The Turkish history from the original of that nation, to the growth of the Ottoman empire with the lives and conquests of their princes and emperours / by Richard Knolles ... ; with a continuation to this present year MDCLXXXVII ; whereunto is added, The present state of the Ottoman empire, by Sir Paul Rycaut ...

The LIFE of BAJAZET, The Second of that NAME, AND Second Emperor OF THE TURKS.

UPon the death of Mahomet the late Em∣peror, great Troubles began to arise about the Succession in the Turkish Empire;* 1.1 some of the Bassaes and great Captains seeking to place Baja∣zet, the eldest Son of Mahomet, in the Empire; and others with no less devotion labouring to prefer Zemes, or Gemes, otherwise called Zizi∣mus, Bajazet his younger Brother. By occasion whereof there arose two great and mighty Facti∣ons, which in few days grew to such heat, that many great Tumults and hot Skirmishes were made in the Imperial City, betwixt the Fa∣vorites of both Factions, and great slaughter committed. In these Broils the proud Janiza∣ries for an old grudge slew Mahometes one of the four great Bassaes, a man by whose grave Counsel most of the weighty Affairs of the Turkish Empire had been managed during the Reign of the late Emperor; and proceeding fur∣ther in their accustomed Insolency, spoiled all the Christians and Jews which dwelt amongst them, of all their Wealth and Substance; at which time the rich Merchants and Citizens of Constantinople which were natural Turks them∣selves, escaped not their ravenous Hands, but became unto them a Prey and Spoil also. The other three Bassaes of the Court, Isaac, Mesithes, and Achmetes, (lately returned from the winning of Hydruntum in Italy) although they secretly maligned and envied one at the greatness of another, yet to appease these so dangerous Troubles, and to assure their own Estates, joyned hands together, and by their great Authority, and multitude of Followers and Favorites, found means that Corcutus (one of the younger Sons of Bajazet, a young Prince of eighteen years old) was as it were by general content of the Nobi∣lity and Souldiers, saluted Emperor, and with great Triumph and Solemnity placed in the Imperial Seat. In whose name, the aforesaid Bassaes at their pleasure disposed of all things, little or nothing regarding either Bajazet or Zemes, then both absent, the one at Amasia, and the other at Iconium in Lycaonia. For the jealous Turkish Kings never suffer their Sons to live in Court near unto them, after they be grown to years of discretion; but send them to Govern their Provinces far off; where they are also under the Command of the Emperors Lieutenants-Ge∣neral in Asia or Europe, and may not depart from their Charge without great danger, not so much as to visit their Father without express leave and commandment. So jealous are those Tyrants, yea even of their own Sons.

Bajazet and Zemes hearing of the death of their Father, and of the Troubles in the Imperial City, hasted thitherward with all speed, where Bajazet being the nearer, first arrived; but find∣ing the Empire already possessed by Corcutus his younger Son, and himself excluded,* 1.2 he in grief of his heart poured forth most grievous Complaints before God and man, calling Heaven and Earth to witness of the great wrong and injury done unto him by the proud Bassaes. And what by Tears and humble Obtestations, what by great Gifts and greater Promises, but most of all by the earnest labour and solicitation of Cherseogles Vice-Roy of Graecia, and the Aga or Captain of the Janizaries, both his Sons in law, prevailed so much with the great Bassaes and Souldiers of the Court, that Corcutus being of a mild and cour∣teous disposition, overcome by their intreaty and the reverence of his Father, resigned unto him the Imperial Government, which he presently took upon him with the general good liking of the people, and made Corcutus Governor of Lycia, Caria, and Ionia, with the pleasant and rich Coun∣tries thereabouts; allowing him a great yearly Pension for the better maintenance of his Estate, with promise also of the Empire after his de∣cease, and so sent him away to his Charge, where he most pleasantly lived during the Reign of his Father Bajazet, giving himself wholly to the study of Philosophy, which made that he was after∣wards less favoured of the Janizaries and other men of War.

Zemes thus prevented by his elder Brother, and understanding by his Friends how all things stood at Constantinople,* 1.3 and that Bajazet was al∣ready possessed of the Empire; returning with great speed, raised a puissant Army in the Coun∣tries which were under his Command, and marching through the heart of Asia the less, by the way as he went, took into his possession such Cities and strong Places as he thought best; and so entring into Bithynia, took the great City of Prusa, the ancient Seat of the Othoman Kings. Purposing in himself, that as Bajazet had shut him out of Europe, so he would also in requi∣tal thereof exclude him out of that part of the Turkish Empire which is beyond Hellespontus in Asia, and to make himself Lord thereof. Wherein Fortune at the first seemed unto him most favourable, all the people wheresoever he came yielding unto him Obedience as unto their Prince and Soveraign; so that in short time he seemed both unto himself and to others, in strong possession of that part of the Em∣pire.

Of these his proceedings Bajazet having Intel∣ligence,* 1.4 and perceiving the greater part of his Empire now in danger to be lost, and doubt∣ing further, that Zemes his ambitious Mind would hardly rest therewith long contented; for reme∣dy of so great a Mischief levied a strong and puissant Army, wherewith he passed over into Asia, and came to Neapolis a City of Anatolia, near whereunto Zemes lay with his Army strongly incamped. As Bajazet was upon the way against his Brother, Achmetes the great Bassa (in the confession of all men the best man of War and most expert Captain amongst the Turks, and of all others most entirely beloved of the Jani∣zaries) came, and unarmed presented himself upon his knees before Bajazet, his Sword hang∣ing at his Saddle-bow; to the admiration of many, who could not but wonder to see so wor∣thy a Chieftain of so great Place in time of Ser∣vice, without any apparent cause, in such hum∣ble manner to appear••before his Soveraign, as if he had had nothing to do with Arms. It chanced many years before, in the mortal Wars betwixt Mahomet the late and great Emperor of the Turks, and Assymbeius Usun-Cassanes the King of Persia, that Bajazet having the leading of the right Wing of his Fathers Army, had not mar∣tialled it in so good order as was to Mahomet his good liking; for which cause he commanded this Achmetes to go and set that part of the bat∣tel in better order. Which his Soveraigns Com∣mand whiles he most skilfully performed, Baja∣zet taking it in evil part, as tending to his own disgrace, in great choler threatned the Bassa, to find a time when he would be revenged upon him. But he being a man of great spirit, and one that durst both do and say much, perceiving his meaning, bid him do what pleased him; and laying his hand upon his Sword, solemnly vow∣ed, That whensoever he came to Command as Emperor, he would never ware Sword in field; the remembrance whereof was the cause that he then came in manner aforesaid, ready to serve if he were thereto commanded, or otherwise to endure what so his Princes Pleasure was. Bajazet perceiving that the unkindness so long before conceived, was not yet disgested, in token of Grace stretched out to him his Scepter, and taking him up, commanded him to girt his Sword unto his side, and not to remember that which he had long before both forgiven and for∣gotten.* 1.5 And knowing right well that he was a most valiant and expert Captain, made him General of his Army, to the great contentment of the Janizaries and the rest of the Army; who so soon as they saw him, gave out divers great shouts for joy, as if Victory had most assuredly attended upon him. Achmetes taking upon him the Charge, came and incamped so near as he could to Zemes, and so lay by the space of ten days; during which time, many sharp Skir∣mishes were made with divers Fortune; some∣time the one side prevailing, and sometime the other. At length the matter was brought to a general battel; wherein after a long and cruel fight, and great slaughter on both sides, the For∣tune of Bajazet, conducted by the policy of Achmetes, prevailed against Zemes. Who seeing his Army overthrown, betook himself to flight, and came to Iconium; in which flight many of Zemes his Followers were taken Prisoners; whom Bajazet would have pardoned and enlarged, but that by the perswasion of Achmetes he changed his mind, and to the terror of others suffered them all to be put to the Sword.

Zemes doubting after this Overthrow to fall into his Brothers hands,* 1.6 and finding no means to make head again; when he had staid three days at Iconium, caused his Treasure, Plate, Jew∣els, and other things of great value and light car∣riage to be trussed up, and taking with him his Mother and his two young Children, a Son and a Daughter, accompanied with a small Retinue, fled into Syria; then part of the Dominion of Caytbeius, commonly called the great Sultan of Egypt and Syria. It was not long after the de∣parture of Zemes from Iconium, but that Bajazet came thither with his Army, to have surprised him; but understanding of his flight, he took order for the peaceable Government of that part of his Empire. And so having suppressed that dangerous Rebellion, and again reduced that troubled part of his Empire to his Obeysance, re∣turned with Victory to Constantinople.

The distressed Prince Zemes travelling through Syria, came at length to Ierusalem; [year 1482.] where he stayed a good space, devoutly visiting the Monu∣ments of that most ancient and famous City. From thence he travelled into Egypt; where at his first entrance into the Country, he was met by divers of the greatest Nobility of that King∣dom, sent from the great Sultan, by whom he was honourably conducted to Caire, and there presented to Caytbeius, of whom he was graciously welcomed; unto whom after due Reverence done, he declared the cause of his coming, as followeth:

If it were not to me certainly known (most Victo∣rious) that you are not ignorant either who I am,* 1.7 or from whence descended, or with what injury enforced, after long and painful travel I am here arrived; it would much concern me to use another manner of beginning of my Speech, and with greater protesta∣tion of words to seek your gracious Favour. But forasmuch as all these things are unto your most Royal Majesty sufficiently known, as I do well perceive in this, that your infinite Clemency hath entertained me with far greater kindness, than I in such my ad∣verse Fortune durst wish for, much less request: Now nothing remaineth for me to say, more than just∣ly to complain unto your invincible Majesty, of the Wrong and Injury done unto me by Bajazet, whom I may more justly term my cruel Enemy, than kind Brother. For he not contented to have taken unto himself my Fathers Empire by great tumult and slaughter, hath with all Hostility and Force of Arms persecuted me his Brother, excluded out of the Impe∣rial City, and then living in Bithynia, troublesome neither to him, nor any of his people, and never rested until he had chased me out of the bounds of my Fathers

Empire. Neither hath the jealous desire of Soveraignty (whereof my Father whilst he lived, had him al∣ways in distrust) so much moved him unto this so cruel Fact, as a certain unnatural cruelty towards all his Kindred in general, and mortal hatred against me his Brother in particular; for he which is already possessed of the Empire, and doth with all Hostility persecute a private person, subject and exposed to his Injury, that man thirsteth not after Soveraignty, but after Blood; neither desireth ••e to Conquer, but to Kill. And whereas after my Fathers death great Troubles arose in Constan∣tinople, and many bloody Skirmishes were fought be∣twixt the Favorites of both of us, it cannot with any truth be laid to my charge, at done by mine advice or counsel, I being at the same time so far from thence. Neither am I justly to be blamed, if that after my Fathers departure I put my self upon the way towards Constantinople, especially being sent for thither by many my good Friends, men of great Mark and Qua∣lity; but his Fortune prevailing, I gave place, and lest my coming to the Imperial City might have been the occasion of new Troubles, I returned aside into Bithynia, and so to Prusa, with purpose there to have rested in quiet, if my Brother would have given me leave. But so far was he from that, to suffer me there to rest, as that I was by him most cruelly as∣sailed as an open Enemy; and had I not by speedy flight withdrawn my self from the imminent danger, and departed quite out of my Fathers Kingdom, I must have yielded my self, my blood, and life, as a Sacrifice into his cruel hands. Neither is he to me so mortal an Enemy, or thirsteth after my life so much for fear, as for very hatred and malice; for what is there in me to fear? Verily nothing: Constanti∣nople is his, the favour of the great Chieftains and Men of War is his, the Treasure and Regal Riches are all his; wherefore he hateth his Brother, but fear∣eth him not. He will sway all things alone, he will have all that belongeth to the Othoman Family alone, and he, yea none but he, must live alone. Xerxes was a mighty King, and yet in that great and large Kingdom he not only preserved his Brethren in safety, but had them also in great Honour and Esti∣mation. What did Alexander the Great? Who not only took pleasure in his Brother, but had him also as a Companion of his most glorious Expedition; and many other famous Kings of foreign Nations, and of our own Family, have ruled both more safely, and better strengthned, with the counsel and aid of their most loving Brethren, rather than with others. But Baja∣zet is of a far other mind, reputing violence and haughtiness of heart to be his greatest and surest de∣fence; herein his fierce Nature delighteth, more than in the lawful course of Nature, Iustice, and Equity; he had rather have his Brother his Enemy than his Friend, and to drive him into exile, than to make him partaker of his counsels. But I beseech thee most puissant Monarch, the faithful Keeper and Maintainer of our Law and Religion, by the sacred Reliques of our great Prophet Mahomet, which thou hast at Jeru∣salem and Mecha, suffer me not, a Kings Son, to live in banishment and exile, poor and miserable, a scorn of his Brothers cruelty, far from home, far from his Country and Kingdom; but regarding the Law of the great Prophet, lift up the afflicted and oppressed, and by the great Authority which you have, bridle Domestical wrongs; or if that will not take place, re∣venge it with thy Sword, and suffer not our Empire, with so great travel founded, by the cruelty or folly of one wilful man to be overthrown; which should be no more grievous and lamentable to us, than dan∣gerous to your most high Estate, and all other Kings and Princes of our Religion. For you of your self understand right well, what deadly Enemies the Christian Princes are unto the Turks; and do you think, that if any great War (which I wish not) should arise of this our Discord, that they would long rest in quiet, and as idle Beholders stand looking on until it were of it self appeased? Or rather having such an opportunity presented, would not with might and main suddenly invade our Kingdom, before shaken with Civil Wars, and seek the utter ruine and de∣struction of the same? Which their desire, if t••at hateful people could bring to pass (which t••ing Ma∣homet turn upon themselve) my mind abhorreth to think how far that mischief would run: For the Othoman Family once rooted out, there is none of ••ur Religion (your Majesty only excepted) which is able to withstand their Power; wherefore you must then stand for your felf and all the rest, you alone must withstand the force of the Christians, you must main∣tain that War with much l••ss, and greater charge, and most uncertain success. Wherefore, invincible Monarch, I most humbly beseech thee, that pittying our Estate, whiles the matter is yet whole, and remedy is yet to be had, to deal with Bajazet by your Em∣bassadors, That though he will not receive me his Brother as Partner of the Empire, yet at least to ad∣mit me into some small part of my Fathers Kingdom: Let him Reign and Rule, let all things be at his Com∣mand; let it be lawful for me p••or man but to live in rest and quiet somewhere, possessing but so much as may suffice me honestly to lead a private life. Which thing if he shall refuse to grant, alth••ugh he n••ither fear the Laws of God or man, yet as I have at Jeru∣salem, so will I also shortly at Mecha (if by your leave I may) complain unto the great Prophet, of the Injuries done unto me by my cruel and unnatural Bro∣ther; and afterwards make proof of your compassion towards me, all which I hope shall much avail. But if (which I would not) I shall prove all th••se things in vain, sith desperation enforceth men to all Extre∣mities, I will go with Fire, Sword, and Slaught••r, by secret and open force, by right and wrong; and hated, will vex my hateful Brother by all manner of Mischief, by all manner of Revenge. Neith••r will I make an end of confounding of all, until I be eith••r received into part of the Empire, or else together wi••h my life leave those desperate and lost things for him alone to enjoy. For I deem it much better, quickly to die, than with disgrace and infamy to protract a lingring loathed life.

The great Sultan in courteous manner com∣forted the distressed Prince, willing him to be of good chear, and patiently to bear his pres••nt hap; forasmuch as it became a man born in so high Fortune, not to be discouraged with any mischance, or dismaid if things fell out other∣wise than he looked for; commending him with∣all, for that he saw in him no less courage than might well have becomed his better Estate; and willing him to live still in hope, promised to do what in him lay, to reconcile him to his Bro∣ther, and to perswade him that he might be re∣ceived into some part of the Kingdom;* 1.8 and to that purpose shortly after dispatched away an honourable Embassage to Bajazet. Zemes in the mean while, by the same Sultans leave, upon a superstitious devotion travelled into Arabia, to visit the Temple of Mahomet at Mecha, and his Sepulchre at Medina. Upon his return to Ca••re, the Embassadors before sent, returned also, but not having obtained any thing they desi••ed; for Bajazet would not give ear to any Agreement, but seemed altogether to contemn and despise his Brother. Wherefore Zemes more upon stomach and desire of Revenge, than for any hope he had of the Empire, determined with himself to make open War upon him; reposing some good hope in his secret Friends, and in the revolt of some of the great Captains, who discontented with the Government of Bajazet, secretly wished for his return.

Whilst he was thus plotting these weighty Matters, [year 1483.] a Messenger with Letters came fitly from the King of Caramania,* 1.9 offering with all the Power he could make, to joyn with him, if he would take up Arms against his Brother. This poor titular King then lived in Armenia, and be∣ing able by his Friends to make some good force, was in hope by joyning with Zemes, to recover some part of the Caramanian Kingdom, from whence his Father was not many years before driven by the force of the late Turkish Empe∣ror Mahomet the Great, Bajazet his Father. It is hard to say, whither of these distressed and exiled Princes gave the greater encouragement to the other, to take this desperate War in hand, being both together far unable by all the Friends they could make, to encounter with the great Power of Bajazet. But what is so dangerous or desperate, which aspiring Minds will not at∣tempt in hope of a Kingdom? whose brightness so dazeleth their eyes, that they can see nothing but it.

Hereupon Zemes having received great Gifts of the Egyptian Sultan, with promise of Aid, departed from Caire (the Sultan earnestly per∣swading him to the contrary) and as it was be∣fore appointed, met with the Caramanian King upon the borders of Asia the lesser; where they concluded to joyn together such Forces as they had, and to invade Bajazet. Which they ac∣cordingly did; for raising all the Power they could, they entred into Cilicia, (now called Caramania) and joyning their Armies together, incamped between Iconium and Larenda. Neither did Bajazet in time of so great a danger sit still; not so much fearing his Brothers Power, as the revolting of his Captains and Souldiers, whom he knew either to love, or at least not to hate the young Prince his Brother. Wherefore he raised a great Army, and sent Achmetes (the great Man of War) before with the one part thereof, himself following after with a far greater strength; for at that time he had under his En∣signs two hundred thousand men.

As he was marching with this great Army, a rumor was raised in the Camp, That some of his chief Captains had conspired to betray him into the hands of his Brother, and that many of the Souldiers secretly favouring Zemes, would upon the joyning of the battel forsake him, and take part with his Brother. Which report so troubled Bajazet, that he stood in doubt what to do, or whom to trust; but knowing that no∣thing winneth the heart of the common Souldier more, than the Generals bounty, he forthwith caused a wonderful mass of Money to be di∣vided amongst the Captains and Souldiers, load∣ing their minds with ample promises of far greater Rewards, for their fidelity and valour to be shewed in that present Service. Having thus assured himself of the wavering minds of his Souldiers, he began to draw near to Iconium, where his Enemies lay incamped; and by glosing Letters and flattering Messengers made shew openly, as if he had been very desirous to come to some good Agreement with them, but secret∣ly went about to stop all the straits and passa∣ges, in such manner as that it should not be possible for them again to retire back into Syria; for he doubted nothing more, but lest they being few in number, and in strength far unequal unto him, would not upon so great dis∣advantage hazard the fortune of a battel, but retire themselves into Syria, and so to his ex∣ceeding Trouble and infinite Charge protract the War.

Zemes perceiving his Brothers subtil drift, and seeing no such Revolt as he had hoped for, and as had before by Letters to him been promised; and weighing with reason his own weak Forces, retired in good time unto the straits of the Mountain Amanus, which divideth Cilicia from Syria. Here, despairing of all good success in the Enterprise he had taken in hand, he per∣swaded the Caramanian King his Confederate to give place unto the time, and to reserve himself unto his better Fortune; and so breaking up his Army, with a few of his Followers came down to the Sea coast of Cilicia; where he hired a tall Ship to attend in readiness, that if any sudden danger should arise, he might go aboard, and so save himself by Sea.* 1.10 In the mean time he sent a Messenger unto Damboys Great Master of the Rhodes, certifying him, That for as much as he had no place of safety left amongst his own people, wherein he might shroud himself from the fury of his Brother, still seeking after his life, he would upon his safe Conduct come to him into his Island of the Rhodes. Which his re∣quest the Great Master easily granted, deeming the flight of so great a Prince from the Turk, to be a thing much profitable to the Christian Commonweal; and thereupon he presently sent forth certain Gallies to fetch him from the trou∣blesome coast of Cicilia. But before these Gallies were come, Zemes was inforced by the sudden access of his Enemies, for the avoiding of present danger, to go aboard on that Ship which he had providently before prepared to be in readiness for such purpose. And having put a little from the shore, shot back again an Arrow with Letters made fast unto it, directed unto his Brother Baja∣zet, containing as followeth:

Thou knowest (most unkind and cruel Brother) that I fly not unto the Christians,* 2.1 the mortal Enemy of the Othoman Family, for hatred of my Religion or Na∣tion; but enforced thereunto by thy injurious dealing, and dangerous practises which thou incessantly attempt∣est against me, yea even in my extream misery. But this assured hope I carry with me, that the time will come when as thou the author of so great wrong, or thy Children, shall receive their just guerdon of this thy present tyranny against thy Brother.

It is reported, that when Bajazet had read these Letters, he was so troubled in mind, that for certain days he gave himself wholly to mourn∣ing and heaviness, and would in no wise be com∣forted; insomuch, that he was brought into the Camp by the Bassaes, as a man half distraught of his wits, shunning for a season all mens speech and company.

Zemes sailing to the Rhodes, was there honour∣ably received of the Great Master,* 2.2 and all the rest of the Knights of the Order; to whom in their publick Assembly three days after, he openly declared the causes of the discord be∣twixt his Brother and him; alledging for the colour of his Rebellion, That although Bajazet were his elder Brother, yet that he was born whilst his Father yet lived in private Estate, un∣der subjection and command, long before he possessed the Kingdom, and so no Kings Son; whereas he himself was the first born of his Fa∣ther, being an Emperor, and so not Heir of his Fathers private Fortune (as was Bajazet) but of his greatest Honour and Empire; and yet not of such an haughty mind, but that he could have been content to have given place unto his Bro∣ther, so that he could have been contented like∣wise to have granted him some small portion of the Empire, wherein he might safely have lived as a poor Prince, and his Brother; but that such

was his pride, as that he would not vouchsafe to suffer him to live so much as a poor private life in any corner of so large an Empire, and was therefore by his unnatural and tyrannous dealing, enforced to crave Aid of the Christian Princes. Of whom (forsomuch as he had always heard much honour) he was in good hope to find suc∣cour and relief in that his distressed estate; pro∣testing unto God and the World, that if ever it should be his good Fortune by their means and help to obtain the Empire, he would never be unmindful of so great a benefit; but to make with them a perpetual and inviolable Peace, and so to rest their fast Friend for ever. The Great Master on the other side comforting him with chearful Speeches, promised to keep him in safety from the fury of his Brother; and farther to com∣mend his Cause to the other great Kings and Princes of Christendom.

* 2.3This exiled Prince Zemes, was about the age of eight and twenty years when he came to the Rhodes; of stature tall, somewhat corpulent and well limb'd, grey-eyed, but looking something asquint, hook-nosed, and in the middle rising, in such manner as the Persians commend in their Kings; of colour brown, spare of speech, and by nature cholerick; a great feeder, so that he seemed rather to devour his meat, than to eat it; much delighted in swimming, and to lie abroad in the night; pensive and melancholy, which men imputed to his great cares; never merry but in the company of the grand Master; a religious observer of the superstition, from which he could never be drawn during the long time he lived in exile; learned as among the Turks, so that he wrote the History of his Fathers life. But leaving him in safe keeping with the grand Master of the Rhodes, let us again return to the course of our History.

Bajazet having now the second time chased away his Brother, after he had well quieted that part of his troubled Kingdom in Asia, returned again to Constantinople, carefully attending when some new motion should be made by his Bro∣ther, to his farther disquiet. But after he under∣stood that he was with the Great Master of the Rhodes, he sent certain of his Bassaes (amongst whom Achmetes the great Souldier is reported to have been one) unto the Great Master, request∣ing him to deliver up Zemes, offering for him a wonderful sum of money. Which dishonour∣able request, when it could by no means be ob∣tained, the same Embassadors in the name of their Master, concluded a Peace very commo∣dious for the Rhodians; wherein among other things it was agreed, That the Great Master should keep Zemes in safe custody, so that he should no more trouble the Turkish Empire; in consideration whereof, and for his honourable usage, Bajazet should yearly pay unto the Great Master thirty thousand Ducats the first of August, which was afterward accordingly payed.

[year 1484.] It fortuned that whilst Achmetes the great Bassa (employed in matters abroad) was absent from the Court, Bajazet discoursing with the other Bassaes his grave Counsellors, upon his late Ex∣pedition into Asia against his Brother, seemed to be highly offended with the untrustiness and doubtful faith of some of his greatest Captains and Souldiers; yet upon whom he might justly lay the blame, he well knew not, although it seemed by his talk, he should somewhat distrust the great Captain Achmetes. Hereupon Isaac the most ancient Bassa of the Court, and of greatest authority next unto Bajazet himself (whose Daughter, a Lady of exceeding beauty, Ach∣metes had long before married, but doubting that she had yielded her Honour to the wanton lust of Mustapha, the eldest Son of Mahomet the late Emperor, had put her from him, and would by no means be reconciled; for which cause there was a secret hatred ever after betwixt those two great Bassaes) perceiving the Emperors dis∣contented and suspitious humour, and desiring nothing more than the destruction of Achmetes, took hold upon this opportunity, and by all means he could devise, encreased the suspition of the Treason, which had already too much possessed the jealous Emperor; sometimes crafti∣ly imagining Intelligence to have passed betwixt Zemes and Achmetes; and forthwith amplifying his Power and Authority, which (as he said) was so great with the Janizaries and Souldiers of the Court, that they by reason of his often imployments, were wholly at his devotion; so that he might at his pleasure do more in Zemes his quarrel, than should stand with the safety of Ba∣jazet; a matter well to be considered of, and also carefully prevented.* 2.4 For remedy of which dan∣gers, it was thought necessary, that Achmetes at his return to Court, should be taken away and slain.

Achmetes fearing nothing less than that which was contrived against him, came after his wont∣ed manner to the Court; and was with the other great Bassaes invited to a solemn Supper which Bajazet had commanded to be prepared, to solace himself after his travels (as it was given out) with his chief Bassaes. To this Royal Sup∣per came Achmetes with the rest of the bidden Guests, mistrusting nothing, and was there sump∣tuously feasted by Bajazet; who to make his Guests the merrier, drank Wine plentifully him∣self, causing them also to drink in like manner; so that they were full of Wine; a thing utterly forbidden by their Law; yet daily more and more used, especially by their great Men in their Feasts. Supper now ended, and the night far spent, Bajazet in token that they were welcome, and stood in his good Grace, caused certain rich Robes of pleasing colours to be brought forth, and to be cast upon every of his Guests one, giving beside unto every one of them a fair gi••t Bowl full of Gold. But upon Achmetes was cast a Gown of black Velvet, which among the Turks may well be called the Mantle of death, being so sure a Token of the Emperors heavy Indignation, as that it is death for any man once to open his mouth, or to intreat for him upon whom it is by the Emperors command∣ment so cast. Achmetes seeing himself now un∣der the shadow of death, and knowing it but vain to intreat for mercy, as he was a man of great spirit, brake forth and said, Oh cachpogly (which is as much as to say, Thou Son of a Whore) sith thou entendedst so much cruelty against me, why didst thou not put it in exe∣cution before thou hadst inforced me to drink this impure and forbidden Wine? and so casting his Eyes upon the ground sate still. The other Bassaes having leave to depart, giving thanks to the Emperor, and craving pardon for their ex∣cess, kissed the ground at his Feet and so de∣parted; with whom Achmetes offered to have gone out also, but was forthwith commanded to sit still, for that the Emperor had to talk with him in secret. The Bassaes were no sooner de∣parted, but the terrible Executioners of Bajazet his wrath stept in, and laid hands upon Achmetes to have slain him; when one of the Eunuchs in greatest favour with the Tyrant, standing by, advised him not to be too hasty in executing of so great Man, so entirely beloved of his best Souldiers and Men of War, but rather to stay

his Execution for a while, to see how the matter would be disgested; and in the mean time by torture to wrest it out from him what might be got, to make it in some sort appear, that he died for his due desert. Hereupon Bajazet deferred his Execution to a farther time, and caused him there presently to be stript, and carried away to be tortured.

* 2.5Amongst other Gallants of the Court which attended the coming out of the great Bassaes whom they followed, was one of Achmetes his Sons, a Gentleman of great hope; who missing his Father amongst the rest, began presently to mistrust that all went not well; and speedily running from one of the Bassaes to another, with much ado learned the hard estate of his Father; whereof he was also at the same instant adver∣tised by a secret Friend near about Bajazet. Here∣upon this young Gentleman began forthwith pite∣ously to lament his Fathers mishap, and to ex∣claim against the cruelty of Bajazet; called on the Janizaries for aid, putting them in remembrance of his Fathers great and manifold Deserts to∣wards them, together with his imminent danger; and so running up and down the City in the dead time of the night, had in short space raised up all the Janizaries in Arms; who understand∣ing of the danger of their ancient Commander, whom they generally loved and honoured as their Father, came running by heaps from all parts of the City unto the Court-Gate, there with terrible Exclamation doubling and redoubling their Bre, Bre, (which barbarous word they commonly use in expressing their greatest discontentment and fury) and did indeed so furiously beat at the Court Gate, that Bajazet fearing lest they should break in by violence, caused the outer Gate to be set open, and shewing himself from above out at an Iron Window, demanded of them the cause of that Tumult and Uproar. To whom they insolently answered, That they would by and by teach him as a Drunkard, a Beast, and a Rascal, to use his great Place and Calling with more sobriety and discretion; and among many other opprobrious words wherewith they shame∣fully loaded him, they called him oftentimes by the name of Bengi, Bengi (that is to say, Bache∣lor or Scholar) which amongst those Martial Men, Contemners of all Learning, is accounted a word of no small reproach and disgrace. And after they had in most despiteful manner thus reviled him, they proudly commanded him forth∣with to deliver Achmetes unto them, or else to take that should ensue thereof. Bajazet terrified with this Insolency of the Janizaries, and fearing some sudden violence to be offered,* 2.6 commanded Achmetes to be without delay delivered unto them; which was done in such hast, that he was brought forth unto them almost naked, bare legged, and bare headed, bearing in his body the manifest marks of his hard usage. The Ja∣nizaries receiving him with great rejoycing, sup∣plied his want of Apparel with such habiliments, as they for that purpose upon the sudden took from Bajazets Minions; and so taking him up∣on their shoulders, with great joy carried him out of the Court, still crying unto him, How he did, and how he felt himself? And so guarded him home, ready no doubt to have slain Baja∣zet and rifled the Court, if he would have but said the word. But he yet Loyal, laboured with good words to appease that Tumult, and to pacifie their fury; excusing that which Bajazet had done against him, to have been done only to correct him, for that happily he had forgotten some part of Obedience and Duty. Neverthe∣less, hereupon remained no small heart-burning betwixt Bajazet and the Janizaries for a long time after; yet Bajazet for fear of them recon∣ciled himself to Achmetes▪ and in open shew had him in greater Honour than before, promo∣ting him even unto the highest degrees of Honour, howbeit he inwardly hated him to death. And the more by the continual instigation of the old Bassa Isaac; by whose perswasion, when it was thought that all had been forgotten, he was by Bajazets Commandment, as he sate at Supper in the Court, thrust through the body and slain. This was the miserable end of Achmetes,* 2.7 the great Champion of the Turks, and one of the greatest Enemies of Christendom that ever lived in the Turkish Court; for by him, Mahomet sub∣verted the Empire of Trapezond, took the great City of Caffa (called in ancient time Theodosia) with all the Country of Taurica Chersonesus, the impregnable City of Croia, with all the Kingdom of Epirus, the strong City of Scodra, and a great part of Dalmatia, and last of all Otranto, to the terrour of all Italy; by him also, Bajazet van∣quished and put to flight his Brother Zemes, as is before declared. In reward of which good Ser∣vices, he was by the Tyrant (upon a meer suspi∣tion) thus cruelly and shamefully murthered. About this time also, Caigubus (Zemes his Son, then but a Child) was by the commandment of Baja∣zet his Uncle, strangled in the new Tower of Constantinople.

