The Turkish history from the original of that nation, to the growth of the Ottoman empire with the lives and conquests of their princes and emperours / by Richard Knolles ... ; with a continuation to this present year MDCLXXXVII ; whereunto is added, The present state of the Ottoman empire, by Sir Paul Rycaut ...

The LIFE of AMURATH, The Second of that NAME, Sixth King of the Turks, And the great ESTABLISHER of their Kingdom.

* 1.1AFter that the death of Mahomet had been politickly concealed one and forty days, by the three great Bassaes Bajazet, Ei∣vases, and Ibrahim, Amurath, or Murat (as the Turks call him) his eldest Son, at that time coming to Prusa, was by them placed in his Fathers Seat, and the death of Mahomet at the same time published; whereupon great Troubles began on every side to arise.

The Princes of Smyrna and Mentesia rose up in Arms;* 1.2 and at Thessalonica, an obscure Fellow crept as it were out of a Chimney-corner, took upon him the Name and Person of Mustapha the Son of Bajazet, which was slain many years be∣fore, in the great battel against Tamerlane at Mount Stella, as is before declared in the life of the unfortunate Sultan Bajazet. This counter∣feit Mustapha animated by the Grecian Princes, and going from Thessalonica to Vardarium, set so good a Countenance upon the matter, with such a Grace and Majesty, that not only the Coun∣try people (apt to believe any thing) but men of greater Place and Calling also, as Tzunites Beg the Prince of Smyrna his Son, with the Sons of old Eurenoses Bassa, perswaded that he was the very Son of the great Bajazet, repaired unto him, as unto their natural Prince ad Soveraign. From Vardarium he went to Serrae, and from thence to Hadrianopole, (Amurath being as then at Prusa) where he was received as if it had been that noble Prince Mustapha, whom he feigned himself to be; so that in short time he was honour∣ed as a King in all parts of the Turkish Kingdom in Europe.

Amurath to repress this so great and dangerous a Rebellion, sent Bajazet Bassa a man of great Authority in his Court, with a strong Army into Europe. This great Bassa passing over Hel∣lespontus, found all the Country revolted unto their new found King Mustapha; but marching towards Hadrianople, with purpose to have given him battel, he was first forsaken of the European Souldiers which he brought out of Asia, and after∣wards of all the rest also; and being left alone, with his Brother Hamze Beg, was for safe∣guard of his life glad to yield himself to Musta∣pha; of whom he was graciously entertained, and upon promise of his Loyalty, sworn one of his Privy-Council.

Mustapha thus now possessed of the Turkish Kingdom in Europe, and entertaining great thoughts, the better to maintain his credit, levied a great Army to make War upon Amurath in Asia. And as he was upon his way, at a place which the Turks call Saslidere, or the place of Willows, his other Counsellors repining at the great Honour he gave to Bajazet Bassa, advised him to beware that he trusted him not too far, of whose small Faith he had sufficient trial al∣ready, and was like enough when occasion should serve, to revolt from him to Amurath, and to draw after him some great part of his Army, to the great peril both of himself and all them his faithful Servants and Followers. Upon which jealous conceit, this great Bassa Bajazet was there forthwith as a Traytor apprehended, and with∣out further trial executed; at which time his Brother Hamze was with much ado spared. This done, Mustapha proceeded on his Journey, and passed over with his Army at Callipolis into Asia. Amurath understanding of the proceedings of Mustapha in Europe, and of his preparation made for his Invasion of Asia, created three new Bassaes, Omer, Uruge, and Alis, all three the Sons of Temurtases; these he joyned with his old Bassaes Ibrahim and Eivases. All these five he used as Counsellors for the Wars; by whose advice he sent for Mahomet Beg, sirnamed Michael Ogli, who in the time that Musa reigned was Vice-Roy in Europe, and therefore a man well known to most principal men in Mustapha his Army, but had been kept Prisoner in the Castle of Amasia, from the time that Musa was deposed and put to death by his Brother Mahomet, until now that he was after eight years imprisonment, for this special purpose inlarged and received into Favour.

About the same time that Mustapha set foot∣ing in Asia, Amurath having gathered his Army, set forward from Prusa to meet him; yet with such distrust in his Forces, which were thought to be much inferior to the European Souldiers that followed Mustapha, that he was glad upon a superstitious opinion or zeal, to prostrate himself at the feet of an Emir (one of the false Prophet Mahomets Posterity) to receive at his hypocriti∣cal Hands a graceless Blessing for his better speed; by whom he was made to believe, that after two Repulses, he had with much ado at the third time obtained grant of the great Pro∣phet Mahomet, that he should prevail in that War; and thereupon had his Sword girt unto him with the Emir his holy hands, with many other vain and superstitious Ceremonies. Yet for all these Charms, he marched on with his Army in fear enough, until he came to the River of Ulibad (otherwise called Rindacus;) where having In∣telligence of the approach of Mustapha, he for

fear caused the Bridge over the River there to be broken down, and incamped himself on that side the River. Not long after came Mustapha, and find∣ing the Bridge broken, incamped at the foot thereof on the other side; so that nothing parted the two Armies, but the breadth of the River only. Whilst they lay thus near incamped toge∣ther, that the Souldiers might on both sides take the full view one of another, and also talk toge∣ther; Mahomet Beg, sirnamed Michael Ogli, but lately delivered out of his long Imprisonment (as is aforesaid) came to the River side, and with a loud Voice called by name upon the great Captains and old Souldiers that were in Mustapha his Army; asking by name for many of his old Friends and Acquaintance; many of them being there present, rejoycing to see that honourable Man (whom they supposed to have been dead in prison many years before) came gladly to the side of the River, to hear what he could say.

