood shed on both sides; and if the approach of the night had not broke off that mortal Fight, the Persian Army rather overcharged with the multitude of the Enemy, than vanquished by valour, had un∣doubtedly received a great overthrow; but through the benefit of the night, they▪ without further loss escaped the pursute of the Turks. Upon this Victory, Selymus left his Carriages and Baggage with his Footmen; and taking with him only his Horsemen, set forward with inten∣tion to have upon the sudden surprised the regal City of Tauris, before the fame of the late fought Battel could be carried thither; the Persians in the mean time being no less careful of their af∣fairs. The day before, ten thousand fresh Horse men well appointed, which had not yet been

in the Battel, where coming to Hysmael; these he craftily laid in the Turks way, commanding them upon the approach of the Enemy to fly as if it had been for fear. Selymus in the morning having descried these Horsemen at hand, sup∣posing them to be such of his Enemies as being overtaken with the night, were not able to follow the rest of his Army, exhorted his Souldiers coura∣giously to pursue their discouraged Enemies.

The Persians seeing the Turks, of purpose be∣took themselves to flight; and they suspecting no deceit, followed fast after them, until that about mid-day being weary of the pursuit, and coming to a little River which was in their way, they there staied to refresh themselves; and after they had taken a short repast, again pursued the Persians, still leaving behind them such as were not able to fast to follow, prickt forward with hope, that before night they should surprise and ransack the rich City of Tauris. The Turkish Horsemen thus drawn far from the Footmen, the Persian Horsemen left in ambush, in the mean time set upon the Turks Footmen, lying (as they supposed) in great security, and with a great slaughter overthrew them; at which time they also took all Selymus his Treasure and great Artil∣lery. Which overthrow was by speedy Posts, about two a Clock in the night made known to Selymus (who now in his mind already concei∣ved the sacking of Tauris) and withal that the fierce Enemy was following him at the heels. Se∣lymus wonderfully abashed with this unexpected news, and the loss of his Footmen, forthwith be∣gan to retire; which the ten thousand Persians which had before of purpose fled, perceiving, now turning themselves upon the retiring Turks, charged them hardly; so Selymus enclosed both before and behind by his Enemies, received a great overthrow; and the Turks thus hardly be∣set, and almost despairing of their lives, and ha∣ving lost their Ensigns, brake out sideways be∣twixt their Enemies and fled. Selymus seeing all desperate and forlorn, betook himself to flight also with the rest; and passing the River Euphrates, brake down the Bridge, which he had but a little before repaired, for fear the Persians should fur∣ther pursue him, and with much trouble and no less danger coming at length to Amasia, assembled thither the relicks of his discomfited Army. Such of the Turks as remained behind, and were not able in flight to keep way with the rest, were all slain be the Persians.

The Genoway Author thus concludeth his Hi∣story, That the Persian King did not more re∣joyce at this Victory, than did he himself for the overthrow of the Turks, hoping in that their so great a confusion, to free himself of his long and miserable thraldom, and to find a way un∣to his native Country Parents; as afterwards he did; for flying first to Trapezond, and there ta∣king passage into Europe, he came to Hadria∣n••ple, from whence he travelled by Land on foot to Salonica, and there chancing upon certain Ships of Christian Merchants which had brought Corn thither, ••he was by them transported in∣to the Island of Chios; from whence he joyfully returned to Genoa his native Country, after he had amongst the Turks endured ten years Cap∣tivity; most part whereof he lived as a Page in old Bajazets Privy-Chamber, and the rest as a Souldier of the Court in the Reign of Selymus; and therefore well acquainted with the fashion of the Turks Court, and manners of that barbarous Nation.

Now shall it not (as I hope) be much from our purpose, here with Iovius a little to digress in comparing these two great Princes Hysmael and Selymus together, who in that time had filled the World with the glory of their Fame; that weari∣ed with bloody Broils, and the wonderful chances of War, we may a little repose our selves with matter of a milder Vain, neither unpleasant nor unprofitable.

These two mighty Princes,* 1.33 as they were for royal descent, strength of body, courage of mind, riches, and power, equal, and had there∣by obtained like fame and renown; so in condi∣tions and qualities of mind, and martial Disci∣pline, they much differed. First of all (beside the mutual hatred of the one Nation against the other, delivered as it were by Succession from their Grandfathers and Fathers) these two Princes, and so likewise their Subjects also, were at great ods about an idle Question of their vain Super∣stition, the one preferring and honouring Ebube∣kir, Homaris, and Ottoman, as the most true and rightful Successors of their great Prophet Maho∣met; the other with no less devotion honouring Haly, and detesting the three former; differing otherwise in few or no points of their most fond Superstition; yet did they under the colour and zeal of their Religion (as they would have it) both pretend just causes of War, although their evil dissembled ambitious desires, plainly decla∣red unto the World, that they both shot at one and the same Mark, viz. By confirming their power and strength,* 1.34 to extend the bounds of their great Empires. For Hysmael of purpose affected the fame and glory of Darius and Xerxes the ancient Persian Kings; who having subdued Asia, with great boldness passed over into Eu∣rope; and Selymus the greatness of Alexander of Macedon, who subverted the Persian Empire. Which their aspiring thoughts, masking under the vail of zeal towards their Religion, seemed not altogether vain; Fortune with like indiffer∣ence immoderately favouring their bold ambi∣tions and endless desires. But in Hysmael ap∣peared such a wonderful devotion and gravity, that his haughty thoughts were with the reverend Majesty thereof covered; whereas in Selymus, his inhuman cruelty did blot and obscure all his o∣ther princely Vertues; for he with reward and punishment retained the Majesty of his Empire, but with the greater fame of severity than boun∣ty. Because it was expedient in the exact disci∣pline of that servile Government, whereof the greatest strength of the Othoman Empire consist∣eth, to use all rigor and severity; otherwise it stood with the State of Hysmael, who leavied al∣ways his Armies of his Nobility and Men free Born, with whom temperate Justice, civil Cour∣tesie, and popular Clemency, are of greatest force, to win their Fidelity, Faith, and Loyalty; for that there is no Man well Born, which feareth not more the blemish of infamy than the heaviness of punishment; so that it was not to be marvelled, if Hysmael by such honorable Vertues did mighti∣ly defend the glory of his Majesty and Renown. Unto these his rare Vertues, was also joyned a comliness of Face (the fairest gift of Nature) well beseeming so great a Monarch; for he was well Colored, quick Eyed, yellow Bearded, and that which amongst the Persians is accounted the sign of ancient Nobility, hookt Nosed; and was withal exceeding Eloquent; by which good Gifts, he wonderfully won to himself both the Eies and Hearts of such as beheld him.* 1.35 But in Se∣lymus, his stern Countenance, his fierce and pier∣cing Eies, his Tartar-like pale Color, his long Mustacho's on his upperlip, like Bristles, frild back to his Neck, with his Beard cut close to his Chin, did so express his martial disposition and inexor∣able nature, that he seemed to the beholders to have

nothing in him but Mischief and Cruelty. Which diversity of countenances was also accompanied with no less diversity of affections, and so con∣sequently with far unlike manner of Govern∣ment. For Hysmael was of nature courteous and affable,* 1.36 easie to be seen and spoken withal, doing nothing that beseemed his Regal Function, but in the sight of all men; his manner was to dine openly in the company of his Nobility, delighting much in Hawking and Hunting, ac∣companied with his Noblemen and the Embassa∣dors of foreign Princes; He would oftentimes run, leap, and prove Masteries with his chief Courtiers, being himself a most excellent Horse∣man and cunning Archer; in his exercises he was so popular, that he would not stick open∣ly to bath himself and swim in his Princely Baths; his Wives, the beautiful Daughters of his Nobility or Neighbour Princes, Ladies of great Chastity, he neither loathed nor divorced; after the ancient manner of the Persian Kings, who always used most tenderly to love and cherish their Wives, doing them all the honour possible in Court, as Partakers of all their Fortune; and carried them, their Children, Nurses, and richest Furniture into their farthest Wars, to their great trouble and charge, by the presence of so dear Pledges, the more to encourage their minds in time of Battel. Whereas Selymus contrariwise did all things in secret,* 1.37 eating his meat alone with∣out any company, attended upon with his Pages and Eunuchs only, and satisfying Natures want with some one simple dish of meat: He seldom went abroad but to the Church, upon the Friday the Turks chief Sabbath; and then so beset with his Pensioners and other Souldiers of the Court, that although he used to ride alone mounted up∣on some couragious Horse, yet was it a hard mat∣ter by face to know him among so many armed men, who with great Pride and Insolency kept back the beholders: He was seldom seen abroad in the City, chusing rather for his recreation to pass over in his Gally into Asia, and there alongst the Sea coast to take the air; his Wives he would not suffer to come to Court, neither used their company but for procreation sake, and that (as was thought) without any great good counte∣nance or familiarity; for that he being not greatly given to Women, but more delighted with un∣natural pleasure, thought a mans body and mind to be not a little weakned with the allurements of Women; wherefore he seldom resorted to the cloister of choice Paragons in the midst of Con∣stantinople, shut in on every side with high and blind Walls. Those dainty pieces, either taken from their Christian Parents, or by chance sur∣prised by Pirats, are there most curiously kept by ancient Matrons and old Eunuchs, by whom they are with all diligence instructed in the Prin∣cipals of the Mahometan Law, and to read the Arabian Tongue, and withal, cunningly and comely to sing, play, daunce, and sow; but Se∣lymus of all others used seldomest to see their allurements, as a man not greatly delighted with Women, or desirous of many (and oftentimes unfortunate) Children; having but one Son (Solyman) by the Daughter of M••h••met a Tartar King, who afterwards by the sufferance of God, proved a great Plague to the Christian Com∣mon-Weal. Such spare time as he had from his serious and weighty Affairs, he used to spend in walking in his Gardens with some of his Bassaes or other great Courtiers, and in beholding and noting the Noblemens Children there sporting themselves, would discourse and consult of many things of great importance. Some hours he would spend in the Baths, and reading the Hi∣stories of his Ancestors and other foreign Princes; imitating therein his Grandfather Mahomet the Great, who caused almost all the Histories of the famous Princes of the World to be translated into the Turkish Language, and their lively counterfeits to be with cunning hand drawn, that by their worthy examples he might be the more enflamed to extend his fame and glory. He would many times scoff at the great busi∣ness of his Father Bajazet, who (as he said) was so drowned in the Study of Averrois (de∣termining nothing certainly of the Nature of the Soul) and the Motions of the Heavens, that he desired rather the name of a sharp Disputer, amongst the idle Professors of Philosophy, than of a renowned Chieftain amongst his valiant Souldiers and Men of War.

One of the Persian Embassadors finding him pleasantly disposed, demanded of him, why he did not wear his beard long, as his Father Be∣jazet, and other great Princes of that Age had done, thereby to seem unto their Subjects of greater Majesty; to whom he answered, That he liked not to carry about with him such an unnecessary handful, whereby his Bassaes might at their pleasure lead him up and down the Court, as they had done his Father; noting thereby, that Bajazet whilst he yet lived, had been too much overruled by the Bassaes; which he could by no means indure, following no mans advice but his own in whatsoever he took in hand.

But to come unto the Persians themselves, they in their Wars had great disadvantage of the Turks; for as they were strong in Horsemen, so were they destitute of expert trained Foot∣men, by whose only means the Turks have at∣chieved their greatest Victories, and performed their greatest Wars. Beside this, it was a great want in the Persians, that they had not the use of Guns, against whose fury no sufficient re∣sistance can be made, or force of man opposed; as appeared by the lamentable example of Usun-Cassanes at Artenga, and now of Hysmael in the Calderan Fields; whose victorious Armies of Horsemen were in both places put to the worst by the terror and violence of the Turks Artil∣lery. For the naked Turkish Horseman is not to be compared with the Persian Man at Arms;* 1.38 who comes into the Field armed with a strong Cuiras, a sure Head-piece, and a good Target; whereas the Turkish Europeian Horsemen, alto∣gether naked, use only a square or crooked Buckler, wherewith they do scarcely cover them∣selves; and the Asian Horsemen Bucklers made of soft Reeds, wound round, and covered with some kind of Silk. The Persian Horsemen also, wearing their Pouldrons and Gauntlets, and bear∣ing Staves of good Ash, armed at both ends, fight with them as occasion serveth at the hal•• Staff, after the manner of the Numidians, and with doubling and redoubling their often thrusts from on high, do easily wound or kill the unarmed Turks, with their Horses; whereas the Turkish Horsemen, after the manner of the Grecians, couching their Staves in their Rests, do at the first course most commonly break the same, be∣ing made of light and brittle Fi••, and so pre∣sently come to their Scimetars, or Horsemans Maces, being in all other things far inferior to the Persian Men at Arms. As for the Turkish Archers on horseback, they are in no respect to be compared with the Persians, who well mount∣ed and surely armed, and using both greater and stronger Bows, shoot more deadly Arrows, and so make small account of the Turks. So that all things well considered, the Persian Army

devoted to their King, as well for the great and firm opinion conceived of his high Courage and divine Spirit, as for that they were to him by Faith obliged; although it was in number far inferior, yet had it been of the Turks invinci∣ble, if it had not been overwhelmed by the cruel, cowardly, and murthering Artillery, and won∣derful multitude of Men.* 1.39 The cause why Hys∣mael out of so many great and large Provinces then under his Obeisance (able in ancient times with their multitude to cover the face of the Earth, and to drink the Rivers dry) brought now so small an Army against the Turkish Emperor, breaking into the heart of Armenia; was for that Hysmael to win the hearts of the People by Boun∣ty, had remitted a great part of his Customs and Tributes, so as then stood best with his Policy, having but lately aspired to the Kingdom, and thrust down his near Kinsmen, the Posterity of Usun-Cassanes and Iacup, the rightful Inheritors thereof; so that his Coffers being empty, and wanting Mony, the sinews of War, he was not able to raise so great an Army as otherwise he might out of those populous Kingdoms and Coun∣tries, yielding plentifully all things necessary for mans use. Whereas with Selymus it was far other∣wise, whose Horsemen, Footmen, Captains, Ca∣noniers, both at Sea and Land, Officers of Peace and Wars, received their dayly Wages and month∣ly Pays in ready Mony, of his Treasurers and Paymasters; for the defraying of which charge he never wanted Coin, having an inestimable Mass of Mony alwaies in store in the seven Towers at Constantinople; and his yearly Tributes and Revenues still exceeding all his charges by a fourth part. The Strength of the Persian King consisted in three kind of Souldiers; the first were they which were accounted Souldiers of the Court; the second, such as were by Custom and Duty bound to serve him in his Wars; and the third, such as were sent to him from the Princes his Neighbours and Confederates. Those which were accounted Souldiers of his Court, had their certain Stipends, and were altogether maintained of the Kings charge; of whom, ac∣cording to the old custom of the Persian Kings, they at certain times receive Armor, Horses, Apparel, Tents, and Wages, every one as he is in place and degree. And being attended upon with a gallant and strong Garrison of these, he maintaineth the Majesty of his Court, especially when he rideth in Progress. The Nobility and ancient Gentlemen of his Country, who hold Lands and Possessions descended unto them from their Ancestors, or holden by the gift of the King, are sent for in time of Wars, and are of duty bound to perform such like service as the Nobility and Gentlemen of Italy, France, and Spain do unto their Sovereigns; these hardly a∣mount to the number of twenty thousand, where∣of it is well if the third part come well armed; the rest content themselves with Head-pieces and Jacks; and use for their Weapons either Horse∣mens Staves or Bows, which they can most cun∣ningly handle, discharging their Arrows very near unto that they aim at, either forward or back∣ward. They which come unto him from forreign Princes, confederate or tributary, are commonly sent from the Kings and Princes of Iberia, Al∣bania and the Countries bordering upon Media, and Armenia; who being half Christians, bear a mortal hatred against the Turks. Hysmael the Persian King had then under his Dominion these great and famous Countries,* 1.40 Armenia the greater, Sulthania, Persia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Media and Parthia; whereof Armenia is the chiefest, famous for the great City Tauris, called in ancient time Ecbathana; this Country yieldeth unto the Persian King his best Footmen; but his choice Horsemen come from out of Persia, and espe∣cially from Scyras, called of old Cyripolis; next unto them are from Assyria; the chief City whereof is Bagdat, called in ancient time Ba∣bylon. The Medes and Parthians are of all o∣thers acounted the best Archers next unto the Scythians.

But now to return again from whence we have a little too far strayed. [year 1515.] Selymus after his great expedition against Hysmael, wintering at Amasia,* 1.41 by his Lieutenants and Captains in Europe and Asia, raised such a power, that with the first of the Spring he entred again into the Confines of the Persian Kingdom, with a greater Army than before, and that somewhat sooner than the ex∣tream cold of that part of Armenia (subject to the snowy Mountain Taurus) would either well suffer, or that the Enemy thought it had been possible for him to have so done. There was upon the further side of Euphrates a strong Town called Clamassum, situate a little above that place where the River Melas (much celebrated by the Grecian Poets) falleth into the River Eu∣phrates; which Town for the commodious situa∣tion thereof, standing upon the first entrance of the passage into Armenia the great, the Persians had furnished with a strong Garrison; this Town Selymus thought good in any case to be master of, by taking whereof, and of some other Holds thereabout, he should open a fair way for him∣self into his Enemies Country. Hysmael at the same time was gone with all his power against the Hyrcanians, Bactrians, and other savage Peo∣ple dwelling near unto the Caspian Sea, then up in Arms against him; which wished opportunity Selymus taking, and making a bridge over the Ri∣ver Euphrates, passed over with his Army, came before the Town, and laid hard Siege to the same before his Enemies were well awar of his coming. The Turks at their first approach compassing the City round with their huge multitude of Harquebusiers and Archers, drave the Defendants from the Walls; and still without rest or inter∣mission bringing on fresh men, as Selymus had before taken order, and others at the same time breaking open the Gates, and in divers places sca∣ling the Walls, enforced the Defendants to for∣sake their standings, and to retire themselves into the Market place; where although they were before sore spent with labour and wounds, yet did they there with wonderful courage a great while notably withstand the multitude of their Enemies still swarming in, and in defence of their Country, like resolute men, fought it out unto tha last man.

Selymus having taken and ransacked Clamas∣sum, with two other small Castles which the De∣fendants had for fear before abandoned, although he was with a deadly hatred and ambitious de∣sire prickt forward against Hysmael, and thirsted after nothing more than the subversion of the Persian Kingdom; yet he thought it not good fur∣ther to enter into Armenia, before he had out of those Forests and Mountains chased the Moun∣tain King Aladeules, who but the year before had most treacherously done him and his Army so many injuries in his return from the Persian Ex∣pedition. For Aladeules not without cause fear∣ing his own estate, as soon as he understood that Selymus had again taken the Field, and that he was come to the River Euphrates, and so to Cla∣m••ssum, speedily assembling his Forces, had in short time raised a great Army for the de••ence of himself and his Kingdom; purposing that if Selymus should go farther into Armenia, then

after his wonted manner to look on as a beholder, and by the event of the War, to take occasion of Prey, and by shutting up the passages of his Country, at his pleasure to rob and spoil the Turks in their return. Wherefore Selymus leaving a Garrison at Clamassum, retired back again over the River Euphrates unto the Mountain Antitau∣rus, where it was reported that his Enemies lay.

* 1.42This Aladeules (as is aforesaid) ruled over the rude and savage Mountain People, inhabi∣ting the great Mountains Taurus and Antitaurus; which Mountains as it were linked together one to another, run from the Mountains cal∣led Scodrisci, and the Borders of Cappadocia, with a perpetual rising, through many large Provinces and Countries unto the great Mountain Ama∣nus, and uttermost bounds of Cilicia. The Peo∣ple of this Country were by Nature fierce and warlike, more famous for nothing than for the want of all things; who as men dwelling in a rough and bare Country, could little or nothing profit by Husbandry; yet in such places as would bear any pasture, they had their breed of Horses and Camels, and did with all diligence use gra∣sing; but the greatest part of their living con∣sisted in hunting and stealing. These are sup∣posed to have had their beginning from the Ga∣latians, Cappadocians, Armenians, and the old In∣habitants of Asia the less, which by long and continual Wars in former ages, and especially by the lamentable irruption of the Scythians, were inforced to forsake their Cities and Dwellings, and for safeguard of their lives to fly into those rough and desolate Mountains. These distressed People searching every Hill and every Dale, and following the opportunity of the Rivers and Fountains, but especially the mildest temperature of the Air, and favourable aspect of the Sun, built in many places poor Country Villages, and afterwards divers fair Towns; where in process of time they growing to better estate, there rose up some amongst them, which overruling the rest, ambitiously took upon them the name of Kings, desiring to be had in regard, and to be feared of their Neighbours, although they com∣manded but over rough Woods and ragged Rocks. Near unto the Confines of Aladeu∣les Kingdom is the City Orpha, which many suppose to have been the famous City Edessa, because that as yet there remaineth certain Mo∣numents of Baldwin in Latine Letters; who after his Brother Godfrey was possessed of Ierusalem, is reported to have taken Edessa, and there reigned. Not far from thence is also the an∣cient City Amyda, which at this day is called Carimida, joyning upon Mesopotamia; which Coun∣try lying between the two great Rivers Euphra∣tes and Tigris, is now called Diarbecha. The chief City of Aladeules Kingdom was Maras, so called as may be thought of the fair River Mar∣sias running through it out of the Mountain Celene, taking the name of Marsias overcome by Apollo, and made famous by the Verses of many learned Poets. But Aladeules, after he saw that Selymus with his Army was entred into the Fron∣tiers of his Kingdom, and drawing near unto him, brought down all his Horsemen, in num∣ber about fifteen thousand, from the Mountains into a fair large Valley; commanding his Foot∣men, whereof he had great store, to keep the Mountains on the right hand and the left; where having the high rocky Mountains and strait pas∣sages much for his advantage, he determined in that place which he had long before chosen and fortified, to expect the coming of his Ene∣mies. Selymus considering the disadvantage of the place, although he perceived the Victory could not without great loss of his men be ob∣tained; and before perswaded that his Enemies would never have willingly been drawn to Bat∣tel; yet made no doubt to adventure his For∣tune, presuming upon the multitude and strength of his Army. Wherefore he commanded Sinan Bassa the Eunuch (whom he had made Gene∣ral of the Europeian Horsemen instead of Cha∣san Bassa before slain) with a square Battel to charge the Enemy afront,* 1.43 forasmuch as the place would not suffer him to range his Battel in length, nor to use any Wings; and he himself with his Janizaries and Asian Horsemen followed after in the Rearward. Neither were the Soul∣diers of Aladeules unmindful of themselves or of their King, who valiantly fought in the head of the Battel, but having spent their Arrows, did couragiously receive the furious assault of the Turks; and standing close to them, still keeping the advantage of the ground, did with such force repulse them, that the old beaten Souldiers of the Turks, seemed little or nothing to prevail either with their Multitude or Valor; for the Turks by reason of the straightness of the place, could not inclose them on either side, and were beside grievously wounded by Aladeu∣les Footmen, who standing upon the sides of the Hills with their Darts and Arrows from above, overwhelmed the Turks in the Valley. When Selymus saw that Aladeulus, contrary to his ex∣pectation made strong resistance, and valiantly withstood his Forces; he drew certain Companies of Harquebusiers out of his own Squadrons, and sent them to relieve their Fellows; and at the same instant commanded the Janizaries for all the danger to mount the Hill. Then the Mountain People terrified with the strangeness of the Shot, and not able to abide the force thereof, by and by turned their backs, and by known ways fled into their sure haunts, in the Mountains and Woods fast by; yet the greatest slaughter fell amongst these Footmen, who when they saw the Horsemen put to flight, and the Janizaries coming up the Hills against them, did with much difficulty, by steep and broken ways clamber up the high Mountains; as oftentimes it falleth out,* 1.44 that both the strength of mens legs and other their wonted forces fail them most, when surprised and overcome with suddain fear, they desire to run and fly fastest. The Turks having them in chase had the killing of them until the going down of the Sun. The Horsemen with the King, upon their swift Horses, well acquainted with those Rocks and rough Ways, with little loss retired themselves into the further and stronger places of the Mountains.