Bajazet now grievously offended with the pride and late Insolency of the Janizaries, caused se∣cret inquiry to be made, of them which were the Authors of those late Stirs; and finding them to be the Officers of their Companies, and spe∣cially those which had before slain Mahomet Bassa the great Politician, immediately after the death of Mahomet the late Emperor, at which time they had also raised great Tumults, and done much harm in the City; he under colour of Pre∣ferment, sent away those Authors of Sedition into divers parts of his Empire, appointing unto them (as unto old Souldiers and Men of good de∣sert) certain Lands and Revenues for their Main∣tenance and Preferment. But as soon as they were departed, he by secret Letters commanded the Governors and Magistrates of those places whereunto they were sent, suddenly to appre∣hend them, and as Traytors to put them to death; which was accordingly done. The Ja∣nizaries of the Court and about Constantinople, hearing what had hapned unto their Fellows, became wonderful discontented, and began to mutine in divers places of the City, uttering Speeches against the Emperor full of Despight and Revenge. [year 1487.] Which thing when Bajazet un∣derstood,* 2.8 and had well considered the late dan∣ger he was in, together with the intollerable Pride and Insolency of those his masterful Slaves; he secretly purposed in himself for the curing of so dangerous a Disease, to use a most desperate remedy; which was, suddenly to kill and de∣stroy all the Janizaries, especially those which were belonging to the Court, or about Constan∣tinople. This his purpose he imparted to divers of his greatest Bassaes, charging them upon pain of his heavy displeasure not to disclose it; and for the execution thereof, had sent for great numbers of those Souldiers which are called Acanzij, who are amongst the Turks reputed for the best sort of Common Souldiers. Most of all the Bassaes to whom he had imparted this his cruel device, much disliked thereof, as too full of peril and danger; yet seeing him fully resolved for the performance thereof, would not, or durst not say any thing to the contrary. Only Alis and Ishender Bassa (both descended of the

Honourable Family of Michael Ogli) disswaded him from attempting any such thing; alledging first, That the Janizaries were in number many, Souldiers of great courage and experience, reso∣lute men, and such as would sell their lives dear: Then, admitting that he should kill all them about the Court and in Constantinople; yet for as much as all his strong Towns and Castles, es∣pecially in the Frontiers and chief places of his Dominions, were possessed and holden by strong Garrisons of other Janizaries, Fellows and Friends of these (who would undoubtedly take up Arms in defence of themselves, and revenge of their dead Friends) it were a thing very like to endanger himself, together with the whole State of his Empire, beside the great dishonour which would grow unto himself thereby for ever.

This so dangerous an Exploit, wherein the hands of so many were to be used, was not kept so secret, but that the vigilant and wily Janizaries had got an inkling thereof; and thereupon be∣gan daily more and more to suspect the matter, both by the often and secret repair of the great Men to the Court, more than they had before seen, and also by the unwonted multitude of those Acanzij, which were daily brought unto the Im∣perial City by great Troops. Wherefore fearing to be suddenly surprized, they banded themselves together, and openly stood upon their Guard; and by chance lighting upon Alis Beg as he came from the Court, (who was indeed their best friend) after their barbarous manner, with many oppro∣brious and contumelious words, demanded of him, if he were not one of them who had con∣spired their destruction; and without more ado had presently slain him, had he not (as a well spoken man) with great Protestations and Oaths perswaded them, that he never consented to any such thing, or that they needed to fear any such thing from him; and so with much ado rid him∣self out of their hands.

Bajazet seeing his purpose discovered, and that he could not without great bloodshed, and dan∣ger both to his Estate and Person, work his will upon the Janizaries; by the counsel and advice of them that saw further into the matter, to colour his former intention, commanded by open Proclamation, That the Janizaries and other his Men of War (of whom he had a great Power now assembled at Constantinople) to be in readi∣ness against a certain prefixed day, to go with him into Moldavia; as if he had raised that Power for that purpose only. But when the time was come that he should set forward, the Janiza∣ries put themselves in order of battel by them∣selves, and would in no wise joyn themselves with the rest of the Army, or receive the Em∣peror into the midst of their ranks, as they had always before accustomed; but furiously shaking their Weapons at him, told him plainly, that he had sought their destruction; and bid him there∣fore if he thought it so good, to set his Execu∣tioners to work upon them, whom he should find both ready and able to defend themselves. To pacifie their fury, Bajazet was glad to give them good words, and to use all the means he could (by his great Bassaes and other Captains which were able to do any thing with them) to perswade them to be quiet; swearing unto them by the holy Soul of his Father (a solemn Oath amongst the Turks) that he would not harm or wrong the meanest of them. So with much ado they were at length appeased, and received Bajazet into the midst of them, as their wonted manner was.

This dangerous Tumult so quieted, Bajazet set forward, and passing over Danubius, entred into Moldavia,* 2.9 where he first laid siege to a strong Town standing upon the Euxine Sea, called of the Turks Kele, but in ancient time Achilleia, which was at length delivered unto him by com∣position. From thence he went to Ac-girmen, other∣wise called Asprocastron, which after a months siege was also delivered up by Composition; which two strong places so won, he returned again to Constantinople.

Many great Princes desirous of Zemes,* 2.10 labour∣ed by their Embassadors to have obtained him of the Great Master of the Rhodes; first Bajazet his Brother, fearing lest he should at one time or other again break forth upon him, or else set up by the Christian Princes, trouble his Estate, offered great Sums of Money to have had him delivered into his hands; and Charles the French King purposing the Conquest of Naples, (which he in few years after performed) and after that to have invaded Graetia, thought Zemes a most fit Instrument for the furtherance of those his high Designs, and was therefore wonderful de∣sirous to have had him. Matthias also King of Hungary (a Fortunate Warrior agains•• the Turk) perswaded that the having of him might be unto him a great furtherance in the course of his Victo∣ries, sought by all the means he could to have obtained him. At which time also Innocentius the eighth of that name, Bishop of Rome, no less desirous than the rest, to have in his keeping so great a pledge of Peace and War (the bridle of the Turks fury, together with the large Pensio•• he was sure to receive yearly from Bajaz•••• ••o•• the safe custody of him) so wrought the matter by Lyonel Bishop of Concordia, his cunning Legate, that the Great Master, fearing on the one side to be constrained by the great Power of Bajazet, to grant that he had so often refused, and now so earnestly solicited on the other side by the Bishop, caused Zemes to be delivered to him at Rome, in the year 1488. for which do••ng he was by the Bishop honoured with the honour and title of a Cardinal. So Zemes to the great profit of the Bishop (who received from Bajazet a yearly Pension of forty thousand Ducats) remained in safe custody at Rome all the time of Innocentius, and also of Alexander the Sixth his Successor; until that the French King Charles the Eighth, passing through the heart of Italy with a strong Army against Alphonsus King of Naples, in the year 1495. and making his way through the City of Rome, so terrified the great Bishop (who altoge∣ther favoured and furthered the Title of Alphon∣sus) that he was glad to yield to such Articles and Conditions as pleased the King; and amongst the rest, to give in Hostage unto the King his graceless Son Caesar Borgia Valentinus, and also to deliver unto him Zemes his honourable Prisoner, as shall be afterwards in place convenient at large declared.

In the beginning of Bajazet his Reign, whilst he was busied against his Brother Zemes in Asia, Iohn Castriot the Son of Scanderbeg, aided by the Venetians, after he had fortunately overthrown the Turk in battel near unto Croia, recovered a great part of Epirus out of their possession. At which time also Iohn Chernovich, a Christian Prince of Albania, casting off the Turkish yoke imposed upon him by the late Emperor Mahomet, suddenly took up Arms, and by the help of the Venetians valiantly repulsed the Enemies out of that part of Albania; and so troubled Bajazet, that he was glad to suffer him peac••ably to enjoy all that he had by force recovered, and further to content himself with a small Tribute for the rest.

Bajazet highly offended with Abraham (whom some call Pyramet) the King of Caramania, [year 1486.] for aiding his Brother Zemes against him;* 2.11 in re∣venge thereof raised a great Army both in Eu∣rope and Asia, and marching alongst Asia the less, through the Countries of Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, Lydia, and Pamphilia, entred at length into Caramania. But the King of Caramania hearing before of his coming, and knowing himself too weak to meet him in the Field, for∣tified the strong Cities and Places of his King∣dom, and retired with his Army into the Straits of the Mountain Taurus, where it parteth Cilicia from Syria; wherein he was in more safety than in any of his strongest Holds. Bajazet finding no way to come to him, spent most part of the Summer in spoiling of the open Country; but perceiving his Enemies could not so be drawn into the Field, he laid Siege unto the famous City of Tarsus, being the chief City of the Champain part of Cilicia (the native place of Saint Paul the Apostle) and in short time so battered the Walls of his City with his great Ordnance, that he had made them assaultable. The Citizens considering the danger they were in, offered to deliver up their City, their Liberty, Lives, and Goods reserved. Of which their Offer Bajazet accepted,* 2.12 and most honourably per∣formed his promise for their safety; not per∣mitting any of his Souldiers to enter the City, more than such as must needs for the guard of his Person, and safe keeping of the City. And for as much as Winter began now to grow fast on, he dispersed his Souldiers into the Country Villages round about, not suffering the Country people to till or sow their Land, or to do any thing else which might turn to their profit or good; whereby they were inforced to yield themselves wholly to his devotion. The Carama∣nian King seeing his people daily fall from him, and fearing to be at length forsaken of his Souldi∣ers also; in this his distress obtain'd Aid both of men and money from Caytbeius the great Sultan of Egypt, and so with all the Power he could make, took the field with the first of the next Spring, ful∣ly resolved to try the fortune of a battel, although in strength and power he knew himself much in∣ferior to his puissant Enemy.

* 2.13Bajazet glad to see his Enemy so forward, speedily assembled his Army, and without delay offered him battel; which the Caramanian King refused not. So betwixt them was begun a fierce and terrible fight; which by the skilful Con∣duct of the Leaders, and exceeding Courage of the Souldiers, was maintained the whole day with doubtful Victory and great Slaughter on both sides, new Supplies still coming on in stead of them which were slain. The day declining, the Caramanian King (whose fatal destiny had now appointed him unto his last work) seeing his wearied Souldiers rather overlaid with multi∣tude, than vanquished by force, to begin to give ground unto their Enemies; couragiously thrust forward with his Guard and other valiant Soul∣diers about him, with such fury, that he brake into the midst of his Enemies battail; where being known, he was forthwith environed by the Turks, and so hardly charged on every side, that having his Horse slain under him, he was enforced to fight on foot; where after he had with his own hand slain divers of his Enemies, he fell down dead in the midst of them. His Souldiers discouraged with his death, turned their backs and fled, and in flying were for the most part either slain or taken Prisoners. After this Victory, Bajazet speedily overran all that large Country, and without resistance in short time brought under his Obeysance all the Country of Cilicia.

There was at that time in that part Cilicia which is called Trachea, and lieth toward the Sea side, an ancient Mahometan Prince, who had under his Command most part of that Coun∣try, with the famous and populous City of Scan∣deloro, the chief place of his Resiance. This Prince had of long time lived betwixt the Christi∣an Kings and the Kings of Caramania, as neuter, still fearing the greater, but indeed loving nei∣ther; and had until then chiefly maintained his state by the Alliance he and his Ancestors con∣tinually held with the Kings of Cyprús and the grand Masters of the Rhodes. Against this poor Prince, the only one now left in Asia the less, not subject unto the Turkish Kings, began Baja∣zet now to turn his Forces; purposing before he proceeded any further, to make a full Conquest of the lesser Asia, and so to make all sure behind him. Of which his purpose the Prince having knowledge, and wisely weighing his own small Power to withstand so puissant an Enemy; of∣fered by his Embassadors to deliver unto Baja∣zet his chief City of Scandeloro, with all the rest of his Territory in Cilicia, upon condition, that Bajazet should give unto him other Possessions for it, in some other part of Asia the lesser, to the like value. Which his Offer Bajazet accept∣ed, and so became Lord of all the Sea coast, from the Straits of Bosphorus, unto the Confines of Syria.

After he had thus conquered Cilicia, with a great part of the Mountain Taurus, he descended into Armenia the less, and in short time brought under his Subjection so much of that Country, as also of Cappadocia, as was sometime belong∣ing to the Caramanian Kings. When Bajazet had thus slain the Caramanian King, and subdued that most ancient Kingdom of the Turks, which had long and many times mightily contended with the Glory and Power of the Othoman Kings, he left Mustapha, one of his great Bassaes, at Iconium, with his Asian Army, to keep in Obe∣dience those new won Countries; and as a Tri∣umphant Conqueror returned himself to Constan∣tinople, where he was of his Subjects joyfully re∣ceived.

After that Bajazet had thus inlarged his Em∣pire with the Kingdom of Caramania, [year 1487.] and was now become an unwelcome Neighbour unto the great Sultan of Egypt and Syria, he began to swell in disdain against that mighty Prince, for that he had given Aid against him, first unto his Brother Zemes, and after that to the Caramanian King in these late Wars; of which wrong pur∣posing to be revenged, he shortly after appointed one Caragosa Bassa his Lieutenant in Asia, with Ish∣ender another of his great Captains, with a strong Army to invade Syria, then part of the great Sul∣tans Kingdom. These two great Commanders well appointed for the purpose, when they were come to the uttermost parts of Cilicia, the new bounds of Bajazets Empire, were then to pass by the Confines of Aladeules his Kingdom, before they could pass the great Mountain Taurus to come in∣to Syria. This Aladeules commanded as King over the rude and fierce people which dwelt alongst that great and rough Mountain, and was then in League with the Sultan. He hearing of the ap∣proach of the Turks Army, with a great number of his Mountain-people, lay in Ambush in the Straits whereby the Turks must needs pass, of pur∣pose to intercept them. Ishender marching in the Vantguard with a great number of the volun∣tary Souldiers called Acanzij, as the manner of the Turks is, and fearing nothing less, than to

be set upon by the Mountain King, before he was aware was come into the midst of his Enemies, and was by them so fiercely charged on every side for their places of advantage, that he there lost most part of his men, and forsaken of the rest, which sought by flight to save themselves, he with his two Sons and others were taken Pri∣soners; Michael-Beg the eldest of the two being fast bound, was slain by one of Aladeules his Fol∣lowers, whose Brother he had slain in that skirmish his Head being cut off, was by the commandment of Aladeules carried to his Father Ishender, the more to grieve him; who disdainfully willed the Mes∣senger not to shew it unto him, but to bid his Ma∣ster eat it if he would. With which answer Ala∣deules was exceedingly moved; nevertheless pitying the old mans misery, he shortly after set Iaxis-Beg the younger Brother at liberty; but Ishender him∣self he sent Prisoner unto Caitleius the great Sul∣tan at Caire, where he remained in prison five years after. Caragoses the Bassa discouraged with the loss of so great a man, retired with his Army back again into Cilicia, and from thence adver∣tised Bajazet what had happened, by whom he was commanded to return to Constantinople, as a man unfit for so great an enterprise.

The next Spring following, Bajazet constant in his former resolution for the invasion of Siria, [year 1488.] sent Achmetes another of his Bassaes,* 2.14 with a far greater Army than had Caragoses, against the Sultan; who was no sooner come to the further part of Cilicia, but he was there at a place called of the Turks, Tzucur Ova, encountred by the Egyptians and Arabians, and there in a great Battel over∣thrown; wherein he himself fighting most vali∣antly, lost two of his Fingers, and being taken Prisoner was sent to Caire.

Bajazet with this overthrow rather incensed than discouraged, [year 1489.] made great preparation the next year against the Sultan both by Sea and Land, such as he had not before at any time made. And when all things were now in readi∣ness, sent Alis-Bassa (of some called Calibeus) and Cherseogles his Son in Law, two notable Cap∣tains, with a great and puissant Army by Land, against the Egyptian Sultan; at which time he re∣quested of the Venetians, with whom he was then in league, That he might by their good leave, as occasion required, refresh his Fleet (then ready to put to Sea for the invasion of Syria, as he said) in their Island of Cyprus. Which his request was by the general consent of the Senate denied, as a thing tending to the great danger of their State; yet wisely doubting lest Bajazet taking that denial in evil part, should seek to have that by force, which he could not obtain by request, they presently sent Francisco Privolo their Ad∣miral, to Sea with thirty Gallies for the defence of that Island. He hearing that one Fleet of the Turks Gallies, lately come out of Hellespontus, lay hovering at the Island of Sciros, expecting a far greater from the Coast of Ionia; and care∣fully considering how secret and suddain the Turkish designments were, although it was given out, that all this great preparation was made against the Sultan; yet to provide that they should not suddainly surprise the Isle, he speedily sent sundry Companies of Souldiers, especially Ar∣chers, out of Crete into Cyprus, for the better defence thereof; but staid himself with his Fleet at the Island of Naxos, that so at hand he might be the readier to withstand whatsoever the Turks intended. But when he understood that all their Fleet was met, and now set forward, he hoised sail, and held his course directly for Cy∣prus. In the mean time the Turkish Fleet sailing alongst the Coast of Lycia, Pamphilia, and Cilicia, kept on their course until they came upon the Coast of Syria, by which time Calibeus and Cher∣seogles were come with a mighty Army into Cili∣cia, near unto the Mountain Taurus.

Caitbeius the Egyptian Sultan having before had certain intelligence of the great preparation that Bajazet had made against him, had before ••ent Usbeg a most valiant and politique Captain, with a strong Army of his Mamalukes and other his most expert Souldiers into Syria, to be ready at all times to withstand the Turks. This worthy Chieftain understanding of the coming of the Turks Army, thought it greater policy, to carry the calamities which always wait upon great Armies, into the Enemies Country, than to re∣ceive it into his own Bosom. And therefore although he knew himself to be for number far inferior unto his Enemies, yet supplying that want with the Valour, Courage, and assured confidence he had reposed in the approved and invincible force of his Mamalukes, he expected not the coming of the Enemy into Syria, but passing over the Mountain Amanus, and so de∣scending into Cilicia, met him not far from Tar∣sus, in the same place (as it was thought) where Alexander the Great had long before in a great Battel vanquished Darius.

These two puissant Armies come from far out of divers parts of the World,* 2.15 the one to find the other, were no sooner come together, but that with like chearfulness they joyned Battel; and that with such violence and fury, that the Earth seemed to tremble under their Feet, and a most present destruction threatned unto them all; which terrible and cruel Fight was maintained all that day with doubtful Victory, and exceed∣ing Slaughter on both sides, the politique Generals with new supplies of fresh Souldiers continually relieving the most distressed parts of their Bat∣tels; and they likewise as men prodigal of their lives, resolutely offering themselves to all dangers. When this most dreadful Fight had in this sort endured the whole day, and many thousands of valiant men of late alive, lay now dead upon the ground, the approaching night brake off the Battel, and both the Armies sore wearied and weakned (but especially the Turks) retired to their Camps, where they rested that night.

But the Egyptians coming to their Camp, found all their Carriages with their provision of Victu∣als and other necessaries quite taken away and gone. Which thing (as some write) that bor∣dering People of that Country (for most part living upon robbery) had done in time of the Battle, to please the Turks; or as some others report, they which had the charge thereof, ter∣rified with the greatness of the Turks Army, and doubtless of the Battel, fled away; and taking their way along the Sea side, fell into the hands of the Turks which were put on shore out of the Gallies, and so were of them spoiled. How∣soever it was, (for in so great uncertainty I dare not affirm) certain it is, that the Egyptians were sore troubled with the loss of their provision, fearing that if they should now stay longer in the Country, they should forthwith be driven to great extremities for want of necessaries. Where∣fore when they had evilly rested that nigh t, the next day early in the morning they presented themselves in order of battel before their Enemies, braving them into the Field, and daring them to Battel. The Turks disdaining to see any prou∣der in field than themselves, after they had in goodly order ranged their Battels, set forward with Ensigns displayed against their proud Ene∣mies. There began a most terrible and bloody Battel, sought with such desperate resolution, as

if they had solemnly vowed, either to overcome or die in the place where they stood. A man would have said, that the former days fury had been but a play in comparison of this; many va∣liant Souldiers covered with their dead bodies the same ground whereon they living stood, when they received the first encounter of their Ene∣mies. Of both those great Armies none was seen to give ground, or once look back; the Turks Ianizaries, and the Egyptians Mamalukes (the undoubted strength of the greatest Mahometan Monarchs, Souldiers for their Valour much feared, and through the World renowned) there buck∣led together, and standing foot to foot spent the uttermost of their Forces one upon another; as if they would in that battel have made it known unto the World, which of them were to be accounted the better Souldiers. Whilst Victory stood thus doubtful, and the day was now far spent, Usbeg the Egyptian General, with fifteen thousand valiant Horsemen (whom he had received for that purpose) gave a fresh As∣sault upon the Turks Squadrons, with such force that they had much ado to keep their order, and began now to give ground; which was by and by made good again by other fresh men speedily brought on by the Bassaes. Then be∣came the Battel more fierce than before, every man striving to the uttermost of his power, to sell his life unto his Enemies as dear as he could. In which manner of Fight all the rest of the day was spent, until that after the going down of the Sun, the darkness of the night coming fast on, they were glad for lack of light to break off the Battel, and to retire themselves into their Camps, not knowing as yet who had got the better.

The Turks Bassaes taking view of the Army, and finding that of an hundred thousand fighting men which they brought into the Field, there was scarce a third part left, and most of them also maimed or hurt; and doubting to be set upon again the next morning by their resolute Enemies, fled away secretly the same night, leaving behind them for haste their Tents well stored with Victuals and all other things needful. The Egyptians also having lost one half of their Army (which was at the first seventy thousand) and wanting their necessary provision,* 2.16 were re∣retired also the same night into the Mountain Taurus, not knowing any thing of the Flight of the Turks. And some of the Souldiers passing quite over the Mountain without stay, into Sy∣ria, raised a report all over the Country as they went, That the Sultans Army was overthrown, and that the Turks had got the Victory; so un∣certain was the true knowledge of the event of that Battel, even unto them that were present therein. The Egyptian lying that night upon the side of the Mountain, had speedy intelligence from Aladeules, of the flight of the Turks; which be∣ing also confirmed by his Espials to be true, he presently came down from the Mountain, and entred into the Turks Camp, where he found plenty of Victuals and of all other things needful for the refreshing of his Army.

Aladeules the Mountain King, with the People called Varsacide, by whose confines the Turks must needs in their return pass, robbed and slew many of them in their disordered Flight; and had so stopped the passages, that they were in flying overtaken by the Mamalukes, and slain with so great a slaughter, that of all that great Army of the Turks few remained alive to carry news home. Calibeius and Cherseogles the Bassaes, were in that flight both taken Prisoners, and afterwards presented to Caytbeius the Sultan, at Caire, with eighteen Ensigns of the Turks Sanzachs, which are great men amongst them▪ having every one of them the regiment and command of some one Province or other, and are in degree next unto the Bassaes.

Neither was the fortune of Bajazet his Navy at Sea, better than that of his Army at Land; for as it lay at rode upon the Coast of Syria at the mouth of the River Orontes, which runneth by the famous City of Antioch, his Gallies were by tempest and rage of the Sea put from their An∣chors, and in the sight of their Enemies▪ swallow∣ed up of the Sea▪ or else driven upon the Main, and there with the Surges of the Sea beaten in pieces. Bajazet not a little troubled with these losses both by Sea and Land, at length with much ado, [year 1492.] by his Embassadors concluded a Peace with the Sultan, unto whom he restored all such places as he had before taken from him;* 2.17 for which the Sultan delivered unto him Calibeius, Cherseogles, Achmetes, and Ishender, with all the rest of the Turks Prisoners, which he had in great number in his keeping.

Shortly after this Peace was concluded betwixt these two great and mighty Princes, Caytbeius the Sultan died; who of a Circassian Slave, by many degrees of Honour, and by the favour of the Mamalukes his Fellows, obtained the rich Kingdom of Egypt, which he right worthily go∣verned to his immortal praise by the space of two and twenty years; commanding at one time the great and rich Country of Egypt, with all Africk as far as Cyrene, Westward; and Iudea with a great part of Arabia, and all Syria, unto the great and famous River Euphrates, Eastward. In the later end of his Reign he (overcome with the importunity of his Wife Dultibe, an Arabian born, a Woman of an haughty Spirit) joyned his Son Mahomethes, a young man of about four and twenty years old, with him in the Fellow∣ship of his Kingdom; that so possessed of it his Father yet living, he might the better enjoy it after his death. Contrary to the custom of the Mamalukes, who of long time had not used to have their King by succession, but by their free election. Who grudging to be thus defrauded of their wonted choise, immediately after the death of Caytbeius slew Mahomethes his Son; and in few months after, four more, who one after another without their good liking had aspired unto the Kingdom; neither could they be con∣tented, until such time as that they had accord∣ing to their wonted custom set up a Sultan of their own choice.

About the same time that the aforesaid Peace was concluded betwixt the two great Mahometan Princes Bajazet and Caytbeius, Charles the French King was making great preparation against Al∣phonsus King of Naples; giving it out, That after he had recovered that Kingdom, he would forth∣with from thence invade the Turks Dominions in Grecia. Which great attempt the haughty King was enduced to take in hand, by the per∣swasion of divers of his Nobility, but especially the solicitation of Lodovious Sfortia Duke of Mil∣lan; whereby the whole state of Italy was in short time after sore shaken, and Sfortia himself, Au∣thor of those troubles, at last carried away by the French, miserably ended his days as a Prisoner in France. Alphonsus the Neapolitan King doubt∣ing the greatness of the French King his Enemy, entred into a confederation with certain of the States of Italy, against the French, but especially with Alexander the Sixth then Bishop of Rome; for the better assurance whereof, he gave his base Daughter in Marriage to Godfrey Borgia, the Bi∣shops Son, and made him Prince of Carinula;

his other Son Francis he entertained also in great pay to serve him in his Wars. And by his Em∣bassador Pandonius Camillus, lately returned out of France, gave Bajazet to understand, what the French King had purposed against them both, requesting him to aid him with six thousand Horse∣men and as many Foot against their common Enemy, promising to give them honourable en∣tertainment during those Wars. And to futher the matter,* 2.18 Alexander the great Bishop sent George Bucciard, a Ligurian, skilful in the Turkish Lan∣guage, Embassador to Bajazet, to declare unto him with what great preparation, both by Sea and Land, the young French King (desirous of honour and the enlargement of his Kingdom) was about to invade Naples; and then, with what great power (after he had dispatched his Wars in Italy) he purposed to pass over into Grecia; and that he had to that end earnestly travelled with him to have Zemes his Brother delivered into his hands, whom he desired to use as a most fit instrument for the troubling of his State and Empire, by reason of his many Friends; yet that his Holiness (having the French in distrust as a proud and ambitious People, as also careful for the danger of the City of Rome, and of the State of Italy in general) had entred in∣to a confederation with Alphonsus King of Naples, with their united Forces to withstand that proud Nation, both by Sea and Land; wanting no∣thing more for the accomplishment thereof, than Mony; by which means only, Bajazet might (as he said) provide for the safety of his Kingdom in Grecia, if he would put to his helping hand, to furnish them with Mony for the entertainment of Souldiers; forasmuch as the City of Rome, and the Kingdom of Naples, were the surest Walls of that side of the Othoman Empire; if he not altogether refusing the charge, would not spare for a little cost to maintain the War rather in that forreign Country, than to receive it, brought home to his own door, concluding, That it were much more commodious and easie with his Treasures to repress his Enemies in a strange Country afar off, than by dint of sword and plain battel in his own. A thing by experience well known, That they which have neglected and set at nought remote dangers, for sparing of charge, have afterwards been inforced with greater danger to receive the same into their own bosoms, when as they were become despe∣rate and past remedy. Bajazet, who both by his Espials and often Letters and Embassadors from Alphonsus, knew all this to be true, gave great thanks to the Bishop by his Embassador, for that he sitting in so high place, did so friendly and in so good time admonish him, both a Stanger and of a contrary Religion, of things of so great consequence; yet for answer, he willed him to return again unto his Master with one Dautius his Embassador, who should carry with him both Mony and other his secret resolutions concern∣ing those matters.* 2.19 Among other things given him in charge, was an Epistle written in Greek, wherein the barbarous King with great cunning perswaded the Bishop to poison Zemes his Bro∣ther, as a man of a Religion altogether contrary to his; for indeed of him alone for his great Vertues Bajazet stood in fear and doubt, lest he should by some chance escape out of Prison to the troubling of his State. For the performance of this his request, he promised faithfully to pay unto the Bishop, two hundred thousand Ducats, and never after so long as he lived, to take up Arms against the Christians. Otherwise than had his Father Mahomet, and his Grandfather Amurath done, who both as deadly Enemies unto the name of Christians never ceased by continual Wars to work their woe.

But George the Bishops Embassador, and Dautius,* 2.20 travelling towards Italy, and having now happily passed the Adriatick, as they were about to have landed at Ancona, were boarded by Io. Rovereus, Brother to Iulianus the Cardinal (a man of great account in those quarters) and clean quit of their Treasure and whatsoever else they had aboard. Rovereus pretending for the defence of the Fact, That the Bishop did owe him a great sum of Mony, due unto him for his good service done in the time of Innocentius his Predecessor, for which he now paid himself. Neither could the Bishop, much troubled with that injury, ever after recover one part thereof, although he threatned vengeance with Fire and Sword, and also sought for recompence of the Venetians, whom it con∣cerned to save the Turks harmless in those Seas; for why, Rovereus bearing himself upon the French, which were now upon coming, whose faction he followed, kept the Mony, and set at nougt the Bishops thundering Curses and vain Threats. Dautius himself Bajazets Embassador being set on shore, was glad to go on foot to Ancona; and so from thence passing up the River Padus, came to Franciscus Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, of whom for (the ancient Friendship betwixt him and Ba∣jazet) he was courteously entertained and fur∣nished both with Mony and Apparel, and so spoil∣ed returned into Grecia, to carry news unto his Master how he had sped.

When Bajazet understood by Dautius, the evil success he had in his late journey, he forthwith sent Mustapha one of the Bassaes of the Court, unto the great Bishop Alexander, with like in∣structions as he had before given to Dautius; who with better hap arrived in Italy, and came to Rome in safety; where he forgot no part of that was given him in charge by his great Ma∣ster. But amongst many other things, the life of Zemes was that he most sought for at the Bishops hands.