Then with a loud Voyce he began to per∣swade them, that the man whom they followed was not the honourable Mustapha, but some base high-minded fellow set up by the Grecians, abu∣sing the obscurity of his Birth, as the Vail under the covert whereof he went craftily about to intrude himself into the honourable descent of Bajazet; and so masking in the counterfeit Titles of stoln Honour, had misled them from their Duty to their natural King and Sovereign, to follow him a meer Deceiver. And further assured them, that Mustapha, Bajazet his Son, was dead and buried in the Bed of Fame 22 years before; honourably ending his days in defence of his Country, in the great battel of Mount Stella against Tamerlane; wherefore they should do well to forsake that supposed Mustapha, and again to yield their dutiful Obedience unto their un∣doubted Soveraign Amurath. These words deli∣vered unto them by Mahomet, whom they gene∣rally both reverenced and trusted, wrought such effect in their minds, that some presently adven∣tured to swim over the River, and joyned them∣selves unto him; and many others that stayed still, began now to doubt lest they had worship∣ped a wrong Saint. At the same time also, Eiva∣ses Bassa, to terrifie Mustapha, sent unto him Let∣ters as in great secret, advertising him, that Amurath had the next night purposed with his Army to pass over the River above the broken Bridge; at which time the chief Captains of his Army being (as he said) corrupted, had pro∣mised to deliver Mustapha into his hands, and with his Head to pay the Ransom of them all. This he coloured with such fair glosses, that Mustapha partly believed the same. So when the dead time of the night was come, Eivases with certain Troops of Horsemen passed over the River, at the very same place he had in his Letters named; and that with such a noise and tumult, as if Amurath with his whole Army had been coming. Mustapha seeing things begin thus to work according as Eivases Bassa had before written; and with this, doubting also to be presently betrayed, and carrying about him a guilty Conscience (the Mother of Fear and Distrust) took Horse,* 1.3 (slenderly accompanied but with ten persons of his whole Army) and fled in hast, no man pursuing them, until he came to the River of Boga, and there with a great Sum of Money obtained passage, by cor∣rupting the Captain that dwelt in the Castle upon the passage of the River; and the third day after passing over the Strait of Hellespontus, landed at Callipolis. The flight of Mustapha once known in his Army, they all yielded them∣selves unto Eivases Bassa; who taking possession of Mustapha his Tent, caused the broken Bridge to be repaired; whereby Amurath passing with his Army, joyned himself with Eivases. The other Bassa Ibrahim, counselled Amurath to put to the Sword all those Rebels that had followed Musta∣pha; but by the mediation of Eivases (to whom they had yielded themselves) they were generally pardoned.

Amurath departing from Ulibad or Lopadium, came to Boga, and there hanged up the Cap∣tain that had given Mustapha passage. From thence he held on his way to Lampsacum, in∣tending to pursue Mustapha into Europe; but be∣ing come to the Sea side he could find no pas∣sage, for that Mustapha had caused all the ship∣ping on that side, to be brought over into Eu∣rope. Yet at last Amurath by good fortune chanced upon a great Genoway Ship, which he hired for four thousand Ducats to transport his Army, and so with much ado at length landed in Europe. Mustapha seeing that Amurath was now come over, fled to Hadrianople, where he found such cold Entertainment, that fearing to be betrayed, he was glad to speed himself thence, thinking all the World too little to hide himself in; and so came to an obscure place in the Country of the Turks, called Kisul-Agatze-Ge∣nitze; where the Souldiers sent to pursue him, overtook him, and brought him bound to Amurath, then being at Hadrianople; by whose Command∣ment he was shamefully hanged from the Battle∣ments of one of the highest Towers of the City,* 1.4 and there left to the Worlds Wonder.

This Mustapha is of some Writers reported to have been in deed the Son of the great Sultan Bajazet, and that he was kept in prison all that long time, and thus at length set up by the Greeks to trouble the State of the Turkish King∣dom; but the Turkish Histories report as before, calling him Dusme or counterfeit Mustapha. And it is very likely, that if he had been one of the Sons of Bajazet, he would have found some means to have made some great stir long before that, as all the rest of the unquiet Brood of Bajazet did, which never rested until they had, like the Earth-born Brethren, one destroyed the other; besides that, their bloody Natures consi∣dered, it is very like, that Mahomet his younger Brother, who reigned in Hadrianople almost eight years, and was in League all that time with the Emperor of Constantinople, would for his more safety have got him into his own Power, if he had been in prison with the Emperor; or else have dispatched him, if he had been in prison with himself. All which I am the rather per∣swaded to think, for that Orchanes a Child, the Son of Solyman, could find no safe place of abode at Constantinople in the Reign of Mahomet, but flying, was apprehended, and his eyes put out, as is before declared in the life of Mahomet; much less is it like, that Mustapha, being a War∣like Prince, and his elder Brother, could have been so long preserved and kept in prison from his fury.