Aladeules after this discomfiture, finding himself in all things far inferior to his Enemy, thought it best by protracting the War, to weary him out; wherefore as the Turks pursued him, and burnt the poor Country Cottagess standing in their way, he still fled from Mountain to Moun∣tain, never offering Battel or shewing himself, but in places of great disadvantage; and there∣fore Selymus fearing lest in that barren rough and unknown Country, he should either want Victual, or by some other means be entrapped, if he should still with his whole Army follow after his strong Enemies, upon the seventh day left off to pursue them any further. And en∣camping himself in the most convenient place of that Country, sent Sinan Bassa with his light Horsemen, who carrying with them certain days Victuals, should still at the heels follow the Ene∣my, and with all speed and policy possible hunt after the King himself. Selymus in the mean

time curiously inquiring of the Country Captives after the strength of Aladeules, and what means he had to maintain the War; found, that he had taken with him his best men both Horse and Foot; and had commanded the Country People to forsake the Villages, of purpose to leave all desolate to the Enemy; and having surely in∣trenched himself upon a certain strong Rock (whither he had before conveied great store of Provision) was resolved not to give Battel unto his Enemies, until he had drawn them into the impregnable Straits of the Mountains, where their huge multitude should little avail them, but to increase their own loss. Another cause there was also (as they said) for that he feared to be be∣trayed by Alis Beg his Kinsman, General of his Horsemen; who first fled in the late Battel; whose unfaithfulness and hatred might seem to pro∣ceed of a just ground, for that Aladeules had in former time treacherously murthered his Father, upon a jealous suspition of his aspiring to the Kingdom.

Selymus understanding all this, caused the Cap∣tives to have their Irons struck off, and instead of their Gyves lading them with Gifts and Pro∣mises, sent them to Alis Beg with secret Letters and Rewards, to perswade him in so fit a time to revenge his Fathers death; which thing if he would perform by some notable exploit upon Aladeules, he should both purchase unto himself great credit with Selymus, and also the King∣dom. These homely Messengers according as was given them in charge, having imparted the matter to Sinan Bassa, within few days had so wrought, that Alis Beg (whom the desire of a Kingdom together with Selymus his Rewards prickt forward to seek revenge) was easily drawn to joyn hands with Selymus. And when he could no other way hurt Aladeules, who mis∣trusting all things, warily looked unto himself, he found the means to go over to Sinan Bassa, carrying after him a great part of Aladeules his best Horsemen; by whose means the rest also which remained being with Rewards cor∣rupted, one Company after another came at last all over unto the Bassa. Aladeules circum∣vented with this unexpected Treachery, which never before thought it possible that his Men should all so suddainly have forsaken him and revolted to the Turks, was now glad to repose all his hope in secret flight. But Sinan Bassa and Alis Beg, hardly pursuing him as he fled through the Mountains, hiding himself in Rocks and the thick Woods, at last drew him out of a Cave, being betraied by the Country Peasants. Ala∣deules being brought to Selymus, was within a few days after put to death,* 1.45 and his head in great derision afterwards carried about through all Asia the less; and afterwards by way of barbarous ostentation, sent by Selymus to the Senate of Ve∣nice, as a loathsome testimony of his Victory. Aladeules thus dead, Selymus reduced all his King∣dom to the form of a Province, which he di∣vided into three parts, and after the manner of the Turkish Government, appointed to every pa••t a Sanzack; yet so, that Alis Beg should be chief over the rest, with such Sovereignty, as that he wanted nothing of a King but the name only. And for the better Government of all things in that new gained Kingdom, he left Sinan Bassa there all the rest of that Summer; with commandment, that after he had set all things in good order, he should winter at Iconium; and he himself with a small Train returned to Constantinople, for he had heard, that whilst he was busied in his Wars against Hysmael and Ala∣deules in Arm••nia, that the Hungarians had made divers incursions into Servia, and spoiled that Country. Wherefore for fear of losing Saman∣dria (which standing near to Danubius, for the convenient situation thereof is reputed the Bul∣wark of Servia and Thracia) he sent Ionuses Bassa then Governor of Bosna with eight thousand Horsemen, who passing the River Savus entred into Croatia as far as Catinum;* 1.46 and at the same time transported another Army over Danubius into Hungary, to the intent that the Hungarians at one instant beset with double danger, should be inforced to fear their own State; and with∣all to shew unto the World, of what Strength and Power the Othoman Emperors were. Deem∣ing it to concern much, both for the present and the time to come, to the daunting of the Christians; if he should by his happy Attempts make it known, that he could at once easily and readily maintain so many and so puissant Armies, and wage so great Wars in divers parts of the World, and so far distant one from an∣other.

In the end of the year, when he had thus with double invasion repressed the Hungarians, he spent the Winter following at Hadrianople and Constantinople, in making of greater prepa∣ration for War than ever he had before from the beginning of his Reign. For he was ad∣vertised, that the great Monarchs of the North his Neighbours, namely Maximilian the Empe∣ror, Uladislaus King of Hungary, and Sigismun∣dus King of Polonia, with the Princes of Ger∣many, had combined themselves together to make War upon him. But after he had learned by his sure Intelligencers (whom he had with great charge sent into all parts of Europe, diligently to observe what was done in the Courts of those great Princes) that all the great meetings of the Christian Princes proved nothing but glo∣rious Words and sumptuous Banquets; he being rid of that vain fear (God so appointing) turned himself and all those his wonderful preparations again toward the East, to the great quiet of Chri∣stendom in general.

Yet lest happily in the absence of himself and of his Armies, the Christian Princes might take occasion to invade his Dominions, he strengthned the Frontiers of his Empire with most strong Garrisons; and left his Son Solyman (who afterward proved the scourge of Christen∣dom) at Hadrianople with a strong power, and Pyrrhus Bassa his Tutor (a man of great Wis∣dom and Government) at Constantinople. This great Bassa was of Cilicia, a native Turk born, which was a thing accounted strange, foras∣much as the great Bassaes were alwaies cho∣sen of the Christian blood. After that, he sent Cherseogles (whom of all others he most trusted) with his Army into Bithynia, and made Zafferus an Eunuch, Admiral of his Navy, which he had but a little before built, and with wonderful la∣bor and charge rigged forth. Then staying a few days at Constantinople to see the young Souldiers, but then chosen Janizaries, [year 1516.] he departed thence and went to his old Army,* 1.47 lying with Sinan Bassa at Iconium, purposing to have again invaded the Persian.

When he was come thither, he understood that Campson Gaurus Sultan of Egypt (with a great Army levied in Egypt and Iudea) was come into Syria; giving it out that he would aid the Persian King his Confederate, and with all Hostility en∣ter into Cilicia, if Selymus should farther pro∣ceed to invade Hysmael the Sophi his Friend and Ally. Selymus perplexed with these News, and fearing that if he should once pass over the River Euphrates, Campson lying so near in readiness,

should forthwith break in at his back into Asia by the Mountain Amanu••, and so indanger that part of his Dominion; staied at Iconium, and sent his Embassadors with great Presents to Camp∣son to pacifie him, if it might be. The chief Men in this Embassage were the Cadelescher, a Man of great account amongst the Turks, and of them exceedingly Reverenced for the opi∣nion they had of his great knowledge in the Mahometan Superstition, who afterwards wrote the Commentaries of this War; and Iachis a great Captain. The scope of whose Embassage was, to intreat Campson, that he would not hin∣der or disturb Selymus from making War upon the Persian King; who had so oft•••• and so for∣cibly invaded his Dominions in Asia, and by bringing in a new form of Superstition, had cor∣rupted and altered the most certain grounds of the Mahometan Religion. And if they found him resolutely set down and not to be by any con∣ditions removed, then with all possible diligence to learn his strength and farther designs, so far as by any means they could, and with all speed to make their return.

* 1.48But Campson now far spent with age, and li∣ving in the height of worldly Bliss, although he knew it fitter for him at those years to give him∣self to ease and quietness, than to thrust himself into Wars and other Princes quarrels; yet thought this Expedition to be for many causes both good and necessary. First, he deadly hated the Man for his inhuman Cruelty, and there∣fore could never be perswaded to renew the League with him which he had in former time made with his Father Baj••zet; besides that, he desired to abate and repress his audacious inso∣lency, grown already by his prosperous Success beyond the bounds of reason; for Selymus having taken Tauris, overthrown the Persians, and slain Aladeules, began now to seem terrible to all the Princes that bordered upon him, and there were many which said he was another Alexander, who whilst other Princes sat still as Men asleep, did in the mean time Plot in his victorious mind, the Monarchy of the whole World. But above all things, the fear of the losing of Syria, and consequently the loss of all his Kingdom (the quickest motive for stirring up of the suspitious minds of the greatest Princes) most inforced Campson to take in hand this War; so as much as the goodly Kingdoms of Egypt, Iudea, and Syria, oppressed with the intollerable Govern∣ment of the Proud Mamalukes, and therefore less faithful to the Egyptian Kings, were in danger to revolt to the Turks, if the Persians should by any mischance or fortune of War be of the Turks vanquished. For which cause Campson in the beginning of this War, solicited by the Per∣sian Embassadors, had made a firm League and confederation with Hysmael; and also moved with the misery of the woful young Prince A∣ladin the Son of Achomates, was in mind per∣swaded, that the cruel Turkish Tyrant might by his and the Persian Kings Forces, easily be thrust out of his Empire in Asia and Europe. For Aladin, who after the death of Achomates his Father, fled to Campson the Sultan of Egypt (as is before declared) had lived three years as a forlorn and distressed Prince in the Egyptian Court, and by all means he could devise incited the Mamalukes to revenge the injuries and cruelty of his Uncle Selymus. The eldest Son also of the late. King Aladeules, a goodly young Prince, having at once lost his Father, his Kingdom, and whatsoever he had else, was in good time fled to the Egyptian King, and had so filled the minds of all Men with the indignation and de∣testation of Selymus his exceeding cruelty, that the Princes of the Mamalukes of their own ac∣cord came to Campson, humbly beseeching him to take upon him so just a War; and if by reason of his great years he should think himself unable to indure the travel thereof, it would then please him yet to give them leave of themselves to take the matter in hand, for the repressing of the in∣solency of that great and wicked Tyrant.

These Mamalukes far excelled the Turks,* 1.49 not only in strength of Body, skilful riding, and goodly armor, but also in courage and wealth. Beside that, they had not forgotten with what small power they had under the leading of Cait∣beius their great Sultan overthrown the Turks great Armies in Cilicia, first at Adena, and after∣ward at Tarsus, where they took Prisoners, Me∣sites Palaeologus the great Bassa, and Cherseogles, Bajazet his Son-in-Law; by which Victory they grew into such a proud and vain conceit of themselves, as if they had been the only Soul∣diers of the World, able of themselves to van∣quish and overcome whatsoever they should set upon. These so valiant Souldiers, were for the most part of the poor People, called in ancient time Getae, Zinchi, and Bastarnae, born near unto the Euxine Sea and the Fens of Maeotis, especially on that side where the River Corax falleth into the Euxine Sea; which Country is of later time called Circassia, of the People called Cercitae near unto Cholchis. These miserable and wretched People, the Valachians, Podolians, Polonians, Roxo∣lanes and Tartars, dwelling by Taurica (pulled from their Mothers Breasts, or by other violent means surprised) were sold to Merchants; who culling out the best for strength of Body, or apt∣ness of Wit, conveied them by Sea to Alexandria, from whence they were continually sent to the great Sultan of Egypt; and by his appointment were at Caire (after the old manner of that People) delivered to Masters of fence and such other Teachers, who carefully instructed them, being shut up in their Schools, in all manner of feats of Activity; where after they were become able to bend a strong Bow, and taught cunning∣ly to Shoot, Leap, Run, Vault, Ride, and skil∣fully to use all manner of Weapons, they were then taken into pay, and received into the num∣ber of the Kings Horsemen or Mamalukes; and such of them as proved cowardly or unapt, were made slaves unto the rest. So that they seeing all honour, credit, and preferment, laied up in martial prowess, did with all diligence and cou∣rage imploy themselves to military Affairs, and therein so well profited, that oftentimes they which at the first were but bare and base slaves, of the meanest of the Mamalukes, by many de∣grees of service rise at length to the highest de∣grees of Honour. All these Mamalukes were the Children of Christian Parents, from the time of their Captivity instructed in the Mahometan Su∣perstition; for no Man born of a Mahometan Father, or of a Jew, could be admitted into the number of the Mamaluke Horsemen; which was so straitly observed, that the honour of a Mamaluke Horseman never descended unto the Sons of the Mamalukes; yet might they by Law inherit their Fathers Lands, Possessions, and Goods; by which reason the Sons of the Sultans them∣selves never succeeded their Fathers in the King∣dom. Hereby also it came to pass, that many Christians of loose life, or condemned for their notorious offences, flying thither, and abjuring the Christian Religion, and suffering themselves to be Circumcised, being Men meet for the Wars, grew by degrees to great Honour; as did Tangarihardinus the Son of a Spanish Mariner,

who by his forwardness and industry grew in∣to such credit and authority with Campson the great Sultan, that almost all things were done by his advice and counsel; and was divers times by him imployed in most honourable service, being sent Embassador both to Bajazet the Turkish Emperor, and to the State of Venice, about mat∣ters of great importance. Yet his impiety escaped not the hand of God; for at length by the envy of the Court he was brought into disgrace, thrust out of his place, and cast into prison, where he, loaded with cold Iron, most miserably died. Neither was it to be marvelled if the Mamalukes were grown to that excess of wealth, forasmuch as the Egyptians and Syrians being miserably by them oppressed, were not suffered to have the use either of Horse or Armor, nei∣ther admitted to any matters of counsel; but being impoverished and brought low with heavy impositions and daily injuries of the Mamalukes, gave themselves wholly to the Trade of Mer∣chandise, Husbandry, and other mechanical Occupations; over whom the Mamalukes had power and command, as imperious Masters o∣ver their Servants, and would with greater inso∣lency than is to be believed abuse the poor Coun∣try People, beating and spoiling them at their pleasure; and not so contented, Ravishing their Wives and Daughters without redress. The E∣gyptians (a People in ancient time much renown∣ed for their valour and prowess) were by their masterful slaves kept in this miserable thraldom and slavery about the space of three hundred years. For after the declination of the Roman Empire, that rich Country falling into the Go∣vernment of the Constantinopolitan Emperors, the Egyptians soon weary of the proud and ava∣ritious Sovereignty of the Greeks, called in the Sarasins, by whose help they expulsed the Greeks, and after chose the General of the Sarasins for their King, after whose name the Egyptian Kings were of long time called Caliphs, as they had of ancient time been called by the names of Pharo and Ptolomey.

* 1.50The last of these Caliphs Reigned at such time as the Christians under the leading of God∣frey and Bohemund, passing as Conquerors through Asia and Syria, erected the Kingdom of Ieru∣salem. He being invaded by Almericus sixth King of Ierusalem, and finding himself too weak, praied aid of the Sultan of Syria, who sent him Sarraco, a valiant Captain, with a strong power to aid him; but Sarraco no less unfaithful than couragious, treacherously slew the Caliph, in whose aid he came, and took upon himself the Kingdom. After Sarraco succeeded Saladine his his Brothers Son, who utterly extinguished the name and authority of the Caliphs in Egypt, whom Sarraco had yet left as high Priests. This Saladine oftentimes vanquished the Christian Ar∣mies in Syria and Iudea, and at length quite over∣threw the Kingdom of Ierusalem, as it is in the former part of this History to be seen. Saladine dying, left the Kingdom of Egypt to his Brother, whose posterity successively reigned of long time there, until the time of Melechsala. This Melech∣sala (last of the freeborn Kings, and of the po∣sterity of Saladine) had great and mortal Wars with the Christians, wherein having lost most of his best Souldiers, and reposing no great con∣fidence in the Egyptians, thought good to streng∣then himself with a new kind of Souldiers, meer slaves bought for Mony. For at that time the Tartars breaking into Armenia and Cappadocia, and overrunning the People called Comani joyn∣ing upon Cappadocia, made general spoil of that People, as of Prisoners taken by Law of Arms. Of this base People, Melechsala for a little Mony bought a great multitude, which he transported into Egypt, and furnished them with Arms;* 1.51 by whose prowess he not only defended the Fron∣tiers of his Kingdom, but also besieged Lewis the French King in his Trenches not far from Da∣miata, called in ancient time Heliopolis, or Pelu∣stum, and shortly after in plain Battel took him Prisoner, as is long before declared. But in the pride of this Victory, Melechsala was by the con∣spiracy of these his new Souldiers slain; in whose place they set up one Turqueminius, a desperate Fellow of their own Company, honouring him with the Title of the great Sultan of Egypt. Tur∣queminius of •• base Slave now become a great Monarch (after the manner of Men) forgetting his old Companions which had so highly pro∣moted him, and having them in great disdain, was by one of them (called Clotho) suddenly slain; for which Fact he was by those base Soul∣diers, his Companions, chosen Sultan in his place; who for the short time of his Reign did much for the confirming of that servile Monarchy; yet was he at length slain also by Bandocader, sometimes one of his fellow Servants, who also succeeded him in the Kingdom. After him in long order succeeded many valiant Men of the same servile state and condition, whom for bre∣vity I wittingly pass over. Amongst the rest, Caitheius (of whom we have before spoken in the life of Bajazet) was for wealth and marti∣tal prowess most Famous; who according to the manner of his Predecessors, did with greater bounty and care maintain that servile Govern∣ment, than any of them who had before him Reigned in Egypt; and was for his notable Go∣vernment and noble Acts justly accounted a∣mongst the greatest Princes of that Age. After whose death great troubles arose in that servile Monarchy about the Succession. Whereby the Mamalukes drawn into divers Factions, some seeking to prefer one, and some another, had in four years space with Civil Wars sore weakned their Estate, and slain divers of their greatest Princes which had aspired unto that Kingdom. For appeasing of which Mischiefs, tending to the utter ruine of their Kingdom, the great Cour∣tiers and chief Men amongst the Mamalukes with one consent offered the Kingdom to Camp∣son Gaurus (or as the Turks call him) Carsaves Gauris, of whom we now speak, a Man of great integrity and courage, and altogether free from ambition. He, terrified with the dreadful ex∣ample of so many Kings whom he had seen in short time miserably slain by the ambitious as∣piring of other proud Competitors; when he was sore against his will hoist up upon the shoulders of the Nobility and chief Souldiers, and so carried into the Court, as their manner was, began earnestly to refuse the Kingdom, and to withstand their choice, excusing himself as unfit for so high a Place; and with trears stand∣ing in his Eies, besought the other great Lords his Friends, that they would forbear to thrust him, well contented with his private life, into that glorious place subject to so many dangers; and the rather, for that he neither had Mony to give bountifully unto the Souldiers of the Court, as other the Egyptian Sultans had accu∣stomed; neither held that sufficiency and au∣thority as was requisite for repressing of such violent and seditious tumults as were too rise in that troublesome time and confusion of all things.

The Nobility on the other side perswaded him, That he would not upon a foolish obstina∣cy or vain modesty refuse the offer of his present

good Fortune, but couragiously to take upon him the Government of the State, now sore shaken with civil Discord, together with the regal Dignity, which was with the general good liking of all the Men so frankly offered unto him. At last they all by solemn Oath promised unto him, That they would with all their power, policy, and wealth, maintain and defend the Majesty of his State; and that the Men of War should not demand their wonted Largess, be∣fore the same might by his Receivers and Trea∣surers be raised of his Customs and other Re∣venues of the Crown.* 1.52 By which perswasions Campson incouraged, suffered himself to be sa∣luted Sultan, and so took upon him the Govern∣ment. Afterwards, when he had given unto the Men of War ten millions of Ducats, by the name of a Largess, and by his moderate Go∣vernment had caused Men generally to have his prowess and wisdom in admiration, he did with such policy and dexterity reform the shaken State of that Kingdom, before rent in sunder with Civil Wars, taking away by Poison and other secret devices, some few, the chief Authors of Sedition, that for the space of sixteen years nei∣their tumult nor noise of War was at any time heard of in all Syria or Egypt; worthy undoubt∣edly the name of a most excellent and fortunate Prince, if when he had by singular wisdom and policy established the general peace and pros∣perity of his Kingdom, he could have there con∣tented himself to have lived in quiet, and in the winding up of his life not rashly have thrust himself into the dangerous quarrels of o∣ther Princes.

The Cadelescher and Iachis (Selymus his Em∣bassadors) departing from Iconium, came in few days to Campson the great Sultan, who then lay incamped near unto the River Orantes, at this day called Farfar. These Embassadors enter∣tained by Campson with greater bounty than cour∣tesie, and shortly after their coming having au∣dience in his Pavillion; did with most tempe∣rate and calm Speech deliver their Embassage. To whom Campson answered,* 1.53 That it was the ancient Custom of the Egyptian Sultans (foras∣much as they held the chief place in their Re∣ligion) with all care and industry to keep the o∣ther Mahometan Kings and People in peace and concord amongst themselves; whereof he for his part had been always most desirous; and was for no other purpose come with his Army in∣to his Province of Syria, than to perswade Sely∣mus to peace. Who if he would needs wilfully proceed in his intended Wars against Hysmael the Persian King, his friend and confederate, he would then do what should stand with his honour and place, and not longer suffer all to go to wrack, for the vain pleasure and fury of one insolent and ambitious Man. He said also, That he had of long time before seen into Selymus his insa∣tiable, fierce and troublesome disposition; who having most unnaturally procured the death of his good Father, the old Emperor Bajazet, and slain his Brethren, Princes of great Valour; seven of his Nephews, Princes of no small Hope; with many other of his best Friends and faithful Counsellors; could make no end of his am∣bitious Tyranny. Wherefore they should tell Selymus, that one and all the conditions of peace should be, if he would from thenceforth desist from invading of Hysmael, and restore to Ala∣deules his Son, his Fathers Kingdom, which had of long been under the defence and protecti∣on of the Egyptian Sultans, as of right and rea∣son he ought to do, he should in so doing, be∣side his favour and friendship which might great∣ly stand him in stead, reap greater fame and glory by an assured and honourable peace, than by doubtful and dangerous War.

The Embassadors, although they knew right well that Selymus would not for any threats give over his enterprise or lay down Arms, yet to the intent they might the sooner be dispatched, and so in time advertise Selymus of the Sultans sud∣den coming, seemed wonderfully to like of his motion for peace, and to give good hope by their reasonable perswasions to induce Selymus to like thereof; forasmuch as they were of his se∣cret Counsel, and Men able to do much with him; whereby they trusted (as they would have had the Sultan to believe) it would easily be brought to pass, that those sparks might be quenched, which all things standing upright, had not (as yet kindled the Fire of War. So they be∣ing by Campson rewarded, and having leave to de∣part, travelling day and night, returned to Sely∣mus, who was then come to Caesarea.

Campson also removing from Oranoes, came in∣to Comagena unto the famous City of Aleppo, which City is probably supposed to have been built of the ruines of the ancient City Hieropolis, by Alepius the Emperor Iulianus his Lieutenant; who in that Province did many notable matters, and called the new built City after his own name. It is situate near unto the River Singa, which rising out of the Mountain Pierius, with many turnings and windings runneth through Coma∣gena, and being but a small River, falleth at length into the River Euphrates. This City Hya∣lon King of the Tartars took and burnt, at such time as the Christian Princes of the West made War with the Egyptian Kings, for the Kingdoms of Syria and Ierusalem. Which calamity not∣withstanding, it was again repeopled; and is at this day a famous City, for the commodious si∣tuation thereof much frequented with Merchants from the furthest parts of the World. It is scarce five days journey from Tripolis and Berytus, the great Ports of Syria, and is also near unto the Turks and Persians; so that the Riches of the East are thither commodiously conveied out of Turky, over the Mountain Amanus which parteth Cili∣cia from Syria; and so likewise out of Persia and Mesopotamia over the River Euphrates, where the City Byrtha of late time bounded the Kingdom of the Egyptian Sultans, from the Persian.