At the same time, which was in the year 1495, the French King Charles the Eighth of that name, [year 1495.] passing through the heart of Italy with a strong Army against Alphonsus King of Naples; and taking his way without leave through the City of Rome, so terrified Alexander the Bishop, who (as we have before said) altogether favoured, and as much as in him lay, furthered the cause of Al∣phonsus; that he was glad to yield to all such Ar∣ticles and Conditions as it pleased him then to demand; not purposing in himself at all the per∣formance of any of those things, which for fear he had with great solemnity promised, as the se∣quel of the matter afterwards declared. Amongst other things, he was inforced to give unto the King his graceless Son Caesar Borgia Valentinus (then one of the Cardinals) in hostage, for the performance of the other of his promises; Which disgrace the crafty old Bishop sought to cover, by gracing his Son with the title of his Legate; and with him he was also enforced to deliver Zemes the Turk, Bajazets Brother, his honoura∣ble Prisoner; who to the great profit of the Bi∣shop and his Predecessor, had remained in safe custody at Rome about the space of seven years.* 2.21 But Zemes within three days after he was deli∣vered to the French, died at Cajeta, being before his deliverance poisoned (as it was thought) with a powder of wonderful whiteness and pleasant taste; whose power was not presently to kill, but by little and little dispersing the force thereof, did in short time bring most assured death; which pleasant poyson, Alexander the Bishop, skilful in that practice (corrupted by Bajazets Gold, and

envying so great a good unto the French) had caused to be cunningly mingled with the Sugar wherewith Zemes used to temper the Water which he commonly drank. His dead Body was not long after sent to Bajazet, by Mustapha his Embassador, who to the great contentment of his Master, had thus contrived his death with the Bishop. Not long after, this dead Body so far brought, was by the appointment of Bajazet, ho∣nourably interred among his Ancestors at Prusa. Caesar Borgia also the Bishops Son, a little before given in hostage unto the French King, deceiving his Keepers at Velitras, returned again to Rome before the French King was come to Naples. This wicked Imp come of an evil strain,* 2.22 not worth the remembrance but by way of detestation (the very monster of Nature, if a man should well consider the course of his whole life) shortly after his escape, envying at the honour of Can∣dianus his Brother, who then was General over the Bishop his Fathers Forces, which were at that time great; when he had one time merrily sup∣ped with his said Brother, with their Mother Van∣notia, traiterously caused him to be unawars mur∣dred in the Streets as he was going home, and his dead Body to be cast into the River of Tiber. Then casting off his Priestly Habit with his Car∣dinals Robes, he took upon him the leading of his Fathers Army in his Brothers stead, and gave himself wholly to Martial Affairs; a vocation best fitting his fierce and bloody disposition; and with exceeding Prodigality, wherewith he exhausted his Fathers Coffers and the Treasures of the Church, bound fast unto him desperate Ruffians and Souldiers (especially Spaniards, his Fathers Country men) such as he knew fittest to serve for the execution of his most horrible de∣vices. Which manner of his proceedings, al∣though they were such as all good men detested, yet the old Hypocrite his Father winked there∣at, fearing (as it was thought) to be murdred of the Viper, himself, when it should serve for his purpose. Now when he had thus strengthned himself, and that he was become a terror to all the Nobility of Rome and the Seigniories there∣about, he by the advice and help of his Father (who desired nothing more than to make him great) first drave the most honourable Family of the Columnij out of the City, and afterwards out of Latium; and by most execrable Treachery, poisoned or killed the honourable Personages of the great Houses of the Ursini and Ca••tani, taking to himself their Lands and Possessions. With like cruelty he strangled at one time four No∣blemen of the Camertes; and drave Guido Feltrius out of Urbin. He took the City of Pisarum from Io. Sfortia, who with much difficulty escaped his bloody hands; and drave the Malatestaes out of Ariminum. The great Lady Katharine Sfortia he thrust out of Forum Livij and Forum Cornelij, and shamefully led her in triumph through Rome. And never satisfied with blood, which he without measure shed, he took the City of Faventia from Astor Manfredus, a young Gentleman of rare per∣fection; whom after the beastly Tyrant had most horribly abused against Nature, he caused to be cruelly strangled, and his dead body to be cast into Tiber. Having thus filled the measure of his iniquity, and as a fretting Canker, having either devoured or driven into exile most part of the Roman Nobility, and purposing by the supporta∣tion of his Father, to make himself Lord and So∣vereign both of the City, and of all Latium, in the pride of his thoughts he was by the hand of the most High attached and cast down, and that by such means as he least feared; for being with his Father at a solemn Supper in the Vati∣can; of purpose prepared for the destruction of certain rich Cardinals and some other honourable Citizens, they were both poysoned by the fatal error of one of the Waiters, who mistaking of a Flaggon, gave the poisoned Wine to the accursed Bishop and his Son, which was prepared for the Guests; whereof the old Bishop in few days after died. But his Son who had drunk the same with Water, although he died not of long time after, yet presently fell into such an extream sickness, that he was not able to help himself, or to com∣mand his desperate Followers, whereof he had great store; but lying sick, in short time saw him∣self of them forsaken, and two of his Enemies, Pius the Third, and Iulius the Second, one after another sitting in his Fathers place. Of which two, Pius enjoyed that Pontifical Dignity but sixteen days; and Iulius succeeding him, caused this Caesar Borgia (who of right had deserved a thousand deaths) to be shut up in the Castle called Moles Adriani, from whence he set him at liberty upon the delivery of certain strong Holds which were yet holden by his Garrisons. After he had thus rid himself out of Iulius the Bishops hands, he fled to Ostia, and so by Sea to Naples; where he was by the commandment of Ferdinand King of Spain, apprehended by Gon∣salvus the Great, and transported into Spain, for fear lest he, being of a most troublesome Nature, and much resorted unto by his old Favourites, should raise some new stirs in Italy. He was no sooner arrived in Spain, but he was cast into Pri∣son in the Castle of Medina, where after he had lien three years he deceived his Keepers, and with a Rope which he had gotten, let himself down from an high Tower of the Castle; and so escaping, fled to the King of Navar, whom he afterwards served in his Wars, and was in an hot skirmish against the Kings Enemies (wherein he had obtained the Victory) slain with a small Shot:* 2.23 Unworthy after so many horrible Villa∣nies, to have ended his days so honourably. His dead Body was found stript, and so brought unto the King upon a bad Beast, as if it had been a dead Calf all naked; which was by his commandment honourably buried at Pamphilona.

But to return again from whence we have something too long with this troublesome Body gone astray.* 2.24 The French King having thus lost both his great Hostages, Zemes the Turk by death, and the Cardinal Borgia by escape, held on his journey towards Naples; and with wonderful success prevailed as he went, all places yielding unto him without any great resistance. Alphonsus seeing himself destitute of such aid as he had in vain requested both of the Turkish Emperor and of the Venetians, and now almost beset with his mighty Enemy, to whom so many strong places had in shorter time been delivered than any man had before imagined; and withal considering with himself, how that he had lost the hearts of his Subjects (the strongest defence of Princes) for that most of the Nobility, and especially the Neapolitans, hated him for his too much severity in punishing the Offenders in the late Rebellion, wherein the Princes of Sarne and Salerne were chief; and the common People were no less of∣fended with the grievous and heavy exactions, required of them for the maintenance of these Wars, insomuch that their murmuring Speeches came oftentimes to his own hearing; as oftentimes it falleth out, That the hatred of the Subjects against their Princes, which hath for fear of long time been dissembled during their prosperity, more frankly and fiercely breaketh out in their declining estate; for these causes, Alphonsus fearing to be forsaken of his People, as a man in despair,

with abundance of tears openly in the sight of all the Neapolitans, resigned his Kingdom of Naples to his son Ferdinand, when as he had as yet scarcely reigned one whole year after the death of Ferdinand his Father; and with four Gallies passed over to Mazerea, a City of Cicilia. His Son Ferdinand a Prince of rare perfection and sin∣gularly graced with all the vertues of true Nobi∣lity, and thereto dearly beloved of all the People was to the wonderful contentment of the Neapo∣litans with great joy and acclamations saluted King; and so having performed all the Ceremo∣nies belonging to his Coronation, returned pre∣sently to his Army. By this time the French King with all his Forces was entred far into the Kingdom of Naples; and having taken by Assault certain Cities which trusted too much to their own strength, struck such a general terror into the minds of the Neapolitans, that they thought no place now strong enough to abide his bat∣teries, or power sufficient to abide his Forces. Fer∣dinand the young King with his Army had taken the Straits of the Forrest of S. Germane, thereby to impeach the further passage of the French King. But whilst he was there busied, he was suddainly advertised, that Fabritius Columna with a great power of Frenchmen, had by the Appenines broken into Campania, and so was marching towards him; wherefore doubting to be shut up betwixt two strong Armies of the Enemies, he retired speedi∣ly to Capua, a strong City situate upon the River Vulturnus; purposing there by means of that deep River, to stay the French from passing farther. But whilst he lay there, news was brought unto him, That all the City of Naples was in an up∣rore,* 2.25 and that the Citizens were all up in Arms, as men in doubt which way to turn themselves. Ferdinand not a little troubled with these bad news, commended the charge of his Army and the defence of the City of Capua to his chief Captains, and rid himself in post back again to Naples.

It is a strange thing to tell, what a suddain al∣teration ensued upon his arrival there; for sud∣dainly all the tumult was appeased, every man laid down his Arms, and welcomed him with a general gratulation; for he was a man of a great and invincible Courage, and of so comely a Per∣sonage, as might easily with the hearts of his Sub∣jects; insomuch, that when he earnestly request∣ed them, that they would not traiterously betray him to his barbarous and cruel Enemies, being their natural King, or rather their Brother born and brought up amongst them; they all with one consent answered, That they would spend their Lives and Goods in his quarrel, so long as he should keep his Army whole, and defend the City of Capua; but if it should so chance that the Aragonians should be overthrown, or else for fear abandon that City, and the French King, as Victor, to approach the City of Naples, he should do both against reason and equity, if by exact∣ing Fidelity and Allegiance of his Subjects, ap∣prehended with so just a fear, he should so expose that noble City with the fruitful Country there∣about, to be spoiled and destroyed by a merci∣less and cruel Enemy. Whilst Ferdinand was thus busied in appeasing and confirming his wavering Subjects at Naples, the French King had taken divers Cities, and was come before Capua. The Citizens of Capua although they were alwaies well affected to the Aragonian Kings, yet seeing the French King as a most violent Tempest to bear down all before him, began now to consult amongst themselves of yielding up the City; whereunto they were the more prickt forward, by the suddain revolt of the great Captain Trivul∣tius with his Followers; as also by the departure of Verginius and Petilianus, two great and famous Commanders, who seeing themselves forsaken of Trivultius, fled with their Companies unto the City of Nola. In this discomfiture of King Fer∣dinands Army, the Frenchmen had entred into the Suburbs of the City; which thing Gothfredus and Gaspar (two valiant German Captains) be∣holding, sallied with their Companies out of the City, of purpose to abate the pride of the French, and to confirm the doubtful Citizens. These worthy Captains, when they had with exceeding Valour repulsed the French, and thought to have again returned into the City, could not be suffered to enter, but were by the Citizens shut out of the Gate, in danger to have had their Throats cut by the Eenmy. In which perplexity they were glad upon their knees to intreat the cowardly Citizens standing upon the Walls, not in such traiterous manner to betray their Friends ready in their de∣fence to bestow their lives; and with much in∣treating, at length obtained of those heartless men, that they they might by ten and ten in a Company be received in at one Gate of the City, and so put out at another, farthest from the dan∣ger of the Enemy; in which sort when they had passed through the City, they took the way towards Naples; and upon the way met with the King at Aversa, unto whom they declared all that had hapned in his absence at Capua; who although he saw his Army dispersed, and all things now desperate, yet went he on forward, and came to the very Gates of Capua, and there called up∣on divers of the chief men of the City, requiring to be let in. But when he saw there was none to give him answer, and an Ensign of the French King displaied upon the Wall, in token that the City was become French, he returned to Naples; where he found the Gates now shut against him, and all the Citizens up again in Arms, and not wil∣ling to receive any of the Souldiers which came from Capua, more than the King himself; for flying Fame preventing his return, had filled eve∣ry corner of the City with report, That all the chief Captains of his Army were either gone over to the Enemy, or else for safeguard of their lives fled; That the whole Army was broken up, and Capua yielded to the French. Wherefore the Neapolitans framing their fancies according to the condition of the time, began now also to fawn upon the good fortune of the French, and to have King Ferdinand in contempt; which he well perceiving, and fetching a compass farther off from the City, came unto the Castle, whereinto he was received with his Followers by his faith∣ful Captains therein before left. But provident∣ly foreseeing that he could not there long stay, but that he should be besieged by his Enemies both by Sea and Land, he commended the keep∣ing of that Piece unto Alphonsus D'avalus, a most valiant Captain, and departed himself with 20 Gallies well appointed unto Aenaria, an Island not far from Naples, having in it a commodious Harbour and a strong Castle; where Fortune, never firm but in misery, seemed again to de∣ride the poor remainder of his Honour; for coming thither, the Captain of the Castle, un∣worthily named Iustus, forgetting his duty to∣wards his Soveraign, of whom he had before received many extraordinary favours, most trai∣terously now in his so hard distress shut the Gates of the Castle against him at his landing, and un∣kindly refused to receive him. With which un∣expected ingratitude, the poor King was won∣derfully perplexed and almost abashed; yet with earnest intreaty and ample commemoration of the benefits and preferments which both his Fa∣ther

and himself had in times past bestowed upon him, he prevailed so much with this unthankful man, that he was content to receive him into the Castle, so that he would come but himself a∣lone; of which his offer, when no more could be got, the King seemed to accept. So the Cap∣tain having opened a Port to receive him in, was in the very entrance thereof suddainly stab'd to the heart with a Dagger by King Ferdinand and slain in the midst of his armed Souldiers; which was done with such a Countenance and Majesty,* 2.26 that the Warders with their Weapons in their hands, dismaid with his look, forthwith at his commandment opened the Gate, and re∣ceived him in with all his Followers. Whereby it appeareth, That in the Countenances of Princes resteth a certain Divine Majesty, in all Fortunes above the common course of Nature; which is of power to daunt the Hearts of most disloial Traitors in the per∣formance of their unnatural Treasons. The next day after the departure of King Ferdinand from the Castle of Naples, Charles the French King was received into the City,* 2.27 with such Pomp, Triumph and Acclamation of the Neapolitans, as if they had even then by the benefit of that forraign King, been restored to perfect Liberty, and de∣livered out of some long and hard Bondage. Shortly after, the Castle of Naples, with all the strong places thereabout were yielded unto the French, and Embassadors sent from all the Princes and People of that Kingdom, yielding themselves into the power of the French King. Then Fer∣dinand seeing all lost and gone, departed from Aenaria, where he lay expecting the event of his hard fortune, and sailed into Cicilia. Thus the House of Aragon in less than five months, lost the Kingdom of Naples, about sixty three years after it was first taken from the French by Al∣phonsus the elder, this Ferdinand his great Grand∣father.

The report of the great preparation made by the French for this War, had long before filled the Ears of them which dwelt in any part of the Turks Dominions in Europe; but when they saw the French Ensigns displaied upon the Walls of the Castles, and strong Towns alongst the coast of Calabria and Salerne, such a suddain fear fell upon the Turks Garrisons alongst the coast of E∣pirus and Macedonia on the other side of the Adri∣atick, over against that part of Italy, that many of them forsook their charge; the Christians in those places, as also in Grecia and Peloponnesus, be∣ginning then to lift up their heads in hope of their deliverance, and to make the best preparation they could to joyn with the French against the Turks; but especially the rough and wild People inhabiting the high Mountains called Acrocherau∣nij in the borders of Epirus, who presently took up Arms, refusing to be any longer tributary un∣to the Turkish Emperor.

This prosperous and speedy success of the French King in the conquest of Naples, filled the minds of most of the Christian Princes, as also of the Turkish Emperor, with a doubtful ex∣pectation, whither his greatness would grow; many being of an opinion, that he covertly af∣fected the Empire of Rome, and to make himself the sole Monarch of Italy. Which conceit no little troubled both the great Bishop Alexander, and Maximilian then Emperor. Bajazet also fear∣ed much lest he should upon the suddain turn his Forces into Epirus or Grecia, to his no small disquiet. And Ferdinand, the advised King of Spain, was no less careful for the safety of Silicia. Lodovicus Sfortia also (shortly after created Duke of Millan, the chief occasion of the French Kings coming into Italy, and a great aider of him in those Wars) began now to consider better of the matter, and to stand in doubt of the King, whom he well perceived to make small reckoning of his word or promise, so that he might thereby en∣large his Dominions. And the Venetians, who in all these Wars had stood looking on as neuters (in hope that when the Aragonians and French had with long Wars, which they vainly imagined, well weakned one another, that they might then at their pleasure share out something for them∣selves) were now in doubt with the rest of the States of Italy to lose some part of their own Ter∣ritory; for now there was no Prince or State in Italy able to oppose themselves against the French, but stood all as it were at his devotion.

Wherefore the aforesaid Princes, namely,* 2.28 Maximilian the Emperor, Ferdinand King of Spain, Alexander Bishop of Rome, the State of Ve∣nice, and Lodovicus Sfortia, Duke of Millan, for the more assurance of their Estates, by their Embassa∣dors speedily sent from one to another, conclud∣ed a strong League among themselves; whereof the chief Capitulation was, That if any of these Confederates should upon their own accord make War upon any other Prince, they should do it upon their own charges; but if any of them should chance to be invaded by any other, that then every one of these Confederates should of their own charge send four thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot in aid of their Confederates so invaded, until the Wars were ended; which League was to endure for twenty years. The fame of this League was welcome to many other Princes, but especially to Bajazet, who now fear∣ed nothing more, than the Forces of the French, and had therefore offered unto the Venetians, to aid them both by Sea and Land against the French, if their Affairs should so require. This League so much pleased not other Princes, but it troubled the French King more, as of purpose made against him; although it was by the Confederates pre∣tended to be made only for their own safety. Wherefore he with all expedition placed his best Captains with strong Garrisons in all the Cities and strong Holds of the Kingdom of Naples, and left Mompenser his Viceroy in the City of Naples, and with the rest of his Army returned into France, purposing by the way as he went to ter∣rifie the dissembling Bishop, so if it were possible to draw him from the League; and afterwards to deal with Sfortia and the rest as he might. But when he was come near unto Rome, the Bishop for fear fled out of the City to Perusium, intend∣ing from thence to have fled to Venice, if the French King should have farther pursued him. Charles deceived of his purpose, in peaceable manner en∣tred the City, and there staid three days, and so departed; using violence against none, but against such as were well known to be of the Aragonian faction. From Rome he marched to Pisa; and so with much pain passing the Appenines, was at the River of Tarrus, not far from Parma, set upon by Franciscus Gonzago Duke of Mantua, General of a great Army which the Venetians and Sfortia had raised upon the suddain to have stopped his pas∣sage; in which Battel he was in great danger to have been taken or slain, and there lost his Tents, with all the rich Spoil gotten in the rich King∣dom of Naples; yet having at length with great slaughter valiantly repulsed his Enemies, he after∣wards returned in safety home.

About the same time that this Battel was fought at Tarrus, the young King Ferdinand, lately driven out of his Kingdom by the French King, return∣ed again out of Cicilia to Naples; where he was joyfully received of the Neapolitans, and by the help of his Friends (but especially of the great

Gonsalvus, sent in his aid by Ferdinand King of Spain) in less than a years space recovered the Kingdom of Naples again from the French;* 2.29 and then dying without issue left the same to his Uncle Fredericus. Wherein the uncertainty of worldly Honor, the chief felicity of ambitious minds, is well to be noted; when as in that one Kingdom the chief Government was six times changed in less than the space of three years: for first Fer∣dinand the elder dying, left that Kingdom un∣to his Son Alphonsus, at such time as the French King was making preparation for those Wars: Alphonsus despairing of his own Forces, resigned the Kingdom to his Son Ferdinand, when he had scarcely reigned fully a year: Ferdinand in less than three months was driven quite out of Italy by Charles the French King: Charles possessed of the Kingdom, in short time after was again dispossessed by the same Ferdinand: Ferdinand having with much trouble thrust out the French, died within less than a year: After whom suc∣ceeded Fredericus his Uncle, no less unfortunate than the rest: and Charl••s the French King himself lived not long after,* 2.30 but died suddenly as he came from playing at Tennis, being then but seven and twenty years old, leaving the flourishing Kingdom of France, with the troublesome Title pretended to the Kingdom of Naples, [year 1496.] unto Lewis his successor, who lived with great trouble to Conquer the same, and with greater grief to lose it again.

But to return again to the course of our Hi∣story, [year 1497.] from whence the great Occurrents of that time (not altogether impertinent to our purpose) have a little too far led us.* 2.31 Bajazet de∣livered of two great fears, first by the death of his Brother Zemes, and after by the casting out of the French out of Naples; began now to turn his Forces upon the Christians, and by his Lieutenant Bali-beg Sanzack of Silistra, invaded the Countries of Podolia and Rassia, being part of the Kingdom, where the Turks did great harm, and carried away many Prisoners. But coming again the second time, and making such like spoil as before, they stayed so long, that the cold of Winter (which in those Countries is very ex∣tream) was now come on; and in their return as they were about to have passed through Molda∣via, they were by Stephanus Prince of that Coun∣try, denied both passage and victuals, and forced to take the way alongst the Sea coast; where many of them stragling from their Army, were by the way cut off and slain by the Moldavians; and the rest, what by the extremity of the cold, what for want of food, and foulness of the way, perished; so that of that great Army very few returned home. The Turks Histories report, That in this expedition were lost forty thousand Turks.

He sent also Cadumes one of his Bassaes into Illyria; who spoiling that Country, with a part of Croatia, was encountred by nine thousand Cro∣atians and Hungarians near unto the River Mora∣va, under the leading of Count Bernard Franco∣paine; where after a cruel and bloody Fight, the Christians were put to the worse, and above seven thousand of them slain; the rest saved themselves by flight through the Mountains and Woods. Of the Christians that were lost, many were drown∣ed in Morava, chusing rather so to end their days, than to fall into the hands of their cruel Enemies. This overthrow was imputed to the General, who would needs give the Turks Battel in plain Field, although he was ear••estly entreated by Count Io. Torquatus to have kept the Straits of that Country, whereby he migh•• have had great advantage of the Enemy. Torquat•••• himself ha∣ving lost all his Horsemen in that Battel, and his Horse killed under him, fought valiantly on foot, until he was by the multitude of his Enemies op∣pressed and slain. The Bassa to give Bajazet a sure testimony of the victory, caused all the Noses of the slain Christians to be cut off and put upon strings, and so by Waggon sent them as a barbarous Present to Constantinople. After the death of Charles the French King, Lewis the Twelfth of that name having obtained that King∣dom, wrote himself also Duke of Millan, as de∣scended of one of the Daughters of Io. Galeatius first Duke of Millan; in which his supposed right he was fully resolved to make War upon Sfortia then Duke of Millan. And for his better success in those Wars, sought by all means he could, to draw some other of the Princes and States of Italy into the Fellowship of that intended War; but above all others the Venetians, as most commo∣dious for his purpose; with whom he made a firm League, and for the aid they were to give him, covenanted that they should have for their share the City of Cremona, with all the pleasant Country about Abdua, then part of Sfortia his Dominion; which was afterwards accordingly performed.

Sfortia understanding of this compact mad•• against him, and knowing himself far too weak of himself to stand against so puissant Enemies; attempted first to set Maximilian the Emperor, with the States of Germany, upon the French King. But that not sorting to his desire, he sought to agree with the King, by offering to hold his Dukedom of him, by paying him a yearly Tri∣bute. After he had thus in vain proved all the means he could devise, to have appeased the French King, and provided for his own safety; he by his Embassadors sent of purpose, certified Baja∣zet of the confederation betwixt the French King and the Venetians, and that their purpose was after they had oppressed him, and some other of the States of Italy, then with their united Forces to invade his Dominions; and that therefore it were good for him in time to look unto it, and to give aid against those which would in short time be∣come his most dangerous Enemies. By this means the Duke was in good hope, so to busie the Venetians by bringing the Turk upon them, as that they should stand the French in small stead. At which time also the Embassadors of Florence did what they could to prick forward the Turk to make Wars upon the Venetians; for the malic•• they bare against them for protecting them of Pi∣sa against the oppression of the Florentines.

Bajazet perswaded by the Embassadors, and calling to remembrance the injuries before done him by the Venetians; first by giving aid to Iohn Castriot the Son of Scanderbeg, and Iohn Cherno∣vich another Prince of Epirus (whereby he lost a great part of that Country, and was also further enforced to yield to such conditions as altogether stood not with his honour) and again by de∣nying to give his Fleet leave to put into their har∣bours of Cyprus, in the time of his Wars against the Sultan of Egypt; all which he was glad then to en∣dure, for fear lest that his Brother Zeme•• (then living) should by their means be set up against him; promised now to do what the Embassadors had requested; glad in his mind that the discord of the Christian Princes had presented unto him so fit an opportunity of Revenge.

Hereupon he made great preparation both by Sea and Land against the Venetians, [year 1499.] and upon the suddain caused Scander Bassa his Lieutenant in Il∣lyria,* 2.32 with twelve thousand Horse to break into the Country of Friuli, part of the Venetian Terri∣tory upon the frontiers of Italy. The Bassa as he

had in charge, passing over divers great Rivers, at length entred the Country, burning and de∣stroying all before him as far as Liquentia, car∣rying away with him all the poor Country Peo∣ple Prisoners. But when he was come to the Banks of Tiliaventum, and understood that he came too late to pleasure the Duke of Millan (for why, the French with the Venetians had be∣fore without resistance driven him quite out of Italy and Germany) he there, with more than bar∣barous cruelty put four thousand poor Prisoners to the Sword; and so having filled the Country with mourning and with blood, returned from whence he came, loaded with spoil of that rich Country.

At the same time also, Bajazet put to Sea such a Fleet as none of his predecessors had before set forth; and with a great Army in person himself marched alongst the Sea Coast of Morea, in such sort, as that his Army by Land, and his Fleet at Sea, as near as they could, kept even pace the one within sight of the other. Neither were the Ve∣netians unmindful of themselves, but set forth a strong Fleet under the charge of Anthony Grimani their Admiral; in number far inferior to the Turks, but for Equipage, Strength, skilful Mari∣ners, and all other manner of warlike provision, much superior. For which cause the Turks, al∣though defied and braved by the Venetians, yet durst not at the first joyn with them in battel, but still kept alongst the coast of Morea, not daring to put further off into the Sea. In this their course the Venetians troubled them exceeding∣ly, sometimes making shew as if they would have constrained them to fight, and otherwhiles giving them chase, never departing far from them, wise∣ly accounting it right good service, if they could but keep that huge Fleet from landing in Italy, or other place of the Venetian Territory. Most men were in good hope, that if those great Fleets should have joyned in battel, the Venetians should have had a notable Victory; for that the Enemy as afraid kept so dangerous a course, and so near the main. The longer they thus sailed, the more was the State of Venice offended with their Ad∣miral, that he contrary to all expectation, de∣layed to fight, and still suffered the dangerous Enemy to approach nearer and nearer their Ter∣ritories; and there were none which had not ra∣ther he should have set all upon the hazard of one battel, than to protract by delay a long and doubt∣ful War. Whilst all mens minds were thus in ex∣pectation of some great exploit to be done upon the Enemy, news came to the City, that the Turks Fleet had put into the Haven Sapientia in the Island Sphraga, to water, and was there em∣baied by the Venetians. This report was of most men joyfully received, as if the Victory had been already assured; and so much the more, for that it was vainly supposed, that it would be gained without any great loss. But others which better knew the place, deemed of the matter far otherwise, saying, That the place wherein the Enemy lay was such, as that he might safely at his pleasure depart thence. Yet forsomuch as the Turks Fleet was more subject unto danger in putting out of the Harbor, than in the wide Sea, there was no man but was of opinion, That the Venetian Admiral would set upon them as they should come forth again. Whilst men were thus divining too and fro, and the Venetians attending the coming forth of the Enemies Fleet, it for∣tuned that Andreas Lauredanus and Albanus Arme∣rius (two valiant Gentlemen) but a little before come f••om Corcyra,* 2.33 of purpose to be present at the battel, were the first that began the fight; and with their two nimble Ships (after they had changed a few Bullets) boorded a tall Ship of the Turks, being of such beauty and burthen, that she seemed rather a Castle than a Ship, where∣of one Baruch of Smyrna (a notable Pirat) was Captain; who after a long and cruel Fight, perceiving that he must either yield, or by force be taken, desperately set fire on his own Ship, by the rage whereof both she and the Venetian Ships fast grapled unto her, were all three together burnt down to the Water. Many of the Men (to shun the violence of the Fire) leapt over boord into the Sea, where some of them were taken up by the other Ships, and some perished. Some few other of the Venetian Fleet couragiously assailed the Turks at their com∣ing out, and doing great harm, put the Turks whole Fleet in no small fear. But the most part of the Venetian Gallies lay looking on a far off, unto whom the other before in fight with the Turks, after they had done what they could, retired also. But by that they had done, it appeared plainly, that the Venetian Admiral that day let slip out of his hands a most notable Victory, if he as a resolute Man had with his whole Fleet charged the Enemy.

After this Fight the Turks held on their course, still keeping Morea on the right hand, whom the Venetians still followed: at length the Turks Fleet was come to the entrance of the Gulf of Patras, where the Venetians again faint∣ly setting upon them, suffered them to reco∣ver the Gulf; with no less dishonour than they had before let them escape at the Port Sapi∣entia: for the Venetians having the advantage of the place, and better appointed for Fight at Sea, might easily (as it was supposed) have gained the Victory, if the Commanders (but especially the Admiral) had been so forward in the ser∣vice as became Men of their place. But many of them afraid to Fight lay aloof, so that Dau∣thes the Turks Admiral (who perceiving himself too weak, had purposed to run his Gallies on shoar, and so to have fled to the Army at Land, if he had felt himself overcharged by the Vene∣tian Fleet) had now contrary to his expecta∣tion recovered the Gulf he desired, though not without loss of some of his Gallies. Within this Gulf standeth the antient City of Naupactum (now called Lepanto) then subject to the Vene∣tians, whether Bajazet was then come by Land with his Army; and now by the coming of his Fleet into the Gulf, laid hard Siege unto the City both by Sea and Land. They of the City seeing themselves on every side beset with their Enemies, without any great resistance fell to composition with Bajazet,* 2.34 and so yield••d un∣to him the City, which the Turks hold at this day.

Grimanus the Venetian Admiral returning to Venice, was for all his evil service (or rather for that he, according to his mild nature, had not used severity against such Captains as refu∣sed to Fight) cast into Prison; and although he was a Man mightily befriended, yet was he by a publick Decree Banished into one of the Ab∣sytides, Islands upon the Coast of Liburnia. From the first foundation of the City of Venice was never Man impugned with more spight, or defended by greater friends; but common ha∣tred prevailing, he was nevertheless exiled. Thus Bajazet having made a Road into the Venetian Territory by Scander-Bassa, and taken from them the City of Naupactum, with the Country thereabout, returned with Victory to Constan∣tinople.

The next ye••r following, [year 1500.] which was the year 1500. Bajazet put to Sea a greater and stronger

Fleet than he had the year before; and himself in person with a puissant Army of an hundred and fifty thousand men entred by the Strait of Corinth into Peloponnesus, and marching through the Country, came and incamped before the strong City of Methone (now called Modon) then un∣der the Government of the Venetians;* 2.35 at which time his great Fleet met him there also by Sea, as he had before appointed. When he thus had beset the City both by Sea and Land, and with long and continual battery made three great and fair breaches in the Walls, he gave unto the same two terrible Assaults, and that with such desperate fury, that many of them which went first unto the breach, overthrown by the press of them which followed, were trodden to death. Yet nevertheless the City was both times valiantly defended by the Citizens and Gar∣rison Souldiers; so that when he had done what he could, he was glad to retire from the Walls, having filled the Town-Ditches with the Bodies of his slain Turks. The Venetian Admiral Tri∣visanus lying at the Isle of Zacynthus (but far too weak to fight with the Enemy) in the begin∣ning of the Siege sent Valerius Marcellus and Bap∣tista Polanus, with two Gallies full of Men and Munition in relief of the besieged; and now doubting their further wants, sent Io. Maripetrus, Alex. Cothius of Corcyra, and Cachuris of Hydrun∣tum, with three other great Gallies, with Men, Munition, and such other things as he thought needful for the defence of the City. These three resolute Captains coming with a full wind, and packing on all their Sails, brake through the Turks Fleet lying in their way, and ran themselves aground under the Walls of the Town; for they of the Town had so barred the Haven for fear of the Enemy, that they could not that way possibly get in. The Citizens and Soul∣diers joyful of the coming of this fresh Supply and withal fearing lest the Gallies should be fet off again from them by the Enemy, came running by heaps from all parts of the City, towards the Sea, to receive this new come Aid; which was done with such confused disorder, that divers places of the City towards the Land were left without Defendants, as if there had been no Enemy near. Which the Janizaries quickly per∣ceiving,* 2.36 presently entred by those forsaken places with little or no resistance. Then the Citizens all too late began to make head; for the Janizaries already entred made way for the rest of the Army; which swarming into the City, slew without pity all that came in the way, as well Grecians as Venetians, with all the Souldiers but even then newly landed out of the three Gal∣lie. In this slaughter, Anthonius Fabrius and Bar∣della (Governors of the Town) with Andreas Falco Bishop of Methone, in his Pontificalibus and his Mytre on his head, were slain; none escaped their fury, but such as were for their strength re∣served for servile labour, or for their beauty, to the Victors lust; and of these a thousand bound fast together in long Ropes, were brought to Bajazets Pavilion, and there in his sight by his command∣ment cruelly murthered. The Cities of Corone and Pilus (now called Navarrinum) sometime the dwelling place of old Nestor,* 2.37 terrified with the taking of Methone, yielded themselves by com∣position to Bajazet. This City of Chrisseum, now known by the name of Caput S. Galli, was taken also by Cherseogles, Bajazet his Son in law. All these were Cities belonging to the Venetians. Nau∣plium was also besieged by Haly Bassa, but yet still defended by the Venetians. Bajazet having new fortified the City of Methone, and stored it with new Inhabitants, left in it a strong Gar∣rison, and so with Victory returned to Constan∣tinople.