It fortuned in these late Broils (as oftentimes it doth with others in like case) divers of the Rebels Asapi,* 1.5 or Common Souldiers (whom he for his greater Countenance had apparelled and armed like Janizaries) to fall into the hands of the true Janizaries. Amurath his faithful Guard; whose lives indeed they spared, but using them with all the Despight and Indignities possible: Amongst the rest, one of the Janizaries being an hungred, brought two of these Asapi his pri∣soners unto a Cooks Shop, offering to sell them unto him for a little Victual; which the Cook

refused to give him, as having no use for such unnecessary Servants. Wherewith the proud Ia∣nizary inraged, swore many a great Oath, pre∣sently to cut off their Heads, and to give them him for nought, if he would not for a thing of nought redeem them. And like enough he was to have so done, had not the Cook, moved with pity, offered▪ him for them both a sheeps head; which the Ianizary took for them, swearing that the Cook had given for them more than indeed they were worth. Which disgrace so long since done unto these Asapi, is yet oftentimes by way of reproach in great contempt, by the masterful and insolent Janizaries, objected unto the whole body of the Asapi, the greatest part of the Turks huge Armies; of whom for all that the proud Janizaries make small reckoning, accounting them scarcely for Men, and in their rage oftentimes telling them, That two of them are not worth a sodden sheeps head.

* 1.6Amurath having at length with much ado thus pacified the dangerous Rebellion raised by the counterfeit Mustapha both in Europe and Asia, was yet not a little grieved, to think how the same had, to the great hazard of his Estate, been first plotted by the Greeks, and afterwards countenanced by the Greek Emperor, of whom he thought now to be revenged. And there∣fore sending before him Michael Ogli, his Lieu∣tenant General in Europe, with his Europeian Soul∣diers to invade the Country about Constantinople, followed himself after with the Janizaries and his Asian Forces; and incamping before the City, filled all that neck of land which lieth before it, from Sea to Sea. And so incamped, began right furi∣ously to batter the Walls, in hope so to have made a breach, and by the same to have entred the City; but finding the Walls of greater strength than he had before supposed, and the Defendants still repairing whatsoever the fury of his Artillery had beaten down or shaken, he ceased his Battery, and coming on with all his Forces, desperately attempted by Assault to have gained the City; wherein his Fortune was not answerable to his Desire; for approaching the City, with Arrows as showers falling upon the Defendants, and scaling-Ladders in the mean time clapt up to the Walls, and the Janizaries with other of his best Souldiers valiantly mount∣ing the same, they were by the Defendants no∣tably repulsed and beaten down, losing some their hands, some their Arms, some their Heads, but most their Lives, no Shot falling in vain from the Walls. Which Amurath beholding, and grieved to see (though unwilling) commanded a Retreat to be sounded, and the Assault given over; and shortly after seeing no hope to prevail, in great rage raised his Siege and departed. Unto whom for all that the Greek Emperor not long after sent his Embassadors to intreat with him for Peace; whereof he would by no means hear, but proudly threatned to be ere long of all his Wrongs revenged; which caused the Greek Em∣peror to devise what he might for the trou∣bling of his Estate, so to keep him otherwise busied; as he did shortly after with the Cara∣manian King, by countenancing another Musta∣pha (sirnamed Cutzug or the Little) Amuraths younger Brother, against him, to the raising of new Stirs, and Amurath his no small trou∣ble.

Mahomet the late King had five Sons and se∣ven Daughters, whereof Amurath was the eldest, and succeeded in his Fathers Kingdom; Musta∣pha the second, sirnamed the Little; Achmetes the third, who died before his Father; the other two; Iosephus and Machmutes, both died of the Plague, being but Children, after the death of their Father. Three of their Sisters were mar∣ried to the three Sons of the King of Caramania, Ibrahim, Aladin, and Isa; other two were bestowed upon the Sons of the Prince Isfendiar, Ibrahim, and Casimes; the sixth was given in marriage to Coz∣za-••eg Vice-Roy of Anatolia; and the seventh, to the Son of Ibrahim Bassa, who died at Mecha, whither she went upon Superstitious Devotion on Pilgrimage.

At such time as Amurath was busied in his Wars in Europe, against Mustapha the supposed Son of Bajazet; the younger Son of Mahomet (called also Mustapha) being but thirteen years old, and Amurath his Brother indeed, was set up to raise new Troubles, by the King of Caramania and other Princes, as well Mahometans, as the Christian Princes of Grecia; who thought it good policy, by that means to impeach the greatness of Amurath. This young Prince Mustapha strengthned with the Forces of his Friends, en∣tred into his Brothers Dominions in Asia, and besieged Nice, which was at length yielded unto him. Amurath advertised of this new Rebellion, by great Gifts and large Promises corrupted Ilias Beg, the young Princes Tutor, to betray the Prince into his hands. Whereupon Amurath with great celerity set forward with his Army from Hadrianople, and in nine days came to Nice, where he entred the City with small resistance, as was to him before promised, where Mustapha was by his false Tutor to him presented; who because he would not spill one drop of the sacred Othoman blood, (as the Turks call it) commanded the Executioner presently to strangle him with a Bow-string; which was done accordingly,* 1.7 and his body afterwards buried by his Father at Prusa.