Selymus understanding by his Embassadors (who had diligently noted all things in the Sultans Camp) both of the coming,* 1.54 and of the number of his Enemies; and also enformed of the Sultans proud Answer, who had so peremptorily pre∣scribed to him such unreasonable conditions as pleased himself; thought good to alter his pur∣pose, and now to convert his Forces another way than he had before determined. For that to enter farther into Armenia, leaving so puissant an Enemy as Campson at his back, seemed a thing too full of danger; and to give over the enter∣prise he had with so great care and charge un∣dertaken, at the appointment and pleasure of another Man, stood neither with his honour or state. Wherefore in a matter so doubtful, he re∣solved upon a notable and necessary point, well fitting the greatness of his mind. He made shew as if he would have gone directly against the Persian, as he had before determined; and that the more certain report of this his purpose might be carried to Campson, he sent before part of his Army with his Carriages to the City Suassia, in old time called Sebasta; it standeth in the Fron∣tiers of the Persian Kingdom, where the great River Euphrates pent up with the Rocks of the

Mountain Taurus; breaketh again violently forth into Mesopotamia; but turning himself upon the right Hand, purposed to pass the Mountain Taurus, and breaking suddenly into Comagena to come upon the Sultan before he were well a∣ware of his coming. Wherefore calling unto him his trusty Janizaries,* 1.55 with the other Soul∣diers of the Court, he openly with cheerful countenance declared unto them what he had resolved to do with the reasons of the altera∣tion of his former determination; perswading them, that the Victory would easily be atchie∣ved, if they as couragious Souldiers would with all celerity (before the Mamalukes could per∣ceive they were returned) get to the top of the Mountains, and recover those difficult pas∣sages; not fearing the vain Names and Titles of the Mamalukes. For why (said he) the strength of those Horsemen is long since decayed and gone; the old Mamalukes, who in the time of Cait∣beius were of some fame and reputation, are all dead. You shall in Battel meet but with a sort of gallant Horsebreakers rather than Souldiers, which can cunningly mannage their Horses in sport, to the pleasure of the Beholders, but know not how to en∣counter the Enemy, or to indure to be wounded▪ who as Carpet-Knights, effeminate with long peace, and cor∣rupted with excess and delicacy of their great Cities, never saw their Foes intrenched, or armed Enemies, neither have heard the sound of a Trumpet, but at Plays or Shews. Wherefore you are to make but small account of them, being furnished with no store of Ord∣nance or strength of Footmen. But as the reverend In∣terpreters of our sacred Laws and Religion, having orderly performed all their observances, do divine unto us all happiness; so you as Men full of hope, set for∣ward cheerfully unto most assured Victory over your proud Enemies. For God no doubt favoureth the quar∣rel of Men justly provoked, and offereth means of Vi∣ctory to such as take up just and necessary Arms. Yet to overcome the Enemy, and to enjoy Victory indeed, wholly consisteth in the courage and valour of them which deem nothing better or more honourable than to spend their lives for the honour of their Prince and Country. Here the Janizaries shaking their Wea∣pons, forthwith cried out with cheerful voice, That he should lead and conduct them whither∣soever he would; saying, That they were ready as couragious Men, to overcome all the difficul∣ties of those hard passages, and patiently to en∣dure all the labours and dangers incident to that War.

Selymus, by the mountain People having found out the easiest passages, resolved to pass over the Mountain with his Army in three places; and so appointing three great Companies of the com∣mon Souldiers, and Country People, for the o∣pening of the strait passages; he commanded the rough and uneven Ways to be made plain and smooth, for the transporting of his Ordnance, and the broken passages to be cast even, that so his Baggage and Carriages might the better pass; and the more to encourage his Souldiers to take pains, he promised present reward to all such as in transporting of his Ordnance, should take a∣ny extraordinary pain. Whereby it came to pass, that the same being of the smaller sort bearing Bullet of no great weight, was in short time by the cheerful labour of his Souldiers, drawn over those great Hills and Dales; so that in five days all his Army with his Baggage and Carriages were got over the Mountain Taurus, and come into the Plains of Comagena. For that Mountain where it taketh the name of Amanus, which is almost in the middle where the River Euphrates parteth the Mountain Taurus, and the Bay ••ssicus, is neither exceeding high, or yet im∣passable; for as it cometh nearer the Sea, it is not so rough as elsewhere, but is in many places inha∣bited and tilled by the Mountain Cilicians, a fierce kind of People accustomed to labour and toil, who are now called Caramanians, which is to say, the Inhabitants of the black Mountains; for that the burnt Rocks of the Mountain seemed afar off to be black.

Alis-Beg which betraied Aladeules, whom Selymus had a little before sent for, as soon as the Army was come down into the Frontiers of the Enemies Country, with a strong power of his light Horse∣men, speedily overran all that Country which is at the foot of Amanus and Taurus; thereby to under∣stand of the Country People and such as they could take Prisoners, where Campson lay with his Army; and also by keeping the passages to do what might possibly be done, that Selymus his coming might not be known to the Enemy.

But Campson, who with no less vanity than pride had fondly flattered himself, only by the authority and greatness of his name to have terri∣fied Selymus, and overruled him at his pleasure; could not be perswaded that he was come over the Mountain Amanus, until certain news was brought him, that he was encamped with a most puissant Army within two days march of him. With which unexpected news being sore troubled, and in the midst of that danger to seek Counsel, as one which began rightly to consider of his own strength, and the strength of his Enemy; began then to doubt what were best for him to do, and in great perplexity sometime hoped well; and by and by was as a Man half discouraged and dismaied. And now become exceeding care∣ful both of his honour and himself, he began to doubt, whether it were better for him to give place to so great a danger, and shunning Battel to retire with his Army into places of more safe∣ty; or else couragiously to abide the coming of his Enemies, and to hazard the Fortune of a Bat∣tel, although it were upon great disadvantage; forasmuch as he reputed it far more honourable, after the example of his Predecessors from whom he had received that great Kingdom (both gotten and kept by martial Prowess) to die with honour in the Field, than by shameful and unwonted Flight, either to blemish their military Glory con∣tinued above the space of 300 years, or for love of a small remainder of life, being now 77 years old, to seem willing to reserve unto an obloquy and shame his last days, deprived of all honour and reputation.

There were amongst his Chieftains many,* 1.56 which preferred wholesome Counsel before that which was in shew more glorious; but above all others, Iamburd Syrnamed Gazelles (sometimes the follower of great Caitbeius) a valiant Man of great Honour, for his long experience in martial Affairs, and at that time Governour of Apamia. He, as he was of opinion, That to fight with the Turks Army, consisting for most part of expert Souldiers, with so small a power, were a thing of desperate danger; so was he also, that it were good speedily to retire, and to chuse the City of Damasco, as the fittest place for those Wars; forasmuch as the Turks Army could make no hast after them, by reason of their Footmen and Carriages, so that they might at ease and with safety retire; and there calling together all the Mamalukes which were in Garrison in Iudea and Egypt, and entertaining the Arabians their Neighbors, to protract the War until Winter, when as they might easily distress the Enemy for want of Victual. And that it was not to be feared that Aleppo, if it were furnished but with a reasonable Garrison, could by and by be

taken of the Enemy, who had but small Field-Pieces not fit for battery. Beside that, in short time Aid would come from the Persians out of Mesopotamia; yea and Hysmael himself hearing of the Turks expedition into Syria, was like enough to break into Asia the less; neither would the Christians refuse to furnish them with great Artillery from the Islands of the Rhodes and Cy∣prus against that common Enemy, if they were thereto in time requested. All which things be∣ing laid together, he said, the Sultan might after∣ward upon even hand go into the Field, if he should think it so much to concern his honour, to give his Enemies battel. But forasmuch as the greatest Wars, which at the first had most violent and most furious motions, by the poli∣tique Enemies delay, did most commonly in time grow calm, he should not therefore make too much hast to adventure the fortune of Battel; for that the errors of War, which many times chanced through the oversight or rashness of the Chieftains, might well of good men be la∣mented and detested, but hardly or never re∣covered or amended.

Gazelles his grave and considerate Speech had much moved both the Sultan and others; yet the chearfulness of the Souldiers, and foolish har∣diness of the Mamalukes did so fill Campsons Ears, that he could not hearken to so good and whole∣some Counsel; for as soon as they heard cer∣tainly of the coming of the Turks, they began to leap and dance, and to rejoice among them∣selves, that the time was come wherein they might make proof of their Valor, and win to themselves Honour. For now (as they said) was come that time they had long wished for, wherein they would by notable slaughter of their Enemies, advance the Honour and Majesty of Campson their Sultan far above the fame of Cait∣beius; and some even of the chief men about Campson, upon flattery and vain ostentation, al∣ledging how honourably and with what small labour they had before overthrown the Turks great Army at Taurus; perswading him that the victory would easily and without any great dan∣ger be gotten. But especially Cayerbius Gover∣nor of Aleppo and of the Province of Comagena (who after his War ended, was in reward of his foul Treason, by Selymus unworthily preferred to the greatest Honours of Egypt) extolling with glorious words the Faithfulness, Courage, and Va∣lor of the Mamalukes, and extenuating the Power and Strength of the Enemy, forced his Wits to the uttermost to overthrow the wholsome Coun∣sel of Gazelles.

For this Cayerbius for all his fair face bore a grudg in his heart against Campson,* 1.57 because he had some years before poisoned his Brother, whom he had in jealousie, being a man next to him∣self of greatest Power, Wealth, and Authority amongst the Mamalukes, and withal of an aspi∣ring mind. Whereupon Cayerbeius afterwards thinking it good to look to himself, and doubt∣ing the like practice to be intended against him∣self; being, as the manner of that Kingdom was, summoned to a Parliament at Caire, feigned himself sick, and would not come; wherewith Campson was not a little offended, yet for a time he thought it best to dissemble the matter, and to wait some fitter opportunity for the taking away of that proud man, so forgetful of his du∣ty, and bearing himself against his Sovereign, as if he had been an absolute King in his own Province; this he thought might most covertly be brought to pass, if he should upon the occa∣sion of the present War (as then it fell out) or else under the color of going in person himself to the River Euphrates, come to Aloppo; for it was the manner of the ancient Egyptian Sultans, not to account themselves worthy of the name of a Sultan or great General, before they had, as Cayerbeius had of late done, encamped their Army upon the side of the River Euphrates at the City Byrtha (which standing upon the Bank of the River, retaineth at this day both the ancient Name and Fame) and there with solemn Pomp had in the sight of the Army forced their Horses into the River to drink; giving to understand by that ceremony, the greatness of their Empire, and that they were ready by force of Arms to prove, that all those Countries were theirs, which lay alongst the River Euphrates, from the Moun∣tain Taurus unto the Deserts of Arabia. But the consideration of this War letted that he did not at his first coming oppress him, because he deom∣ed it to stand best with his present Affairs; and not yet knowing the purpose of Selymus, to expect the motions of the Turks and Persians, and to defer the execution of his Wrath against Cayerbeius, until the end of the War; for fear lest the other Mamalukes, dismaied with the hai∣nousness of the suddain fact, should either revolt from him, or else raise some Mutiny or Rebel∣lion in that populous City. For Cayerbeius had by his Courtesy and Bounty may strong Com∣panies in the Army fast bound unto him; and beside that, was of greatest Credit and Autho∣rity with them of Aleppo, having in his keeping a strong Citadel, built upon the rising of an I••ill in the midst of the City, which he kept with a strong and sure Garrison.

But whiles Campson doth thus slowly and con∣siderately purpose his destruction, many of the Sultans secret Friends, to him more officious than faithful, secretly advised Cayerbeius to beware of the Sultan, and by some good means in time to provide for his own safety. He understanding of the danger, and thinking all delay deadly, sent secret Messengers unto Selymus, discovering unto him the cause of his grief, and promising as oc∣casion should serve to come over unto him, and to deliver into his power the Castle with the heart of the Citizens, and all the strength of his own Horsemen; thereby to provide for his own safety, to revenge his Brothers death, and to further his Victory against Campson; and for performance of promises on both sides, required secret Hostages to be given. By the same Messengers he also ad∣vertised him, what Strength the Sultan was of, perswading him in any case to make hast to give him Battel before he had gathered any greater Power. Selymus nothing doubted to condescend to all that the Traitor had requested, promising of himself far greater things than ever he had re∣quired; assuring himself of the Victory, if his Enemy should lose so much of his Strength by the revolt▪ of so great a Commander.

Campson enforced by the general consent of his Souldiers, and the violence of his inevitable De∣stiny, then at hand, rejecting the good and faith∣ful Counsel of Gazelles, at such time as Selymus was reported to be at hand; resolved according to the Counsel of the Traitor Cayerbeius, to dare him Battel. He lay conveniently incamped up∣on the River Singa, almost ten miles from the City, in such sort as that his Souldiers might use the benefit of the River, and removed from the Houses and Pleasures of the City, might yet ne∣vertheless be easily relieved with the store and plenty thereof.

The Mamalukes were scarce in number twelve thousand, but every one of them,* 1.58 according as he was of greater Place or Calling, so had he at∣tending upon him more Servants, well furnished,

with Horse and Armor. A goodly and invinci∣ble Army, if the Battel might have been tried by true Valor. The Mamalukes wearing their Beards long and rough, with grave and stern Counte∣nance, having strong and able Bodies, used such cun∣ning in all their Fights and Battels, that after they had given the first charge with their Launces, they would by and by with wonderful activi∣ty use their Bows and Arrows, casting their Targets behind them; and forthwith the Horse∣mans Mace, or crooked Scimeter, as the manner of the Battel or Place required. Their Horses were strong and couragious, in making and swift∣ness, much like unto the Spanish Jennets; and that which is of many hardly believed, so docible, that at certain signs or speeches of the Rider, they would with their Teeth reach him up from the ground a Launce, an Arrow, or such like thing; and as if they had known the Enemy, run upon him with open mouth, and lash at him with their heels, and had by Nature and Cu∣stom learned, not to be afraid of any thing. These couragious Horses were commonly furnished with silver Bridles, gilt Trappings, rich Saddels, their Necks and Breasts armed with Plates of Iron; The Horseman himself was commonly content with a Coat of Mail or a Breast-Plate of Iron. The chief and wealthiest of them used Head∣pieces; the rest a linnen covering of the Head, curiously folded into many wreaths, wherewith they thought themselves safe enough against any handy strokes; the Common Souldiers used thrumb'd Caps, but so thick that no Sword could pierce them.

* 1.59Campson of all his Army made four Battels; The first was committed to Cayerbeius, because it was in his own Province, where the Battel was to be fought. The second was led by Sybeius, who for his wonderful Activity was of them called Balvano, which in their Language signifieth a Tumbler, or one that sheweth Feats of Activity; he was Gover∣nor of Damasco, a man of singular Faith and Va∣lor. These two great Commanders were ap∣pointed at once to charge both the Wings of the Turks Army. After them followed Gazelles with the third Battel, to second either the one or the other of the two foremost, as need should re∣quire. Campson himself led the fourth, all glister∣ing in guilt Armor, behind the rest almost a mile and an half. The last was left for the de∣fence of the Camp.

* 1.60But Selymus according to his wonted manner so ordered his Battel, that his Asian Horsemen were in the right Wing, his Europeian Horse∣men in the left, his Janizaries and Artillery in the main Battel; before whom in the middle be∣tween the two Wings he placed his most va∣liant and gallant Pensioners, amongst whom, contrary to his wonted custom, he chose to serve that day.

Cayerbeius as soon as he was come near the Enemy, in token of his brave Courage, gave a host charge upon the Europeian Horsemen; and by and by, as if he would have compassed in that Wing, wheeled a great way about behind them, where chancing upon a great Company of Scullions, Drudges, and other base People that followed the Camp, with an infinite number of Camels and Carriages, he made there a great stir with little slaughter, that as a valiant and cun∣ning Traitor he might in the self same time sa∣tisfie the expectation of his Valor and of his Trea∣son together. In the other Wing, the Governor of Damasco, to enter upon the open side of the Enemy, forbearing to charge him afront, and turning about his Troops on the left hand, en∣tred overthwart their Ranks; where the Mama∣lukes fought with such fury, that having made great Slaughter of the Asian Horsemen, they brake in amongst them, as if it had been a raging Floud, bearing all down before them, until they came to the Ensigns in the midst of that Wing; neither could Mustapha the Beglerbeg (who was by Birth a Hungarian, and Selymus his Brother in law) neither the Imbrahor-Bassa (or Master of the House) though they did what they might to withstand him, after the first were overthrown, stay the rest, but that they would needs turn their backs and flie. So Sybeius as a valiant Conqueror having cut in two pieces the right Wing of the Enemies battel, and thrusting in betwixt the bat∣tel of the Footmen and the backs of the Pensio∣ners, brought a great terror and fear upon the whole main Battel. The matter was now brought to extream danger; for Selymus by the breaking in of Sybeius was almost cut off from his Foot∣men, in whom he had reposed his greatest confi∣dence. And now the Janizaries were hardly charged by Gazelles, who following the Fortune of Sybeius, had set upon the head of the Enemies Battel. The Asian Horsemen also being put to the worse, and cut in pieces, found no means how to restore again their disordered Battel.

In this extremity Sinan Bassa in good time came in with his Horsemen; by his coming, for that he had been but lightly charged by Cayerbeius the Traitor, and had brought with him many fresh Troops of Horsemen, the fury of the Mama∣lukes was repressed, the Turks again encouraged, and the Victory shortly after wrung out of the Mamalukes hands; the great Artillery being by the commandment of Selymus at the same time discharged amongst them, by the terrible thunder∣ing whereof, the Mamalukes Horses somewhat troubled, could not so well as before be ruled; neither could the men themselves, although they were of wonderful Courage, much prevail, be∣ing on every side oppressed with the multitude of their Enemies. Yet in that distress being nothing dismaied, although they were by Cayerbeius and their good fortune forsaken, they were not to seek either of courage or direction; but setting themselves close together, they brake through the midst of their Enemies, with great slaughter of the Europeian Horsemen, and hurt of the Pen∣sioners; and so with speed fled towards the Camp and City. After whom followed Sinan Bassa with the readiest and freshest Troops of his Horsemen; for Selymus (who that day in the extream heat, for his wonderful pains, courage, and direction seemed undoubtedly greater than himself) riding up and down, called earnestly upon his Souldiers to urge the Victory, and with all speed to pur∣sue their flying Enemies.

Campson had now (his Destiny so leading him) set forward, of purpose to come to the relief of his men sent before; or if the Turks should be overcome, to be partaker of the Victory; when upon the way he understood by them that fled, That Cayerbeius was revolted, his Army over∣thrown, and the terror so great, as that the flight of his Souldiers was not now possibly to be staid; beside that, to augment the fear, it was reported, That the multitude of his Enemies and Force of their Artillery was so great, that they were not then to be encountred. With which heavy News, the proud old man, who in the perpetu∣al course of his good Fortune had never tasted of evil hap, was ready for sorrow and grief of mind to have sunk down to the ground. And forthwith his own men, and the Enemy pursu∣ing them, coming upon him, who in their head∣long course without regard overthrew whomso∣ever they met, every man making shift for him∣self,

without respect of others harm; he being a corpulent man of great years, and beside the heaviness of his Armor, troubled also with a Rup∣ture, overcome with heat and grief of mind, fainted in that great press, and so falling down, was without regard trodden to death,* 1.61 after he had with great Majesty governed the Kingdoms of Egypt, Iudea, and Syria many years. The va∣liant Tetrarchs of Damasco and Tripolis, whilst others fled for life, either to the Camp or to the City of Aleppo, labouring in the hindermost of their flying Troops to repress the force of their pur∣suing Enemies, were both fighting honourably slain. Selymus erecting a few Tents in the same Field wherein the Battel was fought, and keeping most part of his Army in Arms, slept not all that night, but stood fast as a man not yet assured of his Victory or good fortune; fearing lest men of so great Valor as were the Mamalukes, should in the covert of the night return and set upon him in his Camp; for he knew right well, that they were overcome and put to flight, rather by the Treachery of Cayerbeius and fury of his great Ordnance, than by the Valor of his Souldiers. But Gazelles and the other Mamalukes, after they certainly understood of the death of Campson, having given their Horses a short bait, departed in hast from Aleppo to Damasco. The next day Selymus removing with his Army, took the rich Tents of his Enemies full of all princely store, which he gave unto his Souldiers for a Prey; and marching from thence to Aleppo, had the City peaceably delivered unto him by Cayerbeius,* 1.62 where he favourably took the Citizens into his protecti∣on; and the more to win their hearts, granted un∣to them greater Priviledges than they had in for∣mer time enjoyed.

In this Battel were slain not above a thousand Mamalukes▪ but of their Servants and followers a great number; more being slain in the Flight than in the Fight, when as their Horses fainting for heat, and dying under them for thirst, many of them were inforced to betake themselves to their feet, and so were easily slain of every base Horseman. For a great number of goodly Horses died there, which being foggy fat, and delicately brought up in cold Stables, could not endure the vehemency of the heat, and that unacquainted travel; for that day all things were burnt with the scorching heat of the Sun.

This famous Battel was fought the seventeenth of August, in the year of our Lord 1516, the very same day (which is strange to tell) whereon but two years before, he had obtained the Victory against Hysmael the great Sophi in the Chalderan Fields. Selymus lost in this Battel three thousand Horsemen; whereby it may easily be gathered, That he had there received a notable overthrow of his Horsemen, if Sinan Bassa in the left Wing (which by the Treason of Cayerbeius ••scaped with small loss) had also happened upon his Sybeius, as the other General did.

The dead body of Campson found two days after without any wound appearing thereupon,* 1.63 was by the commandment of Selymus laid forth in open place for all men to behold; that such as believed him yet to live, and to be gone to repair his Army at Caire, might be out of all hope of his return; and others that were already revolted, might thereby be the more confirmed, as now out of all fear of him. Not long after, when the dead Body began to putrifie and grow noysom, and to convince the fame of his escape, had lien open to the view of all men by the space of three days, it was without any funeral Pomp or solemnity, simply buried in the most ancient Temple of Aleppo. Of the rising and fall of this great man, Ianus Vitalis hath writ∣ten this Elogium or Epitaph.

Fortuna caeca, & surda, vere diceris,* 1.64 Et mente una praedita. Ad alta tollis scamma in imo conditos, Ut mox cadant profundius. Morosa tu mortalium appetentium Votum, omne fulmine ocyus Fugas, deinde te nihil petentibus Benignitate prodigis. Campson ut ille Gaurius, nil ambiens, Nil te proterva flagitans, Invitus imperator orae Egyptiae Tumultuosa militum Ex fece plebis factus insolentia, Supra volabat nubila, Inter receptus altiora syderae Mox excidens altissimus, Absumptus armis hinc & hinc rebellibus, Gravis senectae pondere Fit ludus atrox impotentis alea Tuaeque pervicaciae, Amisit & cum vita, opes quas maximo Cum regno habebat maximas.

In English thus:

Fortune well call'd both deaf, and blind, And thereto fond withal, Thou setst the beggar up aloft, To work his greater fall. Thou peevish Dame, more suddain than The thunder Clap from high, Rejects the suits of greedy Wights, Which to thee call and cry. And lavishly consumes thy self, And whatso else thou hast, On such as crave nothing of thee, Nor wisht not to be grac't. As Campson Gaurus seeking nought, Ne craving ought of thee; Against his Will by Souldiers rage, Was rais'd from base degree. And soaring up above the Clouds, Made King of Egypts Land, Receiv'd amongst the highest Stars, Did there in glory stand. But forthwith falling thence, opprest With Rebels, War, and Age; Became the scorn of thine ore'thwart Most fierce and fickle rage. And so with life, together lost A World of Wealth also; Which with his stately Kingdom great, He greatest did forgo.