At this time Trivisanus the Venetian Admiral died of grief of mind, as some supposed; [year 1501.] in whose place the Senate sent Benedictus Pisaurius, a noble and valiant Gentleman, who with the Vene••ian Fleet followed the Enemy, then departing from the Siege of Nauplium, pursuing them even unto the Straits of Hellespontus, still cutting off such as straggled or tarried behind the rest of the Fl••et; by which means he took above twenty of their Gallies, and in his return took from the Turks the Island of Aegina, and landing in divers places of the Turks Dominions, left unto them the woful remembrance of his being there. After∣wards meeting with Gonsalvus, sirnamed the Great (sent by Ferdinand King of Spain, to aid him against the Turks) at Zacynthus, he invaded Ce∣phalenia (which Trivisanus his Predecessor had in vain attempted the year before) and laid hard Siege to the City; which was for a space vali∣antly defended by the Turks, yet at length by the good conduct of Gonsalvus it was by force taken, when as Gisdare the Governor thereof,* 2.38 with his Garrison of Turks had before fought it out even to the last man. The City being taken, all the whole Island yielded forthwith to the Venetians.

Pisaurius having taken Cephalenia, repaired the City, and leaving a strong Garrison for defence of the Isle, departed to Corcyra; where he was advertised, that the Turks were rigging forth a great Fleet against the next Spring, whereof some part lay in the Bay of Ambracia, not far from Corcyra; some at Eante, and the rest within the Straits of Hellespontus. Wherefore purposing to do some exploit upon those Gallies which lay in the Bay of Ambracia, to avert the mind of the Enemy from perceiving of that he had se∣cretly with himself intended, he sent the greatest part of his Fleet unto the Island of Neritos, who suddainly landing should put the Inhabitants in fear. The Captains sent about the business, chearfully put in execution what the Amiral had commanded, and by their suddain landing raised such a tumult, that all the Countries thereabout were filled with the expectation of that which should ensue thereof. The Bay of Ambracia is so straitned on either side with the Mountains of Epirus, that the entrance thereof is but half a mile over; but by and by opening it self into a great wideness, and running up into the Land, maketh a most pleasant and safe Harbour for Ships and Gallies to ride in. Pisaurius with a fair Wind coming thither with eight Gallies well ap∣pointed, when the Turks thought him to have been at Neritos, and entring the Strait, rowing farther into the Bay, burnt one of the Turks great Gallies, to the terror of all them that dwelt round about the Bay, and carried with him eleven more, laded with Munition and Victual, through the Strait; the Turks in vain fretting thereat, and doing what they could with their great Ordnance from Shore to have sunk him in going out of the Bay. But having done what he came for, he returned with his Prey again to Corcyra. Not long after he also recovered the Castle of Pylos in Morea; which,* 2.39 as it was sud∣dainly gotten, so was it as suddainly lost; for Camalia, a notable Pirat of the Turks, who had been abroad seeking after purchase, putting into that Harbor by chance, took three Gallies there left by the Admiral for defence of the place, and so terrified the faint-hearted Captain, that he fell to composition with the Pyrat, to yield him the Castle, so that he and his Souldiers might in safety depart; which the Pyrat granting, had

the Castle delivered unto him, which he could not with far greater strength have possibly won. So was Pylos for fear twice in one year yielded up unto the Turks, and was both times the death of the cowardly Captains which gave it up, be∣ing both beheaded by the commandment of the Admiral. About the same time, Pisaurius at∣tempted to have burnt other of the Turks Gal∣lies lying in the River Eante, upon the coast of Macedonia; but not with so good success as be∣fore; for the Turks, made more careful by the loss they had but a little before received at Am∣bracia, did now more vigilantly look unto their Gallies; so that when Pisaurius had in certain small Vessels, made of purpose for that service, embarked two hundred resolute Souldiers to have gone up the River to have fired the Gallies, they were by the way after they had entred a good way into the River, encountred by the Turks, and enforced to return. But before they could get out of the River, the wind rose so contrary, with such a stiff gale full in the mouth of the River, that the Mariners overmastred with the violence of the Weather, when they had done what they could, and spent all their strength, were driven ashore, some on one side of the River, and some on the other, and so fell into the hands of their Enemies, of whom it booted not to crave mercy.

About this time Bajazet took also the ancient and famous City of Dyrrachium,* 2.40 now called Du∣razo, from the Venetians; before ruinous, and al∣most quite abandoned by the Inhabitants, as a place of danger, and not to be kept now that the Turk had got all the Country round about it. The Venetians sore pressed with these Wars so long maintained against the Turk, had many times prayed Aid of other Christian Princes, and were well holpen by the Spaniard in the taking of Cephalenia; and now Lewis the French King, upon a good devotion to that War, sent the Lord Ravestin with seven tall Ships and fifteen Gallies well appointed out of Provence and Ge∣noa, to aid the Venetians his Friends. This Fleet departing from Naples, where they had by the way put in, and passing about Italy, and so through the Ionian Sea, came to Melos one of the Cyclades; at which Island Pisaurius with his Fleet in short time arrived also; from whence they by mutual consent departed together to invade the Island of Lesbos; and being there safely arrived, land∣ed their Forces, and laid siege to the strong City of Mytilene,* 2.41 where by the fury of their Artil∣lery they in short time had made a fair breach in the Wall. In the time of this battery, whilst the breach was in making, Pisaurius with part of his Fleet sailed to Tenedos; for it was reported, that certain of the Turks Gallies were then coming for that place out of Hellespontus. Which report, as some write, was of purpose given out by the French, thereby to draw the Venetian Admiral from the Siege, that so in the mean time they being in good hope to take the Town in his absence, might themselves carry away the ho∣nour thereof, together with the rich spoil. Others favouring the French, blame the Venetian Admi∣ral, as if he had of purpose departed, envying at the honour of the French. Which is hardly to be believed in so honourable a Personage, and in an action so much concerning the good of his Common-Weal. Howsoever it was, the breach being made, in his absence was by the French presently assaulted; although that Palus Valatesius the Venetian Vice-Admiral, earnestly requested the French Admiral to defer the Assault for a while, and to expect the return of Pisaurius. Which his Counsel the French Admiral gave him the hearing of, but yet went forward with the Assault. The Frenchmen after their manner fu∣riously assailing the breach, were valiantly re∣pulsed by the Turks; so that in the breach was made a deadly and most terrible Fight, many fal∣ling on both sides. Yet for all that, the City was manfully defended by the Turks, and the French∣men were enforced to retire. The French Ad∣miral having taken this repulse, commanded all things to be carried aboard, puposing to have for∣saken the Siege, and so to have departed; when in the mean time the Venetian Admiral returned, and with much ado perswaded the French to stay. Whereupon the battery was again begun with greater fury than before, and now the Leaders were consulting of a fresh Assault to be given, when suddainly news was brought, That the Turks Fleet was coming to relieve the City; and thereupon the Assault was for a time deferred and the battery continued. But those Turks which came, being in number but few, were for the most part by them in the Gallies taken and cast over board; some few that got to Land, saved them∣selves in the Woods and desart places of the Isle. By this time the City was again made assaulta∣ble, and the Venetians with great Courage assailed the breach, and had twice gained the top of the Rampiers, from whence they were again both times beaten down by the Turks, the French all the while looking on. Many valiant men were there slain and hurt, and in the end the Venetians were glad with loss to retire, as had the French done before. Whilst this was in doing, a Pin∣nace came to the Fleet with news, That the Great Master of the Rhodes was coming with his Gallies, to the Siege; whereupon the Admi∣rals determined to maintain the Siege until his coming. But the next day after, the French Ad∣miral changing his purpose, shipped his men,* 2.42 and hoysing sail departed to Chios; and sailing thence towards Italy, was overtaken with a most terrible Tempest, wherein the Admiral Gally with two others were lost, with eight hundred good Soul∣diers, the Admiral himself with above forty others were by chance contrary to all hope sa∣ved, and with much danger with his Weather-beaten Fleet recovered the Haven of Tarentum. The Venetian Admiral thus forsaken of the French, and seeing the time past wherein he expected the coming of the Great Master of the Rhodes, brake up the Siege and departed from Lesbos to Chios, and from thence to Paros, where he found the Master of the Rhodes with his Gallies; unto whom he complained greatly of the inconstancy of the French, imputing it unto them, that the City of Mytilene was not won. Neither were they behind with him, but in every place where they came, laid the fault as much or more upon him. From Paros the Venetian Admiral took his course to the Island of Melos, [year 1502.] where he found one Ri∣chius an Arch Pyrat of the Turks, who by force of Tempest was driven on Shore, and by the suddain coming down of the Island people, taken; him (for that he had exercised exceeding Cru∣elty upon certain Christians that he had taken) Pisaurius caused to be fast bound to a Spit, and with a small fire to be roasted to death. From Melos he returned to Corcyra, and there wintered.

The next Spring, Pisaurius with certain Gallies which Alexander Bishop of Rome had sent unto him, under the command of Iacobus Pisaurius Bi∣shop of Paphia, sailed to Neritos, now called S. Maura, which is an Island parted from the firm Land with a little fret of the Sea, long time be∣fore that way let in by the Corinthians. Here Pi∣saurius suddainly landing his men, surprised the Island, and with wonderful celerity and industry

cast up two great Trenches, in such sort, and to so good purpose, that three thousand of the Turks Horsemen coming at a low water over that nar∣row Strait which parteth the Island from the Main, were with loss repulsed and forced to retire. Whereupon S. Maura the chief City was forthwith delivered unto Pisaurius,* 2.43 with the rest of the Island.

The Venetians weary of this long and chargea∣ble War against so mighty an Enemy, sent Lodovi∣cus Manetius their Embassador to Bajazet, to treat with him for Peace; but Bajazet stood upon such hard points, that nothing could at that time be concluded. Yet Manetius so discreetly used the matter, that Bajazet sent with him at his return to Venice, his Embassador, to propound unto the Senate such Conditions as it pleased him to grant them Peace upon. This Embassador had audi∣ence in the Senate twice, where he in the name of his Master propounded such proud and un∣reasonable Conditions, that they were by the Senate rejected, and so he himself dismissed and sent back again.

The year following, the Venetians sent an Em∣bassador to Bajazet, [year 1503.] who moved with the pitiful complaints of his own Subjects, for the daily harms they received from the Venetians alongst the Sea Coast, as also for want of Trade; and fearing also some troubles like to arise in his Kingdom in Asia (as indeed there did, not long after) yielded himself more willingly to hear of Peace, than before. This Embassador called Za∣charias Phriscus, was well heard of Bajazet, and after long suit had brought the matter he came for unto some good terms: and being honourably rewarded by the Turkish Emperor, returned home, carrying with him unto the Senate far more rea∣sonable Conditions of Peace than had at any time before been by Bajazet propounded. Here∣upon the Venetians shortly after sent Andreas Gritti (an honourable Senator) a man well known to Ba∣jazet both for his famous traffique in former time at Constantinople, and also for that in these late Wars he was taken Prisoner at the winning of M••thone, and his life spared at the intercession of Cherseogles (Bajazet his Son-in-Law) and after∣ward ransomed; he in the name of the State from whence he came,* 2.44 concluded a Peace with Bajazet. The Capitulations whereof were, first, That the Venetians should deliver up the Islands of Neritos and Leucadia, reserving unto themselves the Island of Cephalenia only; Then, That Ba∣jazet should restore all such Goods as had been taken from the Venetian Merchants, in these late Wars; And that it should be lawful for them (as they were wont) safely to traffique into the Euxine Sea, and to Constantinople; and there to have their Consul or Governor as they had had in former time; And last of all, That the Venetian Territory should be certainly known, and sepa∣rated from the Turks by certain Bounds and Limits. These Conditions were solemnly agreed upon, and confirmed both by Bajazet and the State of Venice; and so a firm Peace concluded in the year 1503, after the Wars had continued betwixt them about the space of five years.

The same year Bajazet assembled a great and puissant Army of his best and most approved Souldiers, as well in Asia as Europe, which met together at Sophia, purposing (as it was thought) to have invaded Hungary; but worthily doubt∣ing the success of that War against so warlike a Nation, he changed his purpose, and leaving Achmetes Bassa with his Asian Souldiers at Sophia, turned himself with the rest of his Army into Albania (to reduce those rebellious People again to his obeysance) and had before sent a Fleet of Gallies to stop the passages of that Country alongst the Sea Coast. But the Country Peo∣ple understanding of his coming, fled into the high and rough Rocks and Mountains, from whence they did the Turks great harm; who nevertheless with incredible labour and adven∣ture, mounted those difficult places; and killing an exceeding number of those mountain and sa∣vage People, carried all the Women and Chil∣dren they could light upon, away with them Prisoners; and with Fire and Sword made all the Country desolate. After which Spoil done, Bajazet returned with his Army to Manastirum; and departing thence, upon the way met with a Dervislar (which is a phantastical and beggar∣ly kind of Turkish Monks,* 2.45 using no other Ap∣parel but two Sheep-Skins, the one hanging be∣fore and the other behind) a lusty strong fat Fellow, attired after the manner of his order, with a great Ring in each Ear; who drawing near unto Bajazet, as if he would of him have received an Alms, desperately assailed him with a short Scimitar which he had closely conveied under his hypocrital habit. But Bajazet by the starting of the Horse whereon he rid (being afraid at the suddain approach of the Hobgoblin) partly avoided the deadly blow by the Traitor entended, yet not altogether unwounded; neither had he so escaped the danger, had not Ishender Bassa with his Horsemans Mace presently struck down the desperate Villain as he was about to have doubled his stroak; but being now struck down, he was forthwith rent in pieces by the Soul∣diers. This treacherous and desperate fact so much moved Bajazet, that he proscribed all them of that superstitious Order, and banished them out of his Empire.

After so many troubles,* 2.46 Bajazet gave himself unto a quiet course of life, spending most part of his time in study of Philosophy, and confe∣rence with learned men; unto which peaceable kind of life, he was of his own natural dispositi∣on more enclined than to Wars; albeit that the regard of his State, and the earnest desire of his Men of War, drew him oftentimes even against his Will into the Field. As for the Civil Govern∣ment of his Kingdom, he referred it wholly un∣to his three principal Bassa••s, Alis, Achmetes and Iachia, who at their pleasure disposed of all things. After he had in this quiet and pleasing kind of life to his great contentment passed over five years, of a little neglected Spark suddainly arose such a Fire in Asia, as was hardly after with much blood of his People and danger of that part of his Empire quenched; the reliques whereof yet trouble those superstitious People at this day. Which thing was brought to pass by the crafty device of Chasan Chelife, and Schach Culi his Boy (whom some call Teckel Scachoculis, and others Techellis) two Hypocritical Persians; who flying into those Countries, and with the counterfeit shew of feigned Holiness having pro∣cured to themselves a great name amongst those rude People, with a number of windy headed Followers (filled with the novelty of their new Doctrine) raised first such a diver∣sity of opinions about the true successors of their untrue Prophet, and afterwards such a Rebellion amongst the People, as that the one yet remain∣eth, and the other was not in a good while after without great bloudshed appeased.

But for the better understanding of the ground of these troubles, which hapned at this time in the Reign of Bajazet by occasion of these two fugitive Persians; as also for the mortal Wars which afterwards ensued betwixt Hysmael (com∣monly called the great Sophi of Persia) and Se∣lymus, Bajazet his Successor, it shall not be much

from our purpose briefly to declare the great mu∣tation which at this time happened to the Persian Kingdom, as well in the State it self, as in Mat∣ters of their Superstition. At such time as A∣symbeius Usun-Cassanes reigned in Persia, there was one Haider Erdebil (whom Iovius calleth by the name of Harduelles) a man honourably descend∣ed amongst the Persians, who contemning world∣ly Honour, Riches, Pleasure, and whatsoever else belonged unto delicacy of life (commonly ac∣counted the greatest part of Human Felicity) as meer Vanities and Trifles, led such a straight and austere kind of life, with such continency and contempt of the World, as that the Vulgar People, for most part given to pleasure, wonder∣ing at that in him which they could not or would not imitate, began to have the man in singular admiration for the opinion they had conceived of his upright Life and Vertues. The fame of this new Prophet (for so he was accounted) was grown so great in the Persian Kingdom, that People without number resorted out of all parts of Persia and Armenia unto the great Ci∣ty of Tauris to see the man. And he the more to seduce the Multitude (delighted with Novel∣ties) began to inveigh against the common re∣ceived opinion of the Mahometans, concerning the true Successors of their great Prophet; and to revive the opinion of Giuni,* 2.47 sirnamed Sosi; perswading the People (as if he had been inspired with some divine Inspiration) That none of the Professors of the Mahometan Religion should in∣herit the Kingdom of Heaven after they were dead, but such as were the Followers of Haly, the true Successor of the great Prophet Mahomet, and his Fellow in writing: Whom he taught them only to honour as privy to the mind of the great Prophet, and so to receive his Writings as of all others most authentical; rejecting Ebubekir, Omer, and Osman, with their Writings, as most wicked and accursed men; whom the Turks had ever, and yet do with the other Mahometans, ho∣nour and worship as the true successors of their great Prophet Mahomet, and his sincere Interpre∣ters, together with the aforesaid Haly, whom the Persians do only acknowledge, and therefore in their Prayers do commonly say, Cursed be Ebubekir, Omer, and Osman, and God be favourable to Haly, and well pleased with him. Which their difference about the true Successor of their Prophet, in whom was no truth, hath been, and yet is, one of the greatest causes of the mortal Wars between the Turks and Persians; and not the divers inter∣pretation of their Law (as many have written) which amongst the Turks and Persians is all ••ne.

Usun-Cassanes moved with the Fame and Ver∣tues of this new Prophet,* 2.48 or rather (as some thought) desirous to win the Hearts of the Mul∣titude of them that had received this new phan∣tasie; gave him in marriage his Daughter Martha, begotten of the Christian Lady Despina the Daughter of Calo Ioannes, Emperor of Trapezond. Which marriage the Christian Emperor made with the Mahometan Prince, and he also accepted thereof, thereby to strengthen themselves against the Turkish Emperor Mahomet the Great; whose power was then become a terror unto all his neighbour Princes; but to how small purpose this policy served them both, is before decla∣red in the life of the same Mahomet. At the conclusion of this marriage, the Emperor had especially covenanted with Usun-Cassanes, that his Daughter Despina might have the free exercise of the Christian Religion. Whereby it came to pass, that this Martha her Daughter, instructed by her Mother, became a Christian also; who now married by her Father unto this precise Hy∣pocrite Haider Erdebil, in short time bare him a Son called Hysmael, whom she so much as she could trained up in the Principles of the Christian Religion. Whereby it came to pass, that after∣wards when he had by rare fortune obtained the Kingdom of Persia, he always during his life had the Christians in good regard, and never found fault with their Religion.

Haider thus graced with the marriage of the great Kings Daughter Martha, only for his rare Vertues and Purity of Life, as was commonly supposed, grew now into far greater Credit and Estimation of the People than before. So that his doctrine and opinions began to be generally received, and the number of his Followers so greatly augmented, that Iacup succeeding his Father Usun-Cassanes but lately dead, began to have the Power and Credit of Haider his Brother in law in suspect; and to distrust lest the Persi∣ans (who secretly favoured the remainder of the Posterity of their ancient Kings) should as∣semble together under the colour of this new Superstition, and raise some dangerous Rebellion before he were well setled in his Seat. For he was not ignorant, that Asembeius (Usun-Cassanes his Father) had but by Force and Policy usurped the Kingdom, having killed Moloonchres the law∣ful King; whereof there arose two Factions, some favouring the Usurper, and othersome the poor remainder of the descent of their ancient Kings of the race of Tamerlane. For which causes Iacup (as he was of a suspitious and troublesome Nature, and above measure jealous of his State) nothing regarding the near Alliance or reputed holiness of his godly Brother in law, caused him (suspecting no such matter) to be secretly mur∣dred;* 2.49 and so having struck off his Head, with Fire and Sword persecuted all the Professors of that new Doctrine; so to deliver himself for ever of that his vain and needless fear; Hysmael the Son of Haider (who was afterwards called the great Sophi of Persia) being then but a Child, as it were by fatal Destiny escaped the Fury of his cruel Uncle Iacup, and fled into Hyrcania, unto one Pyrchales his Fathers Friend, who then ruled in a small Territory near unto the Caspian Sea.

Amongst many others of the Disciples and Followers of Haider (which in that cruel Persecu∣tion were glad to flie for safeguard of their lives) the two before named, Chasan Shelife, and Schach Culi, afterwards sirnamed Cuselbas, in outward shew both of Vertue and Learning not inferior unto their Master, flying that dangerous Tem∣pest, and passing over the River Euphrates, came into Armenia the lesser, and there took up their dwelling at the great Mountain Antitaurus; at the foot whereof the broken Rocks have divers dark and obscure Caves; made partly by Art, and partly by Nature; which place is of the Inhabi∣tants called Teke-Ili; whereof divers Historio∣graphers, I know not whether deceived by the name of the place, or else wittingly transferring the name of the place unto the man that lived therein, have called this Schach Culi (who of the two proved of greater fame) by the name of Techellis, by which name we will also from henceforth call him. A thing heretofore much used amongst the religious, and also some of the Children of great Princes, who oftentimes bare the names of the places where they were born, or where they most lived. This place is both wholesome and exceeding pleasant, for the variety of Fruits and lively Springs, wherewith the Plains adjoyning are continually watered, and the Mountains at all times of the year gar∣nished.

Here Shelife with his Companion Techellis,

having separated themselves far from the Compa∣ny of men, and given themselves wholly to a contemplative life, for divers years lived most straitly and austerely, contenting themselves with such things as the Earth of it self afforded them, without seeking for better. These Hypocrites were first seen, and afterwards acquainted with the Shepheards and Heardsmen living upon the Mountains; and in process of time with the rude Husbandmen and Country People, who won∣dring at their strait and devout kind of life, re∣lieved them with all things necessary. Yea Ba∣jazet himself hearing of their austere and devout manner of living, sent them yearly six or seven thousand Aspers, as his Alms given them upon Charity and Devotion. But afterwards when they began to tell Fortunes, and as it were by the way of divination to prognosticate of things to come, the Rural People held them for more than men, and conceived of them a firm opinion, that they were some divine Prophets. And so were by the Country People first drawn into the Country Villages, and afterwards, as if it had been against their Wills, into the Cities; where they had in short time filled all the Country far and near, with the admiration of their fame; But after they began to publish their new phantasied Doctrine concerning the true successor of their great Prophet Mahomet, they wanted not their new fangled followers (as had Haider their Ma∣ster before amongst the Persians) who had them in singular Reverence; perswaded now by them, that they should be condemned for ever, if they did not (as they were by them taught) give the honour of the true succession of their great Pro∣phet, only to Haly, and him only to reverence and call upon next unto the great Prophet him∣self.

When they had thus with their often Sermons and blinded Prophecies seduced the People,* 2.50 and in short time won great Credit amongst the Vul∣gar sort, of themselves too much given to No∣velty and Superstition; they commanded their Disciples and Followers to wear upon their Turkish Hats a red Band or Ribband, whereby to be known from others that were not of their profession. Of which red Bands or Ribbands, they which professed this new Superstition, were, and yet are over all the East part of the World called by the name of Cuselbassas, which is to say, Red Heads.

* 2.51Hysmael also living in exile, most earnestly em∣braced that new Superstition which Haider his Father had before taught in Persia, but with far better Fortune and Success. For as soon as he was grown to mans Estate, he following his Fathers manner of life, and being by nature wonderful eloquent, comely of person, exceeding wise, and of an invincible Courage, was of the rude Vul∣gar People accounted of more like a god than a man; so that he grew to be of great fame and power amongst those barbarous People with whom he lived. And not the base and vulgar sort only, but divers Noblemen also, and others of good re∣putation, once allured with the Novelty of his Doctrine, the more to manifest their good Will towards the Author of their sect; after they had forsaken their old Superstition, ceased not (as the manner of men is) to commend him in the highest degree of Vertue and Honour. And he himself as yet but a youth, altogether bending his Wit to the setting forth of himself, making semblance of more than was indeed in him, ob∣tained, as if it had been against his Will, Riches, Honour, Fame, and Authority; of all which things, he as a notable dissembler seemed to make no account or reckoning; neither were there some wanting which would sware, that Haider his Father (as he was an excellent Astronomer) calculating his Nativity, should say, That he should prove a great Prophet, and the Author of true Religion, who subduing the greatest part of the East, should become as glorious both in mat∣ters of Religion and Martial Affairs, as was Ma∣homet the Great Prophet himself. Which report being bruted abroad amongst the Vulgar People, greatly increased his Authority, and gave them occasion to talk of wonders. Not long after, Hysmael was first by the admiration, or rather as∣sentation of his Friends and Followers, and after∣wards as if it had been by a general consent, sirnamed Sophos, which amongst those People sig∣nifieth a wise man, or the Interpreter of the gods. These prosperous beginnings, with the troubled State of the Persian Kingdom, encouraged him to take in hand great matters; for his Uncle Ia∣cup the Persian King was long before dead, being together with his Son poisoned by his adulterous Wife; which thing he presently perceiving, en∣forced her to drink of the same Cup; and because he would be sure that she should not escape, with his own hand struck off her Head, and immediately after died, with his Son. After whose Death great Troubles arose about the Succession; and divers great men one after another aspired to the Kingdom, which they enjoyed not long. And amongst the rest El∣van-Beg (whom Iovius calleth Alvantes (at that time stood in no sure possession of the King∣dom, being mightily impugned by his Brother Moratchamus.

Hysmael taking hold of this opportunity, armed divers of the most able men of his Followers,* 2.52 and receiving some small Aid from his poor old Friend Pyrchales, entred into Armenia, and there partly by the Fame that ran of him, and partly by the good Will of the People, rather than by any force, recovered his Fathers Inheritance, where∣unto the remembrance of his dead Father did not a little further him. He encouraged with this good beginning, daily grew stronger and stronger, by the continual repairing unto him of such as having once received the Doctrine of Haider, were glad of long (for fear of Persecu∣tion) to dissemble the same; but now having got an Head and Chieftain to cleave unto, be∣gan openly to shew themselves again, and in great number to resort unto him, in hope of the good success of their Religion, not so happily begun by his Father.

His power thus dayly increasing beyond his expectation, he laid Siege unto Sumachia,* 2.53 a City in the Confines of Media, which he took by force and sacked; and with the Spoil thereof both in∣riched and armed his Souldiers, which before were for most part naked men. The taking of this City wonderfully increased both his Fame and Courage, as oftentimes it falleth out, That haughty minds, couragiously attempting high exploits, by the good event of their first attempts make way unto the full of their stately desires. So after this, Hysmaels thoughts were not so low, as to think of the taking of this or that little City; but how he might now compass the great City of Tauris, the very Seat of the Persian Kings,* 2.54 and afterwards the Kingdom it self. Whereupon re∣posing no less confidence in his own good Fortune, than the Valour of his Souldiers, he marched with his Army directly to the City of Tauris, and that with such expedition, that he was come before it before any such thing was feared, much less provided for. Elvan the Persian King was then at Tauris, and had but a little before fought a great Battel with his Brother Moratchamus for

the Kingdom; and having vanquished him, drave him out of Armenia and Persia; and afterwards, as it commonly falleth out in the winding up of Civil Wars, had caused divers of the chief Citizens of Tauris, which had taken part with his Brother against him, to be severely executed, filling the Eyes of their Friends with the horrible spectacle of their dismembred Bodies, and the Hearts of most men with sorrow and heaviness; whereby he had so alienated the minds of the Citizens from him, that now upon the approach of Hysmael, they were all ready to forsake him; of which disposition Hysmael was beforehand informed, and upon the good hope thereof had hasted his coming. Elvan the Persian King thus overtaken on the suddain, had not time to raise such Forces as might suffice either to encounter his Enemy, or defend the City; wherefore despairing of his own Strength, and justly fearing the revolt and fury of the discontented Citizens, as a man dismaid, suddainly fled out of the City. After whose de∣parture the Gates were presently set open to Hys∣mael. For the Citizens which in those troublesome times (wherein the two Brethren contended for the Kingdom) had suffered great calamity, chose rather in that present danger to receive a Con∣queror of so great fame as was then Hysmael, than to their utter destruction to oppose them∣selves against him in the quarrel of their cruel King; and the rather, for that they saw a gene∣ral security and open way to Preferment, propo∣sed unto all such as should receive the reformed Religion of this new Conqueror.

Hysmael entring the City, slew certain of the Kings Guard which were not yet departed,* 2.55 and then utterly rased the stately Tomb wherein his Uncle Iacup was after the manner of the Persian Kings royally buried. And to mitigate the sorrow he had so long conceived of his Fathers death, and with revenge to appease his angry Ghost, he caused the Tyrants bones to be digged up and scattered abroad, and the memorial of his name to be quite rased out of all places of the City.

Although Hysmael was thus possessed of the Regal City of Tauris, and had thereby made a way for the obtaining of the whole Kingdom, yet he knew that so long as Elvan lived, his Con∣quest was not unto him assured; and therefore to the uttermost of his power he augmented his Army with new supplies taken up in that popu∣lous City, whom he furnished with Armor and Weapons taken out of the Kings Armory. In the mean time news was brought unto him, that the Persian King before fled into the farthest part of his Kingdom, was now coming from Scyras with a great Army against him; and that Mo∣ratchamus his Brother, forgetting in this common danger all former quarrels, had raised a great Army about Babylon in Assyria, in short time to joyn with his Brother.

Hysmael nevertheless nothing terrified with the report of the great preparation of the two Bre∣thren against him, to the intent he might seem to undertake this War by the appointment of God, and upon a greater assurance than upon his own Strength,* 2.56 resolved to go against them. And so after he had mustered his Army, and in best man∣ner he could provide all things necessary, he set forward from Tauris; using no other perswasion to encourage his Souldiers, but that they should all as became resolute men, make hast and follow him whom God had given them for a Chieftain and Leader, unto a most assured Victory. The Persian King was at the same time ten daies journy from Tauris, when Hysmael with incredible cele∣rity preventing the fame of his coming, was come to the Mountain Niphates, which parteth Armenia from Assyria; which Mountain, Elvan purposing shortly to pass over with his populous Army, had sent before his Scouts to discover the strait passages, and a multitude of Pioneers to make the ways more commodious for his great Army to pass. Which thing Hysmael understanding, and poli∣tiquely considering that it would be much for his advantage, if he should first himself pass over those great Mountains, and so upon the suddain set upon his Enemies then lying in security, and fearing nothing less than such a desperate at∣tempt; upon that resolution advanced his En∣signs upon the Mountains; and having with small resistance discomfited them which kept the pas∣sages, came down the same Mountains like a tem∣pest, and furiously assailed the King, then lying in his Camp on the other side at the foot of the Mountain, upon the approach of whom, such a hurly burly was raised in the Kings Camp, that what for the confused tumult of the Souldiers, and fearful outcries of the multitude of base Peo∣ple which followed the Camp, the King could scarcely give order unto his Captains what he would have done, or yet incourage his Souldiers, or put them in order of Battel. So that Hysmael giving a fierce onset with his Armenian Souldiers, there was suddainly begun a most terrible and bloody Battel. Neither did that day the fortune of Hysmael fail him, whose courage and prowess never failed; for assailing the Kings Battel of Footmen, with three Squadrons at once, he had overcome them and put them to flight before that the Horsemen could arm themselves and mount their Horses, which were for most part unsadled and unbridled at his coming. The King, who had nothing either feared or foreseen this so sud∣dain a mischief, but had vainly perswaded himself, That the very fame of his coming with so huge an Army, would so terrifie his Enemies, as that he should find none either at Tauris, or in all Armenia, that durst make resistance; was glad now to run to and fro to encourage his Souldiers, to stay his discomfited Battels▪ yea and to come to handy-blows himself. But when neither his Captains nor Souldiers could put in execution his suddain directions which he was inforced to give in that imminent danger, being at once overcome with shame and desperation, he resolutely thrust himself into the head of his Battel,* 2.57 and there valiantly fighting was slain. Whereupon the Persian Horsemen, the greatest Strength of the Kings Army, having now no King for whom they should fight, betook themselves to flight, after whom followed the Archers, and all the rest of the Kings Army.