Amurath having suppressed these two Rebelli∣ons, and now out of all fear of any Competitor, thought his five Counsellors too many by three, and therefore removed the three Bassaes, Omure, Urutzi, and Alis (the Sons of Temurtases) into honourable Places, retaining of his Council, only the two old Bassaes, Ibrahim and Eivases. But shortly after, Eivases was secretly accused to Amurath, that he sought by his Favorites, the Souldiers of the Court, to aspire unto the King∣dom himself, and to depose the King; and that intending some such matter, he did usually wear a Privy-Coat. This suspitious Report troubled the jealous Tyrant; wherefore on a time as he rid accompanied with Eivases, he cast his Arm about him, as if it had been in kindness; but find∣ing him secretly armed, would needs know the cause thereof; whereunto Eivases answered, That it was for fear of some Enemies he had in the Court; but this Excuse could by no means serve his turn;* 1.8 wherefore he was forthwith apprehend∣ed by the Commandment of Amurath, and both his Eyes burnt out with a hot Steel glass.

Whilst Amurath was thus busied in subduing Re∣bellions at home, Muhamethes, the Caramanian King besieged Attalia, a great City in Pamphi∣lia, by the space of six months, which was va∣liantly defended by Hamza-beg, Amurath his Lieu∣tenant there; at which Siege the unfortunate King himself, as he was taking view of the City, was slain with a great shot out of the City;* 1.9 whereupon Ibrahim, which succeeded him in the Kingdom, brake up the Siege, and returned home to bury his Father. At this time also, Dracula Prince of Valachia, passing over Danubius, did the Turks much harm about Silistra, but was after∣wards enforced to submit himself to Amurath, and become his Tributary.

About this time also Tzunites, the Prince of

Smyrna, which had before aided the Rebel, Musta∣pha, did by all means he could vex and molest Iaxis-beg, (Amurath his Lieutenant in Aidinia) and having by chance taken his Brother Prisoner, put him to death. This Prince of Smyrna was descended of the ancient Princes of Aidinia, and therefore pretended an interest in that Seigniory; which his Claim the people of the Country secretly favoured, so far as they durst for fear of the Turks. Amurath hearing of the harms that this Prince of Smyrna did, commanded Hamze-beg, Vice-Roy of Anatolia, with all his Power to make War upon him. The Vice-Roy without delay assembled a great Army, and invaded the Prin∣ces Country; and the Prince being well provided for his coming, meeting him upon the way, gave him battel; wherein Hasan the Princes Son, leading a great part of his Fathers Army, had put one part of the Turks Army to flight; and pursuing them with too much fury, left his Fa∣ther at the same time so hardly beset by the Vice-Roy, that he was glad to fly to his Castle of Hipsily fast by. Hasan returning from the chace of the Enemy, not knowing what had happened to his Father, was by the Turks in his return overcome and taken Prisoner. After which Victory the Vice-Roy presently laid Siege to the Castle wherein the Prince was. This Siege con∣tinued a great while; at length the Prince brought to extremity, was content to yield himself unto the Vice-Roy, upon condition he should use no violence against the Person of himself or his Son, but to send them Prisoners unto Amurath; which thing the Vice-Roy by solemn Oath promised, whereupon the Prince came out of the Castle, and yielded himself Prisoner to the Vice-Roy. Iaxis-beg, whose Bro∣ther the Prince had before put to death, at∣tended the going of Hamze the Vice-Roy to his Tent, where finding Hasan the Princes Son sit∣ting upon the ground, as the manner of the Turks is, took him by the choler with great fury, and drawing him along to the Feet of the Prince his Father, there most cruelly struck off his head; and in the same rage laying his bloody hands upon the aged Prince, struck off his head also; to the great dishonour of the Vice-Roy, who had before given his Faith for their safety. The heads of the Prince and his Son were set upon two Launces, within the sight of the Castle; which the Defendants seeing, and now despairing of all rescue, yielded themselves with the Castle This infortunate Tzunites was the last Prince of Smyrna, after whose death all his Ter∣ritory was united to the Othoman Kingdom. Af∣ter all these Troubles, Amurath with great Tri∣umph married the Daughter of the Prince Isfen∣diar.

Amurath having laid up in the depth of his thoughts the remembrance of that the Grecian Princes had done, in giving Aid to the Rebels aforesaid, thought it now high time to take re∣venge of that wrong; and for that purpose ga∣thered a great Army, wherewith he ranged at his pleasure through Macedonia, until he came to Thessalonica, surprising by the way divers Cities and Castles, at that time belonging to the Constanti∣nopolitan Empire.* 1.10 This famous City of Thessalo∣nica, now called Sal••nichi, for beauty and wealth sometime not inferior to any of the greatest and most renowned Cities of Graecia, is situate upon the Borders of Macedonia, close unto a Bay of the Archipelago or the Sea Aegeum; which Bay was in ancient time called Thermaicus-Sinus, and now the Bay of Salonichi. To the Christian Congregation there dwelling, St. Paul wrote two Epistles, in the latter whereof, he forewarneth them of a great Defection to come before the latter day. Before this Christian City, then in the Protection of the Venetians, Amurath encamp∣ed his great Army of misbelieving Turks; and laid hard Siege to it with most terrible Battery; at which time he by secret means corrupted cer∣tain of the wicked Citizens, to have betrayed the City by a secret Mine, and to have let him in, which Treason was by the Venetian Governors perceived, and the Plotters thereof for safeguard of their lives glad to leap over the Walls, and to fly into the Turks Camp.