Selymus having received the City of Aleppo into his Obeisance,* 1.65 sent Ionuses Bassa before him with a great part of his light Horsemen, to pur∣sue his flying Enemies to Damasco, whither he himself in few days after came also with the rest of his Army, when he understood that his Ene∣mies were departed thence and fled to Caire. They of Damasco, thinking it not to stand with their good to stay the course of his Victory, and with their lives to hazard the great Wealth of that rich City; without delay presently opened unto him the Gates at his coming. By whose example other Cities alongst the Sea-Coast mo∣ved, especially Tripolis, Berytus, Sydon, and Ptole∣mais, sending their Embassadors, and receiving in the Turks Garrisons, yielded themselves in like manner.

Not long after, Selymus held a great Counsel in his Camp, which then lay under the Walls of Damasco; for he would not bring his Souldiers

into the City for troubling the quiet and populous state thereof, together with the great Trade of Merchandise, which at that time was with won∣derful security kept there by Merchants of divers Countries, coming from far, even from the re∣motest parts of the World. And in the Camp such was the military discipline of that most severe Commander,* 1.66 that the Souldiers (knowing the Victory to give them no whit the more liberty) suffered the fruitful Orchards and Gardens of the Citizens, in the most plentiful time of Autumn, to rest in safety untouched, without any keeper. By which severe and strait government he so po∣litiquely provided against all wants, that his Camp was in all parts furnished with plenty of all things necessary, and that at prices reasonable. There taking unto him men skilful in the Laws and Customs of the Country, and calling before him the Embassadors of all the Cities of the Country, he heard and decided the greatest controversies of the Syrians, appointed Governors over the Pro∣vinces and Cities, took view of the Tributes and Customs, and abrogated many Customs and Tri∣butes due unto the old Sultans, which seemed either unreasonable or grievous to the People; thereby to gain the fame of a just and bountiful Conqueror.

When he had thus set all things in order in Sy∣ria, and sufficiently rested and refreshed his Army; and especially his Horses which with long and continual travel were grown maigre and lean; he of nothing more desirous than of the Conquest of Egypt, and the utter subversion of the Sultans State and Mamalukes Government; sent before Sinan Bassa into Iudea with fifteen thousand Horsemen, and a strong Regiment of Harquebusiers selected out of the Janizaries and other Souldiers, to try the passage of that Country, and to open the way for him to Gaza, which was thought would be unto him very troublesome, by reason of the wild Arabians roaming upon and down that Country. The City of Gaza standeth near the Sea towards Egypt, not far from the sandy De∣sarts, whereby men with much difficulty and dangerous travel pass out of Syria, and so to Caire.

In the mean time, the Mamalukes who under the conduct of Gazelles were come to Caire, with all the rest of their order which were thither assembled from all parts of the Kingdom, en∣tring into Counsel together (as it often falls out in time of danger and distress) without all con∣tention of envy,* 1.67 chose Tomombeius (of the Turks called Tuman-bai) a Circassian born, to be their King. He was then the great Diadare, and by his Office next in honour and power unto the Sultan; whose Prowess and Policy was such, that he only in the opinion of all the Mamalukes was thought able and sufficient to stay and uphold the afflicted and declining State of their Kingdom. He by their general consent and good liking pro∣moted to the State of the great Sultan, thinking (as truth was) his own Majesty, and the re∣mainder of the Mamalukes hopes, to be wholly reposed in Arms, and the fortune of Battel; be∣gan with great carefulness and singular industry to provide Armor, Weapons, and Horses from all places; he also caused great store of Ordnance to be cast, and mustered great Companies of such of his Slaves as seemed meet for the Wars; be∣side that, he entertained for Pay, many of the Moors and Arabians his Neighbours. He also for great reward, hired men skilful of the Coun∣tries, to go through the Desarts of the Palmyrens into Mesopotamia, and so to Hysmael the Persian King with Letters, earnestly requesting him to in∣vade the Turks Dominions in Asia the less, or with all speed to break into Comagena, being by the departure of the Enemy left bare and desti∣tute of sufficient Garrisons; and farther to ad∣vertise him, That Selymus who then lay in the borders of Iudea, might easily be inclosed with their two Armies, and so be vanquished, or for want to Victuals distressed; and the rather, for that there was no Fleet of the Turks upon that coast, able from Sea to relieve their Army by Land, or yet to transport them thence in case they should by chance of War be distressed, and so think to return. In which doing, he should both relieve the Egyptian Sultan his Friend and Confederate, for his sake brought into so great danger; and also without any great trouble or peril notably re∣venge himself of so many shameful injuries as he had before received from that his most capital E∣nemy. Whilst Tomombeius doth these things, Si∣nan Bassa the forerunner of Selymus, having easily repulsed divers companies of the wild Arabians, who in manner of Theeves and Robbers lay upon the passages, had now opened the way, and was come to Gaza; where the Citizens,* 1.68 although they were in heart faithful unto the Mamalukes, yet for that to shut their Gates against the Bassa, and to stand upon their guard without a sufficient Gar∣rison, seemed a matter both perilous and unrea∣sonable, forthwith yielded their City upon rea∣sonable composition; and with the plenty thereof relieved the Turks Bassa, giving him great (but dissembled) thanks, that by his means and the good fortune of Selymus, they were delivered from the cruel bondage of the Mamalukes; promising for the remembrance of so great a benefit, for ever to remain his faithful Servants. Sinan com∣mending their ready good will, required of them all such things as he wanted, or had occasion to use; which they seemed willingly to deliver; and so lodged his Army near unto the Walls of the City, within the defence of the Gardens, pur∣posing in that place to expect the coming of Selymus.

In the mean time (as he was a man of great experience, and most skilful in Martial Affairs) he sought by all means to get knowledge of that Desart and unpeopled Country, not inhabited for lack of Water; and especially of the nature of the great Sands whereby Selymus was with his Army to pass; he also won by rewards the In∣habitants of the Country thereabout, by large offers, to procure unto him the favour of the Chieftains and Leaders of the Arabians, near unto those places; and also to espy what the Mama∣lukes did at Caire, and wherein they reposed their chief confidence, and forthwith to give him knowledge thereof.

On the other side, the Citizens of Gaza, in heart Enemies unto the Turks, as dayly feeling the grievances of the present Army, advertised Tomombeius of the coming of Sinan Bassa; and that that power of the Turks Army might easily be oppressed before the coming of Selymus, if a strong power of Mamalukes were sent thither un∣der the conduct of skilful Leaders; promising, that if the Mamalukes would at an appointed time upon the suddain in the night set upon the sleepy Turks, they would at the same instant fally out of the City upon the Camp, and there with Fire and Sword do what harm they could for the overthrow of the Enemy.

Of this device, Tomombeius and the Mamalukes liked well, and so without delay sent Gazelles six thousand chosen Horsemen, and a great number of the Arabians, to perform the exploit upon Si∣nan; for Gazelles, in that his wholesome Counsel had been by Campson and others rejected, (who being straitway desirous of Battel, had rashly

cast themselves and the whole State into so great calamity) and afterwards in the greatest danger of the Battel having performed all the parts of a politick and valiant Chieftain, was grown into such credit, that all Men held a great opinion both of his valour and direction.

But he was scarcely well set forth, when ad∣vertisement was given unto Sinan by his Syrian intelligencers,* 1.69 That the Mamalukes with the Arabians were coming through the sandy De∣serts, upon the sudden to oppress him; and that they would be with him before two days were expired, forasmuch as they had set forward up∣on the Spur, without any Carriages or Baggage to let them. Which overture in good time gi∣ven, as it was the safegard of Sinans Army, so was it of greatest importance and moment, for the obtaining of the full Conquest of Egypt after∣ward. But Sinan Bassa, although he knew no∣thing of the Treachery of them of Gaza; yet as a Man of prudent and subtil Wit, suspect∣ing that such a thing might happen; because he would not at once have to do with a double Enemy, resolved to go and meet the Mamalukes upon the way, and to give them Battel. Where∣fore with great silence dislodging his Army be∣twixt ten and twelve of the Clock in the night, he set forward and marched out of sight of the City about fifteen Miles toward Egypt. There was near unto that place a little low Village, wherein Travellers used commonly to lodge, for the commodiousness of a lively and plen∣teous Spring which there riseth; there by chance both Sinan Bassa had purposed to stay, and Ga∣zelles in like manner had also determined to rest a few hours to refresh his Army, that he might by night, after he had well refreshed his Horses, come unlooked for upon his Enemies at Gaza; when news was brought to both the Generals al∣most at one instant, by the forerunners of both the Armies, That the Enemy was at hand.

Gazelles not a little troubled with that unex∣pected news, for that he perceived himself dis∣appointed of his purpose; and unable to fight with his Enemies in plain Battel, especially his Horses being sore wearied with Travel, was in∣forced upon the suddain for the safegard of him∣self and his followers, to resolve upon a new resolution; yet nothing discouraged, with cheer∣ful countenance and lively speech exhorted his Souldiers to make themselves ready for Bat∣tel, and that which they could not by policy bring to pass, they should now by plain force perform. Sinan on the other side having some∣what sooner set his Men in order of Battel than had Gazelles, forasmuch as he had before at good leisure taken order what he would have done, if it should come to the point of Battel; with constant look and long perswasions full of hope, encouraged his Souldiers to fight: But the con∣clusion of all his Speech was, That they should play the Men, and not once think of flight, forasmuch as all places about them would be shut up, and become impassible, if they obtain∣ed not the Victory; and that above all things they should perswade themselves, that no one of them could that day perish, but such as the immortal God had by the inevitable Law of fatal Destiny, appointed to die; and that with like hazard valiant Men found life in the midst of their Enemies Weapons, that Cowards by im∣mutable Destiny found death in their safest flight.

* 1.70The Bassa had placed his Harquebusiers in the Wings of his Battel, which were ranged of a great length in thin Ranks, thereby to use their Pieces at more liberty, and with more ease to inclose the Enemy; in the middle were placed the Horsemen to receive the first charge of the Mamalukes. Gazelles approaching the Enemy, sent before the Troops of the Arabian light Horsemen to trouble the Wings of his Ene∣mies Battel, and with a square Battel of his Mamalukes charged the middle Battel of the Turks. The Battel was a great while most ter∣rible, and the Victory doubtful; for although the Turks in number far exceeded, yet were they not able to endure the armed and couragious Mamalukes, but were glad to give ground; and quite disordered by the breaking in of the Ma∣malukes, as Men discouraged, began to look a∣bout them which way they might flie; when by the commandment of Sinan the Harquebu∣siers, who with the first Volley of their shot had repulsed the Arabians, wheeling about, enclo∣sed all the Enemies Battel. By which means both Men and Horse were a far off slain, with the multitude of the deadly shot; where true Valour helped not them, so on every side in∣closed. For where any Troop of the Mama∣lukes pressed forward upon the Turks, they quick∣ly retired, and in all places of the Battel as much as they could shunned to encounter their Enemies with their Horsemen, labouring only to gaul them with shot. Gazelles seeing his Horse spent with extream weariness, and that he was not to expect any further help, his Arabians be∣ginning now to fall from him; and also consi∣dering, that many of his most valiant Souldiers were either slain or wounded, and having also himself received a great wound in his Neck, he with the rest of his Army made way through the midst of his Enemies, and having lost divers of his Ensigns, fled back again to Caire through the same sandy Deserts whereby he came. In this Battel was lost the Governor of Alexandria, and Orchamus Governor of Caire (both Men of great account among the Mamalukes) and be∣side them a great number of Arabians, with a thousand or more of the Mamaluke Horsemen. Neither got Sinan a joyful or unbloody Victory, having lost above two thousand of his best Horse∣men, and amongst them certain Commmanders, Men of great mark.

The Turks weary of this Battel, which had endured from noon till night, and many of their Horses fainting under them, were not able to pursue their Enemies, and therefore encam∣ped themselves in the same place where the Bat∣tel was fought, near unto the Fountain. The day following they at leisure gathered the spoil, and cutting off the Heads of their Enemies, which were easily known by their long and rough Beards, fastned them up upon the Date Trees growing thereby, as well in witness of their worthy labour, as by that strange and hor∣rible spectacle to feed the eies of their fierce Emperor, who was shortly after to pass that way, and so to manifest unto him the Victory of that day.

In the mean time they of Gaza upon the rising of the Sun, perceiving the Turks Camp left empty, as Men not able longer to dissemble their covert Treachery; and vainly supposing that Sinan Bassa upon some knowledge of the coming of the Mamalukes, had for fear retired back into places of more safety, suddainly set upon such as were left in the Camp, which were for most part sick and weak Men (yet in num∣ber many) whom they most cruelly slew; and presently after set upon two thousand of the Turks Horsemen, sent from Selymus to Sinan, which by chance were come thither the same day, enquiring with great carefulness what was

become of the Bassa and his Army; and spoil∣ing them of his Carriages, put them to flight; who after that discomfiture, supposing the Bassa (whom they had thought to have found at Ga∣za, tarrying for the coming of Selymus) by some mishap or policy of the Enemy to have been lost, with all his Army, and therefore fearfully retiring, were upon the way miserably slain by the Arabians; neither had any one of them escaped, if they had not met with Iuleb the Governor of Achaia at the City of Rama; for he was also sent from Selymus to Sinan Bassa with a strong company of Grecian Horsemen, by whose coming the fury of the Arabians was well repressed. Yet these pilfering People still cal∣ling forth to the prey more and more of their Leaders which dwelt in the Mountains adjoyn∣ing, and being grown to a great Army, over∣took the Turks at a Village called Carasbara, where they inforced them to fight in a place of great disadvantage. For the Arabians having be∣fore taken certain straits, which closed in the passage at the further end of a large Valley, shewed themselves at once, before, behind, and on both sides of the Turks; their Weapons were Bows and Arrows, and long Spears armed at both ends, which they nimbly handled, after the manner of the Moors. These Weapons they most skilfully used upon their swift Horses, and both in their charge and retreat wounded their Enemies deadly. So that the Turks in number few, and for their Horsemens staves inferior to their Enemies, durst not offer to charge them; but keeping close together, hardly defended themselves, still making way as they might; and had undoubtedly been brought into extream danger to have been utterly lost, had not Iuleb with four Pieces of Artillery which he brought with him for his defence, driven them which kept the straits from their high places, and so opening the way, with all speed brought through his Men; which straits once passed, and com∣ing into the open Fields, he with more safety marched forward, skirmishing afar off with the Enemy with his Archers and Harquebusiers, and discharging his Field-pieces where he saw the greatest and thickest Troops of those wild People.

On the other part, the Arabians dispersedly hovering about them in Troops, were still in the tail of the Army, and such as were wounded or weak and could not follow the rest, they slew; and sought by all means to hinder the Journy, not suffering them (circumvented with so ma∣ny dangers) either to refresh themselves, or to take any rest. This was unto the Turks a most dismal day, for many of them tormented with thirst, and weakned with wounds and extream labor, gave up the Ghost; and now no help remained in this desperate estate, being still be∣set and hardly laid too with the multitude of those fierce and desperate Enemies; when sud∣dainly a great number of other Turks came to them in the mid-way unlooked for, being now in despair and even at the last cast; for Selymus having left the Imbrahor Bassa with a strong Army upon the borders of Persia, for the defence of Syria and Asia, and having sent for new supplies of Souldiers to Constantinople, which should with a great Fleet be transported into Syria, had now removed from Damasco; and the better to provide for Victuals and Forrage, which began now to grow scant in that wasted Country; every day sent before great Troops and Compa∣nies of his Army, as it were at certain appointed times.

So Iuleb delivered of the present danger by the coming in of these fresh Souldiers, met with Selymus the next day,* 1.71 and in order told him all that had hapned unto him and his first Troops at Gaza and Rama, and all the way after; and also what they supposed by conjectures to have chanced to Sinan Bassa with his Army, for the manifold wiles of so dangerous Enemies. With which news Selymus became exceeding Melan∣choly, and thereupon thought it not good to go any further, before he perfectly knew how all stood with Sinan; in which fortune he had reposed all the hope of his good success in that so great an enterprise.* 1.72 But whilst he was in this dump, suddainly came the Syrian Spies, who declaring unto him all that Sinan Bassa had done, converted that melancholy passion into no less joy and gladness; for he saw that by that Vi∣ctory, Egypt was laid open unto him, and his desires as good as half accomplished in less time than ever he expected.

The next day after, he removed with his Army to Rama, and by the way as he went (to the terror of others) burnt the Dwellings, toge∣ther with the Wives and Children of those Ara∣bians, who but a little before had done so much harm to his Men in their passage. And from thence sending before his Footmen to Sinan Bassa at Gaza, he himself with his Horsemen turned out of the way upon the left hand to Ierusalem, to visit that most ancient and famous City, so much renowned both for the antiquity thereof, and the fame of the Religion of the Jews. That un∣peopled and desolate City lay then defaced with the huge Ruins of the old sacred and stately Buildings; not inhabited by the Jews, the anci∣ent Inhabitants thereof (who for their inexpia∣ble guilt, as Men exiled out of the World, have no Country or resting place) but for most part by a few poor Christians, who to the great scorn and shame of the Christian name, paid yearly a great Tribute unto the Sultan of Egypt, for the possession of the sacred Sepulcher; when as the Christian Princes, flourishing at that time with glory, power, and wealth, could not by any motive of immortal glory or fame, be incited to revenge so great an injury; but deeming it (as should seem) better agreeing with their state, to spend their time in idle Vanities, or mortal War one against another, than in the quarrel of the most true and Christian Religion.

Selymus having reverently worshipped the an∣cient Monuments of the old Prophets, and done especial sacrifice unto his great Prophet Mahomet; gave unto the Christian Priests keepers of the place (as unto good and devout Men) Mony to maintain them for six months; and staying at Ierusalem but one night, marched in four days to the rest of his Army at Gaza; where by the way he had continual skirmishes both day and night with the Arabians; for they ac∣cording to their wonted manner were despe∣rately at hand in every place, and where the straitness of the ways inforced the Turks to ex∣tenuate their ranks, there would they be ready to skirmish with them, and suddainly unlook∣ed for come to handy blows; and when they came into the Vallies, they tumbled down from the Mountains great stones upon them, which they had for that purpose before provided. At which time the Turks Harquebusiers, in whom they had greatest confidence, served them to little purpose, for the Weather was so tempestu∣ous and extream moist with continual Rain, that the Ponder in their Flasks became wet and un∣serviceable, and hardly could they keep Fire in their Matches. Yet by the valiantness of the Janizaries▪ the matter was so used, that near unto

the person of the Emperor no great harm was done by those naked Robbers; for climbing up the Hills with Pikes in their Hands they drove them from their standings, and enforced them to abandon the straits and high places.

[year 1517.] But Sinan Bassa (who after his Victory return∣ing to Gaza,* 1.73 had put to death the authors of the late revolt, confiscated their Goods, and ex∣acted of the People in general a great sum of Mony, as the just punishment of their false Treachery) hearing now of the coming of Sely∣mus, went to meet him with his victorious Soul∣diers, furnished with the spoils of their Enemies. Whom Selymus most honourably received, and gave generally to the Captains, and particular∣ly to the most valiant of the common Souldiers, garments of Silk, with a great sum of Mony in reward of their good Service.

After that, he staied but four days at Gaza, for that he thought it not good to give any long time of breathing unto his discouraged Ene∣mies, now twice overthrown; or to suffer the new Sultan (not yet well setled in his Kingdom) to grow stronger by new preparations and sup∣plies raised in the most populous and plentiful Country of Egypt. Which to let, although it required great haste in setting forward, and ser∣ved as spurs unto him, naturally hasting to glo∣ry and renown; yet was his Army to be refresh∣ed after so long and painful Travel, and great provision to be made for the carriage of Water upon Camels all the way through the dry, soli∣tary, and sandy Deserts. For between Gaza and Caire lie vast unpeopled and barren sands, which moved by the Wind, rise up in Billows in manner of a rough Sea, so troublesome, that oftentimes it is not possible to see for dust, and the light sands in many places gauled deep with the wind, wonderfully troubleth the weary passengers. But such a suddain calm ensued the great Rain which fell but three days before, that Selymus unto his great good Fortune want∣ed nothing that he could wish, for the happy conduct of his Army; for the air was become so calm, that there was no blast of wind to raise the Sand to trouble their sight; and withal such plenty of Water was found almost in e∣very place, by reason of the abundant Rain, which being not yet sunk far into the Sand, afforded them water in such plenty, if they digged but two foot deep, that the Souldiers commonly thought it needless to carry any bottle of water for fear of thirst. Yet for all that, the wild A∣rabians failed not in all that passage, on every side to hover about the Turk•• Army (as Hawks o∣ver their prey) and suffer none of them to strag∣gle out of order, or stay behind the Army, but they were straitway snatched up and slain. A∣gainst whom Selymus provided an easie remedy, by placing his Field-pieces in divers parts of his Ar∣my, which by the direction of the Leaders (as e∣very Man hapned to be nearest unto the dan∣ger) were forthwith discharged upon the roam∣ing Enemy. And in the rereward of his Army were placed strong companies of Harquebusiers, for the defence of the weak and feeble Souldiers, who could but softly follow the Army, and were therefore most subject to danger.

By this means Selymus with some small loss re∣ceived from the Arabians, in eight days march drew near to Caire, Sinan Bassa going before him, who with his Europeian Souldiers still kept one days journey before. There is a Village about six Miles distant from the City of Caire called Matha∣rea, famous for the plenty of most excellent Balm, with liquor of all others most fragrant and sove∣reign, distilled out of low Trees there planted, whose uttermost rind the people cut with Ivory Knives to give the Liquor passage; which Balm for the notable vertues thereof, being not else∣where to be had, Mens diseases and wanton de∣sires have made of a wonderful price. Into that place near unto a Village called Rhodania,* 1.74 had To∣mombeius conveied all his new and old provision of Artillery; and had drawn deep Ditches o∣verthwart all the field▪ and cross the high-way, which he had closely covered over the weak hurlds and earth, as if it had been firm ground. And he with his Mamalukes (in number about twelve thousand) and a great multitude of Arabi∣an Horsemen lay in places convenient, of purpose that when the Turks Battels should approach, they should first feel the force of his great Ord∣nance before they came within the shot of their Arrows, and forthwith upon great disadvan∣tage, with all his Forces suddainly to s••t upon them disordered and intrapped. All which thing•• were so cunningly and so politickly contrived and done, that there was none in the Sultans Army which doubted of the good success of that day; and a great mischief had undoubtedly befallen the Turks, had not Fortune which favoured Selymus, and frowned upon Tomombeius (or more truly to say, the fatal period of that Kingdom so requiring) by the false Treachery of a few, frustrated the great endeavors of the Mamalukes.

There was in the Sultans Army among the Soul∣diers of the Court, four Epirot Mamalukes, who grieved to see Tomombeius (contrary to their desires) preferred to the Kingdom by others of a contrary faction; whether it were upon a malitious dispo∣sition, or upon hope of reward and better enter∣tainment, or for that in so great a declination of their Kingdom, they thought it good to seek for new friends of more assurance, fled secretly to Sinan Bassa, as to a most famous Captain, and one of their own Nation. For this great Commander Sinan, Selymus his right hand, was born in a poor Country Village of Epirus, in the Mountain Coun∣try of Ambracia; whom a wonderful mischance preferred to that height of credit and wealth; for it is reported, that a Sow kept in the House where∣in he was Born, bit off his Genitors, being then but a Child, as he lay by chance sleeping in the shadow; and being made of a greater esteem by that mishap, was by them which took up delicate Minions from the Turkish Emperor, brought to Constantinople, and presented to the great Emperor Mahomet, Selymus his Grandfather; where fortun•• by the fatal direction of his good hap, advanced him to his appointed honors, whom she had long before dismembred. By these fugitive Mama∣lukes, Selymus and Sinan were instructed of all the devices of the Enemy, and especially what stra∣togems Tomombeius had with great cunning and policy devised; whereinto they must needs fall, if they should go directly on and not forsake the high-way. Wherefore guided by the same Fugi∣tives, they fetcht a great compass on the left hand, and by an unused way, before it was day, ha∣ving escaped the front of their Enemies Camp, with all the dangers prepared for them; they came and shewed themselves at their backs in order of Battel, with their great Artillery ready bent, because they were desirous without delay to joyn Battel.