When as Hysmael had with less loss than a man would have thought so great a Victory could have been atchieved, possessed the Enemies Tents, he made no great pursuit after them, for that he thought it more requisite to refresh his Souldiers throughly wearied and almost spent with long travel and late fight; wherefore for certain days he reposed himself with his Army in those his Enemies forsaken Tents. Afterwards, when he had received Embassadors from divers places, yielding their Cities and Towns, and that the favour of the People generally inclined to him, together with the Victory; he marched with his Army to Scyras; where he was of the Citizens who had before heard of the Victory, joyfully re∣ceived, and his Army relieved with all things he could desire. Hysmael there entertained with the greatest honours that the fearful Citizens could possibly attribute to him, did oftentimes preach un∣to them of the truth and excellency of his Fathers Doctrine, and withal gave out strait Proclama∣tions,

That he would account all them for his Enemies, which did not within the space of thirty days renounce their old Superstition, and receive this new found verity (as he would have it.) Wherefore, forasmuch as on the one side were proposed most certain rewards, by the happy course of his Victories, and on the other, was threatned Exile and Torture to such as should obstinately persist in their opinion; in short time he drew all the vulgar People to embrace his new Doctrine. And afterwards having paid his Soul∣diers with the riches of that great City, he gal∣lantly furnished both his old and new Souldiers that wanted Armor, with most excellent Armor and Furniture; for in that City, one of the greatest and most famous of the East, were many Shops full of all kind of Armor, which the Armorers with wonderful cunning used to make of Iron and Steel, and in the juice of certain Herbs, of much more notable temper and beauty than are these which are made with us in Europe; not only Head-pieces, Curiasses, and compleat Armors, but whole Caparisons for Horses, curiously made of thin plates of Iron and Steel. Departing from Scyras, he took also the great City of Sapha sup∣posed to have been the City in ancient time called Susa, and Su••••ania, which for the wonderful ru∣ines of the huge Buildings, is deemed to have been the ancient and famous City Tigranocreta. These great matters quickly dispatched,* 2.58 and ha∣ving in every City placed Governors of his own Sect, he passed over the River Tygris in Mesopo∣tamia of purpose to expulse Moratchamus the late Kings Brother, out of Babylon, who was yet in Arms, and had intended (as is before said) to have passed into Armenia, to have joyned his Forces with the King his Brother; but now ter∣rified with his Brothers Calamity (who together with a most puissant Army, and the Strength of the Persian Kingdom, was in one day fallen from the height of so great a Fortune) thought it not best to try his fortune in the Field against so for∣tunate an Enemy, but forthwith to withdraw himself into the remotest places of that large King∣dom, and from thence to expect some better For∣tune. For he well knew that he was not able to withstand his victorious Enemy, now leading af∣ter him a most puissant Army, who not long before had with a small power vanquished and slain his Brother in a great Battel. Hysmael now by the greatness of his Fame and Forces, and as it were by the Favour of God himself, become a terror to all the Princes of the East, entred into Mesopotamia after the flight of Moratchamus, and received all that great Province into his Subjecti∣on, every man as it were striving who should first by his Speedy Submission purchase the Fa∣vour of the victorious Conqueror. To be brief, Moratchamus already terrified, and reposing no great hope in himself, or his own power, nei∣ther deeming it for his safety to shut up him∣self within the Walls of any strong City, trust up his things of greatest price, and with his Wives and Children fled into Arabia.

This Moratchamus is he whom some Historio∣graphers called Mara-Beg, and is in the Turks Histories called Imirsa Beg, who (as they report) afterwards marrying the Daughter of Bajazet, and recovering part of the Persian Kingdom, was suddainly murthred by some of his Nobility, whom he purposed secretly to have put to death, if they had not prevented the same by mur∣thring of him first. Hysmael having victoriously subdued a great part of the Persian Kingdom, and filled all the East part of the World with the glory of his name, returned out of Assyria into Media, and took in such Cities and strong Holds as were yet holden by the Garrisons of the late Persian King. And afterwards retu••ning in∣to Armenia, made Wars upon the Albanians, Ibe∣rians, and Scythians, which dwell upon the Bor∣ders of the Caspian; for that those Nations, in ancient times tributaries unto the Persian 〈…〉〈…〉gs, taking the benefit of the long Civil Wars where∣with the Kingdom of Persia, and all the East Countries, with the ruin of the Kings House, had been of late turmoiled; had neither paid any Tribute by the space of four years, nor sent any honourable Embassage, as they were wont, and as was expected, especially in so great a Victory and alteration of the State.

Hysmael having thus obtained the Persian King∣dom, in short time became famous through the World, and was justly accounted amongst the greatest Monarchs of that Age. But nothing made him more to be spoken of, than the inno∣vation he had made in the Mahometan Supersti∣tion; for by his device and commandment a new form of Prayer was brought into their Ma∣hometan Temples, far differing from that which had been of long time before used. By reason whereof, Ebubekir, Homer, and Osman, the suc∣cessors of their great Prophet Mahomet, before had in great regard and reverence, began now to be contemned, and their writings nothing re∣garded; and the honour of Hali exalted, as the true and only Successor of their great Prophet. And because he would have his Subjects and the Followers of his Doctrine known from the Turks and other Mahometans, he commanded that they should all wear some red Hatband, Lace, or Ribband upon their Heads; which they Re∣ligiously observe in Persia until this day; where∣of they are of the Turks called Cuselba's, or Red∣heads.* 2.59 And in short time he had so used the matter, that he was wonderfully both beloved and reverenced of his Subjects; insomuch that his sayings were accounted for divine Oracles, and his commandments for Laws: so that when they would confirm any thing by solemn Oath, they would swear by the Head of Hysmael the King; and when they wished well to any Man, they usually said, Hysmael grant thee thy desire. Upon his Coyn which he made both of Silver and Gold, on the one side was written these words, La illahe illalahu Muhame dum resul allahe: which is to say, There is no Gods but one, and Mahomet is his Messenger. And on the other side, Ismaill halife lullahe; which is to say, Hysmael the Vicar of God.

Whilst Hysmael was thus wrestling for the Per∣sian Kingdom, [year 1508.] Chasan Chelife and Techellis (whom we have a little before declared to have bin brought out of the Mountains and Desarts,* 2.60 into the Country-Villages, and afterwards into the Cities; and to have filled the Countries of Ar∣menia and a great part of the lesser Asia with the novelty of their new Doctrine and Opinions, first phantasied by one Giunet Siech, and afterward revived by Haider Erdebil, Hysmael his Father) ha∣ving gathered a great Army of such as had recei∣ved their Doctrine, invaded the Turks Dominion. For after that Techellis (this cold Prophet) had with wonderful felicity in the presence of many prognosticated of things to come; and Hysmael the Sophi (of late a poor exiled and banished man) was thought to have grown unto the highest type of Worldly Honours, not by mans help, but by uprightness of life, and the fortunate passage of an undoubted Religion; such a desire of re∣ceiving that new Superstition possessed the minds of the People in general, that the Cities and Towns thereabouts were now full of them which in token of their new profession had taken upon

them the wearing of the Red Hat, the known Cognisance of the Cuselba's. First they met to∣gether at the City of Tascia, at the Foot of the Mountain Antitaurus, or as the Turkish Histo∣ry reports, at the City of Attalia, to the num∣ber of ten thousand, upon a great Fair-day; where they laid hands upon the chief Magistrate of the City, and executed him, setting his quar∣ters upon four of the highest Towers of the City; and further perswaded by these new Ma∣sters of this new Superstition, to take up Arms in defence of themselves and of their sincere Religi∣on (as they termed it) in case that any violence should be offered them by the irreligious Turks; they all swore never to forsake their Captains for any distress, or yet refuse any labour or adventure for the honour of their most holy Religion (as they would have it) in defence whereof they had already vowed their Souls and Bodies. These Ringleaders of Rebellion, seeing the minds of their frantick Followers so well prepared for their purpose, and reposing a great confidence in their valor and resolution; and withal considering that the mony which was bountifully brought in unto them by the Country People, partly for Devo∣tion, partly for Fear, was not sufficient to main∣tain so great a multitude, gave leave by publique Proclamation to their unruly Followers, to for∣rage the Country round about them, and to live upon the Spoil of them which would not receive their new found Doctrine. Whereupon they di∣viding themselves into divers Companies, and ranging up and down the Country, brought in∣to the Camp abundance of Cattel, and other such things as the Country yielded; and forth∣with (their multitude still increasing) they en∣tred into Lycaonia, a populous and fruitful Coun∣try, where they refreshed themselves many days, roaming up and down to the great grievance and terror of the People; and brought such a fear upon the whole Country, that they which dwelt in open Durps and Villages, were glad to flie with their Wives, Children and Goods, into the strong City of Iconium; for Proclamations were in many places set up in the names of Chasan Chelife and Techellis, wherein many both Spiritual and Temporal Blessings were in most ample man∣ner proposed to all such as should forthwith take part with them, and follow that their new Doctrine already established in Persia; but unto such as should obstinately persevere in their old Superstition, after they had once drawn their Sword, was threatned utter destruction without without hope of pardon of Life. So that all the Inhabitants thereabouts, terrified with the terror of this Proclamation, some for fear of Death, some upon Inconstancy, some for safeguard of their Goods and Possessions (dearer unto them than any Religion) some other indebted, infa∣mous, in danger of Law, besides many fugitive Servants, daily resorted to these new Masters. Not long after, whilst the Turks were making preparation for the suppressing of this dangerous Rebellion, certain Troops of Horsemen sent from Hysmael, came in good time to these new Pro∣phets; for Hysmael in favour and furtherance of that New Superstition, had a little before by fit Messengers exhorted them to proceed couragi∣ously in their so religious an enterprise, and to join Martial Force unto the Religion they profes∣sed; promising further, not to be wanting unto them at their need, but to send them skilful Lea∣ders, and from time to time to furnish them with Coin for the maintenance of that War. All this Hysmael did openly in despight of Bajazet, of small beginnings to sow the Seed of greater War. For he bearing an old grudg against Bajazet for the former Wars betwixt the Turks and the Per∣sians, as also for their disagreement in matters con∣cerning their Superstition, and prickt forward with the heat of youth, desired nothing more in the greatness of his power, and prosperous suc∣cess of his Affairs, than to have occasion to make War with the Turkish King; for which purpose he sent his Embassadors unto the State of Venice,* 2.61 to joyn with them in League and Amity, in such form and so••t as they had long time before, by Catarinus Zemes, Barbarus, and Contarenus their Embassadors, concluded with Usun-Cassanes the great Persian King his Grandfather. The Chief things that he requested of the Venetians, was, That they would send him out of Italy by the way of Syria, men skilful in the casting of great Ord∣nance, and with their Fleet to trouble Bajazet by Sea; promising in the mean time himself to fill Asia the less with his Army by Land, and so to give a fair occasion unto them, to recover by Sea all such places as they had before in the late Wars lost unto the Turks upon the Coast of Pelo∣ponnesus and Grecia.

The Venetians having with all courtesie enter∣tained the Embassadors, gave them answer, That they would never be forgetful of the ancient League and Amity they had made with the Per∣sian King; the remembrance whereof was unto their State a thing most pleasant; and that they were wonderful glad, that the new King was an Enemy unto the Turk, and had them in such re∣gard, as to participate to them the causes of that War; and further to promise unto them those things, which if his Grandfather Usun-Cassanes, or his Uncle Iacup would have performed, he should not now have had need to make Wars with the Turkish Emperor. But such was the alteration of things and times, that as the Persian Kings then living at home in peace, thought it not good to stir whilst Bajazet was busie in Europe; so now their State standing in far worse condition and fortune, could not perform that which they hearti∣ly wished, and most of all desired; for that they thought it not good to break the League which they had not long before made with Bajazet the Turkish Emperor; especially then, when sundry warlike Nations of Europe conspiring together, and divers mighty Kings provoked with no injury, but only envying at their happy estate, made Wars upon them; yet neverheless were in good hope, that God would stand in their just defence, and still preserve their State, which no Enemies power had for the space of seven hundred years and more been able to overcome. Wherefore they should shew unto their King, that they would as occasion should serve, and as it should stand with the good of their State, do their uttermost devoir to make him understand, that nothing was dearer unto them than the Friendship of so great a King; nor any thing more honourable, than by mutual Counsel and combined Forces to assail the Turk their common Enemy.

Shortly after, the Embassadors (having obtain∣ed nothing more than the hope of a League to be in time concluded, and being honourably re∣warded) returned with their Gallies to Cyprus, and so from thence to Syria, where they had se∣cret conference with Petrus Zenus (the Son of Caterinus Zenus, a man famous for his Embassage unto Usun-Cassanes into Persia) Governor of the Venetian Merchants at Damasco. Which thing Bajazet having intelligence of, and of the pas∣sage of the Persian Embassadors that way, com∣plained grievously both by his Embassadors and Letters unto Campson Gaurus Sultan of Egypt, That he dealt not as a Friend and Confederate with him, in suffring these Embassadors so to

pass throughout the midst of Syria, unto the Christians their common Enemies, to stir them up to War. Whereupon all the Venetian Merchants which were at Tripolis, Al••ppo, Damasco, Berytus, and Alexandria, and especially Zenus himself, were forthwith apprehended by the commandment of the great Sultan, and carried in Bonds to Caire, where they were many times enforced in Chains to answer unto such things as were laid to their Charge, and after they had by the space of a year endured the manifold despights of the proud Mamalukes, hardly obtained to escape with Life and Liberty.

The two seditious Prophets, Chasan and Te∣chellis, well strengthned with the aid of the Per∣sians, were now come unto Iconium, the most fa∣mous City of Lycaonia; and wasting all the Country before them, drew a great multitude of People to receive their new Doctrine. For the repressing of which outrages, Orchanes and Ma∣hometes, two of Bajazet his Nephews (who in stead of their Fathers Al••m Schach and Tzian Schach, the Sons of Bajazet before dead, govern∣ed those Countries) gathered together their Forces, and disdaining to suffer such disgrace by such a Rabble of rascal People, in the sight of so famous a City, came into the Field to give them battel.* 2.62 But they in their youthful heat making too much hast, and joyning battel in a place of disadvantage, were by the Rebels over∣thrown and put to flight. Neither would these Ringleaders in that Victory have forborn to have assailed Iconium, but that they wanted Artillery and Engins of War requisite for the besieging of Cities.

Corcutus also, one of the Sons of Bajazet, having at the same time levied a convenient Army about Thiatyra, Sypilus, Magnesia and Phocea, durst not further stir or set forward against the Rebels, al∣though they lay dispersed about the Country fast by him. These new Prophets with Ensigns dis∣plaied, marching from Country to Country through the heart of the lesser Asia, entred at length into Bithynia, where near unto the River Sangarius they met with Caragoses Bassa the Vice∣roy of Asia, coming against them with a great Army well appointed, which he had a little be∣fore raised upon the Bruit of the coming of these Rebels; and had also commanded Achometes (whom the Turks call Achmetes) the eldest Son of Bajazet then living, Governor of the great Coun∣tries of Cappadocia and Pontus, to raise his power, and to follow at the Back of the Rebels; who if they should hap to be put to the worse, would nei∣ther be able to retire, neither to keep the Field, being so shut up betwixt two so great Armies. But Techellis by his speedy coming frustrated these designs of the Viceroy; for marching with all speed, he was upon Caragoses before he was well aware of his coming, near unto the Mountain Hormynus, as he was then taking up of more Souldiers, and daily expected the coming of o∣thers, as if he had been going against some pu∣issant Enemy. The Viceroy seeing the Rebels approach, although he had before not purposed to have encountred them before he had raised far greater Forces; thought it not now to stand with his honour, to refuse to give them Battel, although his Army for the most part consisted of the rude Country Pesants, taken up upon the suddain▪ out of Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, and Bithynia, raw Souldiers, and for most part un∣armed; as commonly they are which in those Countries are pressed against their Wills out of the Towns and Villages, and are of the Turks called Asapi, who of the Janizaries are scarcely accounted for men. But his greatest confidence he reposed in the approved Valour of his ancient Horsemen, by whose means he doubted not, in safety to retire out of the Battel, and to save himself if any thing should fall out otherwise than well; making no great account of the com∣mon Souldiers, more than by them if he could, to weaken the Force of the Rebels; who on the other side (their greatest Force consisting of Footmen) had no hope to save themselves by Flight, but only by plain Valor and dint of Sword. Which Techellis well considering, exhorted his Souldiers to remember into what Country they were come, and that there was no Cities of re∣fuge, no new power, no other gods of defence to flie unto, if they should not that day play the men; Wherefore let us couragiously (said he) set forward against our Enemies, and by Victo∣ry defend our Lives, together with the Truth of our Religion, for which we have vowed both our Souls and Bodies. He had scarcely said thus much, but that his whole Army,* 2.63 in token of chearfulness, gave a most terrible shout, and with∣out further stay set upon their Enemies. The Viceroy had placed his Footmen in the main Battel in the middle, and his Horsemen in the Wings, thereby to have compassed his Enemies; but Techellis had set all his Footmen in one great square Battel, and his Persian Horsemen for a refuge. But the Viceroy his fresh-water Soul∣diers could scarcely abide the sight of Techellis his Army; for in the front of the Battel stood Soul∣diers throughly armed, and all the rest of his Army with red Hats upon their Heads, as if they had been imbrued with Blood, which wonder∣fully terrified the Bassaes cowardly and unskil∣ful Souldiers; so that having indured the Fight scarcely half an hour, they all turned their Backs and fled. The Turkish Horsemen which had valiantly assailed the Rebels Army on both sides, although they had slain many with their Ar∣rows and Lances, and somewhat disordered the Battel, for that the Footmen were inforced to leave their places, and to press still on forward against them; yet when Techellis his Souldiers (having overcome the Footmen, and dividing themselves into divers Squadrons) began with their long Pikes to kill their Horses, and to lay hardly un∣to them, they likewise betook themselves to Flight also. Then the Persian Horsemen (which all this while had stood still as lookers on) left their standings and following the chase slew many of the Turks in their disordered Flight; and follow∣ing fast on, inclosed the Viceroy as he was stay∣ing of his Horsemen, and could not for the thickness of the dust well discorn his Enemies; so that he had been there taken, if he had not been speedily rescued by his Guard, and so de∣livered from that danger. The rest of the Turks Horsemen saved themselves by flight. In this Battel seven thousand of the Turks Footmen were slain, and all their Ensigns taken, with great store of Provision.

After which Victory,* 2.64 Chasan and Techellis rest∣ing their Army one day, marched to the City of Cutaie, near unto the mountain Horminius: This City is situated as it were in the midst of Asia the less, and is the Seat of the Turkish Em∣perors Viceroy in Asia; as Sophia in Moesia is for his other Vceroy in Europe; for it was reported, that the Country People had for fear of the pre∣sent War conveied thither the greatest part of their Wealth; and the Rebels well knew, that the Viceroy himself with his chief Horsemen were fled thither also; neither doubted they, but that all the Army might be greatly inriched by the Wealth of that City, if they should with∣out delay imploy their whole Forces for the

g••ining thereof, their Enemies now altogether discouraged with their late overthrow. Techellis also deeming that enterprise of so much worth as whereon to gage his whole Forces, coming before the City, placed such Field Pieces as he had be∣fore taken in the Battel, and his Archers in such fit places as might most annoy the Defendants; afterward he caused scaling Ladders to be set up, and Proclamation made through all his Camp, That the whole Spoil of the City should be the Souldiers if they could take it; with promise of greater rewards to them that should first recover the top of the Walls. Filled with this hope, the rebellious multitude approached the Wall, fearing neither Enemies Force, multitude of Shot, or danger of Death; striving who should first mount the Ladders, and some climbing one in the neck of another, so to get up by the ruins of the Wall. The Defendants in the mean time from above casting down upon them great Stones, Timber, Fire, scalding Water, Lime, Sand, and such like without measure; wherewith although many were overthrown and crusht to death or spoiled, yet others presently stept up in their place; nei∣ther was any of them seen, for fear of the pre∣sent danger to shrink back or be discouraged; for the Viceroy on the one side, and Techellis on the other, were both Eye-witnesses of every mans Valor in that hot service; the one prickt forward with doubtful hope, for fear to be en∣forced to give over the Assault so begun; and the other with the due regard of his Honour, Life and State, all subject to that danger, and therefore in person himself performed all the parts of a worthy Chieftain and couragious Souldier. But at length the Defendants wearied with the fierce Assault of the Enemy, and for most part wounded, Techellis continually sending in fresh men, and withdrawing such as were hurt, by plain force brake into the City in two places over the heaps of the dead bodies; and having repulsed the Defendants, burst open one of the Gates, and thereby brought in his whole Army. Then began a miserable Slaughter of the Souldiers and poor Citizens in every House and Corner of the City.* 2.65 At which instant the Palace (whi∣ther the Viceroy had retired himself with his Family) was also taken; the Viceroy himself with his Wives and Children were there also taken Prisoners, and the stately Palace built with Marble, in a trice consumed with fire.

The rich City of Cutaie, the Seat of the great Commander of the Turkish Empire in Asia, thus taken by Techellis, and his whole Army both beautified and inriched with the spoil thereof; he perswaded himself, that it was now no hard matter for him to take the City of Prusa also, the ancient Seat of the Turkish Kings in Bithy∣nia, and so to endanger the whole State of the Turks Empire in Asia, if he should now without delay carry the terror of himself thither, before the Turks could in that Country make head against him, or the Citizens be able in so suddain a fear to make any sufficient provision for the de∣fence of themselves and their City; and so in the course of his good fortune to use the courage and chearfulness of his Souldiers. Wherefore ap∣pointing a day when he would set forward, he commanded all things necessary to be made ready for the taking of that rich City, being neither strongly walled, neither furnished with any good Garrison for the defence thereof.

But whilst he was making this preparation, a new Army, lately shipt over the Hellespont from Callipolis into Asia, inforced him to change his forme▪ dete••mination. For Bajazet awaked at the name of Techellis, and the fame of the new Superstition now generally received in Persia, had long before given commandment to his Sons, Nephews, and the Viceroy of Asia, That they should with all carefulness provide, that that part of his Kingdom took no harm thereby. But after he saw Techellis of a poor Hermit become a great Captain, and backt also with the Persian King, and all his Dominions in Asia in danger of some great alteration; he sent Alis Bassa with his Europeian Army. This Alis an Eunuch,* 2.66 born in Macedonia (yet for his courage comparable with the greatest Captains) had for his many and worthy deserts, in the time of the great Em∣peror Mahomet, Bajazet his Father, got unto him∣self both the honour and name of a most famous Chieftain. He having made choice of the prin∣cipal Horsemen of Epirus, Macedonia, Servia, Illyria, and Thracia, and joyning unto them seven thousand Janizaries (the most assured hope of the Turks in all their expeditions) passed over from Callipolis into Phrigia, and upon the way directed his Letters unto Achomates and Corcutus, Bajazet his Sons, and to all the other Sanzacks and Governors of the Turks Provinces in Asia, That they should with as much speed as they could, raise their Forces and meet him in Galatia. But Techellis advertised of his coming, thought it best for him to depart out of Pontus, and to retire to some place of more safety, lest by longer staying he should be inclosed by his Enemies, re∣pairing thitherwards on every ••ide; or else upon some great disadvantage to join Battel; for he saw, that if he staid never so little, he should find no safe passage or place of refuge to retire unto, having left such large and spacious Countries, so many Enemies Cities, so many great Rivers, so many discontented People behind him; all which the first favour of the Vulgar Sort, and speedy course of his Victory, had a little before laid open unto him. Wherefore calling together his Captains and most expert Men of War to con∣sult upon the matter, it was generally thought to be a point of meer madness, or else of extream necessity, with so small a power of unskilful Souldiers, without any sufficient strength of Horse∣men, to joyn Battel with such an Enemy as better knew the Country than he, and far ex∣ceeded him both for number and expertness of his Souldiers. Wherefore Techellis trussing up his rich Prey he had before gotten, began now with speed to retire back again with his Followers through Galatia. But the Bassa having intelli∣gence almost every hour by Letters and Espials, both of the retiring of Techellis, and the way he held, passed over the River Sangarius, and coast∣ing the Country, came and encamped betwixt the Cities of Cutaie and Ancyra, which way it was supposed the Enemy would pass. Where when he had there a while rested his wearied Souldiers, and was certainly advertised, that the Re∣bels had taken another way, he set forward again, and after five days march in the Plains of Gala∣tia, overtook the straglers of the Enemies, who wearied or wounded, were not able to hold way with the Army; all whom the Bassa commanded to be cruelly put to the Sword. And Techellis to terrifie the great Bassa, or at leastwise with a most horrible spectacle to stay his pursuit, caused Caragoses the Viceroy, whom he had carried along with him in Chains, to be cruelly impailed by the highway side, upon a sharp stake set fast in the ground, and so left him sticking for the Turks to wonder at. But Alis Bassa nothing dismaied with the horrible death of so great a personage, held on his way with more hast than good speed, exhorting his Souldiers patiently to endure the painfulness of the long march, and to strain

themselves to take revenge of those rebellious Theeves and Robbers, who destroying the Coun∣try before them, spared not so much as the Turks Children, and the Temples of their Religion; and so the day following came into the Plains of Ancyra. The same day also Achomates came unto the Bassa with ten thousand Souldiers. Alis Bassa perceiving that he could not possibly with his whole Army overtake his Enemies, marching with greater speed before him, and grieved at the heart to see them escape out of his hand, resolved to prove if he could with his Horsemen overtake them; whereupon leaving his Footmen with Achomates, he himself with eight thousand Horse following the Enemy upon the spur, overtook the Rearward of their Army at the Mountain Olyga, a little from the City of Ancyra, unto whom he gave an hot skirmish.

Techellis which a little before had taken a fit place for his Camp,* 2.67 upon the rising of the Hill, although he saw his men faint with long travel and the scorching heat of the Sun, yet quickly perceiving that he should have to do only with Horsemen, and that in a place of advantage; turning his Army, and orderly placing his Soul∣diers, as the ground and the shortness of the time would give leave, valiantly received the impres∣sion of the Turks, and with their long Pikes and Arrows at the first repulsed them; so that it seemed they would neither have given ground unto the bragging Horsemen, neither have done any thing not beseeming their former Victories, had not Alis Bassa sent a thousand Carbines, who in Troops orderly following one another, delivered their Shot as thick as Hail upon the E∣nemy; with which storm many of them being slain, and more wounded, their ranks began to be somewhat disordered; whereupon the other Horsemen breaking in, with great slaughter over∣threw the Vantguard of Techellis Battel; in which conflict Chasan Chelife himself was slain. Techellis always at hand where most need was,* 2.68 even in the midst of the Slaughter of his men set in order a new Battel of his most ready and best armed Souldiers, the only remedy in so great a distress; and bringing them on into the front of the Bat∣tel, opposed them against the Horsemen, now (as they thought) in possession of the Victory; commanding them by little and little to retire unto the Mountain, to the intent that they might seem to do that by commandment of the Gene∣ral, which they were like enough to have done of themselves for fear; hoping that it would so come to pass, That the Turks finding the disad∣vantage of the place, would leave so hardly to assail them. But the Bassa encouraged with the first success of the battel, exhorted his Souldiers to urge the Victory, now almost as good as got∣ten, and not to give the Enemy space to recover the strength of the Mountain, but valiantly to charge them, and with a little short pains that day to end all that War, to the honour of Ba∣jazet their Soveraign, and worthy commendati∣on of themselves in general. In this sort encou∣raging them, he with a Troop of his best Horse∣men (to animate the rest, and to shew his own Valour) brake through the Enemies Battel; which thing he in the same heat, with more courage than discretion, attempting to perform the second time, was inclosed by his Enemies and slain;* 2.69 upon whose fall the fortune of the Battel was in a moment changed; for the Turks, which erst fought couragiously, having beaten back and almost overthrown their Ene∣mies, now dismaied with their Generals death, began to fight but faintly, and by little and little to give ground, and at last turning their Horses about, fled. On the other side Techellis his Soul∣diers, who but a little before had reposed greater hope in the strength of the place and the Moun∣tain, than in their Weapons and Valour, now in∣couraged with new hope, and taking heart in the faint Charge of their Enemies, beg•••• to thrust forward, and with a most terrible noise crying Victory, put to flight the Turks Horse∣men, before wearied with long travel, when as they had by the Generals rashness lost a nota∣ble Victory almost already gained. Techellis al∣though he knew that the Enemy could neither refresh his Horses, nor yet with any assurance keep the Field, if he should have pursue•• him; yet having lost many of his best Souldiers, and the rest of his Army sore weakned with Trav••l, Fasting, and Fighting, determined to refresh his wearied Followers upon the Mountain Olyga. From whence after a few days he marched over the River Halys unto the City of Tascia, his old dwelling place, and so to the City of Celenis, which the River Marsia (much spoken of by the Poets) runneth through, and is now called by the name of Maras, but as then the Regal Seat of the Mountain King Aladeules. The Turks Horsemen having thus in some small sort rather revenged the injuries done by the Rebels, than obtained any Victory, returned to Achomates, who was then coming on with the Footmen. Not long after, Bajazet understanding of the death of Alis Bassa his General, sent Ionuses Bassa,* 2.70 a warlike Captain, and of great experience (born in Epi∣rus) in his stead. Who as soon as he had re∣ceived the Charge of the Army from Achomates, marchin•• forthwith into Cappadocia, and keeping the way on the right hand towards the Mo••••••••in Antitaurus, came in few daies unto the Ci••y of Tascia, the place of Techellis his abode; where burning and destroying the Country all about, he came and encamped with his Army at the foot of the Mountain; The Bassa had in his Army about forty thousand Horse and Foot, well appointed, with many Field Pieces, and plenty of Victuals which he brought with him, for fear of want in that bare Country. Techellis terrified with his coming, having of late received no Aid from Hysmael the Persian King, and want∣ing also great Artillery, and besides that seeing his Souldiers greatly both diminished and discou∣raged with the late Battel at Olyga; determined not upon so great disadvantage to meet his E∣nemy in the plain Field, but to keep the rough Mountains and thick Woods, hoping that if he could be able any time to keep those strong places, he should either receive some Aid from Hysmael, or by the heat of the Turks Leaders take them at some notable advantage. In the mean time many notable skirmishes passed betwixt the Souldiers on both sides; for the Turks fetching a compass oftentimes about the Mountains, and seeking for the best passages, by the easie rising of the Hills, came to skirmish with their Ene∣mies; and Techellis his Souldiers on the other side sallying many times out of the Woods and abrupt places of the Mountains, valiantly assailed the Turks. After they had a long time in this sort, as if it had been in disport, rather proved their Forces one upon another, than done any great matter; the Turks prying into every corner, at length perceived two ways whereby their whole Army with Ensigns displayed might without any great difficulty be brought unto the top of the Mountain, and so into their Enemies strength. The Bassa having well viewed and considered the places, caused the Janizaries at one instant to march up to the Mountain by one of the afore∣said ways, and the rest of his Army by the other;

who with soft pace climing up the steep Moun∣tains, with their Targuets defended themselves as well as they could against their Enemies Darts and Shot. For Techellis his Souldiers having be∣fore taken the high Mountains and places of ad∣vantage, cast down upon the Turks great Stones and Shot without number, as if it had been out of some strong Forts. But the Turks bending certain small Field Pieces against the places which most annoied them, easily drave them from their standings; the Harquebusiers still following their Ensigns, shrouded close under the Targuetiers, and delivered their deadly Shot as showers of Rain upon their Enemies. Whose desperate approach Techellis perceiving, caused a Retreat to be sound∣ed, and with all his Army retired farther off into the higer Mountains and rougher Woods. The night following, perceiving that by the evil suc∣cess of the former skirmish he had lost a great part of his credit and strength, he with great silence forsook the Woods, and passing quite over the Mountains fled into Armenia, then part of the Persian Kingdom. Neither did the Turks perceive their departure until, it was light day, and that their Scouts entring the thick Woods, and finding the Enemies baggage, with some wounded Souldiers not able to flie, brought news unto the Bassa of the Enemies departure and of his speedy flight into Armenia. Which thing, when he by them that were taken, understood to be certainly true, fretting and chafing like a mad man, that he had not presently upon the Ene∣mies Retreat beset the Wood round, he sent his Horsemen forthwith to pursue them; but all in vain, for Techellis was by direct and known ways gone into Armenia. Some few straglers not able to make so much hast as the rest, were over∣taken by the Turks Horsemen, and brought back to the Bassa.