Amurath having greatly battered the Walls of the City, the more to encourage his Souldiers, promised to give them all the Spoil thereof, if they could by force win it. The greedy desire of this rich Prey, wherein every common Souldier promised unto himself whatsoever his foolish fancy or unbrideled affection could desire, so inflamed the minds of these barbarous Souldiers, and especially of the Janizaries, that giving a most terrible Assault to the City, they by force entred the same, and won it. The Venetian Souldiers fled to their Gallies, lying at Anchor in the Haven, and so got to Sea; but the infinite miseries which the poor Christian Citizens en∣dured in the fury of that barbarous Nation, no Tongue is able to express, or Pen describe; death was less pain than the ignominious Outrages and unspeakable Villanies which many good Christi∣ans there suffered, heartily wishing to die, and could not; and yet the furious Enemies Sword devoured all the people, without respect of Age or Sex, except such as for strength of body, or comeliness of person, were reserved for painful labour or beastly lust; which poor Souls were afterwards dispersed into most miserable servi∣tude and slavery, through all parts of the Turkish Kingdom. The infinite Riches of that famous City, became a spoil unto the barbarous Souldi∣ers; the goodly Houses were left desolate, void of Inhabitants. Thus the beautiful City of Thessa∣lonica, sometime one of the most glorious Orna∣ments of Graecia, the late pleasant dwelling-place of many rich Christians, was by the Tyrant given for an habitation to such base Turks, as at their pleasure repaired thither to seat themselves, and so is by them at this day possessed. This Cala∣mity happened to Thessalonica, in the year of our Lord, 1432.

Thessalonica being thus taken,* 1.11 Amurath return∣ed to Hadrianople himself, and at the same time sent Caratze with the greatest part of his Army into Aetolia. Charles Prince of that Country dying a little before the coming of Amurath to Thessalonica, and having no lawful Issue, had divided the Country of Acharnania amongst his three base Sons, Memnon, Turnus, and Hercules, leaving all the rest of his Dominion to his Bro∣thers Son, called also Charles. But shortly after, such discord ••ell among these Brethren, that Amurath sending his Turks to Aid one of them against the other, as he was by them requested, in fine brought all that Country of Aetolia into Subjection to Himself, leaving nothing for the foolish Brethren to strive for, more than the bare titles of imaginative Honour. The other Grecian Princes of Athens, Phocis, Boetia, and all the rest of Graecia, unto the strait of Corinth, terrified by their Neighbours harms, were glad to submit themselves to the barbarian Yoke, and to be∣come Tributaries unto the Turkish Tyrant; un∣der which slavery they of long time most mise∣rably lived, if intollerable slavery joyned with Infidelity may be accounted a life. Thus the Grecians lost their Liberty, which their An∣cestors had many times before, to their immortal

Praise, worthily defended against the greatest Monarchs of the World, and are now so dege∣nerate, by the means of the Turkish Oppression, that in all Graecia is hardly to be found any small remembrance of the ancient Glory thereof; in∣somuch that whereas they were wont to account all other Nations barbarous in comparison of themselves, they are now become no less barba∣rous, than those rude Nations whom they before scorn'd. Which misery with a thousand more, they may justly impute to their own Ambition and Discord.

At this time, amongst the distressed Princes of Macedonia and Graecia, one Iohn Castriot reigned in Epirus; who seeing how mightily the Turk prevailed against the Princes his Neighbours, and considering that he was not able by any means to withstand so puissant an Enemy; to obtain Peace, he was glad to deliver into Amurath his Possession, his four Sons, Stanisius, Reposius, Con∣stantine, and George, for Hostages; whom Amurath faithfully promised, well and honourably to en∣treat. But assoon as he had got them within his reach, he falsified his Faith, and caused them to be circumcised after the Turkish manner, and to be instructed in the Turkish Superstition, to the great grief of their Christian Parents; and afterwards, when he understood of the death of Iohn Castriot their Father, he poisoned all the three elder Brethren; and by Sebaly (one of his great Captains) seised upon Croia, his chief City, and all the rest of his Territories, as if they had by good right devolved unto him. But George the youngest, whom the Turks named Scander-beg, or Lord Alexander, for this excellent Feature, and pregnant Wit, he always entirely loved, as some thought, more passionately than he should have loved a Boy. Him he caused to be diligently instructed in all kind of activity and feats of War, wherein he excelled all other his Equals in Amurath his Court; and rising by many degrees of Honour, came at last (being yet but very young) to be a great Sanzack or Go∣vernor of a Province, and was many times ap∣pointed by Amurath to be General of his Armies; in which Service he so behaved himself, that he got the love of all that knew him, and increased his credit with Amurath; until at last he found opportunity by great policy and courage, to de∣liver both himself and his native Country from the horrible slavery of the Turkish Tyranny, as shall be afterwards declared.