Tomombeius now too late perceiving that his Plot▪ was discovered by the Treason of some of his own People;* 1.75 although he was therewith a∣bove measure grieved, for that all that he had with so great industry and the labour of so ma∣ny Men brought to pass, was through spiteful fortune made frustrate, and in a moment brought to nought; yet for all that, he was a Man of

an invincible courage) presently entred into his wonted and deep devices, and calling to him his chief Commanders, quickly told them what he would have done. Now in this short mo∣ment of time he was to do many things at once; the signal was to be given for the Souldiers to mount their Horses, and to make themselves ready, the order of his Camp was to be chan∣ged, his Battel to be ordered, his Souldiers to be encouraged, and all his great Ordnance, as the case required, quite the contrary way to be turn∣ed; all which things, as they could but hardly and troublesomely by one Commander be di∣rected, so were they hastily and disorderly at once done by many. But above all other things, the great concourse of people for turning and remo∣ving the great Artillery, most troubled the well ordering of the rest; for many of them were huge Iron pieces of great weight, made fast in Stocks of Wood, with Rings and iron Clasps, af∣ter the old and rude manner of ship Ordnance, which for their exceeding and ponderous weight, could not be out of their places removed, but by the strength of many Horses, and the great labour of Men, with leavers and rouls put under them; and such as were mounted upon Carriages when they were drawn through all parts of the Camp, with the great clamour of the disordered and hasty People, some drawing, some thrusting for∣ward the same, with their tumultuous stir and do∣ings, wonderfully troubled the other Souldiers as they were mounting to Horse and repairing to∣ward their Ensigns. But two things marvellously helped these difficulties, the Souldiers cheerful∣ness, and constancy, which was such as passeth credit; for they did not upon any apprehension of fear fail either in hope or courage, as oftentimes it hapneth in suddain accidents, wherein even the old approved Souldiers do many times fail of their wonted valour. And although they were twice overcome in Battel, yet still they were of greater spirit and confidence▪ as Men destitute nei∣ther of courage or skill, but only of fortune.

Wherefore Tomombeius having with much ado ordered this Battel, and his Souldiers with great cheerfulness, desiring the signal to be given, commanded all the multitude of his Arabians to compass in the wings of the Enemies Battel behind, and so to skirmish with them; that so (if it were possible) the Turks Horsemen might with the danger of the doubtful fight with such an uncertain Enemy, be disordered before he set forward to charge them with his Troops; and withal commanded his great Ordnance (which was now turned upon the Enemy) to be presently discharged. So did the Turks like∣wise, discharging at once from a convenient distance both their greater and smaller Ord∣nance; and speedily recharging them, brought them within an Arrow shot; so that for a good space they lay beating the one the other on both sides with their great Artillery only; in which manner of fight the Egyptian Canoniers were al∣most all slain, and many of their Field-pieces broken by force of the Enemies shot.* 1.76 For Selymus had in his Camp many excellent and skilful Ca∣noniers, whom he had with great entertainment allured out of Italy and Germany; and especially of those refuse Jews, which by the zeal of King Ferdinand being driven out of Spain, afterwards to the shame of the Christians, dispersed those rare and deadly devices through the East. The chief of these Canoniers was one Iacobus e Rogio Lepidi, a cunning Engineer, who but a little be∣fore overcome by the Turks rewards, abjuring the Christian Religion, revolted unto the Mahome∣tan Superstition.

But after that the Mamalukes had brought the matter to Battel on both sides, they gave out a most hideous and dreadful cry, and with ex∣ceeding fury assailed the Turks in three places; for Selymus still keeping his wonted order, ap∣proached his Enemies with his Battel in form of an half Moon.* 1.77 Mustapha Bassa had the leading of the Asian Horsemen in the right wing; and Ionuses Bassa, of the Europeians in the left; he himself stood in the main Battel with the Squa∣dron of his trusty Janizaries, and great store of Artillery; but Sinan the Eunuch Bassa, General of the Field, led after him a great number of most valiant Horsemen, drawn out of every Troop, to be ready against all the uncertain events that might happen in the Battel,* 1.78 unto whom he joyned five hundred Harquebusiers, Janizaries, Men of wonderful courage and activity, selected out of Selymus his own Squadron, to relieve such part of the Army as should chance to be most pressed by the Enemy.

So almost at one time, whilst Tomombeius stood in the main Battel against Selymus, and the Wings of the Mamalukes with equal Battel encountred the Wings of the Turks, and the Arabians also valiantly charging them in the rereward as they had in charge, four sharp Bat∣tels were at once made in divers places. It is reported by some that were present in that Bat∣tel, that what for the clamor and cry of Souldiers, what for the noise of Drums and Trumpets and such like Instruments of War, what for the thun∣dering of Ordnance, clattering of Armor, and rising of the Dust, all Mens minds were so con∣founded and abashed, that running on headlong as Men furious and desperate, when neither their Speeches could be heard, their Tokens known, their Ensigns seen, or Captains understood, mis∣taking one another in that hurly burly, they slew many of their Friends in stead of their Enemies; for never Battels met together with greater ha∣tred, neither did ever two great Kings with less care of their persons and safety more resolutely or desperately make shew of their strength and courage; for both of them with like danger both of themselves and of their Armies, seeing plain∣ly that they had put both their Lives and Kingdoms to the hazard of a Battel, promised un∣to themselves no other hope of safety, but what they should obtain by Victory. Gazelles desirous both of honor and of revenge, to requite the Eu∣ropeian Horsemen with like slaughter as he had before received from them not far from Gaza, with wonderful fury assailed Ionuses Bassa, and at the first encounter brake his first Ranks, and overthrew certain of his Guidons; at which time the Arabians pressing couragiously in at their backs, enforced those victorious Troops, which in all Battels had hitherto carried away the prize (the very flower of Thracia, Thessalia, E∣pirus, Macedonia, and Graecia) to flie and shew their backs, which never Enemy had before that time seen. At which time Sinan Bassa care∣fully attending every accident, came speedily in with his most valiant Troops of fresh Men, upon the side of the Enemy, and restored again the Battel, now declining and foully disorder∣ed. But whilst Sinan, who in this his last wor∣thy labour had interrupted the manifest Victory of Gazelles,* 1.79 was with an invincible courage va∣liantly fighting in the head of the Battel, he was by the coming in of the couragious Cap∣tain Bidon with his Mamalukes, overcharged and slain. His most valiant Followers also labour∣ing to rescue and carry away his dead Body, were by Gazelles unfolding his Troops (that stand∣ing thin, they might at more liberty use their

Swords, in which manner of fight the Mama∣lukes far excelled the Turks) for most part slain, and the rest put to flight; and that chosen Company of five hundred of the most valiant Ja∣nizaries, now destitute of their Horsemen, when they had most couragiously done what was pos∣sible for Men to do, being compassed round with the Mamalukes Horsemen, were all in a trice cut in pieces and trodden under foot. Thus resteth this Eunuch Bassa in the Bed of Fame, who living, had the leading of this most warlike Emperor Selymus his greatest Armies in his most dangerous Wars.

Mustapha in the other Wing of the Turks Battel coming on couragiously with his Asian Horsemen, did sore press the left Wing of the Egyptians (whereof Helymis the Diadare, and Giapal, two valiant Captains, had the lead∣ing) who but a little before had received great harm by the great Ordnance which was dischar∣ged out of the midst of Selymus his Battel o∣verthwart the Field; which Mustapha perceiving, and desiring to blot out the old infamy he had before received, did fiercely press upon them, so disordered, and with his whole Troops over∣threw their broken Ranks; and glistering in his bright Armor, with a loud voice encouraged his Asian Souldiers, exhorting them that day with valiant prowess or honourable death, to re∣cover their ancient Honour of late lost in the Fields of Aleppo.

* 1.80At the same time also Tomombeius breaking through the middle Battel of the Turks Horse∣men, was entred into the Squadron of the Foot∣men, with his crooked Scimeter giving many a deadly Wound, himself being a valiant big made Man, and of great strength. The Arabians had also in a ring inclosed the uttermost parts of the Turks Army, and in many places inforced them to turn their Battel upon them, being sore char∣ged with a doubtful fight both before and be∣hind; when Selymus set forward with his Bat∣tel of Footmen, and his Squadron of Janizaries, his last and most assured refuge in that his hard distress, whose invincible force, neither the cou∣ragious barbed Horses nor their victorious Riders were able to abide; for part of them with their Harquebusiers, and the rest with their Pikes, had so strongly set the front of their Battel, that nothing was able to stand wheresoever that firm Battel, linked together as if it had been but one whole entire body, swayed. Yet was this cruel Battel continued with divers Fortune on both sides, from four a Clock until the go∣ing down of the Sun; neither was there any part of their Armies, which had not with divers success and change of fortune, endured the fu∣ry of that Battel; for both the victors and the vanquished being inraged with an implacable hatred one against another, fought desperately as Men prodigal of their lives; the Mamalukes disdaining to have the Victory wrung out of their Hands by them whom they had in so many places discomfited; and the Turks taking it in no less scorn, that they, whom but of late they had overcome and vanquisht in two great Bat∣tels, should now the third time make so strong re∣sistance. So that on both sides their fainting hands and bodies both wearied and weakned with Wounds, supported only with anger and obsti∣nacy of mind, seemed yet sufficient to have main∣tained that bloody Battel until the next day, if the darkness of the night now coming on, had not made an end of that days slaughter.

Tomombeius undoubtedly vanquished, and fear∣ing to be utterly overthrown, first caused a re∣treat to be sounded, that his Mamalukes which were indeed not able to withstand the Janiza∣ries, might not seem to be put to flight, but rather as Men commanded, to retire. Which he thought to concern much both for the encou∣raging of his Souldiers, and for the keeping of his own credit and estimation with his Subjects; for now the self same fortune which had deceived his first hopes, seemed unto him (as it fareth with them in distress, still hoping for better) to pro∣mise him more prosperous success, if he were not discouraged; but reserving such remainders of his Forces as were left, he should again couragiously renew the War.

The Battel thus broken off by the approach of the night, the Turks as Victors enjoying the Tents and great Artillery of their Enemies, pur∣sued the Mamalukes until midnight, who held on their way to Caire, in manner as if they had fled. This great Battel was fought upon a Thurs∣day, the 24 day of Ianuary, in the year 1517. The Diadare was taken in the flight mortally Wounded, and with him the valiant Captain Bidon, having in the Battel one of his Legs broken in the Knee with a Faulchion shot, wherewith his Horse was also slain under him.* 1.81 Selymus com∣manded them both the next day to be slain, either for that their Wounds were supposed to be in∣curable, or else for that it was his pleasure, with the death of those two honourable Personages to appease the angry Ghost of Sinan Bassa, whose death he wonderfully lamented.

The Turks although they still prevailed, yet was their Army greatly impaired even in their prosperous success and fortunate Battels; the fourth part of their Army was consumed with Sickness and the Sword, and that days labour had tyred a great number of their Horses, be∣side the long Journey they had before endured. For which causes Selymus was enforced to slack somewhat of his accustomed hast; for as yet he had no experience of the disposition of the Egyptians which dwelt at Caire; neither could he understand by any certain report, where To∣mombeius stayed, or upon what resolution he rested. Which things not throughly known, he thought it not good to commit himself and his Army into that most populous and spacious City; but staying four days at the Village of Ma∣tharea and Rhodania, carefully provided for his Wounded Souldiers, and caused the Bodies of such as were slain to be buried; but the dead Carcasses of his Enemies he left to the Birds of the Air and Beasts of the Field. And after∣ward removing his Camp thence, that he might more commodiously water, he came to the Plains between the old Caire and Bulach.

In the mean while Tomombeius, nothing dis∣couraged with so many mishaps, gathering to∣gether the Mamalukes from all places, encamp∣ed his Army commodiously between the new City of Caire and the River Nilus; he also Ar∣med eight thousand Ethiopian Slaves (which kind of Men he had not before used, for the re∣membrance of their old Rebellion;) beside that, he opening the old Armory, put Arms into the Hands of the Mamalukes Sons, and Moors, (his Vassals) into the Hands of the Jews and Arabians also, and couragiously prepared for a greater and more mortal War than before. But forasmuch as there were many difficulties in the mannaging thereof, having almost lost all his great Artille∣ry, with many of his most valiant Horsemen slain in the former Battels, he in his troubled mind did so cast the doubtful hopes of his last device, (which cruel necessity wrung from him) that forasmuch as he had by manly force nothing prevailed in open Field, he would now altogether

use policy; as he which of late having unfortu∣nately made proof of his strength, his forces yet all whole, thought it not good again to adventure the fortune of a Battel; neither was he in hope if he should so do, to be able with his small power and desperate supplies to protract the War until the heat of Summer, as he desired. Wherefore he resolved by night to assail the Turks Camp, and if possibly he could, to set it on Fire. For which his device he seemed to have two reasons; where∣of the one consisted in the speedy execution, that he might desperately attempt to do some notable exploit in the night, before the Ene∣my should perceive the weakness of his power, which was not great, and scambled upon the suddain; as also before he himself should grow into contempt with the natural Egyptians; who desiring nothing more, than to cast off the ser∣vile Yoke of the Mamalukes Government, with wavering minds expected but some fit occasion to Rebel. The other was, That by the benefit of the night he might avoid the danger of the great Ordnance; which in suddain accidents, and especially in the darkness of the night, ser∣veth to little or no purpose; in which kind of strength he had before to his great loss learned, that his Enemies were too good for him. But these his reasonable policies, when all things were in readiness to have put the same in execution, were in like manner as the first overthrown by the Treason of such as secretly revolted from him to the Enemy.

* 1.82For Selymus understanding the whole Plot by certain Mamalukes (which having the Kings evil fortune in contempt, as it commonly falleth out with Men in misery, dayly forsook him) commanded his Army to be always in readiness, and making great Fires in divers parts of his Camp, kept most careful and vigilant Watch. By which his diligence it came fitly to pass, that the night following, Tomombeius approaching his Camp, was repulsed with no small loss of his first Troops which unadvisedly were gone on too far; and had no doubt that night thereby re∣ceived his last overthrow, but that he wisely mis∣doubting the unwonted light of the Fires shin∣ing in all parts of the Camp, in time called back his hasting Troops, which were themselves with more haste than good speed marching into the very mouth of the Turks great Artillery, bent of purpose upon them.

Tomombeius disappointed of his purpose, by perswasion of his Chieftains retired to Caire; for the Mamalukes still put to the worse in plain Field, thought it best to proceed in ano∣ther manner; perswading him, with the whole strength of his Army to Man all the conveni∣ent places of that great City, otherwise ex∣posed to the Enemies pleasure, and so to keep the Turks from entring. For they as Men brought to this extremity, that they must now fight for their Dwellings, Lives, Wives, and Children; thought it more honourable, and bet∣ter agreeing with their ancient glory, so to do in their sight, and in the entrance of their Houses, than elsewhere further off. Wherefore the Mamalukes coming home to Caire, furnished all their Families and flat Roofs of their Houses, with all manner of Weapons; every one of them now humbly requesting the Egyptians their Neighbours, to take up Arms against the Turks their ancient and mortal Enemies, and not to suffer themselves to be cowardly slain, their Goods spoiled, and their Wives and Children carried away into most miserable Captivity; for∣asmuch as the merciless and greedy Enemy, if he should once get the Victory, would no whit spare them, although they should as neuters stand looking on, and help neither party; for Victory (asthey said) always full of insolent pride, would know no Friend but such as with resolute hand did their uttermost devoir in time of danger for the obtaining thereof.

There were many of the wealthiest of the Egyptians,* 1.83 who as they thought the change of the State would be hurtful to their Trades and Wealth, so were they ready in all they could to help the Mamalukes their old Lords; so on the other side there were many of the middle sort of the Citizens, and a far greater multitude of the basest sort of the vulgar People, who ha∣ving little or nothing to lose, lived in hope now to make a gain of other Mens Losses; and with∣al, remembring what misery and slavery they had endured about the space of three hundred years, under the proud Government of the Ma∣malukes, kept themselves close in their Houses, expecting the last event of Wars; and secretly rejoycing in their Hearts, that the time was come (God so appointing) wherein their outra∣gious and cruel Masters should be justly and wor∣thily punished for their oppression and hard dealing; and that which gladded them the more, was, That the revenge should be taken by the hazard of other Mens lives, with which wished spectacle they well hoped shortly to fill their de∣sirous Eies.

Tomombeius with much labour and greater care, fortified all the Gates and entrances of the City, appointed unto every Street a particu∣lar Captain, in every publick place encouraged the People, omitting nothing that could pos∣sibly be done or devised; and that which in so great a calamity and danger was of all other things the hardest, with cheerful countenance and undaunted courage made shew of greatest hope. The Mamalukes also, beside the neces∣sity (which in cases of extremity is of power to encourage and make desperate the faint hearted Coward) provoked with emulation, strove a∣mongst themselves, who should best perform all the duties of worthy Captains and Souldiers; for every one of them according to his conceit and device, caused great Ditches or great Tim∣ber-logs to be cast overthwart the Streets; some in covert Trenches set up sharp Stakes, where∣upon the Enemy falling unawares, might be gaged; othersome according to their store, fur∣nished the windows and fronts of their Houses in the greatest and most open Streets, with Har∣quebusiers; all which things with many more, were done with such celerity, that none of the best and most honourable of the Mamalukes re∣fused to handle a Spade or Mattock, or to put his hand to any other base labour; so that no∣thing could be sooner devised, but it was forth∣with performed.

This great and ancient City of Caire was not compassed with any Walls,* 1.84 yet were there divers Gates and Entrances which led unto it; whereof one broad strait Street came directly from the East Gate unto the Castle and middle of the City; the rest were so narrow and crooked, that by them no great Artillery could possibly be brought, or Souldiers enter without great danger. Into this place especially had Tomombeius conveied his chiefest strength; for that he knew his Ene∣mies must of necessity come in that way for the largness of the Streets; the other parts of the City he kept with less Garrisons. But the in∣nermost part where the Castle stood, was kept with a very great and strong Garrison of most valiant Souldiers; that whithersoever the clamor of the Enemy or danger of the Battel should call,

they might speedily from thence come with relief. For why, that City of all others the greatest, could not with so small power as Tomombeius then had, be in every place and entrance sufficiently defended; for within the circuit of Memphis (now called Caire) are contained three great Cities, which joyned one to another with stragling Bridges, make one City; whereof the greatest and most populous, is at this day called New Caire. It lieth in length six miles, alongst the River Nilus, from which it is equally distant a mile; the breadth thereof, exceedeth not a mile and a quarter. In the midst thereof is a Castle standing upon a little rising ground, somewhat higher than the rest of the City; more notable for the beauty and greatness thereof, than for the manner of the fortification; for in it were many princely Gardens, a fair Street with ma∣ny large Galleries, divers fair Tilt-yards and Courts, with stately Chambers opening every way; the utter part thereof was garnished round about with Towers, Fortresses, and beautiful Bat∣telments, from whence all parts of the City, the River Nilus running by, and the high Pyra∣mids, were most pleasantly to be seen. Not far from this princely Palace, is a Lake made by the hand of man, the Water wherein derived from the River Nilus, is on every side inclosed with most stately Buildings▪ and is a place of wonderful pleasure, when as a man standing at a Window may take both Fish and Foul, whereof there is in the Lake great store. Another Lake there is far greater and fairer than this, in form of a Triangle, in the uttermost part of this new City of Caire toward Bulach; it is filled at the rising of Nilus by a great Sluce made of Stone with Iron Floodgates, and being joyned to the great River by a broad Channel, is able to bear small Boats and Barges; wherein Gentlemen for their disport used to solace themselves both by day and night in courting their Mistresses. The Houses were all gallantly built afront all about the Lake, with Porches garnished with open Ga∣leries, and paved with smooth Marble even to the brim of the Lake; there the Citizens in their more prosperous times used to row up and down in Boats, and with pleasant Musick to delight the listning Ears of the hearers. On the East side of this Lake stood a most sumptuous and state∣ly Pallace, the late work of Queen Dultibe Wife of the great Sultan Cayerbeius, for manner of the Building and inward beauty far exceeding the other proud Buildings of this pleasant place; for the Walls glistered with red Marble, and par∣geting of divers colors; yea all the House was paved with checker and tesseled work; the Win∣dows and Gates were made of Alablaster, white Marble, and much other spotted Marble; the Posts and Wickets of massy Ivory, checkered with glistering black Ebony; so curiously wrought in winding knots, as might easilier stay than sa∣tisfie the Eyes of the wondering Beholder; nei∣ther was the Furniture in it inferior to the mag∣nificence of the Building, but such as might fitly answer both a Princes state, and a Womans quaint desire. All which things shortly after Selymus (having obtained the Victory) carried to Con∣stantinople; not sparing the very Walls, but pluck∣ing them down, so to take out the curious Stones whole. Beside the goodly Buildings about that Lake, in every place of New Caire was to be seen the fair Houses of the chief Mamalukes, more commended for their commodiousness, than for the manner of their Building. The rest of the Buildings of the City was but low, replenished with the common sort of base People. There are yet extant in divers places of the City, three Churches of the Christians; whereof one is hol∣den in greater reverence than the rest, for the fame of a low Vault in the ground, where it is reported the Virgin Mary flying the fury of He∣rod, to have reposed her self with her Child Christ Iesus the Saviour of the World; another dedi∣cated to the Virgin Barbara; and the third to St▪ George, which amongst those Nations are of great fame. Unto the City of New Caire, the City of Bulacha is joyned almost with continual Buil∣dings. It is of an high and stately Building, ly∣ing close unto the River Nilus, and was in Sum∣mer time frequented by the Mamalukes and other Noblemen, that they might at their pleasure from their high places behold the inundation of that famous River. There land all the Ships which come up the River; yet the great meeting of the Merchants is at New Caire. On the other side of the River over against Bulach, are many Cottages made of Hurdles and Leaves of Date Trees, the Dwellings of poor Fishermen and Watermen. A little above Bulach is Old Caire, which is also joyned unto the new City with continual Buil∣dings; yet distant from it about two miles and an half, and standeth also fast by the River Nilus. Over against it in the midst of the River is an Island, notable for the pleasantness of the Gardens and Banqueting Houses therein; in it is an ancient Temple, famous for the love of King Pharoas Daughter and the danger of Moses (a most ancient History, yet every where there still fresh in memory.) But most part of the Buil∣dings of Old Caire, are now grown into Gardens and rude Ruins. It is supposed by many proba∣ble Conjectures, that there sometime stood the ancient City of Memphis. Upon the Bank of the River, the late Sultan Campson built a sumptu∣ous Tower, overtopping the Castle in New Caire, to convey Water thither out of Nilus; which being by many Wheels and ingenious de∣vices forced into the top thereof, and there re∣ceived into great Cisterns, was from thence by Pipes of Stone and Lead, conveied into all places of the Kings great Palace at New Caire. About five miles distant from Old Caire on Africk side,* 1.85 stand the Pyramids, Monuments of the barba∣rous Egyptian Kings vanity; whose proud Names and Titles time hath worn out of those huge and wonderful Buildings, of purpose made for the vain eternizing of their Fame and endless Wealth; so that of them it may now well be said,

Miramur perijsse homines? monumenta fatiscunt; Interitus saxis nominibusque venit.

What wonder we that men do dy? the stately Tombs do wear; The very Stones consume to nought, with Titles they did bear.

Within them are the Sepulchers of the old E∣gyptian Kings, divided into Chappels, garnished with Stone of great price curiously wrought. Yet are those places of a loathsome smell, and for dakness thereof, dreadful to behold; for as men go down to come into them by a narrow way, almost swarved up with Rubbish, their lights are oftentimes put out with the damp of the Earth and swarms of Remise flying about their Ears. Some having got to the tops of them, re∣port, that the Watch Tower of Alexandria, and the mouth of the River Nilus where it falleth into the Sea, is from thence well to be seen; and that for the great height of them, a man cannot shoot an Arrow so high as the midst of the lower Tower whereon the Spire standeth.