Techellis thus put to flight, Ionuses caused strait inquisition to be made through all the Cities of the lesser Asia, for all such as had professed the Persian Religion; and them whom he found to have born Arms in the late Rebellion, he caused to be put to death with most exquisit Torments, and the rest to be burnt in their Foreheads with an hot Iron, thereby for ever to be known; whom together with the Kinsfolks and Friends of them that were executed, or fled with Te∣chellis, he caused to be transported into Europe, and to be dispersed through Macedonia, Epirus, and Peloponnesus; for fear lest if Techellis now fled into the Persian Kingdom, should from thence return with new Forces, they should also again repair unto him, and raise a new Rebellion. This was the beginning, course, and ending, of one of the most dangerous Re∣bellions that ever troubled the Turkish Empire; wherein all, or at leastwise the greatest part of their Dominions in Asia, might have been ea∣sily surprised by the Persian King, if he would throughly have prosecuted the occasion and op∣portunity then offered.

The remainder of Techellis his Followers, fly∣ing into Persia, by the way lightning upon a Ca∣ravan of Merchants laden with Silks, and other rich Merchandize, took the Spoil thereof; for which outrage coming to Tauris, the Captains were all by the commandment of Hysmael exe∣cuted,* 2.71 and Techellis himself to the terror of others burnt alive.

[year 1509.] The next year (which was the year 1509. the fourteenth day of September) chanced a great and terrible Earthquake in the City of Constanti∣nople and the Countries thereabouts;* 2.72 by the vi∣olence whereof, a great part of the Walls of that imperial City, with many stately Buildings both publick and private, were quite overthrown, and thirteen thousand People overwhelmed and slain. The terror whereof was so great, that the Peo∣ple generally forsook their Houses and lay abroad in the Fields; yea Bajazet himself, then very aged and sore troubled with the Gout, for fear thereof removed from Constantinople to Hadria∣nople; but finding himself in no more safety than before, he left the City and lay abroad in the Fields in his Tent. This Earthquake indured by the space of eighteen days, or (as the Turks Histories report) a month, with very little inter∣mission; which was then accounted ominous, as portending the miserable calamities which shortly after hapned in the Othoman Family. After this Earthquake ensued a great Plague, where∣with the City was grievously visited, and for the most part unpeopled. But after that the Earth∣quake was ceased, and the Mortality asswaged; Bajazet caused the imperial City to be with all speed repaired, and to that purpose gave out com∣missions into all parts of his Dominions for the taking up of Workmen; so that there were at once in work eighty thousand Workmen, who in most beautiful manner in the space of four months again repaired the ruins of that great City.

Bajazet had by his many Wives, eight Sons and six Daughters,* 2.73 which lived to be Men and Women grown; and the Sons all Governors in divers Provinces of his large Empire; whom the Turkish Histories reckon up in this order, Abdul∣lah Zelebi, Alem Scach, Tzihan Scach, Achmet, Machmut, Corcut, Selim, and Muhamet. Yet An∣tonius Utrius a Genoway, who long time lived in Bajazet his Court, and (as he of himself writeth) waited in his Chamber at the time of his death, reckoning up the Sons of Bajazet, maketh men∣tion but of these six, Sciemscia, Alemscia, Acho∣mates, Mahometes, Selymus, and Corcutus; naming the forenamed by names something differing from the other. Sciemscia the eldest, Governor of Ca∣ramania, for his towardliness most dearly beloved of his Father, died a natural death before him, and was of him and his Subjects greatly lamented. Alemscia died in like manner, of whose death as soon as he was advertised, by mourning Letters written in black paper with white Characters (as their manner of writing is, in certifying of heavy news) he cast from him his Scepter with all other tokens of Honour, and caused general mourning to be made for him in the Court, and through all the City of Constantinople, by the space of three days; during which time all Shops were shut up, all trading forbidden, and no sign of mirth to be seen: and for a certain space after the manner of their Superstition, caused solemn Sacrifices to be made for the health of his Soul, and seven thousand Aspers to be given weekly un∣to the Poor. His dead body was afterward with all Princely Pomp conveyed to Prusa, and there with great solemnity buried. Tzihan Governor of Caria and Muhamet Governor of Capha, upon their Fathers heavy displeasure, were by his com∣mandment both strangled.

Of his other four Sons, Achmet, otherwise cal∣led Achomates, Machmut or Mahometes, Corcut or Corcutus, and Selymus; the second (namely Ma∣hometes) was of greatest hope and expectation, not given to sensuality or voluptuous pleasure, as Achomates his eldest Brother, neither altogether bookish as was Corcutus, nor yet of so fierce and cruel a Disposition as Selymus; but of such a lively Spirit, sharp Wit, bountiful Disposition, and Princely Carriage of himself, that in the judgment of most men, he seemed already worthy of a Kingdom. Which immoderate favour of the

People, caused his elder Brother Achomates, yea and Bajazet also himself, to have him in no small jealousie, as if he had affected the Empire; and was in short time the cause of his untimely death; which thing he nothing doubting, hastened (as fatal things are) by such means as he lest feared might have procured any such mortal distrust or danger.

Most of Bajazet his Children were by divers Women, yet Achomates and this Mahometes were by one and the same Mother; for which cause Mahometes took greater pleasure in him than in any his other Brethren, although it were not answered with like love again. Achomates was Lord and Governor of Amasia; and this Maho∣metes, of Magnesia; who desirous to see the man∣ner of his Brothers Life and Government, dis∣guised himself with two of his familiar and faith∣ful Friends, as if they had been religious men, of that Order which the Turks call Im••lier. [These men are for the most part comely Personages, born of good Houses, who in cleanly Attire made after an homely fashion, do at their pleasure wander up and down from Town to Town, and Country to Country, noting the disposition and manners of the People; whereof as fitteth best their purpose, they make large Discourses after∣wards to others; they commonly carry about with them silver Cymbals, whereon they play most cunningly, and thereunto sing pleasant and wanton Ditties; for which idle delight, they re∣ceive Mony of the People, as an Alms given them of Devotion. These are the common corrupters of youth, and defilers of other mens beds; men altogether given to ease and pleasure, and are of the Turks called, The religious Brethren of Love; but might of right better be termed, Epicurus his Hogs, than any professors of any Religion at all] Ma∣hometes and his two Consorts, as men of this pro∣fession, travelled up and down the Countries of Pontus and Cappadocia (where Achomates com∣manded) and so to the City of Amasia; receiving for their merry glee by the way as they went, the Alms and Devotion of the foolish Country People: And being at the length come to Ama∣sia upon a solemn Holyday, they awaited the coming of Achomates to the Church; who passing by, staid a while listening attentively unto their pleasant and alluring Harmony; which was for that purpose most curiously and skilfully before devised, and by them both with their instruments and voices performed. When they had ended their Musick, and according to the manner of their idle profession expected his devotion; Acho∣mates being a man of a spare hand, commanded five Aspers to be given them in reward [which is about six pence of our Mony.] Mahometes dis∣daining his Brothers base reward, as a sign of his miserable disposition, would in no wise discover himself, as he had before determined; but taking horse, returned with speed to Magnesia; from whence he wrote taunting Letters unto his Bro∣ther Achomates, scoffing at his good Husbandry (no praise to a Prince) and in contempt sent him back again his five Aspers; which thing Achomates took in so evil part, as that he was never after∣wards friends with him. The report of this Fact was in short time dispersed throughout all parts of the Turkish Empire, divers men diversly deem∣ing of his purpose therein.* 2.74

Not long after Mahometes had in this sort plaid with his Brother Achomates, he attired himself with certain of his trusty Followers as if they had been Seafaring men, and with a small Bark came to Constantinople, and there landing as Ad∣venturers from Sea, took diligent view both of the imperial City, and of the City of Pera standing opposite against it, curiously noting how all things were by his Fathers appointment ordered and governed. It hapned whilst he was thus staying at Constantinople, that Bajazet had appointed a so∣lemn assembly of all his chief Bassaes at the Court; which Mahometes was desirous to have the sight of, as also of the fashion of his Fathers Court; but as he with his Companions pressed to have entred in at the Court Gate, they were by their base Apparel taken of the Porters to have been rude Mariners, and so by them kept out. Wherefore consulting what to do in that case, he went and presently bought a most beautiful Chri∣stian Captive Boy, and the next day coming again to the Court with two of his Companions (as if they had been Adventurers at Sea) re∣quested to be let in, for that they had brought a Present for the Emperor. So finding means to be admitted to the presence of Bajazet, one of his Consorts (as if he had been a Sea Captain) boldly stept forth, and with due reverence of∣fered the Pesent unto the Emperor; which he thankfully took, and in token thereof gave him his hand to kiss, and commanded a rich Gar∣ment wrought with Gold to be given unto him, with two others of less value unto Mahometes and his Fellow, supposed to be the said Captains Fol∣lowers; who all this while stood a far off, as if it had been for reverence of the Emperor, but indeed for fear to be discovered. As these coun∣terfeit Guests were returning from the Court in their Garments of Favour, they hapned to meet with three Courtiers which knew Mahome∣tes; who dismounting from their Horses, had done him Honour and due Reverence, as to the Son of the great Emperor, had he not by secret signs forbidden them, as one unwilling to be known. When he had thus seen his Father, the Court, and the Imperial City, he went again aboard, and so with speed returned to Magnesia.

The report of this his doing, had in short time filled both the City and the Court, and was at last brought to Bajazets Ears; which raised in his suspitious Head many a troublesome thought, greatly fearing, that in these slie practices lay hidden some secret and desperate Conspiracy, dangerous to himself and his other Children. Wherefore after long discourse had with the three great Bassaes then of his secret Counsel, concerning the matter, to rid himself of all fear, he resolved in any case to take him away. And therefore caused them in his name to write unto Asmehemedi, a gallant Courtier, and alwais near unto Mahometes, to poison him with a secret Poyson, for that purpose inclosed in those Letters sent unto him; with promise of great rewards and preferments for that his service, to be after∣wards received from the Emperor; charging him withal, that if he could not effect the mat∣ter, he should so conceal it, as that Mahometes should have no distrust thereof; the least suspition whereof, would tend to his utter destruction. This Asmehemedi for some unkindnes bare a se∣cret grudge against Mahometes, which Bajazet knowing of, made choise of him the rather; and he on the other side, partly to perform the old Tyrants command, and partly to revenge his own private wrong, vigilantly awaited all opportunities to bring to effect that he had in charge. At length it fortuned, that Mahometes having disported himself in his Gardens of Plea∣sure,* 2.75 and being thirsty after his exercise, called for drink; Asmehemedi alwaies at hand, in a gilt Boul fetcht him such drink as he desired, where∣into he had secretly conveied the deadly Poyson sent from Bajazet. Mahometes having drunk

thereof, in short time began to feel himself evil at ease, and presently sent for his Physicians; who thinking that he had but something distempered himself with drinking too much cold drink in his heat, perceived not that he was poisoned, until that within six dais after, he died. Of whose death Bajazet advertised, could not abstain from mourning, although he himself had been the on∣ly Author thereof; and the more to manifest his heaviness, commanded all the Court to mourn with him, and Prayers to be made in their Tem∣ples after their superstitious manner, and Alms to be given to the Poor for the health of his Soul. His dead body was afterwards carried to Prusa, and there honourably buried with his An∣cestors.* 2.76 Asmehemedi the Traitor in reward of his unfaithfulness towards his Master, was by the commandment of Bajazet cast into Prison, and never afterwards seen, being there (as it was thought) secretly made away.

Now had Bajazet but three Sons left, Achomates, Selymus, and Corcutus. Achomates Governor of Amasia, was a man both politick and valiant; but much given to pleasure and delight; him Bajazet and most part of the great men of the Court favoured above the rest of his Brethren; except such as were before corrupted by Selymus. Cor∣cutus for his mild and quiet nature, was of most men beloved, but not thought so fit for the Go∣vernment of so great an Empire; especially by the Janizaries and Souldiers of the Court, for that he was (as they thought) altogether drowned in the study of Philosophy, a thing nothing agreeing with their humor. Yet might Bajazet seem to do him wrong, if he should not accord∣ing to his promise again restore him unto the possession of the Empire, which he had almost thirty years before received at his hands; as is before in the beginning of his life declared. But Selymus being of a more haughty disposition than to brook the life of a Subject under the command of either of his Brethren, and altoge∣ther given to martial Affairs, sought by infinite Bounty, feigned Courtesie, subtil Policy, and by all other means good and bad, to aspire unto the Empire. Him therefore the Janizaries with all the great Souldiers of the Court, yea and some of the chief Bassaes also (corrupted with Gifts) wished above the rest, for their Lord and Sove∣reign; desiring rather to live under him which was like to set all the World on a hurly burly (whereby they might increase their Honour and Wealth, the certain rewards of their Ad∣ventures) than to lead an idle and unprofitable Life (as they termed it) under a quiet and peace∣able Prince.

Whilst men stood thus diversly affected towards these Princes of so great hope, Bajazet now far worn with years, and so grievously tormented with the Gout that he was not able to help him∣self; for the quietness of his Subjects and prevent∣ing of such troubles as might arise by the aspiring of his Children after his death, determined whilst he yet lived (for the avoiding of these and other such like mischiefs) to establish the succession in some one of his Sons; who wholly possessed of the Kingdom, might easily repress the pride of the other. And although he had set down with himself, that Achomates should be the man, as well in respect of his Birth-right, as of the espe∣cial affection he bare unto him; yet to discover the disposition of his Subjects, and how they stood affected, it was given out in general terms, That he meant before his death to make it known to the World, who should succeed in the Em∣pire, without naming any one of his Sons; leav∣ing that for every man to divine of according as they were affected; which was not the least cause that every one of his Sons with like ambition began now to make small account of their for∣mer Preferments, as thinking only upon the Em∣pire, it self.

First of all Selymus; [year 1511.] whom Bajazet had made Governor of the Kingdom of Trapezond,* 2.77 rigging up all the Ships he could in Pontus, sailed from Trapezond over the Euxine (now called the Black Sea) to the City of Capha, called in ancient time Theodosia, and from thence by Land came to Ma∣hometes King of the Tartars called Praecopenses, a mighty Prince, whose Daughter he had without the good liking of his Father before married; and discovering unto him his intended purpose, besought him by the sacred Bonds of the Affinity betwixt them, not to shrink from him his loving Son-in-law in so fit an opportunity for his ad∣vancement. And withal shewed unto him, what great hope of obtaining the Empire was proposed unto him by his most faithful Friends and the Soul∣diers of the Court, if we would but come nearer unto his Father (then about to transfer the Em∣pire to some one of his Sons) and either by fair means to procure his favour, or by entring with his Army into Thracia, to terrifie him from ap∣pointing either of his other Brethren for the Suc∣cessor. The Tartar King commending his high device, as a kind Father-in-law with wonderful celerity caused great store of shipping to be made ready in the Pontick Sea, and Moeotis, but especi∣ally at the Ports of Copa and Tana, upon the great River of Tanais, which boundeth Europe from Asia; and arming fifteen thousand Tartarian Horsemen, delivered them all to Selymus, promi∣sing forthwith to send him greater Aid if he should have occasion to use the same. These things being quickly dispatched, Selymus passing over the River Borrysthenes, and so through Va∣lachia, came at length to Danubius, and with his Horsemen passed that famous River at the City of Chelia; his Fleet he commanded to meet him at the Port of the City of Varna, called in an∣cient time Dionysiopolis, in the Confines of Bul∣garia and Thracia; he himself still levying more men by the way as he went, pretending in shew quite another thing than he had indeed intended; which the better to cover, he gave it out as if he had purposed to have invaded Hungary.

But Bajazet a good while before advertised, that Selymus was departed from Trapezond, and come over into Europe, marvelling that he had left his charge in Asia (the Rebellion of Techellis and the Persian War yet scarce quieted) and that upon his own head he had entertained forreign Aid to make War against the most warlike Na∣tion of the Hungarians; and farther, that with his Army by Land, he had seised upon the places nearest unto Thracia, and with a strong Navy kept the Euxine Sea; he began to suspect, as the truth was, That all this preparation was made and intended against himself; for the crafty old Sire had good proof of the unquiet and trouble∣some nature of his Son, especially in that with∣out his knowledge he durst presume to take a Wife from amongst the Tartars, and afterwards with no less presumption of himself raise an Ar∣my both by Sea and Land: whereby he easily perceived, that he would never hold himself contented with a small Kingdom, so long as he was in hope by a desperat adventure to gain a greater. Yet thinking it better with like dissimu∣lation to appease his violent and fierce Nature,* 2.78 than by sharp reproof to move him to farther Choler, he sent unto him Embassadors to declare to him with what danger the Turkish Kings had in former times taken upon them those Hungarian

Wars; for example whereof he needed not to go no further than to his Grandfather Mahomet the Great, who many times to his exceeding loss had made proof of the Hungarian Forces; where∣fore he should do well to expect some fit oppor∣tunity, when as he might with better advice, greater power, and more sure hope of Victory, take those Wars in hand. Whereunto Selymus answered, That he had left Asia, inforced there∣unto by the injuries of his Brother Achomates, and was therefore come over into Europe, by dint of Sword and the help of his Friends, to win from the Enemies of the Mahometan Religion a larger and better Province for that little barren and peaceable one which his Father had given him, bordering upon Hiberia and Cholchos, bare and needy Peo∣ple, living as Connies amongst the Rocks and Mountains. As for the Hungarians, whom they thought to be a People invincible, and therefore not to be dealt withal, he was not of that base mind to be daunted with any danger, were it never so great; and yet that in his opinion the War was neither so difficult or dangerous, as was by them prentended; forasmuch as the ancient prowess of that warlike Nation was now much changed, together with the change of their Kings; and their Discipline of War not only much de∣caied, but almost quite lost, after that Uladislaus, far unlike in Policy and Prowess, had succeeded the renowned Matthias in that Kingdom. Nei∣ther had he (as he said) from his cradle learned to be afraid of death, or of the common chances of War, as knowing that neither God nor Man would be wanting unto him, who with an ho∣nourable resolution did adventure upon vertuous and worthy attempts; and that therefore he was fully resolved for his own honour (which his Father had in some sort blemished by the immo∣derate advancement of his Brethren) either to die honourably in the Field in battel against the Enemies of the Mahometan Religion, or else glo∣riously to extend the bounds of the Turkish Empire: and that he would not (though one of the youngest in the Othoman Family) be accounted inferior to any of his Brethren in Vertue and Prowess. Thus was the Hungarian War never by Selymus entended, notably by him pretended; and with no less dissimulation by Bajazet disswad∣ed. The Embassadors, although Selymus in all his Speeches shewed no token of Peace;* 2.79 yet in his Fathers name presented unto him divers Gifts, thereby if it might be to appease his fierce and cruel mind. Unto his old Government they ad∣joyned Scamandria, which the Hungarians call Schenderovia, a strong City of Servia upon the borders of Hungary, with many other strong Towns in the same Country; they gave him also threescore thousand Ducats, beside a thousand Garments of Cloath and Silk; with good Store of Provision wherewith to relieve and content the Souldiers by him entertained; lest that they drawn far from home in hope of Spoil, should take it in evil part if they should be sent away empty handed. Selymus in a happy time having received these Gifts, returned the Embassadors unto his Father, with more doubtful answer and uncertain hope than before; yet changing no∣thing in himself of his former resolution, secret Messengers and Letters from his Friends in the Court still whetting him forward (too much already inflamed with desire of Sovereignty) perswading him to make hast and to repose his greatest hope in his quick speed; for that they understood, that about the time of his setting for∣ward, his Brother Achomates was coming with a great power, being sent for out of Cappadocia by his Father.

In the mean time Bajazet, moved the rather with the fear of Selymus, resolved upon that,* 2.80 whereof he had long before in his mind deeply considered, and now said openly, That he would appoint his Successor, who instead of himself, spent with years and sickness, should bring with him the flower of Youth and strength of Body, fit to govern so great an Empire. But when those things were propounded unto the Souldiers of the Court by the four great Bassaes (who in all things both of Peace and War had next place unto the Emperor himself) it was forth∣with gainsaid by those Martial Men, crying aloud with one voice, That they would know no other Emperor but Bajazet, under whose conduct and good fortune they had now served above thirty years; and therefore would not suffer him to live a private life in obscurity, who with so many Victo∣ries and strong Cities taken, had brought the O∣thoman Empire unto that height of Renown and Glory. They said moreover, that there was in him yet strength enough, if he would but with the reverend honour of his Age retain the Ma∣jesty of his place, and the Glory he had gotten with his long and happy Reign, and most famous Victories; and that of his Children, such an one should undoubtedly in his due time succeed in the Empire, as of right ought; only they wisht, that the old Emperor might in the mean time live in health with a long and happy Reign; neither needed he (as they said) to fear that after his death any controversie should arise among his Sons about the Succession; for that the Otho∣man Progeny used to attain the imperial seat, according to the old custom of their Ancestors the Othoman Kings, by Right and Order only, and not by Corruption or Faction. But if he would needs upon his own private good liking, or as it were by new adoption, proceed to make choice of such an one as the People and the Men of War (his most loyal and faithful Subjects) could not so well like of, it would be an occasion of much more trouble, and happily the means to bring in that confusion of the State, which he thought thereby to eschew. For then, beside the dislike of the People, the other Brethren would never endure so notable an injury, or ever be at quiet, until they had (as men wrongfully cast off and disinherited) by strong hand and endanger∣ing of all, recovered their honor lost by the headstrong Will of their aged Father.

The Souldiers thus before instructed by the Friends and Favourites of Selymus, (who with Mony and large Promises had corrupted their Captains and chief Officers) spake these things frankly, to have deterred the old Emperor from his purpose. But he thinking that they had (as he himself did) especially affected Achomates his eldest Son, (for that they had generally protested, That they would against all injuries defend his honour, unto whom the Empire should of right appertain) said he would make choice of Acho∣mates, if it should stand with their good liking.* 2.81 But the chief of the Souldiers (who corrupted by Selymus, had together sold both their Faith and themselves) cunningly commended Achomates, and seemed wonderfully to like of him; yet to accept of him for their Sovereign, Bajazet yet living, they said was not agreeing with the an∣cient custom of the Othoman Kings, neither for the behoof of the men of War, neither yet good for the State of the Empire; forasmuch as nei∣ther his Brethren Corcutus and Selymus, neither the Souldiers of the Court, could patiently en∣dure the least touch of the suspition of Infidelity; which they must needs do, if he as a suspitious Father should doubt either of the Love or Loy∣alty

of his most dutiful Sons, or of the Faith and Constancy of his most faithful Servants, where∣of he had made so many trials. Besides that, it seemed unto them all unreasonable, that by the odious prejudice of that Fact, the Souldiers should be left defrauded of the rewards usually granted unto them during the time of the vacancy of the Empire, arising of the Spoil taken from them which are of Religion different from the Turks. For it is a custom, that immediately upon the death of the Turkish Emperor, all the Jews and Christians which dwell at Constantinople, Pera, Hadrianople, Thessalonica, and Prusa, especially Merchants, exposed unto the injuries of the Turks, are by the Janizaries and other Souldiers of the Court, spoiled of all their Wares and Goods, and become unto them a Prey; neither will they give their Oath of Allegeance unto the new Emperor, until he have granted unto them all that Prey, as a Bounty, and have solemnly sworn by his own Head (the greatest assurance that can by Oath be given amongst the Turks) freely to pardon all the Offenders, and for ever to for∣get all the outrages before committed. When Bajazet saw his Men of War thus generally to oppose themselves against the translation of the Empire to Achomates, he of purpose to corrupt the minds of them which were before already corrupted, promised to give them five hundred thousand Ducats if they would stand favourable to Achomates, and accept him for their Sovereign; which Mass of Mony his Customers and Re∣ceivers undertook to levy of the same Merchants Strangers and Jews, and to pay it as Bajazet had promised. Yet the overthwart forwardness of these Men of War overcame the good Fortune of Achomates, although the reward promised were great; for why, they had in their Martial Minds conceived far greater Rewards and Pre∣ferments, if instead of a peaceable and quiet Prince, a monstrous Tyrant of restless nature (as was Selymus) might by their help and means aspire to the Empire. Thus Bajazet, driven from his hope, thought it best for the present to dissemble the matter; and concealing his grief, with patience to put up that dishonour, until a fitter opportunity were offered for the effecting of that he so much desired.

Selymus advertised from his Friends, with what affection and fastness the Souldiers of the Court had in the secret favour of him openly withstood the earnest desire of Bajazet for the preferment of Achomates; because he would no longer frustrate the expectation of his Favourites by lingring and delay, or seem to distrust the ready good Wills of the Men of War towards him, left the bor∣ders of Hungary, and with his Army marching through Thracia, incamped at length upon the rising of an Hill not far from Hadrianople,* 2.82 from whence the neighing of his Horses might easily be heard, and his Tents from the high places of the City discovered. From thence he sent a Mes∣senger to his Father then lying in the City, to certifie him, That forasmuch as he had not of many years before seen him,* 2.83 he was now there∣fore desirous to come unto his presence to visit him, before he crossed the Seas back again by his appointment to Trapezond; and the rather, because it might chance that he should never see him again, being now become both aged and diseased; besides that, it much concerned (as he would have had him to believe) the quietness of his Kingdom in Asia, and the unity of his Children, if the controversies betwixt him and his Brother Achomates, which could not safely be committed to Messengers, might by them∣selves be discovered to him their Father, as an in∣different hearer and decider thereof. Wherefore he humbly besought him to appoint him a time and place to give him audience in, and not to denie him leave to come and kiss his Hands; which thing his Ancestors never refused to grant to their poor Friends, much less to their Children. Bajazet who a few days before understanding of the coming of Selymus, and throughly seeing into his devices, had called unto him certain of his Sanzacks or chief Captains, with their select Companies out of the nearest parts of Grecia, and had also set strong Watch and Ward through the City; fearing lest under the colour of parle, his Souldiers attending about his person, corrupted by Selymus and his Friends (who even then loaded with Gifts and Promises, were secretly upon the point of revolt) should be quite drawn away from him, and so he himself at length be either by open force oppressed, or secret Treachery cir∣cumvented, thought it best to cut him off at once from all hope of conference or access unto his presence. Wherefore seriously blaming him, that he had upon his own head brought his Army in∣to another mans Province, that he in Arms re∣quired audience, and last of all, so insolently ab∣used his Fathers lenity and patience; he by the same Messenger sent him farther word, That he should not presume to approach any nearer unto him, or expect any thing appertaining to peace, who guarded with forreign power had without his Fathers leave entred into Arms, and spoiled the Countries of his Friends; and that there∣fore he should do well, with all speed to retire out of Thracia, yea and out of Europe also, and disbanding his Forces, again to retire himself un∣to his own charge in Pontus; in which doing he should find greater favour and kindness with him his Father, than ever he had before: but if he would needs proceed in the course by him be∣gun, that then he would no more take him for his Son, but for his Enemy, and before it were long, sharply chastise for his malapert Insolency, little differing from unnatural Treachery. The Messenger with his answer dismissed, it was not long after, but that Bajazet was by his espials advertised, that Selymus the night following was risen with his Army, and marched directly to∣wards Constantinople; whether he was sent for by his Friends, in hope that upon his approach with his Army, some suddain tumult and uprore would to his avail arise in that so great and populous City. Whereupon Bajazet fearing lest in staying at Hadrianople, he might lose the Imperial City of Constantinople, early in the morning by break of the day departed from Hadrianople towards Constantinople. Upon his departure Selymus peace∣ably entred the City of Hadrianople, the Citizens fearing, that if they should have made any re∣sistance, their unseasonable faithfulness towards Bajazet might have turned to their utter de∣struction. Selymus after he had a while refreshed his Army with the plenty of that City,* 2.84 accord∣ing to his former determination set forward again, of purpose by long and speedy Marches to have prevented his Fathers coming to Constantinople. Ba∣jazet was yet scarcely come to Chiurlus, or rather Tzurulum, an ancient ruinous City almost upon the mid way betwixt Hadrianople and Constanti∣nople, when warning was given him of them that followed his Army, that the forerunners of Se∣lymus were at hand, cutting off the straglers of his Army, and with hot skirmishing stayed and troubled his Rearward. The aged Emperor more moved than terrified with the strangeness of the matter, because his marching should not seem as if it were a Flight or Chase, commanded his Standard to be set up, and all his Army to make a

stand, of purpose that if Selymus should come on to give him Battel, he might find him in readi∣ness. The great Captains and Noblemen then present with Bajazet,* 2.85 whether it were for old ac∣quaintance, or upon some new inclination of their affection, or else upon hope of new Allyance and Preferment, wishing well unto Selymus, and therefore indirectly and cunningly favouring him, seemed not to like of Bajazet his resolution, to be so far moved (as they said) with the youthful heat and lightness of his Son, as to seek revenge by battel, whereas the Victory it self could yield him nothing but sorrow; but the overthrow threatned destruction both to himself and all them that were with him; the imminent event thereof seemed to be so much the more dangerous and fearful, by how much he was at that time infe∣rior unto his Son both in warlike Provision and number of men. Wherefore it were good for him (they said) to moderate his anger, and not now in the winding up of his life to make too much hast by a miserable death in a woful Bat∣tel to stain the whole glory of his former life. There was (as they would have perswaded him) but one only course to be taken, full of whole∣some Policy and Safety; and that was, That he should with such speed as he had begun, march on forward to Constantinople, that so Selymus ex∣cluded out of the City, (his chiefest hope) and then not knowing which way to turn himself, should either of his own accord, or for fear of his Fathers greater Forces, think of return; and so with his rascal Followers more honestly perish by the hands of them whose Countries he had spoil∣ed, and upon whom he must of necessity live in his return, than by the sword of his Father. The Author of this Counsel was Mustapha, the most ancient Bassa of those, which being in greatest Authority about the Emperor, are only of his Privy Council, and sway all matters of importance concerning either Peace or War; he then upon an unthankful and malicious mind loathing Bajazet, as one that had too long reigned, hated him also for certain private displeasures conceived of the emulation of the other younger Bassa's by him promoted; and secretly bare great affection to Selymus, both in condition and favour resembling his Grandfather the Great Mahomet, by whom he was brought up himself, and him of all the Sons of Bajazet he thought most worthy of the Empire. This Mustapha was born in the Town of Seres (near unto Amphipolis) the Son of a Greek Priest, a man of a sly, crafty, and sub∣til Wit, always subject to corruption; which diseases of mind were in him well to have been discovered by his froward look and squint Eyes, the certain notes of a nature to be suspected. Next unto this Mustapha was Bostanges Bassa, born of the honourable House of the Ducagina in Aetholia, and therefore called Ducaginoli; a man for his Covetousnes, Ambition, and Treachery, infamous; as the foul and miserable end of his life afterwards declared. Unto this man, Sely∣mus had by secret promise betrothed one of his Daughters, now marriageable, as a reward of his corrupt Faith. By which sleight he had also allured Ajax (Aga or Captain of the Ja∣nizaries, and great Master of the Houshold) to promise his Aid for the obtaining of the Em∣pire; whereunto he said he was by Destiny called; and by his means drew other inferior Captains secretly to favour his quarrel; unto whom he spared not to promise whatsoever might please their humors. Yea the Captains almost generally either corrupted with reward, or for fear following the inclination of the greater Commanders, of themselves leaned that way. Of all the rest, only Cherseogles Bassa (whom the Turks Histories call also Achmet Hertezec-Ogli) a faithful, constant, and upright man,* 2.86 free from all double dealing and deceit, a fast and assured Friend unto Bajazet his Father in Law, was of opinion, That the immoderate Pride and Insolency of Selymus, was even there by force of Arms and strong Hand forthwith to be oppressed, before he should approach any nearer unto the Imperial City, for fear of raising some fur∣ther trouble or tumult there, than were well to be appeased; which was the thing that Selymus his Friends most of all desired. Neither was it to be thought (as Cherseogles said) that the naked Tartarion Horsemen, although they were in num∣ber more, would ever be able to abide the first charge of Bajazet his well armed Pensioners. As for the Janizaries, of whose approved Faith and Valour tried in many dangers, he had before had good experience; there was no doubt but that they would now to the uttermost of their power defend the Person and Honour of their aged and victorious Emperor, who had of long time so well of them deserved; and also to re∣venge his quarrel upon disobedient Selymus, who neither fearing God the just Revenger of such ungracious dealing, neither the infamy of men, had most unnaturally lift up his Sword against his Father, wickedly to deprive him of life, of whom he had received life. Wherefore he per∣swaded him, in his own just quarrel to go forth unto his Souldiers with chearful countenance, and putting them in remembrance of the bene∣fits they had from time to time most bountifully received at his hands, as also of their Allegiance and Duty; to make them to understand, that re∣posing his trust in their Fidelity and Valour, he had resolutely set down with himself, in that place before he went any further, by their faith∣ful hands to chastise the presumptuous insolency of his unnatural Son, together with his rebellious Followers.