Shortly after that Amurath had thus danted the Princes of Graecia, he turned his Forces into Servia; but the Prince of Servia unable to with∣stand so mighty an Enemy, to procure his Fa∣vour, sent Embassadors, offering to pay him a yearly Tribute, and to do further what he should reasonably demand. Amurath beside the yearly Tribute, required to have Mary (this Princes fair Daughter) in marriage; and that he should not suffer the Hungarians to pass through his Country to invade him; and further, not at any time to deny passage unto the Turkish Army, when he should send forth the same for the Invasion of the Kingdom of Bosna. All which unreasonable con∣ditions the Prince was glad to agree unto, and fent his fair Daughter by Saratze, who was after∣wards married to Amurath.

* 1.12About this time, Iosephus and Machmutes, Amu∣rath his Brethren, and Orchanes the Son of Soly∣man, who had his Eyes put out by his Uncle Mahomet, with many other Men of great ac∣count among the Turks, died of the Plague at Prusa.

Whilst Amurath was thus busied in his Wars in Europe, the King of Caramania his Brother in law, invaded his Dominions in Asia; for so it was agreed between the Christian Princes of Europe, and the Mahometan Princes of Asia, to whom the greatness of the Othoman Kingdom was now become dreadful, That whensoever he invaded the Christians in Europe, the Mahome∣tan Princes should invade his Countries in Asia; and that whensoever he should turn his Forces into Asia, the Christian Princes should spoil his Countries in Europe.. Against this Caramanian King, Amurath transported his Army into Asia; and as he went, seised upon the Countries of Sarucania, Mentesia, and other Provinces, which were before but Tributaries unto him, driving out the poor Princes before him; and so entred into Caramania, and inforced the King so far, that he was glad to agree to such conditions of Peace as it pleased him to propound unto him, and to send his Son to wait at his Court. And at the same time picking a Quarrel with Isfen∣diar Prince of Castamona, caused him to be∣come his Tributary, and to send his Son to his Court also. By which means the name of Amu∣rath became terrible to all the Mahometan Prin∣ces.

When Amurath had thus quieted all his Trou∣bles in Asia, he returned to Hadrianople; and un∣derstanding that the Hungarians passing over Danubius, had in his absence made divers Incur∣sions into his Dominions, he was therewith great∣ly offended; and in Revenge thereof first sent Alis Bassa the Son of Eurenoses, with an Army to invade Hungaria, which he performed accord∣ingly by the space of a month, and returned from thence with rich Booty. Not long after,* 1.13 he himself in Person made another Road into Hungary, commanding the Prince of Servia his Father in law, to give his Army free passage through his Country; and charging Dracula Prince of Valachia to aid him with his Forces in that Expedition; which his Commandment both the Christian Princes (more for fear, than of good will) diligently performed. So Amurath having inriched his Souldiers with the spoil taken in Hungary, returned home and wintred at his Court at Hadrianople.

The secret Confederation between the Hun∣garians and the Mahometan King of Caramania, was not unsuspected of Amurath, which he was the rather induced to believe, for that whenso∣ever he invaded the one, he was presently set upon by the other, either in Europe or in Asia; of which Plot he doubted not but that George Prince of Servia (his Father in law) was chief Author, although in shew he was therein the least Actor. Wherefore Amurath intending to spoil the Play, sent for the Prince his Father in law to come to the Court of Hadrianople; but he doubting some Turkish Tragedy, pretended great occasions that he could not come; and fearing that which afterwards fell out, fortified and manned all his strong Cities and Castles by all means he could possibly, especially his chief City Semendre (otherwise called Spenderovia) and left therein his Son Gregory (or as some call him, George) as Governor; for his other Son Stephen was long before in Amurath his Court, with the Queen his Sister. The Prince of Servia himself went into Hungary to procure from thence some Aid, having there also himself certain Territo∣ries, which he had in exchange of Sigismundus (late Emperor and King of Hungary) for the City of Belgrade. It was not long after,* 1.14 but Amu∣rath forgetting both the Affinity and League he had with the Prince his Father in law, entred with a great Army into Servia, destroying all before him, and hardly besieged Semendre; where,

after long Siege the young Governor (the Princes Son) doubting to fall into his Enemies hands by sudden Assault, yielded himself, with the City; which thing so discouraged the rest of the Servi∣ans, that in short time, Sophia, Novomont; with all the rest of the Cities of Servia, were yielded into the Power of Amurath. After which Con∣quest he returned to Hadrianople, and hearing that the Prince of Servia with the Hungarians, were making head against him, and that the two young Servian Princes, Gregory and Stephen, his Wives Brethren, had Intelligence with their Father, he commanded them both to be cast in prison at Dydimoticum, and their Eyes cruelly to be burnt out with a brazen Bason made red hot; a common unmerciful practise among the Turks.