Of these outragious Buildings, are written many strange and almost incredible things; as that an hundred thousand men should be occupied con∣tinually by the space of twenty years, in building of one of them; during which time, the charges for Roots, Garlick, and Onions only, amounted to one thousand six hundred Talents of Silver. These wonderful Pyramids only excepted, no∣thing is in the three Cities more to be wondred at than the multitude of the People, who in number almost incredible go up and down every Street; but for most part ragged and torn, for that they which held any Wealth, durst not make any shew thereof for fear of the Mamalukes. The Common People did then generally live with Mutton, Hens, and Rice, whereof the Coun∣try yielded plenty; neither had they as yet the knowledge of the curious, but unwholesome forced Dishes, and provocations of Gluttony, which other Nations had to their great cost and hurt invented. But again to our purpose.

* 1.86When Selymus understood assuredly, that To∣mombeius was retired into Caire, and that the Ma∣malukes having thither assembled all their strength were resolved there to prove the uttermost of their fortune, he with his Army drew nearer unto the City, exhorting his Souldiers to set down themselves that day for ever to vanquish and sub∣due their Enemies, whom they had so many times before overthrown; and now a little to force themselves for the gaining of the rewards due to their former Labors and Victories; which (as he said) would be so many and so great, as they had not the full thereof before in their im∣moderate desires imagined. Telling them more∣over, that there was but a few good Souldiers left with the desolate Sultan, who already wound∣ed and terrified, and not able longer to keep the Field, had made choice to end their days in the sight and arms of their Wives and Children. Be∣side that, he made them believe, that he was vo∣luntarily sent for by the Egyptians, deadly Ene∣mies unto the very name of the Mamalukes, whose utter destruction they earnestly expected; and had therefore promised him for the rooting up of that wicked and cruel kind of men, to assail them as occasion served out of their Houses, and so to further his Victory; yet nevertheless he said, That the accomplishment of the whole matter, and to make a full conquest, consisted in the subduing of those weak remainders of the vanquished and scattered Army; forasmuch as they were not to be accounted as men quite over∣come, which did yet live in hope, with Weapons in their hands, possessed of the chief City and Seat of their Empire. Wherefore that they should think, That in the fortune of that day, rested the good or bad estate and condition of all their Lives, Honours, and Fortunes. Assuring them, that it would be a matter but of small labour and travel, to bring it to a wished end, if they would in that new kind of Fight (as they had always valiantly in other Battels under his conduct) but resolve with themselves, that they would overcome.

This his Speech much inflamed the minds of his Souldiers, but the hope of so great a Prey much more; so that being in good order and rea∣dy, they expected but the sign of the Assault. When Selymus entring by the Gate called Basuela, did at one instant thrust in his Horsemen at di∣vers places of the great City; but his Janizaries he brought in by the greatest and largest Street. At the first entrance of the City, Horsemen en∣countred with Horsemen, and made a bloody Fight in the narrow Streets and Lanes; but the Footmen placing their Culverins and Falcons be∣fore and suddainly discharging them where they saw the thickest Troops of their Enemies, cleared the Street directly before them. But when they came to the Barricado's and Trenches,* 1.87 and were by force to remove the Timber Logs and other like things lying cross the Streets, and so to pass the Trenches, the Mamalukes on the other side valiantly withstanding them; they fought with such force and obstinacy on both parts, that in the memory of man was never a more fierce and cruel Battel seen. For both the Mamalukes and the Turks in that Fight shewed the uttermost of their strength and power; not ignorant, that in that, as in the last, they were to fight not for Honour only, but even for their Lives and Em∣pire; when as greatest rewards, or else extream misery, were by dallying fortune on both sides propounded both to the vanquished and van∣quisher. At these Barricado's the Turks received great loss, as also at the Trenches; for they un∣advisedly running on, the hindermost still bear∣ing forward the foremost, tumbled by heaps one upon another into the covert Trenches, and were there miserably impailed upon the sharp Stakes, for that purpose before set up by the Ma∣malukes. The Women also and Children, with manly courage threw down Stones and Tyles, and such other things from the tops of their Houses, and out at their Windows, upon the Turks; and they on the other side as they could espy them, fetcht them off from those high places with their Harquebuses, or else violently brake into the Houses from whence they were assailed, and there fought with diverse success. But most part of the Egyptians, diligently ob∣serving the fortune both of the one and of the other (accounting them both for Enemies) with diverse affection assailed sometimes the Turks, and sometime the Mamalukes, seeming still notably to help that part whom they saw for the time to have the better. Many cruel and most terri∣ble incounters were at once made in divers places of the City; for as they crossed from Street to Street, sometime the one, and sometime the other hapned upon new Troops of Enemies; and they which as Victors pursued their Enemies afront, were by others following them at the heels, slain down right; so that in the Victory none could assure themselves of safety. The Lanes and Streets (a most horrible thing to behold) did so flow with the blood of them which lay by heaps slain, that the Dust which at the first rose won∣derful thick, was quite laid, as with a plentiful Shower of Rain; the Air was darkned with the smoke of Shot, and showers of Arrows; and such was the clamor of the People and Souldiers, the clattering of Armor, and report of the Artillery, that the Earth seemed to tremble, and the Houses to fall down.

This dreadful and doubtful Fight endured two whole days and nights without intermission;* 1.88 yet so, that the Mamalukes in number few, and not able to endure so long labour and watchings, gi∣ving ground by little and little, and forsaking their first Munitions, retired themselves further into the City. The third day, beset with the greatest dangers that could be, as to lose them∣felves with all that they had, (which common∣ly enforceth mens courages in their last attempts) they renewed the Battel with such resolution, that they constrained the Turks to retire a great way, and for hast to leave behind them certain of their Field-Pieces. With which repulse it is reported, that Selym•••• despairing of Victory, com∣manded to set fire upon the Hou••es; moved thereunto with just displeasure against the Egyp∣tians, for that Ionuses Bassa, now his greatest

Man of War, had even before his face received a dangerous wound in his Head, by a Stone cast out at a Window.

Now were the Houses pitifully burning, and the Egyptians weeping and wailing cried for mercy. The Turks themselves fought but faint∣ly, expecting the sound of the Retreat; when News was suddainly brought by many at once, that the Enemies in the other side of the Ci∣ty, were by Mustapha Bassa enforced to retire, and afterward had betaken themselves to flight, as to their last refuge. For Mustapha by the overture of the Egyptians and fugitive Mama∣lukes, was directed to a fair broad Street, where the Mamalukes had left their Horses ready sad∣led and bridled; that if the worst should chance, they might thither retire, and taking Horse, speed themselves to such places of refuge as they had before thought upon. All these Horses reserved by the Mamalukes as their last refuge, Mustapha took away, having before put to flight the Garrison which kept them, which was but weak, consisting for most part of Horse-Boys, and Muleters; as safe enough in such a place of the City as was least to be suspected and feared.

This accident (as it oftentimes falleth out in great and unexpected Mischances) did not a little daunt the courage of the Mamalukes; who now seeing themselves hardly beset, and that dreadful Battel by no other hope or help main∣tained, but only by courage; being in their own judgment overcome, betook themselves to flight. Most part of them hasting to the River of Nilus with Tomombeius (who in that Battel had all in vain proved the uttermost of his prowess and policy) being transported over the River in Boats, fled into the Country of Segesta; others of them hid themselves in the Houses of the E∣gyptians, and in the loathsome corners of the City. A thousand five hundred of the better sort of the Mamalukes fled unto the greatest Temple of their vain Prophet; whereafter they had a great while valiantly defended themselves as out of a strong Castle, because they would not yield themselves but upon honourable conditions; at last overcome with thirst, weariness, and wounds, together with the fury of the great Artillery, they yielded themselves to the pleasure of the Conqueror;* 1.89 part of whom the furious Souldiers slew in the Porch of the same Temple, and the rest within a few days after were sent down the River to Alexandria, there to be afterwards murdered.

Selymus having thus gained the Victory, forth∣with sent part of his Army to quench the Fire then raging, and caused Proclamation to be made through all the City, That all the Mamalukes which would yield themselves within twelve hours, should be taken to mercy; but unto such as yielded not within the appointed time, should remain no hope of life. Unto the Egyptians also that should reveal the hidden Mamalukes, he proposed rewards; but to such as should conceal them, he threatned to impail them upon Stakes, and having sold their Wives and Children, to burn their Houses: Upon which Proclamation, many of the Mamalukes before crept into cor∣ners, came forth and yielded themselves, and were forthwith cast into Iron. All which were shortly after, contrary to his promise, most dis∣honourably murdred in prison, because (as it was given out) they sought means to have escap∣ed. Many of the Egyptians which would not break the bonds of Faith and Fidelity with the Mamalukes their old Lords, being impeached by their malitious Neighbours, most constantly died for their Friends, for whose sake they had vowed themselves to death.

With this Victory the Turks growing insolent, ransackt every place of the City, drew out the Mamalukes that had hid themselves, and slew them, rifled the houses of the Egyptians, as well Friends as Foes, and left nothing shut up or in secret. And some there were, which at one time in the same Houses raged with Covetousness, Cruelty, and Lust; every man fitting his own humor, whereunto he was by nature or custom inclined; for that in time and place of so great liberty, most men, but especially the common Souldier, flattereth himself to the full, making conscience of nothing, but measuring all things according to his insolent and disordered Appetite. The same day that Selymus took Caire, Gazelles (who but a little before by the commandment of Tomombeius, was gone to Thebais, to assemble the Arabians and to entertain new Supplies) came to Caire; but finding all lost, and seeing no possibility either by force or policy to prevail, and therefore thinking it not good again to prove the fortune of War, which had so often with contrary course frustrated the endeavours both of himself and his Partakers; he came to Selymus, upon his Faith before given for the safety of him∣self and his Followers (which were three Ara∣bian Captains, and a number of good Horsemen) and being admitted to his presence, in the midst of his greatest Captains boldly spake unto him as followeth:

If fortune, whom by thy great valor thou hast won to be thy Friend, had not envied our Felicity,* 1.90 thou shouldst not have (most noble Selymus, at this time, after that all things have given place unto thy Valor) matter whereby thou mightest excel others in worthy∣ness of mind also. Whilst we were in Arms against thee for our Lives and Kingdom, our Wealth and State yet standing whole, we always as men proudly presuming upon their own vain Strength, made little account of thee or the name of the Turks; yea to say the truth, we hated thee as became Enemies: But now that we have to the uttermost of our power made proof of thy Force, and have in all Battels been put to the worst; admiring both thy wonderful and divine prowess, and most prosperous Victories (not given thee without the Providence of the Immortal God) we hum∣bly come unto thee by thy goodness to better our hard and adverse Fortune; that thou by sparing and pardoning thy vanquished and yielding Enemies (by which only vertue men come nearest unto the Gods) maist extend thy name and fame above the bounds of the rest of thine immortal glory. We have faithfully served Tomombeius, so long as he held the Strength and Majesty, yea but the Name of a King, or lived in any countenance; but seeing he is (his Destiny so re∣quiring) driven out of his Country, and wandreth the Desarts, with uncertain report whether he live or not; we come unto thee, rather as men of him for∣saken, than such as have forsaken their Prince; ready to shew unto thee our Loyalty and Valor in our better condition and state; if we may by thy goodness, chang∣ing our hard fortune, live and serve under thy wor∣thy conduct.

Selymus, for that he right well knew Gazelles both for his Vertue and Valour, wherewith vali∣ant men win Credit even with their greatest Ene∣mies, and also desiring to joyn in League and Friendship with the Arabians (or rather Alarbes) whom he knew of all others to be most to be feared, received them all courteously; appointing unto every one of them an honourable Pension, and perswading them to forget their old estate, willed them to look for far greater things of his

Bounty. Not long after, when as the Moors and wild Arabians, with certain Mamalukes that were fled to the City of Achasia, made incursions into the Country about Caire, and oftentimes did cut off the Turks which went any thing far from the City to seek abroad for forrage, he sent Ga∣zelles with part of his Army to repress them; who having quickly won and sackt Achasia, and slain most part of those adventurers, to his own great praise, and the wonderful contentation of Sely∣mus, honourably returned in less time than was expected.

In the mean time, Tomombeius in the Country of Segesta (which is on the other side of Nilus towards Cyrenaica) miserably beset with so many mischiefs, began to make head again. There were come unto him a strong Company of Ma∣malukes from Alexandria, which he had by Letters sent for out of the Garrison of that City, and many others had followed him in his flight from Caire. And there were not wanting many great men a∣mongst the Arabians and Moors (the Inhabitants of that Country) which promised him their help and furtherance. Beside that, many of the Egyp∣tians, whose Houses and Familes were become a Prey and Booty unto the insolent Turks, promised him, That if he would by night come to Caire, they would raise such a tumult in the City, as should easily work the confusion of the Turks; forasmuch as they all having endured most horrible Indig∣nities and Villanies, could no longer abide those most insolent men to rage and reign over them. They sent him word also, that the Turks huge Ar∣my was now brought to a contemptible number, most part of them being slain in the battel at Caire; and the rest being for the greatest part brought to extream weakness with wounds and sickness. For which causes, as Tomombeius his Forces increased daily, so hope also, which never failed the poor vanquished and distressed King, began now also to revive in his invincible heart, above the condi∣tion of his miserable estate. So that fawning for∣tune, which even then most cruelly and despight∣fully went about utterly to supplant him (of all other distressed Princes most miserable) seemed but then first to change her frowning counte∣nance, and to promise unto him more happy and prosperous success.

* 1.91Whilst Tomombeius was making this preparation, one Albuchomar, an Egyptian, for Authority and Wealth the greatest man by far in all the Coun∣try of Segesta, whether it were to avert the misery of the present War out of his Country; or else by the pleasure of his revolt to gain the good liking of Selymus, upon whom all things seemed to fawn, came and certified him both of Tomom∣beius his Strength, and of the new practices of the Citizens of Caire. Whereupon Selymus caused strong watch and ward to be kept in all places of that great City; and such Citizens as he suspected to favour Tomombeius, he shut up into the Castle; which being before abandoned by Tomombeius, was then together with the City in his possession; and placed all alongst the River, Boats furnished with Men and Artillery, to keep and defend the farther Bank of Nilus, and to impeach Tomombeius his passage over. Yet considering with himself, with how great danger he had so many times fought with those desperate Enemies, and what a difficulty it would be to intercept To∣mombeius, (protracting the War in those vast and unknown Countries, and still preparing greater Forces, without whom he could nothing assure himself of all his former Victories) to prove if he might be won by Clemency and Bounty, he re∣solved to send Embassadors unto him, to per∣swade him to lay down Arms, and after so many overthrows, at length to acknowledge the fortune of the Victor; and withal to promise him upon the faith of a Prince, That if he would come in and submit himself, he should of the Courtesie and Bounty of the Conqueror, upon conditions reasonable repossess that his late Kingdom, which he should never be able by force to regain. But if he would needs desperately proceed to make head again, forgetting his offered grace, toge∣ther with his own disability, he should afterward when the matter was again tried by Battel, by his own just desert never more find at the hands of his angry Enemy, any regard of his Princely State or Dignity.

For Selymus seeing himself by the course of his Victories drawn into a far Country,* 1.92 and not with∣out cause fearing with so small a power as he had left, to be oppressed in that so great and populous a City, even with the very multitude, men of doubtful Faith; thought it better by some ho∣nourable composition to assure himself of some great part of that he had won, than by going on, to thrust himself with his Army into new dangers, with the hazard of all. Besides that, he was cer∣tainly advertised, That the Mamalukes before fled into divers Countries, were in every place levying new supplies of Horsemen; and that the Fleet which went into the Arabian Gulf against the Portugals, was dayly expected at the Port of Suezzia, wherein were three thousand Mamalukes under the leading of Amyrases and Ray Salomon, two expert Captains, with great store of good Brass Ordnance; by which good helps, Tomombeius stood in fair possibility to recover his former losses, and to return again to Caire, whither he was by his secret Friends most earnestly invited. But above all things, the care he had of the Persians most induced him to think of Peace; for fear that if the Bassa whom he had left at the Mountain Tau∣rus, should not be able to withstand the Forces of the Persian King, he should so be excluded out of Asia the lesser, and Syria also, before his Fleet could from Constantinople arrive with new supplies of Men and Victuals at Alexandria.

Wherefore he sent certain of the most reverend of his Turkish Religious,* 1.93 and with them some of the most honourable Egyptians, Embassadors to Tomombeius; who passing over Nilus, into the Country Segesta, were without further hearing, with more than babarous cruelty slain by certain Mamalukes which chanced upon them; thinking thereby to gratifie Tomombeius, as yet not know∣ing of any such matter, and to manifest their af∣fection towards him, as also that they were not desirous of any peace with the Turks.

This proud and insolent fact utterly brake Se∣lymus his patience, and shortly after made an end of that mortal War, together with the honour of the Mamalukes. For he being a man of an hot and cruel nature, even when he was nothing at all moved, could by no means brook that his Ene∣mies, so often vanquished and put to flight, should so lightly reject his offers unto them as the case stood, both honourable and profitable; and that worse was, violate his Embassadors against the Law of Nations, most religiously kept even amonst the most barbarous and savage People. Wherefore provoked by so great an injury, he carefully pro∣vided for all things necessary for his expedition in∣to Segesta against Tomombeius. And because it stood not with his honour (as he took it) nor with the good of the present service, to pass the River by Boats, he gathering together all the small Vessels and Lighters he could possibly, made thereof a large and strong Bridge over Nilus.

Tomombeius understanding by his Espials, and from his Friends at Caire, of the preparations of

Selymus, and of the Bridge he had made; fearing also the revolt of the Country People, whom he probably suspected to be alienated from him, by the revolt of Albuchomar, a man of so great Power and Authority amongst them; determined once again to prove the fortune of battel, which had so often deceived his expectation. For he justly measuring of his own strength, and finding himself in all things inferior to his mighty Enemy, well saw that he was neither able to protract the Wars, neither in open Field to abide his coming with all his Forces; and to fly further into the Deserts, was, as he deemed it, nothing else but to make shipwrack of that small remainder that was left of his Honour and Credit. Wherefore by the advice of his best Captains (which was the last indeavour both of himself and of the Mama∣lukes) he departed betime out of the Province of Segesta with four thousand Mamalukes, and twice as many Moors and Arabians, and travel∣led day and night without intermission to come to the River Nilus. By that desperate attempt to deceive the Turks, suspecting no such thing from their vanquished and weak Enemy; as also by celerity to prevent the fame of his coming; hoping so by his suddain and unexpected ap∣proach to overthrow that part of the Turks Army which should first pass the River, before they could possibly be relieved from the other side. Neither was he deceived in the computa∣tion of the time, which he having before exactly cast, with the manner of his travel, fell out so fitly, that he came to the place he desired, even at such time as the Asian Horsemen were come over the Bridge, as he had before guessed. The Harbengers and Pages of Selymus his Chamber, which were gone something further than the rest, to make choice of the most commodious place for the erecting of the Emperors Pavilion; by the rising of the dust, first perceived the coming of the Enemy; and Mustapha the great Bassa ad∣vertised thereof, suddainly raised an Alarum; which so unexpected a matter brought a great fear both on them which were already past over, and also on them that were on the further side of the River.

* 1.94Tomombeius presently assailing his Enemies, as yet but putting themselves in order, and repair∣ing to their Ensigns, at the first onset slew such as made resistance, and the rest he discomfited and put to Flight. Neither was Mustapha the great Commander (although he did what pos∣sibly he could, by his own example to have en∣couraged them) able either by his own invinci∣ble courage or other perswasion, after his first ranks were overthrown, to repair his disordered Battel, or to stay the flight of his men; for in that so hot and suddain a skirmish all was full of tu∣mult, slaughter, doubtfulness and fear; and all alongst the Bank of the River, both above and beneath the Bridge, were to be seen fearful Com∣panies of the Turks, ruthfully looking upon the River, and crying unto their Fellows on the other side for help. Many forced by the furious Ene∣my, took the River and there perished; others striving at the end of the Bridge, to return that way, and overborn by their Fellows or others con∣tinually sent from the further side, or else amazed with fear, fell into the River, and were there drowned; the Bridge was so broad that four Horse∣men abrest might easily pass over at once, and so great numbers of them in short space be con∣veied over. But when the great Ordnance (the Turks chief strength) was also to be transported, fewer Troops of Horsemen were sent over, than the greatness of the present danger, or suddain∣ness of the chance required. Neither did their great Artillery as then stand them in any stead, for that it could neither so speedily be conveied over, nor without great hurt be discharged from the hither Bank to the further, by reason of their own men standing between them and the Enemy.

In the mean time Selymus, who in the beginning of the skirmish came down to the Rivers side, fil∣led a great number of Boats and other small Ves∣sels with his Janizaries with their Harquebusies, and withal hasted his Horsemen over the Bridge to relieve their Fellows distressed on the further side; in which Boats the nimble Watermen used such diligence in landing of some, and presently in fetching over of others, that in short time they had transported divers Bands of those most ready and valiant Souldiers; whose coming wonderfully comforted the Asian Souldiers, even now at the last cast, and ready to have given over▪ Canog∣lis also, the Tartar Kings Son and Selymus his Brother in Law, encouraging his Horsemen to take the River, with loss of some few of his men recovered the further side, to the great admira∣tion of the beholders; which in that Nation was not so much to be marvelled at, as they which by Troops with their Horses had oftentimes swam over the great Rivers Taurus and Volga, no less dangerous than was the River Nilus.

Tomombeius at the same time, for that he saw speedy Victory to consist in one thing especially, serring his Troops together, strained himself with might and main to have gained the head of the Bridge, that by plucking away some few of the first Boats, he might shut in his Enemies already come over; and by cutting the Cables whereby the Boats were fastened to the bank, all the Bridge with the Turks upon it, might be born away with the force and violence of that great River; whereupon rose a most cruel and deadly Fight; for the resolute Mamalukes in the front of their battel fought valiantly; and Mustapha well considering the danger, had drawn to that place both his Ensigns and his best Souldiers; so that there was fought such a fight, as a matter of so great consequence required; the Mamalukes plainly seeing, that if they could obtain the place, they should shortly after with little ado, overthrow all the former Victories of their Enemies. And the Turks no less ignorant, that except they kept the Bridge whole, they were all but lost men that were already come over; and that the rest of the Army together with their Emperor so far from home, and in the midst of his Enemies, must of necessity shortly after run the same for∣tune. But Mustapha well relieved by the Janiza∣ries and the Europeian Horsemen, which were now come over in great number, not only re∣ceived his Enemies charge, but pressing upon them, gained ground, and by little and little in∣forced them to retire. This is that Mustapha the Hungarian, and Bajazet his Son in Law, which for his own glory and perpetual fame, built that notable, stately, and sumptuous Stone Bridge (of the Spoils of this Victory) over the River Stre∣mon, which at this day men passing over into Thra∣cia, wonder at, as at a work beseeming the great∣ness of the Roman Empire.