But now that we are fallen into the remem∣brance of this Cherseogles, it shall not be amiss, both for the honour of the man, and the great love he always bare unto the Christians, to step a little out of the way, to see the cause why he being a Christian born, turned Turk. For he was not (as almost all the rest of the great men about Bajazet were) of a Child taken from his Christian Parents, and so brought up in the Mahometan Religion, but now being a man grown, turned Turk; yet so, as that he never in heart forgot either the Christians Religion or love towards the Christians; a thing not com∣mon among such Renegates. He being the Son of one Cherseogles, a small Prince of Illyria near unto the black Mountain; and going to be mar∣ried unto a Lady whom he most entirely loved, and unto whom he was already betrothed, ho∣nourably descended of the House of the Despot of Servia; his intemperate Father with lustful Eye beholding the young Lady of rare Feature and incomparable Beauty, desired to have her for himself; and regarding more the satisfying of his own inordinate desire, than his own ho∣nour, or the Fatherly Love of his Son, took her in marriage himself; all his Friends labouring in vain to disswade him, and with open mouth crying shame of so foul a Fact. Wherefore the young man, moved with the indignity of so great an injury, and driven headlong with despair, fled first to the Turks Garrisons which lay not far off, and from thence to Constantinople; where the fortune of the man was to be wondred at; For being brought before Bajazet, who with chearful countenance entertained him, for that

he was honourably descended; and well liked both of the man, and of the cause of his revolt; smiling upon him, said, Be of good chear Noble Youth, for thy great courage is worthy of far greater fortune than thy Fathers House can afford thee; now in stead of thy Love wrongfully taken from thee by thy Father, (the Kinswoman of a poor exiled Prince) thou shalt have given thee in marriage the Daughter of a great Emperor, of rare and singular perfection. And not long after abjuring his Re∣ligion, and changing his Name of Stephen to Achomates and Cherseogles, he married one of Ba∣jazet his Daughters, a Princess of great Beauty; and deserved to have a place amongst the Bas∣saes of greatest honour in the Court. Yet still retaining the remembrance of his former Pro∣fession, with a desire to return thereto again; insomuch that he kept in his secret closet the image of the Crucifix, which he shewed to Io. Lascaris, as to his trusty Friend, as he himself reported. This man at such time as the City of Modon was taken by the Turks, and a multi∣tude of poor Christian Captives cruelly put to death in the sight of Bajazet, by earnest intreaty saved the Venetian Senators there taken; and afterward by earnest sute delivered Andreas Gritti, being Prisoner at Constantinople, and condemned to die; who not many years after was chosen Duke of Venice. He was the chief means where∣by the Venetians to their great good obtained Peace of Bajazet. He also by his great Autho∣rity, and of his own charge redeemed innume∣rable Christians from the servitude of the Turks, and set them at liberty. Neither is his kindness towards the furtherance of good learning to be forgotten; for at such time as the foresaid Io. Lascaris the notable and learned Grecian, by the appointment of Leo the Tenth, sought ancient works of famous Writers, he procured the Turkish Emperors Letters Patents, that he might freely at his pleasure search all the Libraries in Grecia, to the great benefit of good Letters. Now Ba∣jazet encouraged by this mans perswasion (as is aforesaid) and hearing as he lay in his Pavilion, the Alarm of the Enemy, with the tumult and clamor of his own Souldiers as if they had been men afraid; and sundry Messengers also at the same time coming unto him with news, That Selymus with his Tartarian Horsemen had almost inclosed the Rearward of his Army, and already taken some of his Baggage; grinding his Teeth for very madness and grief of mind, with Tears trickling down his hoary Cheeks, got him out of his Pavilion in his Horse-litter, (for he was at the same time so troubled with the Gout, that he was not able to sit on Horseback) and turning himself unto the Pensioners and Jani∣zaries standing about him, as their manner is, said unto them,

* 2.87Will you, Foster-Children, valiant Souldiers, and faithful keepers of my Person, who with great for∣tune have served me in Field above the space of thirty years; and for your faithful and good service have both in time of Peace and War, of me received such rewards, as by your own confession and thanksgiving far exceeded your own expectation, and the measure of our Treasures; Will you, I say, suffer the innocent Father to be butchered by his graceless Son? And your old Emperor, tormented with age and diseases, to be cruelly murthered by a company of wild Tartars, little better than arrant Rogues and Theeves? Shall I be now forsaken in this my heavy old age and last act of Life? And shall I be delivered unto mine Enemies, by them, by them, I say, who many years ago with great faithfulness and invincible Courage defended mine Honour and Right against my Brother Zemes? And have many times since, not only valiantly defended this Empire against most warlike Nations, but also most victoriously augment∣ed the same? But I will not so lightly believe that which to my no small grief is brought unto mine ears, concerning the revolting of mine Army; nei∣ther if I did believe it, am I so fearful as to be there∣with discouraged, or to seek to make shift for my self. For to what purpose should I think of Flight; as though I could in any other place find more faithfulness or surer defence than with you? And concerning your selves, what should be your hope by this so infamous Treachery? If any of you (for I cannot believe that you are all so mad) without regard of faith, of world∣ly shame, or the fear of God, have polluted your minds with the pernicious conceit of so foul a Treason; do you think to gain greater Rewards and preferments by your Treachery and Villany, than by your Fidelity and Constancy? There be many, which careful of my Person, perswade me to reserve this my sick and feeble Body unto my better fortune, and to commit my self to flight, so rather to save my life with shame and in∣famy, than to end my days with honour and glory; Which is so far from my thought for the apprehen∣sion of any fear to do, that I will to the contrary forthwith give the fierce Enemy battel; and in this my last danger make proof of all your Fidelity and Valour, and of every one of your good Wills in par∣ticular; and so by conduct of the Highest, either de∣feat the power and break the strength of this grace∣less man, or else having reigned above thirty years an Emperor, end my days together with them which shall unto the end continue with me in their Faith∣fulness and Loyalty, although I should be most shame∣fully and dishonourably betraied and forsaken of some of mine own Guard; which thing though lying Fame would make me believe, yet will I not fear it until I see the proof thereof.

The common sort of Janizaries, unto whom the great Commanders and Captains corrupted by Selymus,* 2.88 had not for their levity and multi∣tude communicated their purpose of transferring the Empire to Selymus, began to cry out as if it had been with general consent, That he should not doubt to joyn battel with his Enemies, and so to make proof of their constant Fidelity and wonted Valor. Which was done with such a cheerfulness and desire expressed by great Shouts, clapping of Hands, and clattering of Armor, that it seemed they would play the parts of re∣solute Souldiers, and that as guiltess men they took it grievously to be once suspected of Trea∣son or Infidelity. Others also who secretly and in heart were well affected to Selymus, for fashion sake followed them with like cry; but especially the great Commanders both of the Army and of the Emperors Court, now changed their affection, whether it were for shame of the Fact, or for fear of discovering themselves out of season, is un∣certain. Wherefore according to the manner of such men, which through their mutability and mischievous disposition, fearing to be con∣vinced and discovered, add unto the present a second and new Treason or Treachery, to cover the former; so Mustapha and Bostanges (not da∣ring now to shew themselves for Selymus) to make a great shew of their feigned Loyalty towards Bajazet, departed themselves out of his Pavilion, to encourage the Souldiers, and to martial the Battel.

Bajazet sick in his Chariot, by the advice of Cherseogles the faithful Bassa,* 2.89 placed his Battel in this order: The Sanzacks (which are the Gover∣nors of Provinces) with their Horsemen, in number about six thousand he set in the Front of the Battel; the Spachi-oglans and Siliphtars,

which are the chief Horsemen of the Court, and as it were the Emperors Pensioners, were placed as two Wings on each side the great squadron of the Janizaries; in the midst whereof was old Bajazet himself. Other forty thousand Horse∣men (Servants to the great men of the Court) were left in the Rearward, and to guard the Baggage. These Slaves (for so indeed they are) for their Apparel and Furniture, yea and Valor also, are little inferior to their Masters, by whom they are so sumptuously maintained both for strength and ostentation. The Battel thus ordered, Bajazet commanded the Trumpets to sound, and a red Ensign in token of battel to be dis∣plaied. On the other side, Selymus placing his Tartarian Horsemen in both Wings, and his Turks in the midst, in manner of a half Moon, for that he in number of Horsemen far exceeded his Father, did almost on every side inclose him, and so charge him. The Tartars when they were come within an hundred paces of their Enemies, casting themselves (after the manner of their fight) into great Rings, empty within in manner of a Crown, and so running round, that they might both backward and forward de∣liver their Arrows, cast upon their Enemies whole showers of Shot, as if it had been Hail, to the great annoyance of the Turks; when as in the mean time the other Tartarian Archers further off, shoot∣ing their Arrows not right forth, but more upright towards Heaven, which falling directly down, sore gauled the Turks Horses also. But the old Soul∣diers (taught by the example of their Captains) ••erred close together, and casting their Targets over their Heads, as if it had been one whole Roof or Penthouse, received their Arrows with less harm, and hasted with as much speed as they could to come to handy blows. The Pensioners also at the same instant bravely charged the middle of Selymus his Battel, where his Turkish Horsemen stood; and Ajax Captain of the Ja∣nizaries, drawing out seven hundred ready Har∣quebusiers out of the Squadron of the Janizaries, with them assailed the hindmost of one of the Wings of the Tartars; and the four thousand Servants left in the Rearward, as desirous as the rest to shew their forwardness, with great Slaugh∣ter repulsed the other Wing of the Tartars, which came to have spoiled the Turks Carriages. This fierce battel betwixt the Father and the Son, with doubtful event endured from Noon until the going down of the Sun; Selymus in many places still restoring his declining Battel, and fighting himself, as for an Empire. But after that the Tartars, hardly charged by the Harquebusiers, were not able to abide the Shot, especially their Horses, being with the unwonted noise thereof wonderfully terrified, and so carrying back their Riders whether they would or no, began to fly; the rest of the Horsemen could neither by com∣mandment, threatning, or wounds, be inforced to stay, but turned their Backs and fled. The Footmen also whom Selymus had attired and armed after the manner of the Janizaries,* 2.90 be∣ing forsaken of their own Horsemen, were now by Bajazet his Horsemen compassed about and almost all slain.

Selymus his Army thus overthrown, and him∣self hardly beset, was by certain Troops of his Turkish Horsemen which yet staied with him, delivered from the present danger; and being wounded, was mounted upon a fresh Horse, and so with all the speed he could fled after the Tar∣tars. But doubting to be pursued and overtaken by his Fathers speedy Horsemen, he changed his Horse, and took another of a wonderful swiftness; and so reserving himself to his future fortune, with a few of his Followers fled to Varna, and from thence by Sea to Capha.

The Horse whereon Selymus fled was all cold black, called Carabulo (that is to say,* 2.91 a black Cl••ud) whom Selymus as a good Servitor ever after ex∣empted from all service; and had him in such estimation, that covered with Cloth of Gold, he was as a spare Horse without a Rider led after him in all his great Expeditions, first into Persia, and afterwards into Egypt, where he died at Caire, and there to the imitation of Bucephalus, Great Alexanders Horse, had a Monument erected for him: wherein Selymus shewed himself more kind than to his own Brethren, whom he cruelly Mur∣thered, and hardly afforded to some of them so honourable a Sepulture.

In this Battel, of forty thousand which Selymus brought into the Field, escaped not above eight thousand, but they were either slain or taken pri∣soners. Of Bajazet his Army were lost about seven hundred, and three thousand hurt with Tar∣tarian Arrows: which loss he presently revenged with extream cruelty, causing all such as were taken Prisoners to be without mercy put to the Sword in his sight; whose heads were laid together by heaps, and their dead bodies, as if they had been Towers. Of this notable Battel betwixt the Father and the Son in the year 1511, Chiurlus called in ancient time Tzurulum, before an obscure old ruinous City, (or as Iovius calleth it, a Village) became famous; but much more afterwards by the fatal destiny of Selymus; who not many years after, strucken with a most loathsome and incurable disease, ended his days in the same place with an untimely and tormenting death; God (as it is to be thought) with revenging hand in the same place taking just punishment for his former dis∣loyalty towards his Father, as shall hereafter in due time and place be declared.

Three days Bajazet lay still in the same place where he had obtained the Victory, till such time as all his Souldiers were again returned from the chase of the Enemy; after that, he held on his way to Constantinople, and there bountifully re∣warded his Souldiers. In the mean time Achomates hearing of all the trouble which had happened betwixt his Father and his Brother Selymus, with the event thereof, came with an Army of twenty thousand from Amasia, through the Countries of Galatia and Bithynia, unto the City of Scutari, cal∣led in ancient time Chrisopolis, (though some sup∣pose it to have been the famous City of Chalcedon) which City is situated upon the Strait of Bospho∣rus, directly against the City of Constantinople. In this place Achomates encamped his Army, near unto the Sea side, expecting what course his Fa∣ther would take after so great a Victory. For beside the Prerogative of his Age, and the espe∣cial love of his Father towards him, the gene∣ral affection of the Vulgar People, with the good opinion he had of himself, had already filled his mind with the hope of the Empire. Wherefore he ceased not night and day to send Messengers over that narrow Strait, to Constantinople; and most earnestly to solicite Bajazet his Father, in so fit an occasion to make hast to dispatch what he had so long before determined, concerning the re∣signation of the Empire. He also importuned his Friends and Familiars in best manner he could to commend him to his Father, and in most am∣ple sort to extol his grave purpose for translation of the Empire; and to do the uttermost of their devoir, that seeing God and good Fortune had justly overthrown the rash attempt and force of his Brother Selymus, he by their good means might the sooner obtain the Empire, whereof he was the undoubted Heir.

Bajazet, who of himself and according to his old good liking was altogether desirous of the Preferment of Achomates,* 2.92 was by their perswasi∣ons easily intreated to hasten the performance of that he had before determined for the trans∣ferring of the Empire. And making no great secret of the matter, commanded certain Gallies to be made ready for the transporting of Acho∣mates from Scutari to Constantinople. But the great Bassaes with the Souldiers of the Court (the secret Favourites of Selymus) understand∣ing the matter, began again openly to resist and impugn his purposed determination, and to al∣ledge the same reasons they had before at Hadri∣anople alledged; in fine they said plainly, That they would by no means suffer him so far to dis∣able himself as an insufficient man to resign the Empire, who of late had with so valiant and couragious an heart fought for the honour of his Crown and Dignity; and that therefore so long as he lived, they would acknowledge no other Sovereign but Bajazet: yet for all that as they meant not thereby to cut off Achomates his hope, so neither ought he to distrust the good will of the Men of War; but that he being a Man of most approved and known Valour, might in due time with their general good liking en∣joy his right, which should then without all que∣stion be due unto him as the eldest Son of their Emperor. They said moreover, that they had in the late Battel against Selymus sufficiently de∣clared what minds they were of, both towards their Emperor and Achomates, and what confi∣dence they were to repose in the fidelity of their Souldiers, who to manifest their Faithfulness and Loyalty, had not refused to offer themselves unto the hazard of a most unequal Battel, yea their lives unto death it self. O foul dissimula∣tion, the covert Mask of all Mischief, under which, meer Treachery is here pretended for great Loyalty, the aged Emperor too too much flattered, Achomates shamefully deluded, and (the Man that might not as then without some ad∣dition of disgrace be named) Selymus, even Bloody Selymus, secretly sought for above all Men to be preferred.

Bajazet by this offwardness and insolency of the Souldiers again disappointed of his purpose, or else (as some thought) delighted with the sweet∣ness of Sovereignty; for that after the late Victo∣ry he seemed (as one grown young again) nei∣ther to feel himself old or unable still to govern so great an Empire; sent word to Achomates, how the matter stood, and that he should forthwith depart from Scutari to his old charge at Amasia, from whence he would again call him at such time as he had with new bounty won the minds of the Souldiers, and procured the good liking of other the great men in Court, whereby so great a matter and not usual, might the better and with more security be effected.

Achomates thus deceived of his hope and ex∣pectation, grievously complaining that he was so mocked of his Father, and contemned of the Soul∣diers of the Court, began to mix his new request with words of heat and discontentment, and to in∣veigh against his Father, for making him a by∣word (as he termed it) and a laughing stock un∣to the World, after he had taken the pains to come so far, and that by his special appointment. But if he proceeded so to doat, and to make so great reckoning of the Souldiers of the Court, that in resp••ct ••hereof he neither regarded his promise, nor th•••• was right and just; he would himself by force o•• Arms take upon him the defence of his own ••onour and right, so lightly esteemed by his Father, and revenge the disgrace offered unto him by others.

Whereunto Bajazet answered by the Cadeles∣cher (which is a man of greatest place and au∣thority amongst the Turks in matters concern∣ing their Superstition, and therefore of them ho∣noured above others, as the sacred interpreter of their Law) that he did neither well nor wisely without just cause to fall into so great rage and choler, as by his speech and force to think to extort that good which was only by love and loialty to be gained; whereas all things should be surely kept for him, and the Empire undoubtedly descend unto him, if by untimely haste he did not marr that hope which he ought by sufferance and patient expectation to cherish; he might (as the Cadelescher told him) learn by that late example and fortune of his Brother Selymus, what might be for his own good and welfare; and that it was a thing of far more danger, desperately to thrust himself headlong into such an action as he could not possibly see the end of, than mode∣rating by reason his hot passions, to expect with patience the opportunity of time, and fitness of occasion, with the alteration of matters, all tending to his good.

Achomates inflamed with anger and grief of the repulse, all the while the Cadelescher was de∣livering his Fathers Message, gave him many sharp taunts, and had much ado to stay himself from offering of him violence, oftentimes threat∣ning him, that in short time both his Father should dearly buy the changing of his purpose, and the Souldiers of the Court their treacherous dealing; and so sending him away with this short answer, he presently rose with his Army, and passing through Bithynia, cruelly spoiled the Country in his return to Amasia. There daily more and more enflamed with the grief and the indignity of the repulse before received, he determined to invade the lesser Asia; that if it should so fall out, that he must needs by force of Arms trie his right against either of his Brethren, he might therein use the Wealth of that rich Province. Where∣by if it should chance that he should by the practice of any, fail of the whole Empire, yet he should at the least wise be possessed of the one half thereof, and be the readier for all events, having all these great and rich Provinces in his power. Wherefore calling unto him his two Sons,* 2.93 Amurathes and Aladin, young Princes of great hope, after he had grievously complained of the unkind∣ness of his Father Bajazet, and of the injuries done against him by his Enemies in the Court, he declared unto them, that there was now no hope left for him to obtain the Empire, except they would forthwith enter into Arms with him, and so together with him defend both his and their own right and honour, against the malice and injuries of their Enemies; which he said, would be an easie matter to do by surprising the lesser Asia, if they would couragiously adventure upon it; forasmuch as all Pisidia, Lycaonia, Pam∣philia, with the Sea-coast of Ionia, were not as then kept with any Army or Navy. And as for his Brother Corcutus, there was no great doubt to be made of him, who according to his quiet dis∣position would be content either to sit still, or else in regard of his just quarrel take part with him; or if he would needs intermeddle his quiet estate with the troubled, and so enter into Arms, might easily be thrust out of whatsoever he possessed: As for the Governors of the rest of the Provinces, he doubted not, but that they would also yield either to his command, or fortune. Wherefore he willed them, to pluck up their hearts as men of Courage, and to go into the Countries there∣abouts to take up men, and whatsoever else were needful for the Wars. These Gallants, of their

own youthful disposition ready enough for such a matter, and now encouraged with their Fathers perswasion, did what they were by him com∣manded, and had in short time raised a notable Army of voluntary Souldiers, of whom the great∣est part were of servile condition. But Achoma∣tes himself, besides his old Army which he had in former time lead against the Persian Rebels, levied new Forces also, and called forth into the Field all the able men that were to be found in the Cities round about; and so running through the Provinces proclaimed himself King of Asia, and such as would not forthwith yield unto him, those he and his two Sons in divers places prosecu∣ted with all hostility; by which means many Cities, especially such as were but weakly fortified, partly for fear, partly by constraint, were deliver∣ed over unto him.

After that, he entred with his Army into Ly∣caonia, and the borders of Cilicia, where by Em∣bassadors and often Letters he requested Mahome∣tes his Brothers Son (who then governed those Countries) to aid him in his just quarrel against them, who by crafty and sinister perswasions had to his dishonour and disgrace withdrawn his Fa∣thers good will from him, and so far seduced him, as that he was determined to appoint another Successor in the Empire, than him his eldest and first begotten Son; which their malice he would (as he said) prevent, and by force of Arms re∣cover his right, which his Father knowing to be due unto him, was about to have put him in pos∣session of whilst he yet lived, had he not by the sinister practice of others been hindred; for the recovery whereof, if Mahometes would out of his Province aid him with men and victual, and so further his just cause, he promised that he should find a far better Uncle than he had found a Father; and that his present Friend∣ship should in time be most amply and bounti∣fully requited.

Whereunto Mahometes answered, that he could not do what his Uncle had required, except he were so commanded by his Grandfather Bajazet, whom alone he acknowledged for his dread So∣vereign; and that it was not for him to judge, whether he did right, or otherwise: That he would not in his life time resign the Empire to his Son. But this (he said) he was not ignorant of, that he was not to yield his obedience to any other, so long as he lived possessed of the Empire; to whom both his Father Tziban Scach whilst he lived, and himself also had given their Oath of Obedience and Loyalty. Wherefore it were good for him to pacifie himself, lest in seeking untime∣ly revenge of his Enemies, he should to the of∣fence of all men wrong his Father; and by too much heat and hast overthrow both his hope and honour; which of right should be most great, if he could but in the mean time have patience, and stay himself a while. Achomates, who ex∣pected nothing less than such an answer, but thought that Mahometes would either for love or fear have presently come unto him, and now finding his requests to be with greater gravity and consideration denied by his Nephew, than they were by reason of him demanded, entred with his Army into the borders of his Province, and with fire and sword began to destroy the Coun∣try before him. Which Mahometes with such power as he had thinking to remedy, was by the way encountred by his Uncle not far from Laren∣da, and there overthrown; and taking that City for refuge, was there certain days besieged by A∣chomates; and at last together with his Brother (then but a Child) delivered into his hands, at such time as the City was by the fearful Citizens by composition yielded unto him. Achomates having taken the City with his two Nephews, caused Mahometes his Counsellors, with his Foster Brother, by whose perswasion it was supposed that he had so answered his Uncle and endanger∣ed himself, to be put to death.

These proceedings of Achomates filled Bajazet with grief and indignation, [year 1512.] that he should in so great years be set upon by two of his own Sons,* 2.94 one after the other. Yet to prove if those trou∣bles might without more bloodshed be pacified, he sent his Embassadors unto him to reprove him for his disloyalty; and to command him forth∣with to set a liberty his two Nephews, Mahom••tes and his Brother, and so without more stir to get him again to Amasia; which if he should refuse to do, then to denounce unto him open War. But he, which by how much the more he had after his repulse ambitiously affected the Empire, had resolved with himself to deal so much the more cruelly in his proceedings; having received this Message from his Father, caused the chief Embassador (for that he had in frank speech d••li∣vered his Message and denounced unto him Wars) to be in his own presence put to death;* 2.95 and threatned the rest with the like, if before the going down of the Sun they avoided not his Camp.

This outrage highly offended Bajazet, and ali∣enated the minds of many before well affected to Achomates; for that without any reverence of his Father, and contrary to the Law of Nations, he had violated the Embassadors sent to him for Peace. Upon the first bruit hereof, the Souldiers which then waited at the Court Gate, in the hearing of Bajazet exclaimed, that the insolency of Achomates was not longer to be suffered, but forthwith by force to be repressed; that by sufferance and delay he would grow from evil to worse; and that if Bajazet should prolong the time, and in fatherly sort seek by fair means to reclaim him, he should afterwards in vain crave the aid of his best Souldiers against his rebellious Son strengthned by his own long sufferance. Mustapha also the chief Bassa, with Bostanges and others of great place (who secretly favoured Selymus, and had cunningly caused these things by fit men to be dispersed amongst the Souldiers) began at the first to mutter, and as it were to wonder at the strangeness and hainousness of the Fact, in such slie sort, as if they had condemned the Deed done, but not the Doer. But after∣ward, when they saw that Bajazet was throughly heated, both by his own angry disposition and the speech of the Souldiers, and upon the confidence of his former Victory against Selymus, now ready to seek revenge; they began then to heap fresh coles upon the fire, and bitterly to inveigh against Achomates, as a Traitor to his aged Father and the Sate; and withal highly commended the Fide∣lity and Courage of the Janizaries and Souldiers of the Court, who for the safety and honour of their aged Emperor, were most prest and ready to expose themselves, their lives, and whatsoe∣ver else they had, unto new dangers.

So was Achomates by the craft and subtilty of these great men, by the anger of his Father,* 2.96 and the judgment of the Souldiers, proclaimed Trai∣tor; and order taken, that the Souldiers of the Court with the Europeian Horsemen, should with all possible speed be sent against him into Asia. But when choice was to be made of some vali∣ant and worthy General that might take upon him so great a Charge, which seemed especially to appertain unto some one of the great Bassaes; it was strange to see, how they all began to strain courtesie at the preferment, and every one to

refuse the place and disable himself, saying, That it were a great indignity, that the Emperors Army should be led against his Son by any of his Servants; and the Souldiers (having their lesson beforehand) said plainly, That they durst not, nor would not draw their Swords or lift up their hands against the Son of the Emperor, and Heir Apparent of the Empire, except they were conducted and commanded by some of the Otho∣man Blood in person present with them; for so had his Brother, long before when he rebelled in Cilicia, and now of late, Selymus his rebellious Son, been both overthrown and vanquished, even by the conduct of Bajazet himself, and not by any of his Servants. These things all tended to this purpose, that Selymus might by indirect means be reconciled to his Father (whom they secretly favoured, although for fear of displeasure they durst not so much as name him but by way of disgrace) and by this very means to make way for his return to Constantinople, and so consequent∣ly give him power to seise upon the Empire. For it was probably supposed, that neither Bajazet himself, being very aged and diseased; neither Corcutus, altogether buried in his study, would un∣dertake the mannaging of those Wars; so that of the Othoman Family only Selymus was left, to whom that charge might be committed, all the Nephews of Bajazet by reason of their tender years, as yet unfit for the same. At these speeches of the Bassaes and the Souldiers, Bajazet as a man perplexed and in a chafe, flung away into his Palace, excusing himself by his great years and diseased Body; but complaining deeply, that Corcutus in following the vain title of Learn∣ing, with a quiet contented kind of life, had in the mean time neglected other studies and ho∣nourable qualities, better beseeming his Princely Birth and Calling. As he was thus reasoning with himself, and devising what course to take, Mustapha the old Bassa, who all the time of his Reign had used to disburden him of his Cares, having by way of talk drawn him into a full discourse concerning the proceeding to the in∣tended War, set upon him with this crafty and premeditated Speech, framed of purpose for his destruction.

Your Majesty may not (most dread Sovereign) although by years and strength of Body you were ne∣ver so well able,* 2.97 you may not I say, either trans∣port your Army, or your self pass over in person into Asia; lest whilst you are there, from place to place chasing Achomates, you leave a far more dangerous Enemy behind you in Europe, who may in your ab∣sence seise upon Thracia, Graecia, yea and the im∣perial City it self, destitute of sufficient defendants. Do we not hear, that Selymus is raising of new Forces above Varna? and expects a new supply of Horsemen from the Tartar King his Father in law? And al∣ready as it were hovering over our heads? Is not he of greater Spirit and Courage, than to be daunted or dis∣mayed with the misfortune of one battel? Or if you shall send over your old beaten Souldiers into Asia, and call Corcutus into Europe with the Forces he levied the last year, who in time of your sickness may withstand the attempts of Selymus? will he fear these fresh-water Souldiers of Asia, or their philosophical General, which feared not the Souldiers of your Court, the pickt and chosen men of the World, and your self a most worthy and victorious Emperor? You are deceived, and (if I may be so bold so to say) you throughly see not into the doubtful Event of things, if you think not, that you must at one time wage War against two dangerous Enemies, even in the re∣motest parts of your Empire, in Asia and Europe; For whilst you shall go to expulse Achomates out of Cappadocia, Selymus nearer at hand, and awaiting all opportunities, will by and by at your back, raise a most dangerous War in the very heart and chief strength of your Empire. But if you, moved with the great∣ness and due consideration of the danger, shall go about to defend Thracia, and for that purpose re∣tain with you the most approved and faithful Soul∣diers of the Court, you shall see all Asia on a fire be∣fore your face; neither will Achomates make an end of Wast and War, until such time as he hath drawn the Empire of Asia unto himself. Wherefore if it be not to be imputed to your fault, but to your fate or fortune, that two begotten of your self, should by your self and the consent of all men be judged Trai∣tors unto your Crown and dignity; whereof the one through rashness, the other upon pride and vain dis∣contentment, hath risen up in Arms against you; Why do you not in so doubtful and perplexed a mat∣ter prefer safe and sound advice before that which masketh under the shew of Majesty and Honour? and whom you cannot both at one time correct and be revenged upon, to set upon them as occasion shall serve when they are together by the ears betwixt themselves? This is the only hope of your safety, this is the only way, if you shall resolve (as the common Proverb saith) to drive out one nail with another, and so to overcome your Enemies. Moderate a while your hot desire of revenge, and for the present dis∣semble your grief; grant unto one of them pardon, and in shew take him into your grace and favour, imploy him against the other; so shall you without danger, howsoever it shall fall out, persecute the one whom you love not, with the hazard of the other whom you trust not; and at your pleasure oppress him to whom you shall commit your Ensigns and Army, the hands of your faithful and trusty Souldiers being ever at your appointment ready to take revenge. So shall you with security make an end of this war, exposing un∣to the danger him whom you had rather to over∣come (as your Enemy) by him whom you wish also to perish.

Mustapha had scarce made an end of speaking, but the other Bassaes (as they had before agreed amongst themselves) began where he left, and with all their cunning laboured to perswade Bajazet to call home his Son Selymus, and to make him General of his Army against his Bro∣ther; saying, That he had already indured suffi∣cient punishment for his former disloyalty, and that therefore it was like that he as a well cor∣rected Child would from thenceforth contain himself within the compass of his most dutiful obedience; whereas Achomates proud of his Birth∣right, having of late violated his Fathers Em∣bassadors, and filled all Asia with Rebellion, was not like to be brought to any reasonable con∣formity, until he were by force of Arms pluckt down, and so made to know himself, in like man∣ner as was his Brother Selymus of late. Bajazet seeing that in resolving of a matter of so great consequence, Cherseogles Bassa (his Son-in-law, and the only faithful Counsellor then about him) sat silent, hanging the head, as a man not of the same opinion with the rest, stood a great while in doubt what to resolve upon; he could not so easily forget the late injuries done against him by Selymus, it was yet fresh in memory, how that he had out of Asia invaded Europe, sur∣prised Hadrianople, given him Battel, indanger∣ed his person with his Tartarian Horsemen, and that only by the goodness of God he had ob∣tained the Victory; on the other side, his Ma∣jesty contemned, his Nephews imprisoned, his Embassadors violated, the Cities of Asia ransacked, and all those goodly Countries presently smok∣ing with the fire of Rebellion, so filled his old

heart with anger and indignation, as that he de∣sired nothing more than to be revenged. Whilst he was thus strugling with his own thoughts, and doubtful what to do, the unfaithful Bassaes by deep deceit and treachery (Cherseogles most in∣stantly perswading the contrary) overcame him so far, as with his own hand to write▪ Letters to Selymus, promising him, that forgetting all inju∣ries past, he would upon the hope of his Loy∣alty, receive him into his former grace and favour, and make him General of his Army, if he would without delay repair to Constantinople, and so pass over into Asia against his rebellious Brother Achomates.