About this time, Albertus Duke of Austria, having before married Elizabeth the only Daugh∣ter of Sigismund the Emperor, and succeeding his Father in law both in the Empire and King∣dom of Hungary (unto which Type of highest Honour nothing more furthered him than the remembrance of Sigismund) in the second year of his Reign, before he was well setled in those new atchieved Honours, died of the Flux, as he was making great preparation against Amurath the Turkish King; who having lately driven G••••rge Prince of Servia and Roscia out of his Dominions, had now extended the Turkish King∣dom even unto the borders of Hungary. This Albertus dying, left his Wife great with child. The Hungarians, in whose minds the remem∣brance of Sigismund was yet fresh, could have been contented to have lived under the Govern∣ment of the Queen his Daughter, the Widow of Albertus (then great with child;) but that Turkish King was now grown so great, and come so nigh, that it was thought more than needful by Iohn Huniades, and other of the Hun∣garian Nobility, for the defence of that King∣dom, not wholly to rest upon the devotion of the people toward the Queen, and the expecta∣tion of her Issue, whereby they should be no∣thing strengthned; but to make choice of some great Prince, by whose Power they might the better defend themselves and the Kingdom against their dangerous Enemies. Whereupon with consent of the Queen, it was resolved upon, to make choice of Uladislaus, the young King of Polonia, then a Prince of great Power, but of far greater Fame and Expectation; and by Embas∣sadors to offer unto him the marriage of the Queen, and with her, the Kingdom also. This Embassage being sent unto Uladislaus, the matter was to and fro debated in the Polonian Court, Whether it were to be accepted of or not? Some began to speak of the inequality of the Match, considering that the King was but in the prime of his Youth, and the Queen well stept into years, urging farther, that nothing was of∣fered in that Match but Wars; and that the Hungarians therein sought for nothing more, than by the Polonian Forces to defend themselves against the Turks. Others of the contrary opi∣nion, said, That the uniting of those two mighty Kingdoms would be to the great good of them both, and to the great Honour of the King, whose very name would thereby become terrible unto the Turks; and that it were greater policy, by the Forces of both the Kingdoms, to keep the Turkish King from entring into Hungary, than to leave that Kingdom to him for a prey, and afterward be inforc'd to fight with the same Enemy in the heart of Polonia. And as for ine∣quality of years betwixt the King and the Queen, it was not so great a matter, that in regard thereof so honourable and commodious Alliance should be rejected; for as much as Princes do more regard the Vertues of their Choice, with the increase of their Honour and Wealth of their Kingdoms, than the Summer-Fruit of Youth and Beauty, which of it self in short time doth rot and perish, although it be ne∣ver so carefully kept and preserved; and that for as much as there can be but one King in a King∣dom, such choice was to be preferred of Kings as had not therein the greatest hope of many Children. After long deliberation,* 1.15 Uladislaus gave answer to the Embassadors, That he would ac∣cept of the Offers by them made, whereupon some of them returned to make Relation to the Queen, and some of them stayed behind to hasten the King forward. But whilst these things were a doing, the Queen in the mean time was deli∣vered of a fair Son, whom she caused to be bap∣tized and named Ladislaus. After the birth of this Child, the Queen moved with a Motherly affection, began to repent her self, that she had given her consent for the calling in of the Polo∣nian King, to the prejudice of her. And being animated by some of the Hungarian Nobility (who presuming of the good Grace they were in with the Queen, hoped to grow great them∣selves, if they might first draw the Government of that Kingdom to the Queen and her young Son) determined now by all means to exclude the Polonian King; but the greater part of the Nobility better considering what was most ex∣pedient for the present Estate, and that they could neither with Honour or Safety fly from that which was before (for the common good) by the Embassadors concluded; continued firm in their former Resolution for the bringing in of Uladislaus; so that by this means, some taking part with the Queen and her young Son, and others standing fast for Uladislaus, the Kingdom of Hungary was divided into two Factions, and as it were rent in pieces, and so grew to Civil Wars. The Queen with such as favoured her Claim, the more to gain the minds of the com∣mon people (which are many times no less car∣ried away with shews than matter) caused her Son Ladislaus (being then but three months old) solemnly to be Crowned King at Alba-Regalis, the usual place for the Coronation of the Hun∣garian Kings. But after that the Polonian King had entred into Hungary with a goodly Army, and joyned his Forces with his Friends, most part of them which before followed the Queen and her Son, revolted unto Uladislaus. So that when she had done what she could, she was glad at last to commit the tuition of her Son, together with the Crown of Hungary, unto Fre∣derick the Third, then Emperor; never ceasing for all that, to the uttermost of her Power, to trouble the Government of Uladislaus, continually stirring up great Wars against him both at home and abroad, until that at the last by her death her quarrel took end, together with her life.

In the midst of these Civil Wars, Amurath thought a fair opportunity presented unto him, to make an Entrance unto the Conquest of Hungary, which Kingdom he had in his ambitious mind already devoured. And therefore gathering a great Army, he marched along the River Da∣nubius, until he came to the strong City of Bel∣grade, called in ancient time Taurunum,* 1.16 and of some Alba Graeca, but now commonly Grecis Weisenburg. This City is invironed on the East side with the famous River Danubius, and on the South with the great River of Savus or Save, which there falleth into Danubius; and on the other two sides is defended with strong Walls, with