Tomombeius, to give a time of breathing to his Mamalukes, who, their Horses for weariness now fainting under them, were not able longer to shew their wonted Courage; and desirous by them again to prove the uttermost fortune of the battel, exhorted the Moors and Arabians,* 1.95 a while to charge the Enemy, which thing they after the manner of their Fight valiantly performed; and shortly after the Mamalukes having a little breathed themselves and their Horses, came in afresh and renewed the battel; with such fury,

that Selymus doubting the Victory (although he was by his most faithful Counsellors perswaded to the contrary) yet doubted not to adventure the Bridge, and in person himself to go and relieve his distressed Souldiers; who by his coming in, en∣couraged, and in the sight of their Emperor de∣siring every man for his part by some notable ser∣vice to deserve both credit and preferment, re∣pressed the fury of the Enemy; who in short time after, by the coming on of certain fresh Com∣panies of Janizaries,* 1.96 were notably repulsed, and so at length put to flight; whom the Horsemen which were not in the battel, pursued all the Fields over. At length also the Tartarians (who car∣ried away with the force of the stream, were somewhat long before they could recover the farther Bank and come to their Enemies) were now come in also, and with their swift Horses following the chase, augmented the slaughter. But Selymus above all things desirous of Tomombeius, presently commanded Mustapha the great Bassa, Gazelles and Cayerbeius, with certain fresh Troops of light Horsemen, to pursue him at the heels, and if it were possible not to suffer him to escape; for so long as he lived, he could not assure him∣self of any thing he had yet gotten. These vi∣gilant Captains not unmindful of their charge, following fast after him, overtook him the next day at the sluce of a great deep Fen, where he had a little rested himself and his Followers, be∣ing then about to cut off a wooden Bridge, so to have hindred the Enemies pursuit. Some of his Followers being there slain, and some taken, he was again enforced to fly. The third day when he had almost lost all his men, and was come with some few into the Territory of the Secussan Prince, these great Captains still eagerly pursuing him, and denouncing unto the poor Country People which dwelt in Villages thereabout, all Extremities and Tortures, if they did not with most diligent watch and ward so keep the pas∣sages of those Marishes, as that he should not pos∣sibly escape; he was so beset on every side, that for safegard of his life he was glad to hide him∣self all alone in a foul deep Marish; where short∣ly after he the poor Sultan was by the diligent search of the Country Peasants found out,* 1.97 hidden among the Flags and Bulrushes, standing in the water up to the shoulders, who delivered him mi∣serably bound unto the Turks. Shortly after he with certain Captains and other of his chief Friends taken in that Flight, was brought to Caire. Selymus before resolved to put him to death, and the rather for the injury done to his Embassadors, would not suffer him to come into his presence,* 1.98 but commanded him to be tortured, so to have caused him to have revealed the great Treasures of Campson his Predecessor, which were thought to have been by him hidden; in which most hor∣rible and exquisite Torments it is reported, that he with great constancy and stern countenance uttered nothing but certain deep sighs and groans, overcoming with patience the Tyranny of the proud Conqueror; who after that, commanded him in base and ragged Apparel, with his hands bound behind him, as a Thief or Murderer con∣demned to die, to be set upon a foul lean Camel, and so to be carried in derision through all the publick and notable places of the City; that the Egyptians might see him, whom they but a little before had adored for their King, by change of Fortune cast into extream misery, by most shame∣ful death to end both his life and Empire together, when they had thus despightfully led him as it were in triumph, and brought him to the chief Gate of the City called Basuela, they there openly strangled him with a Rope; and that he might be the better seen, and become more contemptible to all that passed that way,* 1.99 they hanged him up by the neck upon an Iron Hook in an Arch of the same Gate, and so left him to the worlds won∣der. Palearius propounding him as a mirror both of the better and worse fortune, for all men to look upon, aptly describeth both his happiness and misery in these few Verses following:

Non fuit in toto, Rex aeque Oriente beatus;* 1.100 Nec magis in toto Rex Oriente miser, Quam dolor Egypti, olim Tomombeius, auro Ingenti, atque armis, & ditione potens. Captus ab hoste fero, miserum simul atque beatum, Exemplo potis est, commonuisse suo. Quid rides temere? quid fles? vis te cohibere? Et natum post hac te meminisse hominem? Mi traheum induto, gemmis auroque corona Cingebat, fulgens & diadema caput. Mi quandam ornabant pretiosa monilia collum, Nunc fractam vili respice fune gulam.

In English thus:

In all the East a King more blest was no where to be found, Nor in the East one more accurst liv'd not upon the ground, Than Tomombeius, Egypts grief, sometime for store of gold, Of power great for Martial Force, and Kingdom he did hold. But taken by his cruel Foe, may good example be Both to the happy and distrest, of mans uncer∣tainty. Why do'st thou fondly laugh? Why do'st thou vainly cry? Canst thou from henceforth stay thy self, and think th'art born to die? My Garments were the Royal Robes, I wore the Crown of Gold, With richest Stones most richly set, most glorious to behold: My neck adorn'd with richest Gems which I did sometimes wear. But now trust up in shameful Rope, behold me hanging here.

This misery befel Tomombeius the thirteenth of April, in the year 1517,* 1.101 upon the Monday in Easter Week. There were many which shed tears to behold that so cruel and lamentable a spectacle, who by their woful countenance and pitiful lamentation seemed to detest that foul and unworthy death of their late Sultan; notwith∣standing that the Janizaries reproved them there∣fore, and threatned them with death, who like giddy braind Fools (as they termed them) en∣ured to the slavery of the Mamalukes, joyfully and thankfully accepted not of their deliverance; for the Egyptians were as yet uncertain of their Estate, and therefore as men in suspence (not without cause) stood in doubt what should be∣come of themselves; fearing lest the Turks, a warlike Nation, and a terror to all the Princes of Europe and Asia, nothing more courteous than the Mamalukes, should with no less insolency rage and tyrannize over them, under their warlike and cruel Emperor. Besides that, the woful sight of Tomombeius hanging in the Gate, as the unwor∣worthy scorn of Fortune, wonderfully wounded their hearts; for why, it was yet fresh in their remembrance, that he with the good liking of all men, and general favour of the Nobility, with good fame rose up all the degrees of Honour both in Field and Court, unto the height of Regal Dignity; and therefore grieved the more to see

him by inevitable Destiny cast down headlong, so shamefully to end his Life and Empire together. A notable spectacle undoubtedly amongst the rarest examples of worldly fragility, both to the happy and unfortunate; the one, not to be too proud, or too much to flatter themselves in their greatest bliss; and the other, to learn thereby with pati∣ence to indure the heavy and unworthy changes and chances of this wretched and miserable world. And so much the more did Tomombeius so hanging, move men to compassion, for that the Majesty of his tall and strong body, and reverend counte∣nance, with his long and hoary Beard, well agreed with his imperial Dignity and Martial disposition. The same fortune with Tomombeius ran also divers of the Princes of the Mamalukes, with some others of the common sort also.

Tomombeius thus taken out of the way, and all the Mamalukes almost slain, and no power of the Enemy to be heard of in all Egypt to renew the War; Selymus dividing his Forces, sent them forth with his Captains, to take in the Countries and Provinces of Egypt lying further off. They of Alexandria after the battel of Caire having thrust out the Garrison, and easily surprised the Castle of Pharus (which the weak defendants chose rather upon hope of present reward to deliver, than with doubtful event to defend) yielded themselves ma∣ny daies before unto the Turks. Damiata also, called in ancient time Pelusium, opened their Gates, and submitted themselves to the Victors. There was no City betwixt the River of Nilus and the Borders of Iudea and Arabia, which yielded not to the obedience of Selymus. The Kings also of Africk bordering upon Cyrenaica, Tributaries or Confederates of the Egyptian Sultans, sent their Embassadors with Presents to Selymus.

There remained now none but the wild Arabi∣ans (a People never to be tamed) and especially they of Africk, who having lost many of their Friends and Kinsmen in aiding Tomombeius, would not (as it was thought) submit themselves unto the Turkish obedience. This wandering king of Peo∣ple, living for most part by Theft, had filled the Countries from Euphrates, where it runneth by the Palmyrens, with all the inner parts of Egypt and Africk unto the Atlantick Sea, with huge multitudes of men; and being divided into many Compa∣nies under divers Leaders, have no certain dwelling places, but live an hard and frugal kind of life in Tents and Waggons, after the manner of the Tar∣tars; their greatest Wealth is a good serviceable Horse, with a Launce or a bundle of Darts; they were alway at discord and variance amongst them∣selves, by reason whereof they could never agree for the expulsing of the Mamalukes, who other∣wise had not been able to have stood against them, if they should have joyned their Forces together. So that the late Egyptian Sultans seemed to hold their State and Empire among so populous a Na∣tion, rather by their discord than their own strength; wherefore Selymus having now by fit men, upon his Faith before given, allured many of their Chieftains and greatest Commanders to Caire,* 1.102 honourably both entertained and rewarded them. By whose example others moved, came also in dayly; and having received their rewards, gave the Oath of their Allegeance to Selymus. Others which could by no fair promises or words be won, being cunningly intercepted by other Captains, and delivered to Selymus, indured the pains of their vain obstinacy and malice. The other re∣mote Nations toward Aethiopia, as they had in former time rather acknowledge the friendship than the command of the Egyptian Sultans, so now induced with the fame of the Victory, easily joyned in like amity with the Turk.

About the same time, Selymus sent certain Troops of Horsemen to Suezzia, a Port of the Red Sea (of old called Arsinoe) about three days journey from Caire; in which Port Campson the great Sultan (a little before the coming of the Turks) had with infinite charge and four years travel built a strong Fleet against the Portugals, who by their Conquests in India had taken away all the rich trade of the Indian Merchandise into the Gulf of Arabia, to the great hinderance of the Egyptian Kings Customs; over which Fleet (a little before the beginning of the Turkish Wars) Campson had appointed one Amyrases and Ray Salomon Generals, with a strong power of Mamalukes and great store of Ordnance, against the Portugals. These valiant Captains having yet done nothing in the service they were ap∣pointed unto, as they lay at Gidda (the Port of the famous City of Mecha, wherein is the Tem∣ple of their great Prophet Mahomet) understand∣ing of the death of Campson, and of the coming of Selymus into Egypt, fell at variance among them∣selves; one of them being willing to continue his obedience towards the new Sultan, and the other no less desirous to follow the good fortune of the Victor. Whereupon a mutiny arising among the Souldiers, Amyrases, who favoured Tomombeius, was inforced to fly to Mecha. But shortly after, Ray Salomon requiring to have him, and threatning all hostility except he were forthwith delivered, he was apprehended by them of Mecha, fearing to have Gidda their Port spoiled, and so sent back again to the Fleet. Ray Salomon, that he might be Admiral alone, his Associate being taken out of the way, and by some notable fact to insinuate himself into the favour of the Conqueror, caused Amyrases in the night to be cast over-board; and giving to the Souldiers two months pay, and swearing them to the obedience of Selymus, in few days sailing came back again to Arsinoe, where leaving the Fleet, he came directly himself to Se∣lymus at Caire, of whom he was graciously re∣ceived. After that, all the Princes which were before Tributaries or Confederates to the late Sul∣tans of Egypt, even to the Confines of David, the most mighty King of Ethiopia (whom some call Presbiter Iohn) without delay entred into the like subjection or confederation with the Turks.

Egypt, with all the Provinces thereunto belong∣ing, thus brought into subjection, Selymus about the beginning of Iuly, sailed down the River of Nilus to Alexandria (Cortug-Ogli, a famous Pyrat of Halicarnassus,* 1.103 sitting at the helm of his Gally) there to take view of his Fleet but late come from Constantinople with new supplies both of Men and Victuals, sent from Pyrrhus Bassa and his Son Soly∣man; which after he had well surveyed, and dili∣ligently viewed the Walls of the City, and of the Castle of Pharos, he returned again to Caire. In the mean time, the Mamalukes in durance at A∣lexandria, were by his commandment murdered every Mothers Son, in the entrance of the Prison. At which time also above five hundred Families of the noblest and richest of the Egyptians were commanded to remove from Caire to Constantinople, and a great number of Women and Children, of the race of the Mamalukes, were transported thi∣ther also in Ships hired for that purpose. Into this Fleet besides the Kings Treasure and Riches, he conveied all the publick and private Ornaments of that most rich and famous City; with such a covetous and greedy desire of Spoil, that the very Marble Stones, commended either for the excel∣lency of the workmanship, or beauty of the Stone, were violently rent out of the main Walls, to his great reproach and infamy. Lying at Caire, he with great pleasure beheld the rising of the River

Nilus, which had then overflowed the Country next unto it; and that with such a desire, that he most curiously enquired of the old Country men the measure and nature to the River; for by the diversity of the rising thereof (which they by certain marks and measures well find out) they prognosticate sometime abundant plenty, some∣time extream dearth, and sometime reasonable store, when as the violent River moderately or fu∣riously breaking out, somewhile so drowneth the greatest part of the Country, that all the Seed season it lyeth under water, and at another time floweth so sparingly, that in many places it scarce layeth the Dust, thereby foreshewing an un∣doubted dearth; so that the Egyptians then assure themselves of Plenty, when as Nilus keeping a mean, pleasantly riseth neither to the highest or lowast marks of his inundation.

The Mamaluke Kingdom, together with the name of the Mamalukes, thus overthrown, and the Conquest of Egypt so happily atchieved, Se∣lymus resolved to make his return into Syria; and the rather, for that it was reported, That Hysmael the Persian King was coming with his Army into Mesopotamia, and so like enough to break into Co∣magena. Wherefore having as he thought good, disposed of all things,* 1.104 he left a strong Garrison of his best Souldiers in Caire, and appointed Cayer∣beius that notable Traitor, his Deputy and great Commander over all that great and new gotten Kingdom of Egypt, now converted into the form of a Province, as it remaineth at this day. Which honourable preferment so unworthily bestowed, exceedingly both grieved and troubled Ionuses the great Bassa, before enflamed with the hope and just desire thereof; for now that Sinan Bassa was dead, he puffed up with the estimation of his own worth and valour, and proud of the Wound he had of late received in the presence of Selymus at the entring of Caire, and to the uttermost of his power, suffering no man to grow near him in Credit and Estimation; thought himself the only man now left, to whom of all others, that espe∣cial and honourable charge should in the judg∣ment of Selymus and of the whole Army of right be committed. Neither wanted he the general good liking of the Men of War, for immediately after he was recovered of his wound, when he in the most magnificent House of the Diadare at Caire (which he in the Victory had rather of himself usurped, than by the gift of Selymus ob∣tained) daily kept princely Cheer for all comers (no small means to gain the love of the common Souldiers) and gave frankly to them all; to some Horses, to some beautiful Slaves; to some Mony, Plate, Jewels, rich Garments, fair Armor, and such like; he won unto himself such Favour and Credit, that whensoever he should (as the manner was) go to the Castle unto the Emperor, he was brought thither with a great and goodly train of his Favorites and Followers, as the man in all mens Judgment designed to the government of that great and rich Kingdom. All which things highly offended the mind of Selymus, who as he was apt to suspect, and cruel where he feared, so did he also (in secret) envy great Vertues, accompanied with too much honour and power.

Ionuses seeing Cayerbeius the Traitor thus un∣worthily promoted,* 1.105 overcome with grief and in∣dignation (who as a man of a proud and haughty mind, took it as done to his own disgrace) yet colouring his inward discontentment by counter∣feiting himself sick, for certain days came not abroad; nevertheless still more and more tor∣mented both with the injury (as he took it) done to himself, and the unworthy preferment of the Traitor, he could not so well contain himself, but that in his choler some words fell from him, whereby his discontentment was perceived. It hapned that Cayerbeius coming of courtesie to visit him, and in the heat of the day familiarly calling for drink (which was Water and Sugar, after the manner of the Egyptians) immediately after he had drunk, felt such grievous and unwonted gripings and tormentings in his Stomach and Belly, that many supposed him to have been poysoned by the Bassa; yet was he by the power and ver∣tue of a more sovereign and effectual remedy preserved. Which report, whether it were true or no, was uncertain; but certain it is, that it sank further into the mind of Selymus, than any man would have thought. He had now also a little before heard, that many of those rich E∣gyptian Families, which he had before com∣manded to be removed to Constantinople, had for great sums of Mony obtained of Ionuses, (who had the whole ordering of that matter) that they might quietly and in safety remain still in their own Country. Of which his covert dealing, great probability was alledged by such as repined at his honour, and secretly accused him, That those Princelike and excessive charges and ex∣pences, which he was not able possibly to main∣tain of his ordinary Pension were royally support∣ed with the embeseled Spoil and Revenues of that new gotten Kingdom. Which malicious sug∣gestions, as they tended to the lightning of his Credit, so also another crime (whether it were of fraudulent dealing or negligence, or other fur∣ther respect, is uncertain) coming in the neck of the other, wrought his utter disgrace, and final confusion; for Selymus after the manner of great Princes (who more severely to punish the former offences, notably dessembling their present anger, expect but the occasion of some new crime) with vigilant Eye waiting upon his words and deeds, prosecuted him with a mortal and deadly hatred, with a full purpose to destroy him.

A few days before it was certainly reported that Selymus would again return into Syria,* 1.106 the Souldiers appointed to be left in Garrison at Caire, alledging the great distance of the place, and the greater dangers they were to expect, with the la∣bors by them already endured, requested of the Bounty of their most fortunate Emperor, that they might have their Wages augmented. Which thing Selymus (never spare handed to his Men of War) easily granted, commanding Ionuses the stately Bassa, that the sum they required, might be ad∣ded to their accustomed Wages, and so entred into his accounts for the Wars. But he carried headlong with discontentment, made neither the Treasurers nor Paymasters acquainted with any such matter as Selymus had before commanded; of purpose, that the Garrison Souldiers deceived of their greater Wages promised them by the Emperor, might even at the first begin to hate and contemn Cayerbeius, as Author of so great an injury; that so the state of Caire, and of that new gotten Kingdom, disquieted by the mutiny of the Garrison Souldiers, Selymus inforced to change his former purpose, should instead of that strange Governor (ha••ed of the Egyptians for his late Treason, and not beloved of the Garrison Souldiers, because he was to them a Stranger) of necessity send some of his own Bassaes, a Turk, for the better stay and assurance of that wavering and mighty Province. But all these things (as commonly wicked purposes have their foul events) fell out in fine far otherwise then he had in his troubled mind before conceived. For Selymus be∣ing departed out of Egypt, and now on his way almost as far as Ierusalem, the Garrison Souldiers at Caire, the pay-day being now come, and re∣ceiving

no more but their old accustomed wages, moved with that evil dealing (as contrary to the Emperors promise and their general expectation) began with more fury and rage than ever Ionu∣ses had before imagined, openly and insolently to insult and threaten the Treasurer and Paymasters, and with open mouth to rail upon Cayerbeius their Governor. With which so insolent and oppro∣brious Speeches he astonied (as one not yet acquainted with the fashions of the Turkish Gar∣risons) together with the Paymasters, in best manner they could excused themselves unto the Souldiers, requesting them not to think so hardly of them who were altogether innocent in the matter, and with patience to understand the truth of the cause; wherein if they should on their part find any fraudulent or evil dealing, they craved no favour, either refused any pu∣nishment. Thus Cayerbeius and the Paymasters seeking by all means to avoid both the suspition and the present danger; and the mutinous Soul∣diers no less hastning to find out by whom they were so abused, and to be thereof revenged, it was at last with much ado agreed, That trusty Messengers should forthwith be sent to Selymus, who was not yet gone out of Iudea, to under∣stand of him the truth of the matter.

These speedy Messengers having with wonder∣ful celerity dispatcht their journey, overtook Selymus with his Army a little from Larissa in Iu∣dea; and admitted to his presence, o••derly decla∣red unto him both the complaints of the Souldiers, and the carefulness of Cayerbeius and the Pay∣masters to excuse the matter, together with the danger they were in, with all the other accidents whatsoever which had hapned since the time of his departure from Caire. Which complaint so incensed the mind of Selymus with new passions of anger and choler, being already sore alienated with former displeasures, that he without further delay commanded Ionuses Bassa to be brought be∣fore him to answer the matter;* 1.107 who although he were inwardly strucken with the guilt of his own conscience, and surprised with a deadly fear, which appeared in his colour as pale as Ashes, seeing in the angry face and countenance of his Sovereign the most certain tokens of his heavy displeasure; yet as he was a man of great Spirit, answered boldly, That he had forbidden the Soul∣diers Wages to be augmented,* 1.108 contrary to his Majesties command, not upon any evil meaning to have inverted that mony to his own use, nei∣ther thereby to have drawn any man of purpose into disgrace, as was by some his malicious Ene∣mies suggested; but upon great reason, thereby to provide for his Majesties Cofers wonderfully emptied with those late Wars; beside that, the constant report of new troubles like to arise out of Persia, gave good occasion for him to spare unnecessary charges: Whereas on the other side, as he said, the Garrison Souldiers were already inriched with the plentiful Spoils of Egypt, and in a most goodly City possessed the sumptuous Houses and Lands of the Mamalukes, feeding upon the Goods of the Egyptians, and had already received both greater Pay and more bountiful Rewards from him, than ever any Souldiers had from any his Predecessors the Othoman Kings; in which case, if they were not past all modesty, they might well enough take it in good part, if they were something restrained in their unreasonable re∣quests. He alledged moreover, that great Princes which retain their Souldiers in reasonable Pay in time of Peace and War, ought sometime for Warlike Discipline, to require of them a mode∣ration of their desires, lest whilst they all strive with greediness for their private gain, there want Mony afterwards in the common Treasury to maintain a greater and more necessary charge, Wars still rising upon Wars; seeing that no Com∣mander, were he never so valiant or fortunate▪ ever did any great matter in Wars, if he wanted Coin, the most proper Instrument and very Si∣news of War, aswering unto his other most he∣roical parts and sufficiency. But as he was yet thus speaking, Selymus full of wrath and indigna∣tion interrupted him; for if he should have suf∣fered him in longer discourse to have recounted his former deserts and worthy service done, aswell in the time of his Father Bajazet, as of late even in his own presence, he was like enough to have had of them that were able to do most with him, intercessors for him; and so without further de∣lay,* 1.109 caused him even there in his own presence to be executed; saying moreover, that others which would arrogantly presume to prescribe un∣to their Sovereigns what they had to do, should for ever after by the example of that most insolent Servant, be admonished of their duty and condi∣tion. It is reported, that the Souldiers in despight of Selymus wonderfully lamented the unworthy death of this so worthy a man; for he beside his notable and rare valor, so many times to his great honour in sundry Battels approved, had by the dexterity of his Grecian Wit, Comeliness of Per∣sonage, Military Eloquence, and gallant manner of living, so won the love and favour of all men, that there was few or none in all the Army which did not aknowledg himself some way indebted and beholden unto him; and did therefore con∣demn the Emperors Cruelty. They then began to tell how Mustapha sirnamed Caloger, a man of wonderful Credit and Authority both with Ba∣jazet and himself, was in the heat of his fury slain without hearing; and that in like manner of rage, old Chendemus a man of greatest honour and inte∣grity of life, and of all the Chieftains which came out of the great Emperor Mahomets Nusery, the most skilful, had been for his grave and wholesome Counsel only, without cause murthered, neither was then Bo••tanges his Son in Law forgotten; neither Cherseogles (the one most honourable for the great place he held in Court and the Marriage of Bajazets Daughter, and the other a man of no less mark being his great Admiral, and bearing himself high upon his infinite Wealth, but more upon his Wife one of the Daughters of Selymus) both which two Noble Gentlemen about two years before had their heads struck off, no man well knowing wherefore; and their dead Bo∣dies cast out at the Court Gate, to the terror of the beholders, as a miserable spectacle of their own misery and the Emperors Cruelty. Yea the remembrance of his old tyranny (renewed as it were with this late outrage) presented afresh un∣to all mens eyes the reverend old Emperor Bajazet his Father, with his two Brethren, Achomates and Corcutus, by right both called unto the Empire before himself; with many other young Princes of the Blood, of great hope and expectation, who as all men knew, perished through to unnatural and execrable Cruelty of this most merciless man. So that men generally did both fear him and hate him. Forasmuch as he without all fear of God or regard of worldly shame, accounted no practice wicked, or device detestable, that might serve for the better establishing of his Kingdom; and had set down in his mind, (long before corrupted with Ambition and Tyranny) That it was far better for the assurance of his estate, to be feared of all than beloved of many; and therefore spared no mans life, of whom he had but the least suspi∣tion. Howbeit that the severity by him used against this so great a man and so gracious with

the People, may in some sort be excused, as justly moved thereunto by the presumptuous and mali∣cious dealing of the proud Bassa under-hand, con∣trary to the charge given him by his Lord, to the peril of those his great but late Conquests both in Egypt and Syria.