Whilst these things are in doing at Constantinople, Corcutus advertised by Letters from his Friends of the weak estate of his aged Father, and by what perswasions he had been induced (after Acho∣mates was proclaimed Traitor) to call unto him Selymus, and to make him General of his Army; came down out of Magnesia to Phocis, and there imbarking himself in his Gallies, sailed to Con∣stantinople;* 2.98 where being arrived, he went present∣ly to the Court, attended upon with a great num∣ber of his Friends and Favourites; and entring into the Privy Chamber, humbled himself be∣fore his Father, and kissed his hand; and after much talk had betwixt them of divers weighty matters, is reported to have spoken unto him as followeth:

* 2.99It is now above thirty years▪ past (most reverend Father, and dread Sovereign) since that I (being chosen and proclaimed Emperor by the Prerogative of the Souldiers of the Court, by general consent of the Citizens of this imp••rial City, and by the grave judge∣ment of the wise and grave Bassaes of the Court) have chearfully and willingly, and as I may truly say, with mine own hand delivered from my self unto your Majesty the possession of this most glorious King∣dom and Empire; Which thing what worldly wight would have done? but either a mad man, or else a most kind and loving Son? Unto which so rare an example of a religious and loving heart, I was not by any fear or constraint enforced, but only by regard and contemplation of your own sacred person, and the due consideration of my duty. Neither did it in the course of so many years, ever repent me of that my singular kindness and duty done, when as I contenting my self with such things as you had unto me as∣signed, and with the general commendation of my well doing, as well as with a Kingdom, thought this your great ••state and highest type of worldly honour, not to be compared with the quiet contentment of my pleasing studies; when as I acc••unted it a vain thing, and not beseeming the resolution of a setled and quiet mind, to long after these worldly things, which be∣ing had and enjoyed to the full, work no full con∣tentment in the insatiable desire of man; and that surmounting vertue, and the sweet, O most sweet meditation of Heavenly things promised unto my contemplative and ravished mind, things of far more worth and Majesty than all the Kingdoms and Mo∣narchies of the World. But whilst I was tracing this path, little regarding worldly honour, or the glory of an Empire, and was for pure Devotion and desire of knowledge travelling into the furthest part of Ara∣bia, unto the Altar of our most sacred Prophet Ma∣homet, and so to the Indians, as to men of a more exact Knowledge and sincere Profession; you in the midst of my travel drew me out of Egypt by the long hands of the Egyptian Sultan, back again into Phrygia; commanding me, that eschewing the mani∣fold dangers (which in my long travel I must needs have fallen into) I should from thenceforth have more regard of my life and health, and to expect the fruit both of my Loyalty towards you, and of your Fatherly Love towards me; as if you had been then of opinion, that the time would come, when for the evil disposition of some, an innocent man, devoted un∣to the study of Wisdom and Learning, might be a stay both unto your self and the whole Othoman Family. Since which time I have ever both dutifully obeyed your command, and with as much care and in∣tegrity as I possibly could, discharged my charge; and in the late Persian War, raised and brought into the Field mine Army, wherewith I defended the Frontiers of my Province from the incursions of the Barbarians. But after that they were vanquished, and by your Forces driven out of the lesser Asia, and that my un∣natural and graceless Brethren, the one of them in Eu∣rope, as a most desperate Recreant, had in plain Bat∣tel assailed the person of your most sacred Majesty (his reverend Father, far spent with age, and then grievously tormented with the Gout) of purpose to have at once deprived you both of your Life and Em∣pire: and the other in Asia seeking by like Disloyalty and most horrible Treason there to possess himself of a Kingdom, had besieged and taken Prisoners his Bro∣thers Sons your Nephews, young Princes of great ex∣pectation, your faithful and loving Subjects; and pro∣ceeding further, had set all that part of your Empire on a broil; I thought my self in duty bound to repair hither unto your Imperial Majesty, for that I saw it came to pass, not without the providence of the most Mighty, that I might at such time especially request the just reward of my due desert of you my most reverend and loving Father, the most religious observer of Equity and Iustice; when as you having had too great proof of the Infidelily of my unnatural Brethren, might most fitly and most commodiously perform that which you upon great reason might now grant unto me your dutiful and obedient Son, although my for∣mer deserts had merited no such thing. Wherefore most gracious Sir, I humbly pray and beseech you by all your Fatherly Love and Affection towards me, and known Loyalty towards you, to vouchafe before the coming of Selymus, to have regard of mine Ho∣nour, with the state of your Empire; for when he shall once in Arms break in, he will at a trice cut off all hope of pacification; and supported by the Men of War, confound all things at his pleasure; for I hear, that the very Garders of your Person, and chief Commanders of your Armies, altered in disposition to∣wards you, do but expect the good offer of time, when they may willingly salute for their Emperor and So∣vereign, him, whom your good fortune of late full sore against their Wills, overthrew in open Field. Wherefore that Empire whereof I was sometime pos∣sessed, and for the rare desert of mine ancient Loyalty towards you, is of good right due unto me, restore to me again whilst you may, and whilst it is yet in your power, in this suddain and momentary occasion now presented. For your Majesty shall in vain favour my most just and upright claim, after that you (having at once received into the Imperial City a most desperate and ambitious man) have for ever lost your liberty, together with your self.

Corcutus with tears standing in his Eyes having ended his Speech,* 2.100 the aged Emperor moved with a Fatherly Affection, and the reasonable perswa∣sion of him, his only loyal and most kind Son, comforted him up with good words, and willed him to be of good chear; and withal discovered to him the very ground of his resolution, in cal∣ling home of Selymus, telling him farther, That he could be well content to resign to him again the Empire, but that it was not in his power so presently to do, for fear of the Souldiers of the Court; who had (as he said) of late withstood him in the like motion, and would again with tooth and nail gainsay it, if he should but give the least occasion for them to suspect any such

matter; but that by the plot now laid, Selymus should under the title of honour be drawn out of Europe, together with the Souldiers of the Court, into Asia against Achomates, both bars unto his present desire for transferring of the Empire, in whose absence it should be in his power freely to dispose therof at his pleasure; which he pro∣mised presently to resign unto him, so soon as they were once passed over into Asia. Which thing once done, although it were not altoge∣ther to their liking, yet feared he not, that either the Captains or Souldiers, who had of late so honourably and faithfully defended him against Selymus, should now for his sake dislike of Corcutus, or attempt any thing not beseeming the glory of their late desert; but rather hoped, that if his two unnatural and rebellious Sons, Achomates and Selymus, should once joyn battel (as it was most like they should) that either the one or both should by the just Judgment of God perish for their so great disobedience, murdred by the hands one of another. Corcutus not much dis∣liking of his Fathers purpose, and resting him∣self wholly upon his Favour, thought it not good further to argue the matter his Father had so well considered of; but taking his leave, re∣turned to his lodging, not without hope of ob∣taining the Empire, and so remained many days after at Constantinople; during which time he sought neither by Gifts nor golden Promises to procure the love and good liking of the great Bassaes or Souldiers of the Court; for that he as a plain upright man, thought it not good by suit and corruption (the great Promoters of the un∣worthy) to seek for that at their hands which was of right due unto him by his Fathers Favour and Promise.

In the mean time Selymus his fast Friends ad∣vertising him of the coming of Corcutus to the Court, advised him to make hast, and with all speed possible to come to Constantinople; for that it was to be feared, lest Bajazet being very aged, and withal easily to be drawn away, might by the perswasion of Corcutus be induced to alter, yea and perhaps quite break off the course be∣fore well set for his most ready preferment. Upon which news, Selymus attentively waiting upon nothing more than to have access unto his Friends in Court, and before resolved, at his first coming thither not to spare for any cost in cor∣rupting the Men of War, and so to possess him∣self of the Empire; made now no stay, but with certain Troops of Horsemen, command∣ing the rest to follow after, came with wonderful celerity to Constantinople. Corcutus with the great Bassaes and Courtiers, and most part of the Soul∣diers of the Court, going to meet him at the Gates of the City, at his entrance received him with a kiss (as is the manner of the Turks) and brought him through the midst of the City, all the People running out by heaps to have a sight of the man, of late in every mans mouth for his desperate Rebellion, but now welcomed with much thundering Shot in token of triumph, and the joyful Acclamation of Men, Women, and Children, and People of all sorts. So that it easily appeared, that all the hatred before con∣ceived against him for his late outrage against his Father, was now quite forgotten; and that he would in short time before his other Brethren aspire unto the Empire.

The next day after, Selymus came to the Court, and having access to his Father, fell prostrate be∣fore him and kissed his Feet, and with the greatest shew of humility possible, craved of him pardon for his Disloyalty. O deep Dissembler, and Traitor of all other most treacherous! of late in Field with Sword drawn to have slain his aged Fa∣ther, but now prostrate at his Feet; and within an hour mounted perforce into his Imperial Seat.

The old Emperor smiling upon this Crocodile, in most kind manner, took him up, and courte∣ously said unto him:

Thy Faults, Son Selymus, are so much the less, for that they have found speedy repentance; wherefore I do the more willingly grant thee pardon;* 2.101 but from henceforth endeavour thy self, that God who hath given thee a notable Spirit and Courage, may also be thought to have indued thee with a good and well disposed Mind. There is a Martial matter ready, wor∣thy thy hardness, wherein thou maist sufficiently ma∣nifest unto the World thy forwardness and courage; there when time serveth let it appear.

Shortly after was called a Counsel for the Wars, but especially for the chusing of a Gene∣ral to go against Achomates; the honour of which place when many would have given to Selymus,* 2.102 he began with great dissimulation to refuse, making as though he would not in any case be preferred before his Brother Corcutus, to whom he would (as he said) willingly give place, both in respect of his years and learned dis∣cretion, who could no doubt with greater Au∣thority and Wisdom mannage that War: As for himself, now he had obtained his Fathers gracious Pardon and Favour, he could well content him∣self with any corner of the Empire, were it ne∣ver so little.

But Corcutus and his Friends, who had reposed all their hope and all their devices in the de∣parture of Selymus with the Souldiers of the Court; as if they had with great modesty con∣tended on both sides, again perswaded him, yea and instantly requested him not to refuse that honour by general consent without any disgrace to his Brother, given to him as to a worthy Chief∣tain of great experience in Martial Affairs. So Selymus with wonderful cunning deluding Corcu∣tus and his Favourites, whilst he seemeth craftily to refuse the thing he most desireth, is by the general consent of all parts chosen General of the Army to go against his Brother Ach••mates▪ which was no sooner made known unto the Soul∣diers, especially the Janizaries and other Soul∣diers of the Court; but they before instructed, with loud Acclamations saluted him not for their General only, but for their Sovereign Lord and Emperor also; and so without further delay put themselves in Arms to defend and make good that they had done, if any better disposed should seem to withstand them or dissent from them.

Selymus by the Souldiers thus saluted Emperor, at first made shew as if he had been half unwilling to take upon him the Empire; and so began faint∣ly to refuse it, as moved so to do by the due reve∣rence and regard of his Father, yet living. But after a while he suffered himself to be intreated; and then commending himself and his cause wholly to the Men of War, to bind them unto him the father, promised beside the particular fa∣vours he ought them, to bestow a right great and general Largess amongst them; which he after∣ward accordingly performed.

After that, he requested the chief Bassaes and Commanders of the Army there present, to go forthwith unto his Father, and to take such order (seeing it was the mind of the whole Army it should be so) that the Empire might by his good Will, without further trouble or tumult be forth∣with transferred unto him.

Mustapha the great Bassa, in whose wily head all this matter was (to his own worthy destructi∣on) first hammered; whether it were upon a new fineness of his own, or that Selymus, (as it

was given out) had threatned to kill him, except he would go and shew all the whole process of the matter to his Father; coming as a man dismaied to Bajazet, (who awaked with clamour and tu∣mult of the Souldiers, was come out of his Cham∣ber, into the open rooms of his Palace) in few words delivered unto him this most unwelcome Message, as followeth:

Emperor (said he) the Men of War have in their Counsel saluted Selymus both their General and Em∣peror,* 2.103 which their choice they r••quire thee to ratifie, being ready presently to break into the Court to kill us both, if thou shalt refuse forthwith to resign the Empire. They all with one consent request that of thee, which they have already put into the hand of another. Wherefore it is a thing of far more danger, to seek to recover that thou hast already lost, than willingly to yield that which is already taken from thee, seeing it is not by any force or policy to be regained. They in Arms, in fury, and now entred into Rebellion, think upon some greater mischief.

Bajazet troubled with fear and choler, and then too late perceiving the treachery of the Bassaes, and how he had been by them betrayed; pausing a while at the strangeness of the matter, afterwards in fury brake out into these Words:

False and Forsworn, do you thus betray me? and with such monstrous villany requite mine infinite Boun∣ty?* 2.104 Why do you not also as Murderers take away my life, which could not endure for a while to expect the dissolution of this my weak and aged body; but de∣posing your just and lawful Sovereign, must needs in post hast set up a most wicked and graceless man to reign over you? But much good do it you with your de∣sired Emperor, the Contemner of God, and Murtherer of his Father; to whom ere it be long, you shall full dearly pay the price of this your perfideous dealing and treachery against me. And he himself beginning his Em∣pire by most unnatural treason, murder, and bloodshed, shall not (I hope) escape the heavy hand of God, the undoubted and severe Revenger of so great Impiety and Treason.

Mustapha, with Bostanges and Ajax as false as himself, returning back again to the Souldiers, speaking not a word of the sorrow and indigna∣tion of Bajazet, told them how that he was well content to resign the Empire, and so had appoint∣ed Selymus (to whom both God and the general consent of the Men of War had already deliver∣ed the Empire) to succeed him in the Empire. When this their Speech was generally reported, they whom Selymus had before corrupted, began now to hold up their heads and look big on the matter; and others who before stood doubtful what to do, seeing now no other remedy, in hast joyned themselves unto the same Faction. Whilst all things were thus disorderly carried by the unruly Souldiers, Selymus was by them mounted upon a couragious Horse, and so with all Pomp conducted up and down most of the fair Streets of the im∣perial City; and with the general voice and cla∣mor of the People (howsoever their minds were for most part otherwise affected) saluted Empe∣ror. And the same day both the great Bassaes and the Souldiers in general, were all solemnly sworn unto Selymus, as their only Lord and Em∣peror.

Corcutus, whether it were for grief of his hope now lost,* 2.105 or fear of his life, although Selymus had promised to give him the City of Mytilene, with the Island of Lesbos, secretly embarked himself, and so returned to Magnesia.

Bajazet of late one of the greatest Monarchs of the World, but now thus thrust out of his Em∣pire by his Son, detesting both him and the trea∣chery of his Subjects, and overcome with sorrow and Melancholy, determined of himself, before he were thereto enforced by Selymus to forsake Constantinople, and to retire himself to Dymotica (a small City wholesomely situated in Thracia, not far from Hadrianople, where in former time he had for his pleasure bestowed great cost, and now as he thought best fitted his present estate.) Wherefore causing great store of Treasure, Plate, Jewels, and rich Furniture to be trussed up, he with five hundred of his Houshold Servants, full of Heaviness and Sorrow, with Tears trickling down his aged cheeks, departed out of the Im∣perial City, towards Hadrianople, with purpose from thence to have gone to Dymotica. Selymus brought him about two miles upon his way, and so returning again to Constantinople, took possession of the Palace.

Bajazet being then about seventy six years old, or as some report full fourscore; and beside his old disease of the Gout, sore weakned with hea∣viness and grief of mind, was not able to travel above five or six miles a day, but was constrained by the extremity of his pain and weakness, to stay sometimes two or three days in a place. Whilst he was thus travelling, Selymus no less careful of the keeping of his Estate, than he had before been for the obtaining of the same, began now to doubt, That if he should depart from Con∣stantinople, and with all his Forces pass over into Asia against his Brother Achomates, Bajazet in the mean time might in his absence return to Constantinople, and so again possess himself both of the City and Empire. Wherefore to rid himself of that fear, he resolved most Viper like, before his going to kill his Father, and so most unnatu∣rally to deprive him of life, of whom he had re∣ceived life; such is the cruel and accursed Nature of Ambition, that it knoweth neither Father, Mo∣ther, Brother, Wife, Kindred, or Friend, no some∣times not her own Children; the fury whereof was never in any one more pregnant, than in this most monstrous and cruel Tyrant Selymus.

The readiest and most secret way he could de∣vise for the effecting of this his damnable device,* 2.106 (which without great impiety could not be so much as once by him thought upon) was to work it by poyson; upon which resolution he secretly compacted with Haman a Jew, his Fathers chief Physitian, to poyson him; promising him for his reward a Pension of ten Ducats a day during his life. And for that men are oftentimes with terror and fear, as well as with reward, enforced to be the ministers of mischief; he to be the more sure of this Jew, (prone enough for gain to do evil) threatned him with most cruel death, if he did not both secretly and speedily work this feat, commanding him so soon as he had done it, to return unto him to Constantinople.

The deceitful Jew moved both with the fear of death and hope of reward, (two great motives) coming shortly after to Bajazet, and finding him very weak, seeming to be very careful of him, told him, That he would prepare for him a por∣tion, which should both restore to him his health, and also strengthen his weak body, if it would please him to take it the next morning early ly∣ing in his bed. Bajazet nothing distrusting his old Physitian whom he had so often and so long trusted, said he would gladly take it. Early the next morning cometh the Jew with the deadly poyson in a Cup of Gold, Bajazet yet sleeping, which he set down in the Chair of State, and so stood waiting untill the aged Prince should of himself awake. But Bajazet sleeping soundly (as oftentimes it chanceth when men sleep their last) and withal somewhat longer than stood with the Jews purpose, he presuming of his wonted practice, awaked him and told him, That the time to take the portion was almost past, and

asked him if it were his pleasure then to take it. Bajazet doubting no Treafon, willed him to bring it; whereof when the Jew had taken the essay, (having before himself taken a preservative against that poyson) he gave it to Bajazet to drink, who chearfully drank it up;* 2.107 the Physitian command∣ing them that waited in his Bed-Chamber, and attended on his person, to keep him well covered with warm clothes, and not to give him any thing to drink until he had well sweat. This cursed Jew having thus poysoned the aged Prince, to avoid the danger of the Fact, and to carry the first news thereof to Selymus, secretly conveyed himself away, and in hast fled to Constantinople. But Bajazet attainted with the force of the Poy∣so, began first to feel most grievous gripings in his Stomach, the strong pain whereof appeared by his miserable complaining and heavy groaning; in the midst of which torments he gave up the Ghost in the year 1512, when he had reigned thirty years. The Turks report that he died a natural death, but Antonius Utrius a Genoway,* 2.108 who at that time served in Bajazet his Chamber, and was present at his death, reporteth, That upon his dead Body the evident tokens of Poyson were to be seen. His dead Body with all his Treasures were pre∣sently brought back again to Constantinople, and delivered to Selymus, who caused the Body of his Father to be with the greatest solemnity that might be, buried in a most sumptuous Tomb, in a Chappel near unto the great Mahometan Temple, which he had before built for himself at Constan∣tinople: which Monument there remaineth this day to be seen. His Servants were all by Selymus restored to their places which they before held in the Court in the time of their old Master, ex∣cepting five of the Pages of his Chamber, who lamenting the death of their Master above the rest, had attired themselves all in mourning Ap∣parel; for which cause they were by the com∣mandment of Selymus cast into prison, where two of them were put to death; the other three at the suit of Solyman,* 2.109 Selymus his Son, and of other two Bassaes, were saved; but being stript of their rich Apparel, and whatsoever else they had got∣ten under Bajazet, they were inrolled for Com∣mon Souldiers under Sullustares Bassa. Of these three, Antonius Utrius (the Genoway before spoken of) was one, who after ten years miserable Cap∣tivity amongst the Turks, at last escaped at such time as Selymus was by the Persian discomfited; and with much ado returning again into Italy, wrote the History of all such things as he himself had there seen, with the calamities of Bajazet his House, and a great part of the tyrannous Reign of Selymus.

Haman the false Jew (as the same Author report∣eth) coming to Constantinople,* 2.110 and expecting some great reward for his foul Treason, by the com∣mandmet of Selymus had his head presently struck off; with this exprobration of his Treachery, That opportunity serving, he would not stick for reward to do the like against Selymus himself. Of this Bajazet, Ianus Vitalis writeth this Elogium:

Dum rerum exquiris causas,* 2.111 & dum procul Hunnes Carmannos, Cilices, Sauromatasque domas: Bajazethe, domi proles tua te petit armis, Et te per fraudes amovet imperio. Adjicit inde novum sceleri scelus, & tibi miscet Pocula lethiferis illita graminibus. Intempestivos crudelis vipera foetus, Per sua sic tandem funera, rupta, parit. Quid tutum est, cui sint ingentia regna Tyranno, Si timant natos, progeniemque suam?

In English thus:

Whilst that thou Bajazethes seeks of things the hidden cause, And fain wouldst bring the Hunne and Russ un∣der thy Turkish Laws: Thy Son at home steps up in Arms against thy Royal Crown, And by false Treason and Deceit finds means to pluck thee down. Whereto he addeth mischief more, and straight without delay, By Poyson strong in glittering Bowl doth take thy life away: The cruel Viper so brings forth her foul untimely Brood, Who eat and gnaw her Belly out, their first and poisoned Food. Which things may Princes hold for safe, that do great Kingdoms sway, If of their Children they must stand in dread and fear alway?

Christian Princes of the same time with Ba∣jazet the Second.

• Emperors of Germany
  • Frederick the Third, Arch-Duke of Austria. 1440. 54.
  • Maximilian the Third.1494. 25.
• ...Kings
  • Of England
    • Edward the Fourth. 1460. 22.
    • Edward the Fifth. 148••. 0.
    • Richard the Third. 1483. 3.
    • Henry the Seventh. 1485. 24.
    • Henry the Eighth. 1509. 38.
  • Of France
    • Lewis the Eleventh. 1461. 22.
    • Charles the Eighth. 1483. 14.
    • Lewis the Twelfth. 1567. 17.
  • Of Scotland
    • James the Third. 1460. 29.
    • James the Fourth. 1489. 25.
• Bishops of Rome
  • Xystus the IV. 1471. 13.
  • Innocentius the VIII. 1484. 8.
  • Alexander the VI. 1492. 11.
  • Pius the III. 1503. 26 days.
  • Jullus the II. 1503. 9.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Dissention among the Turks a∣bout the Succession.
• * 1.2

  Bajazet come•••• Con••••∣tinople.
• * 1.3

  Zemes riseth a∣gainst his Brother Bajazet.
• * 1.4

  Bajazet goeth a∣gainst Ze∣mes.
• * 1.5

  Achmetes made Ge∣neral of Bajazet his Army.
• * 1.6

  Zemes flyeth in into Sy∣ria.
• * 1.7

  Zemes his Speech to Caytbe••us Sultan of Egypt.
• * 1.8

  Cat••••ius the Egyp∣tian Sul∣tan sendeth Emb••ssa∣dors to Ba∣j••z••t.
• * 1.9

  The King of Cara∣mania so∣liciteth Zemes to take up Arms a∣gainst Ba∣jazet.
• * 1.10

  Zemes flieth to Sea.
• * 2.1

  Zemes his Letters to his Brother, Bajazet.
• * 2.2

  Zemes fli∣eth to the Rhodes.
• * 2.3

  The de∣scription of Zemes.
• * 2.4

  A••hmetes his death contriv••d.
• * 2.5

  Achmetes his Son stirreth up the Iani∣zaries to help his Father.
• * 2.6

  Bajazet for fear de∣livereth Achmetes to the Ia∣nizaries.
• * 2.7

  Achmetes slain.
• * 2.8

  Bajazet purposeth to destroy the Iani∣zaries.
• * 2.9

  Bajazet inva••eth Moldavia.
• * 2.10

  Mary great Prin∣ces s••e to the Master o•• the Rhodes fo•• Z••mes
• * 2.11

  Bajazet invadeth Car••ma∣nia.
• * 2.12

  Tarsus in Cilicia yieldeth to Bajazet.
• * 2.13

  A long and terri∣ble battel betwixt Bajazet and the King of Carama∣nia.
• * 2.14

  Achmetes being dis∣comfited, is taken Prisoner and sent to Caire.
• * 2.15

  A long and terri∣ble Battel betwixt the Turks and the Mamalukes.
• * 2.16

  The Turks flie away by night.
• * 2.17

  A Peace concluded betwixt Bajazet and Cayt∣beius.
• * 2.18

  Alphon∣sus King of Naples, and Alex∣ander Bi∣shop of Rome crave aid of Bajazet against Charles the French King.
• * 2.19

  Bajazet sendeth Dautius his Embas∣sador to Alexan∣der Bishop of Rome.
• * 2.20

  Jo. Rove∣r••us rob∣beth the Turks Em∣bassadors.
• * 2.21

  Zemes di∣eth poison∣ed by A∣lexander Bishop of Rome.
• * 2.22

  The evil life of Cae∣sar Bor∣gia.
• * 2.23

  The death of Caesar Borgia.
• * 2.24

  The French King in∣vadeth Naples.
• * 2.25

  Ferdi∣nand de∣parteth from Ca∣pua to pacifie an uprore at Naples.
• * 2.26

  A most re∣solved act of King Ferdi∣nand.
• * 2.27

  Charles the Fr••nch King re∣ceived in∣to Naples.
• * 2.28

  A great League made by divers Christian Princes against the French King.
• * 2.29

  Ferdi∣nand re∣covereth his King∣dom of Naples from the French, and dieth.
• * 2.30

  The death of Charles the French King.
• * 2.31

  The Turks invade Podolla and Rassia and in their re∣turn are for the most part lost.
• * 2.32

  Friuli part of the Ve∣netian Territory spoiled by the Turks.
• * 2.33

  A Fight at Sea betwixt the Turks and the Veneti∣ans.
• * 2.34

  Lepanto yielded to the Turks.
• * 2.35

  Methone besieged both by Sea and Land by Bajazet.
• * 2.36

  Methone taken by the Turks.
• * 2.37

  Corone, Pilus, and Crisseum yieldeth to the Turks.
• * 2.38

  Cephale∣nia taken by ••he Venetians
• * 2.39

  Pylos ta∣ken from the T••rks, and again yielded unto them.
• * 2.40

  Dyrrachi∣um taken by the Turks.
• * 2.41

  Myt••lene besieged.
• * 2.42

  The Siege of Mytile∣ne broken up.
• * 2.43

  Neritos taken by the Vene∣tians.
• * 2.44

  A Peace concluded betwixt Bajazet and the Venetians
• * 2.45

  Bajazet in danger to have been slain by a Der∣vislar or Turkish Monk.
• * 2.46

  Bajazet by nature peaceable.
• * 2.47

  The Turks and Persi∣ans di••••er not about the inter∣pretation of their Law, but about the true Suc∣cessor of their great Prophet Mahomet.
• * 2.48

  Haider marrieth Martha the daugh∣ter of the great King Usun Cas∣sanes.
• * 2.49

  Haider Erdebil secretly murdred.
• * 2.50

  The begin∣ning of the Cuselbas∣sas.
• * 2.51

  Hysmael his behavi∣our in the time of his exile.
• * 2.52

  Hysmael ret••rneth into Ar∣menia, and reco∣vereth his Inheri∣tance.
• * 2.53

  Sumachia taken by Hysmael.
• * 2.54

  Hysmael cometh to Tauris.
• * 2.55

  Hysmael taketh the City of Tauris, and defa∣ced the Tomb of his Uncle Jacup.
• * 2.56

  Hysmael goeth a∣gainst the Persian King.
• * 2.57

  Elvan the Persian King slain.
• * 2.58

  Hysmael goth a∣gainst Mo∣ratcha∣mus.
• * 2.59

  Hysmael exceeding∣ly beloved and honou∣red of his Subjects.
• * 2.60

  Chasen Chelife and Te∣chellis in∣vade the Turks Do∣minions.
• * 2.61

  Hysmael sends Em∣bassadors unto the Venetians to joyn in League with them against Bajazet.
• * 2.62

  Orchanes and Ma∣hometes two of Ba∣jazet his Nephews o∣verthrown by Techel∣lis.
• * 2.63

  The battel between Caragoses and Te∣chellis.
• * 2.64

  Techelli•• besiegeth Caragoses the Vice∣roy, in the City of Cutaie▪
• * 2.65

  Caragoses the Vice∣roy with his Wives and Chil∣dren taken by Techel∣lis in the City of Cu••aie.
• * 2.66

  Bajazet sendeth A∣lis Bassa out of Eu∣rope a∣gainst Te∣chellis.
• * 2.67

  The bat••el betwixt Alis Bassa and Te∣chellis.
• * 2.68

  Chasan C••••life slain.
• * 2.69

  Alis Bassa slain.
• * 2.70

  Jonuses Bassa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Baja∣zet▪ Gene∣ral 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Army a∣gainst Te∣chellis.
• * 2.71

  Techellis burnt at Tauris.
• * 2.72

  A great Earth∣quake at Constan∣tinople.
• * 2.73

  The Chil∣dren of Bajazet.
• * 2.74

  Mahome∣tes dis∣guised as a seafaring man, cometh to Constan∣tinople, and so to the Court.
• * 2.75

  Mahome∣tes poyson∣ed by As∣meheme∣di.
• * 2.76

  Asmehe∣medi just∣ly reward∣ed for his Treachery.
• * 2.77

  Selymus aided by Mahome∣tes his Fa∣ther in law, riseth against his Father.
• * 2.78

  Bajazet sendeth Embassa∣dors to Selymus.
• * 2.79

  Presents given to Selymus by his Fa∣thers Em∣bassadors.
• * 2.80

  Bajazet would ap∣point his Successor whilst he yet lived.
• * 2.81

  Bajazet seeke••h to prefer A∣chomates unto the Empire.
• * 2.82

  Selymus marcheth with his Army to∣ward Ha∣drianople
• * 2.83

  Selymus his dissem∣bling Em∣bassage un∣to his Fa∣ther.
• * 2.84

  Selymus overtaketh his Father.
• * 2.85

  The chief men about Bajazet sec••etly fa∣vour Sely∣mus, and disswade him from giving him Bat∣tel.
• * 2.86

  Cherseo∣gles Bassa the only great man faithful to Bajazet, p••rswad∣eth him to give Bat∣tel to Se∣lymus.
• * 2.87

  Bajazet's Speech to the Soul∣diers and Ianiza∣ries of the Court.
• * 2.88

  The com∣mon sort of the Ia∣nizaries faithful to Bajazet, desire bat∣tel.
• * 2.89

  The battel betwixt Bajazet and Sely∣mus.
• * 2.90

  Selymus his Army discomfi∣ted.
• * 2.91

  The ••sti••a∣tion Sely∣mus ••••d of his horse whereon he escaped from his Father.
• * 2.92

  Bajazet willing to prefer A∣chomates to the Em∣pire.
• * 2.93

  Achoma∣tes inci∣teth his two Sons Amura∣thes and Aladin to take part with him a∣gainst their Grandfa∣ther Ba∣jazet.
• * 2.94

  Bajazet sendeth Embassa∣do••s ••o Achoma∣tes.
• * 2.95

  Achoma∣tes kille••h h••s Fa∣t••ers ••m∣bassador.
• * 2.96

  Achoma∣tes pro∣claimed Traitor.
• * 2.97

  The crafty oration of the great Bassa Mu∣stapha to Bajazet, for the bringing home of Selymus.
• * 2.98

  Corcutus cometh to Constan∣tinople.
• * 2.99

  Corcutus his oration to his Fa∣ther Baja∣zet.
• * 2.100

  Bajazet comforteth Corcutus, and pro∣miseth to resign to him the Empire, a••ter that Selymus was passed over into Asia.
• * 2.101

  Bajazet his crafty Speech un∣to his Son Selymus.
• * 2.102

  The crafty dissimula∣tion of Se∣lymus.
• * 2.103

  The blunt speech of Mustapha to Bajazet persuading him to resign the Empire to Selymus.
• * 2.104

  The reso∣lute ans∣wer of old Bajazet to Mustapha and the o∣ther Bas∣saes.
• * 2.105

  Corcutus flyeth.
• * 2.106

  Selymus practiseth with Ha∣man a Iew, Ba∣jazet his Physitian to poyson him.
• * 2.107

  Bajazet poysoned by the Iew.
• * 2.108

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Baja∣zet.
• * 2.109

  Selymus causeth two of his Fa••hers Pagis to be put to death for mourning for their Master.
• * 2.110

  Haman the Iew justly re∣warded for his treachery.
• * 2.111

  Paluus Jo∣vius Illust. virorum Elog. lib. 4.