This great Bassa, whilst he yet lived and flourished in the Court, in nothing so much of∣fended the minds of the People (who generally both loved and honoured him) as by the Cruelty by him shewed upon the person of the fair Lady Manto his best beloved Wife. Who being a Greek born, and adorned with all the good gifts of Na∣ture, whereunto her lovely conditions were also answerable, was by Zebalia her first Husband (a man of great honour) carried with him into the Wars, as his greatest Treasure and chief delight. But he slain, and she by misfortune falling into the hands of the Turks (her Enemies) remained so prisoner with them for a time; until that this great Bassa Ionuses shortly after (seeing her a∣mongst the other Captives there taken, so far to exceed the rest as doth the Sun the lesser Stars) surprised with her incomparable beauty, became of her amorous; and in too curious viewing of the captive Lady, was by her himself taken Prisoner. Where finding her outward perfections graced with no less inward vertues, and her honoura∣ble mind answerable unto her rare feature, took her unto his Wife; honouring her far above all the rest of his Wives and Concubines; and she again in all dutiful loyalty seeking to please him, for a space lived in all wordly felicity and bliss, not much inferior unto one of the great Sul∣tanesses. But long lasteth not the Summer Fruit of wanton Love, blasted most time in the blossom and rotten before it be well gathered; for in short time the Bassa more amorous of her Person,* 1.110 than secured in her Vertues, and after the manner of sensual men, still fearing lest that which so much pleased himself, gave no less contentment to o∣thers also; began to have her in distrust, although he saw no great cause, why, more than his own conceit, not grounded upon her evil demeanor, but upon the excess of his own liking. Which mad humor (hardly to be over purged) of it self still more and more in him increasing, he became so froward and imperious, that nothing she could say or do could now so please or content him, but that he still thought some one or other, although he wist not who, to be therein partakers with him. So fearful was the jealous man of his own con∣ceits. Yet could he not chuse but love those great perfections; whereat he could not enough won∣der; although he found no contentment therein, tormenting still both himself and her whom he so dearly loved with his own passionate distrust; until at length, the fair Lady grieved to see her self thus without cause to be suspected, and wearied with the insolent pride of her peevish Husband, together with his imperious commands, determined secretly to depart from him, and so to return again into her own Country. Which her purpose she discovered unto one of her Eunuchs, to whom she had also delivered certain Letters to be by him conveied unto such of her Friends, as whose help she was to use in her in∣tended flight; which Letters the false Eunuch opened, and for the more manifesting of the mat∣ter delivered them unto the Bassa his Master. Who therewith inraged, and calling her unto him,* 1.111 forthwith in his fury, with a Dagger stab'd her to the Heart and slew her; so together with the death of his Love, having cured his torment∣ing jealousie.

But leaving this great Bassa with fair Manto un∣to their rest, his course thus run, to return again unto Selymus; who now come into Syria, was by Letters from the Himbracor-Bassa or Master of his Horse (whom he had left upon the Frontiers of his Kingdom to attend the motions of the Per∣sians) advertised, That the Persian preparations which had raised such a hot rumor of Wars in the beginning of Winter, was grown cold in the heat of Summer; and that he had seen in all the time of his abode in those quarters, none but certain stragling Companies, making shew as if some greater power had been coming, which had ma∣ny times made suddain roads into the Country, with whom he had sundry times prosperously encountred; and it was generally reported by such Prisoners as he had taken, and by his own Espials also, that Hysmael, troubled with the Hyrcanians and Tartars, had converted the greatest part of his Forces against those Nations; so the Winter now drawing fast on, and deep Snows already fallen upon the Mountain Taurus, he could not though he would that year look after Asia the less, or Syria. There were that reported, that the Tartars which dwell between the two Rivers, Ta∣nais and Volga, were by Selymus his procurement, and money, set at work to keep Hysmael busied, by invading the Iberians and Albanians, which were under his protection; which thing he wrought by the means of Mahomet his Father in Law, the Bosphoran King who being of the same Language and Nation, by rewards easily induced the needy Captains of the Tartars his Friends and Confederates, to take up Arms against their Neighbours.

Many men marvelled that Hysmael the Persian King neglected so fair an opportunity,* 1.112 whereby he might (as most men thought) have thrust Selymus quite out of Asia and Syria, whilst he was thus busied in Egypt, yea and easily have destroy∣ed him, shut up with all his power, especially at such time as the Egyptian Sultans Campson and Tomombeius made so great resistance. But they which could better judge of the matter, saw that Hysmael was not of so great Power and Strength abroad, as at home; for his Army for most part consisted of Gentlemen, or such as were by custom bound to serve him in his defensive Wars, volun∣tary men, and such as served without Pay. These as they were the most valiant Horsemen of the East, so did they with singular Valour worthily defend the Kingdom of Persia, and also as occasion required, make War with their near Neighbours; but if any longer expedition were to be taken in hand, that they could by no means away withal, accounting it a grievous thing to depart from their Wives, unto whom they are so addicted that oftentimes they carry them with them into the Wars; and being a wanton and fine kind of People, are not able without Wages to draw after them according to their accustomed manner, so many Carriages and Horses as might serve both for their necessary and wanton uses. With which difficulty, the great King Usun-Cassanes, Hysmael his Grandfather by the Mothers side, was much troubled in his Wars against Mahomet the Great; but was now much harder for Hysmael to do, for that he having obtained his Grandfathers Kingdom by the meer good Will of the People, easing them forthwith of their heavy impositions, always thought the love of his Subjects (which is easily gotten with Bounty and Justice) the surest riches of his Kingdom; and that to com∣mand only over the Bodies and Goods of his Peo∣ple, thei•• Hearts altogether alienated and lost by most heavy and grievous exactions, seemed not the part of a gracious and natural Prince, but of an outragious and momentary Tyrant. Where∣as Selymus on the contrary part, who had by force,

mischief, and most detestable practices stept up into his Fathers seat, had after the manner of the Othoman▪ Kings reposed his greatest and most as∣sured strength in a servile and mercenary kind of men, whom he might for pay as his own Crea∣tures, at his pleasure draw far from home, and as he best liked lead them from place to place, and Country to Country, for the enlarging of his Em∣pire, and eternizing of his Name; and there∣fore according to the quality of his People, deem∣ed true and ready power to consist only in mony, and the severity of his own command; where∣by he had learned with most happy success, in short time to obscure all the Victories of the former Othoman Kings, with the greatness of his own.

All the Winter following, Selymus staied with his Army in Syria spending the time in visiting the Ports and Cities of that Province, [year 1518.] and setting of things in order, for the better assurance there∣of. But upon the approach of the Spring, when he certainly understood, that by the procure∣ment of Leo the Tenth, then Bishop of Rome, the Christian Princes were entred into consulta∣tion to make War upon him, and that supplica∣tions with great solemnity were made for that purpose, and honourable Embassadors sent into all Provinces to stir up the greatest Kings of Christendom against him, he (leaving Gazelles his Lieutenant in Syria) by great journies returned to Constantinople; from thence as at hand to be∣hold the devices and motions of Christian Prin∣ces his Enemies. In the mean time, fearing no alteration of arise in the Provinces of Syria and Egypt, forasmuch as he well saw, that Cayerbeius and Gazelles his Lieutenants, being at deadly ha∣tred betwixt themselves (as well for old grudges, as for the late Treason of Cayerbeius, the great cause of the ruin of the Mamalukes Kingdom) would never agree in one against him, but rather with a certain emulation strive betwixt them∣selves with diligence, faithfulness, and modera∣tion, who should deserve best in well governing the Provinces by him committed to their charge, as indeed they did during the short time of his Reign.

Selymus being arrived at Constantinople, and purposing from thenceforth to turn all his Forces upon the Christians, [year 1519.] * 1.113 caused wonderful prepara∣tion to be made for his Wars, but especially at Sea; whereby it was thought, that he would have either attempted the strong Island of the Rhodes (a great moat in his Eye) or else some part of Italy. But as he was hatching this mischief, or some other of no less importance, and in the mean time delighted himself with visiting the Cities of Grecia and Thrace, and solaced himself in the pleasant Country about Hadrianople, he was suddainly attached with the Hand of God, and strucken in the Reins of his Back with a Cancer; which melancholy and devouring ma∣lady contemning all cure, did by little and little so eat and corrupt his body, as that he before so much honoured, became now loathsome and odi∣ous both to himself and others.

As he lay thus languishing, his incurable di∣sease still increasing, leaning his head in the lap of Pyrrhus the Bassa, whom of all others he most loved, said, O Pyrrhus, I see I must shortly die with∣out remedy. Whereupon the great Bassa took oc∣casion to discourse with him of many matters; and amongst others, that it would please him to give order for the well bestowing of the great Wealth taken from the Persian Merchants in di∣vers places of his Empire; perswading him to be∣stow the same upon some notable Hospital for relief of the poor. To whom Selymus replied, Wouldst thou Pyrrhus, that I should bestow other mens goods wrongfully taken from them, upon works of Charity and Devotion, for mine own vain glory and praise? assuredly I will never do it; nay, rather see they be again restored unto the right owners. Which was forthwith done accordingly; to the great shame of many Chri∣stians, who minding nothing less than restitution, but making ex rapina holocaustum, do out of a World of evil gotten goods cull out some small frag∣ments, to build some poor Hospital, or mend some blind way; a poor testimony of their hot Charity.

Selymus lying thus sick to death, [year 1520.] and rotting a∣bove the ground in his Tent, as he was upon the way going to Hadrianople, sent before Pyrrbus and Achmetes, two of his greatest Bassaes, to provide for the solemnizing of the great Feast, which the Turks call Bairam (and is as it were their Easter) purposing to come after himself at leisure, as his weak Body would give him leave; and kept with him only Ferhates, the third of his greatest Bassaes and Privy Counsellors. But such was the fury of his foul disease, continually attainting him with intollerable pains, that shortly after the departure of the other two Bassaes,* 1.114 he breathed out his cruel Ghost, in the Month of September, in the year 1520, near unto the City Chiurli, in the self same place where he had sometime most unnaturally assailed his aged Father Bajazet, with purpose to have slain him, had not the for∣tune of the old Emperor in a great battel pre∣vailed both against his Force and the Treason of his own People.* 1.115 Thus intending the mischief he could not perform, cut off by a loathsome and un∣timely death, he to the great joy of all Christen∣dom ended his days, when he had lived six and forty years, and thereof reigned eight; which time of his Reign was nothing else but a most horrible and dreadful time of Bloodshed. His dead Body was afterwards solemnly by his Son Solyman buried in a new Temple at Constantinople, which he to the imitation of his Father and Grand∣father, had for that purpose before built. Upon his Tomb is ingraven in the Greek, Turkish, and Sclavonian Tongues, this short Epitaph:

Hic maximus adsum Selymus, qui orbem domui.* 1.116 Non bella relinquo, sed pergo inquirere: Non ulla me fortuna potuit evertere: Licet ossa jacent, animus quaerit.

In English thus:

Lo here I lie great Selymus, which held the World in fear; The World I leave, but not the Wars, which I seek, though not here. No Fortunes force, or Victors hand, could take from me the Spoils: And though my Bones lie buried here, my Ghost seeks bloody broils.

He used commonly to say, That nothing was sweeter than to reign without fear or suspition of his Kindred. A little before his death,* 1.117 he com∣mended his Son Solyman to Pyrrhus Bassa, straitly charging him, that after his death he should leave the Persians, and turn his Forces altogether upon the Christians. And the more to incense him to the effusion of Blood, he left him the lively counterfeit of himself hanging at his bed side, with sundry bloody Precepts breathing forth his cruel and unmerciful disposition.

Tabulae Epigraphe.

Soldanus Selymus Otomanus, Rex Regum, Dominus omnium Domino∣rum, Princeps omnium Principum, Filius & Nepos Dei. S. S. S.

Ad dextram, Versus Graeca lingua adscripti in hunc sensum.

TUtus ut imperii Princeps sibi sceptra capessat, Anxia ne dubio corda pavore premat, Ne putet esse nefas cognatum ••aurire cruorem; Et nece fraterna, constabilire domum. Iura, Fides, Pietas, Regni dum nemo supersit, Aemulus, haud turbent religione animum. Haec ratio est, quae sola queat regale tueri Nomen, & expertem te sinit esse metus.

Ad sinistram lingua Sclavonica.

Te semel adversus peccantem, mitis haberi, Ne studeas, poena vindice tutus eris. Protinus ense rescindendum, putrescore si quid Incipiet, clemens Rex male sceptra gerit. Ad veniam facilis, peccanti porrigit ansam Qua s•• sustentans, ad nova damna ruat.

Ad Calcem tabulae lingua Turcica.

Qui non ipse sua Princeps bastilia dextra, Agmen in adversum marte favente jacet. Sed refugit saevis caput objectare periclis Dum gravia impavido, praelia corde subit: Iste sciat vanis belli sese artibus uti; Et votis nunquam fata favere suis. Nulla sibi speret, suscepti commoda belli, Hostiles acies quisquis adite timet.

The Inscription of the Table.

Sultan Selymus Othoman King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Prince of all Princes, the Son and Nephew of God.

On the right hand of the Table were written Greek Verses to this sense.

THe Prince that safely seeks to reign, and hold this State in quiet rest, Must never suffer troubled care to harbour in his Princely Breast.* 1.118 Nor think it sin to spill the blood of his most near and dearest Kin, Not of his Brother, so thereby assured safety he may win. Law, Faith, Devotion, and such like, to break them all he must not spare, Nor conscience make of any thing, to rid him from aspiring care. This is the way and only mean that may protect a Princes State, And set him safe without all fear, whilst none may live whom he doth hate.

On the left hand of the Table was written in the Sclavonian Tongue.

Of him that seeks to work thy wo, deseve to be counted kind: But take him for thy mortal Foe, and plague him with revenging mind. The rotten limb is cut away for fear of doing further harm: The gentle Prince doth bear small sway, if no abuse can make him warn. Forbearance makes men more offend, and to pre∣sume of further grace, It doth but strength to Rebels lend, to thrust their Sovereign out of place.

At the lower end of the Same Table was writ∣ten in Turkish Verse.

What Prince in person dareth not in open Field to meet his Foe, And there with unapplauded heart, his deadly darts himself to throw: But hides his head for fear of harm, and shuns the danger of the Field, When Martial minds with couraged bold with∣stand their Foes with spear and shield; Let him well know, how that in vain he beareth Arms but for a shew. And that the honour of the Field will never such a Coward know. Ne let him hope to gain the Spoil by any Wars he takes in hand, That feareth with couragious mind his Enemies Forces to withstand.

Christian Princes of the same time with Se∣lymus the First.

• Emperors of Germany
  • Maximilian the First. 1494. 25.
  • Charles the Fifth. 1509. 39.
• ...Kings
  • Of England
    • Henry the Eighth. 1509. 38.
  • Of France
    • Lewis the Twelfth. 1497. 17.
    • Francis the First. 1514. 32.
  • Of Scotland
    • James the Fourth. 1489. 25.
    • James the Fifth. 1513. 32.
• Bishops of Rome
  • Jul••us the II. 1503. 9.
  • Leo the X. 1513. 8.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Selymus going in∣to Asia against his Brother A∣chomates.
• * 1.2

  Selymus murthereth five of his Brothers Sons.
• * 1.3

  Selymus seeketh af∣ter the lives of Amurat and Ala∣din, the Sons of A∣chomates his Bro∣ther.
• * 1.4

  Ufeg•• Bas∣sa taken Prisoner.
• * 1.5

  Musta∣pha Bassa shamefully murthered.
• * 1.6

  Ufegi Bas∣sa put to death.
• * 1.7

  Selymus t••keth the spoil of his Brother Corcutus.
• * 1.8

  Corcutus taken.
• * 1.9

  The lamen∣table death of Corc••∣tus.
• * 1.10

  Treason a∣gainst Se∣lymus dis∣covered.
• * 1.11

  Sinan Bas∣sa discom∣fited by A∣chomates.
• * 1.12

  Selymus with his Army pas∣seth over the River.
• * 1.13

  Achoma∣tes stran∣gled.
• * 1.14

  Amurat and Ala∣din the Sons of A∣chomates, fly, the one into Per∣sia, and the other to Egypt.
• * 1.15

  Amurat spoile••h Cappado∣cia.
• * 1.16

  Selymus r••s••lveth to invade the Per∣sian.
• * 1.17

  Chende∣mus ••assa disswades Selymus from going any further against the Persians.
• * 1.18

  Chende∣mus Bassa by the com∣mandment of Selymus slain.
• * 1.19

  Selymus sen••eth o••t his Scou••s, who do r••∣turn with bad news.
• * 1.20

  Selymus passeth o∣ver Ara∣xes.
• * 1.21

  Hysmael sends an Herald to Selymus.
• * 1.22

  Selymus his answer unto Hys∣mael.
• * 1.23

  The order of Sely∣mus his Battel.
• * 1.24

  Hysmael with thir∣ty thousand Persians giveth Battel to Selymus with three hundred thousand Turks.
• * 1.25

  The great and mortal Battel be∣tween Hys∣mael and Selymus.
• * 1.26

  Vasta Ogli slain.
• * 1.27

  The terror of the Bat∣tel between Selymus and Hys∣mael.
• * 1.28

  The Persi∣an Tents taken by the Turks.
• * 1.29

  The Iani∣zaries in mutiny a∣gainst Selymus.
• * 1.30

  Selymus in passing the River Euphra∣tes, recei∣veth great loss.
• * 1.31

  Selymus cometh to Amasia.
• * 1.32

  The former History as it is re∣ported by Jo. Ant. M••••navi∣nus a Ge∣noway pre∣sent at do∣ing there∣of.
• * 1.33

  Selymus and Hys∣mael com∣pared toge∣ther.
• * 1.34

  Hysmael majestical.
• * 1.35

  Selymus tyrannical.
• * 1.36

  Hysmael courteous.
• * 1.37

  Selymus chur••ish.
• * 1.38

  The Persi∣ans better Horsemen than the Turks.
• * 1.39

  The cause why Hys∣ma •• came with so small an Army a∣gains•• Se∣lyu••us.
• * 1.40

  The Coun∣tries ••••b∣ject to Hysmael.
• * 1.41

  Selymus with a new Army entreth in∣to Arme∣nia.
• * 1.42

  Aladeules his King∣dom.
• * 1.43

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.44

  Aladeules flies into the Moun∣tains.
• * 1.45

  Aladeules taken and brought to Selymus, is put to death.
• * 1.46

  Selymus invadeth Hungary.
• * 1.47

  Selymus goe••h to I∣conium.
• * 1.48

  The causes moving Campson to fall out with Se∣lymus.
• * 1.49

  The order of the Ma∣malukes.
• * 1.50

  The impe∣rious Go∣vernment of the Ma∣malukes in Egypt, Ju∣dea and Syria.
• * 1.51

  The begin∣ning of the Govern∣ment of the Mama∣lukes in Egypt.
• * 1.52

  The mode∣rate and happy Go∣vernment of Camp∣son.
• * 1.53

  Campson his answer to the Em∣bassadors of Sely∣mus.
• * 1.54

  Selymus converteth his Forces from the Persians against Campson.
• * 1.55

  Selymus encoura∣geth his Souldiers to go a∣gainst the Mama∣lukes.
• * 1.56

  The whole∣some Coun∣sel of Ga∣zelles for protract∣ing the War.
• * 1.57

  A secret grudge be∣tween Campson and Cay∣erbeius Governor of Coma∣gena.
• * 1.58

  The Ma∣malukes notable Souldiers.
• * 1.59

  The order of Camp∣son his Battel.
• * 1.60

  The order of Sely∣mus his Battel.
• * 1.61

  The death of Camp∣son.
• * 1.62

  Aleppo delivered to Sely∣mus by Cayerbei∣us the Traitor.
• * 1.63

  The dead Body of Campson laid out for all men to view.
• * 1.64

  Paulus Jo∣vius Illust. virorum Elog. lib. 4.
• * 1.65

  Selymus coming to Damasco.
• * 1.66

  Notable discipline in Sely∣mus his Army.
• * 1.67

  Tomom∣be••us by the general consent of the Ma∣malukes chosen Sul∣tan of E∣gypt.
• * 1.68

  Gaza yielded to Sinan.
• * 1.69

  Sinan ad∣vertised of the coming of Gazel∣les, goeth secretly to meet him.
• * 1.70

  The Battel between Si∣nan Bassa and Ga∣zelles.
• * 1.71

  Selymus doubting Sinan Bas∣sa to have been lost be∣cometh Me∣lancholy.
• * 1.72

  News of Sinans Vi∣ctory com∣forteth Se∣lymus.
• * 1.73

  Sinan Bas∣sa goe••h to meet Sely∣mus, as he was com∣ing to Gaza.
• * 1.74

  Tomom∣beius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 1.75

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Se∣ly••••s by an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 way mak••s great con∣fusion in Tomom∣be••us Camp.
• * 1.76

  Christian Canoniers serve the Turks a∣gainst the Egyptians.
• * 1.77

  The order of Sely∣mus his Army.
• * 1.78

  Sinan Bassa General of the Field.
• * 1.79

  Sinan Bas∣sa with most of his Followers slain by Bidon.
• * 1.80

  Mustapha with his Asian Soul∣diers over∣throweth the left Wing of the Sultans Army.
• * 1.81

  Selymus caus••th the Diadare and vali∣ant Cap∣tain ••idon to be slain.
• * 1.82

  Tomom∣beius his purpose dis∣covered to Selymus.
• * 1.83

  TheEgypti∣ans dive••s∣ly af••ected toward the Mama∣lakes.
• * 1.84

  The descri∣ption of the great City of Caire.
• * 1.85

  The Pyra∣mids of Egypt.
• * 1.86

  Selymus encourag∣eth his Souldiers to the win∣ing of Caire.
• * 1.87

  A most mortal Battel fought in Caire.
• * 1.88

  A long and terrible Fight.
• * 1.89

  Caire tak∣en by Sely∣mus.
• * 1.90

  Gazelles his speech to Sely∣mus.
• * 1.91

  Albucho∣mar dis∣covereth to Sely∣mus the power of Tomom∣beius, and the trea∣chery of them of Caire.
• * 1.92

  The causes moving Se∣lymus to send Em∣bassadors to To∣mombeius
• * 1.93

  Selymus his Em∣bassadors slain by the Ma∣malukes.
• * 1.94

  Tomom∣beius di∣stresseth the Turks in passing the bridge made over Nilus.
• * 1.95

  The Ma∣malukes give a fresh charge up∣on the Turks.
• * 1.96

  The Ma∣malukes put to flight.
• * 1.97

  Tomom∣beius ta∣ken and brought to Selymus.
• * 1.98

  Tomom∣beius tor∣tured.
• * 1.99

  The mise∣rable and of To∣mombeius last Sul∣tan of E∣gypt.
• * 1.100

  Paulus Jo∣vius Illust. virorum Elog. lib. 4.
• * 1.101

  The Egyp∣tians in doubt of their E∣state be∣wail the death of Tomom∣beius.
• * 1.102

  Selymus c••nningly reduceth the Ara∣bians to his obedi∣ence.
• * 1.103

  Of this Cortug-Ogli see more in the life of So∣lyman.
• * 1.104

  Cayerbei∣us the Traitor made Go∣vernor of Caire and Egypt.
• * 1.105

  Jonuses envieth at the pr••fer∣ment of Cayerbei∣us.
• * 1.106

  Selymus command∣ed the Wages of his Soul∣diers to be left in Garrison at Caire, to be aug∣mented.
• * 1.107

  Selymus calleth for Jonuses Bassa to answer the matter.
• * 1.108

  The answer of Jonuses Bassa.
• * 1.109

  The death of Jonu••es the great Bassa.
• * 1.110

  Jonuses Bassa jea∣lous of his fair Wife Man••o.
• * 1.111

  The fair Lady Man∣to cruelly slain by her je••lous Husband.
• * 1.112

  The cause why Hys∣mael in∣vaded not Selymus wholely busied in the Egyp∣tian Wars.
• * 1.113

  Selymus purposing to invade the Chri∣stians, struck in the Reins of his Back with a Cancer.
• * 1.114

  The death of Sely∣mus.
• * 1.115

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 judgment of God.
• * 1.116

  Phi. Lo∣nicerus Turcicae Historiae, Tomo pri∣mo. lib. primo.
• * 1.117

  Selymus before his death com∣mendeth the tui••ion of his Son Solyman to Pyr∣rhus the Bassa.
• * 1.118

  The bloody and tyran∣nical Pre∣cepts left by Sely∣mus to his Son So∣lyman, which he afterward most as∣suredly kept as is to be seen in his life following.