deep and large Ditches; and was then account∣ed the Gate or Entrance into Hungary.* 1.17 Unto this City Amurath at his first coming gave two terrible Assaults, and was in good hope so to have won the same, but yet was both times valiantly repulsed, with great slaughter of his men. Where∣fore finding it to be a matter of more difficulty than was by him at the first supposed, he began to raise Mounts against the City, and high Towers of Wood to annoy the Defendants, and furiously battered the Walls. At this time also he caused great numbers of Gallies and small Pinnaces to be brought into both the Rivers of Danubius and Save, to assault the City on those parts where was least feared, and by that means also to keep them of the City from all Succors to be sent that way out of Hungary. Yet for all he could do or devise, the City was still vali∣antly defended by the Christian Souldiers, which under the leading and conduct of Iohannes Ura∣nus a Florentine, Governor thereof, with often Sallies and continual Shot slew great numbers of the Turks. At the time of this Siege, Uladislaus King of Polonia, and lately Elect King of Hun∣gary, was sore troubled by the Queen and her Faction in Hungary; which thing the Turkish King knew right well, and thereupon continued his Siege, although Famine began greatly to in∣crease in his Camp; hoping in nothing more, than that the Defendants despairing of help from the King, would in short time yield up the City. Uladislaus being so intangled with Civil Wars, as is aforesaid, that he could not possibly pre∣pare such Force as might relieve the besieged City; yet forasmuch as the Turkish King had not long before by his Embassador required to joyn with him in League and Amity, he thought good now to assay if he could raise the Siege, by sending unto him the like Embassage. Where∣upon he sent Dobrogosius, Ostrorogenus, and Lucas Gorsensis, three of the Polonian Nobility, Embas∣sadors unto Amurath; declaring unto him, That for so much as he had offered by his Embassa∣dors, to joyn with him in League before he came out of Polonia, the remembrance thereof had taken such deep impression in his mind, that he would not take up Arms against him, al∣though it were in his own just defence, before he had offered him reasonable Conditions of Peace; wherefore if he would desist from in∣vading of Hungary (whereof Uladislaus was now by God his permission, and consent of the peo∣ple, chosen King) and so raise his Siege, that then they should afterwards easily agree upon the de∣sired Peace; in concluding whereof, he should not find Uladislaus inferior to himself in any manner of Princely courtesie; but if he had ra∣ther proceed in Arms, and to make proof of his strength, he would then do the best that he could, to make him know that he was of suffi∣cient Power, in so just a quarrel to withstand his greatest Forces, and to revenge the Wrongs to him done. When Amurath had received this Em∣bassage, he appointed the Embassadors to with∣draw themselves for a while to Synderovia (a City of Servia, not far off) until he might bet∣ter consider of their Demands; pretending, that he did it for their safety; but as appeared after∣ward, secretly resolving with himself, presently to do his uttermost devoir, for the gaining of the City, and upon the Success thereof to shape them answer accordingly. Wherefore so soon as the Embassadors were departed to Synderovia, he first by his Messengers assayed the minds of the Citizens and Souldiers with magnifical Pro∣mises of large Liberties, and infinite Rewards and Preferments, if they would yield up the City; and many Arrows with Letters made fast unto them, full of like Promises, were at the same time shot into the City. But when he saw no hope to prevail by that means, he called together the Captains and Commanders of his Army, and there in the presence of them all, spake unto them as followeth:

Although I know it is in mine own Power,* 1.18 to grant, or not to grant, the Peace whereof our Ene∣mies have made a motion; yet it is my pleasure (worthy Souldiers) to know your minds also. For so much as we have that War in hand, wherein with worldly Felicity, (whereof amongst you I hold the chief Place) is also endangered our Religion, and purity of Life; the defence and care whereof equally be∣longeth unto us all; for although we differ much one from another in the manner of our Vocation, and living here, yet after death we all hope for one and the self same Felicity. And therefore I would have you to understand all that I shall say, as proceeding not of any regard of mine own Private, but upon the consideration of the Common Good of you all. For as concerning mine own Estate, I possess so large Coun∣tries in Asia, such great Dominions in Europe, that either part thereof (in good time be it said) might seem a sufficient Kingdom; so that perhaps it might better stand with my Estate, to take more care, for keeping of that I have, than to travel for the gain∣ing of more; but you are to consider with your selves, whether you have every man sufficient to suffice him∣self or not, and how long you think your selves assured of the same; and moreover, that together with these worldly things, we shall be driven at length to for∣sake our Profession and Religion, if we shall now lay down Arms. For our Enemies require, that we should first cease from War, and then afterwards they think it meet to talk of Peace. I will not speak of the Indignity, that men besieged, and in evil plight, should propound conditions of Peace to them that besiege them, and are well furnished of all things; that feeble and cowardly men should promise peace unto couragious and expert Souldiers; I omit what labour and pains we have taken in laying our Siege, in raising of Mounts, in making of Shipping; all which our Ene∣mies command us to forsake, as if they had us al∣ready bound or couped up in hold, as we have them. All Bulgaria, and the greater part of Rascia is now by us conquered, and most part of Servia is at our Command; all which places are by us either to be kept, or else all the rest of that we possess in Europe, is with them to be quite lost and forsaken. Whosoever shall have in their Power this City which we besiege (and that our Enemies know right well) shall have not only as it were a Fortress and Bul∣wark of defence for his own, but also a Castle and Entrance for the subduing of others. The Kingdom of Hungary is now divided in it self, and full of domistical Sedition; neither is it so much strengthned by the uniting of the Kingdom of Polonia, as it is by civil dissention weakned. And in this motion of Peace nothing is sought for, but to gain time for the paci∣fying of their private Quarrels, that they may after∣ward with their double Forces set upon us. For if we shall break up our Siege before we have won the City, they will easily find delays so long to protract the con∣clusion of Peace, until that either Uladislaus his good Fortune, or else the Hungarians being of themselves better advised, shall make an end of their Civil Wars. What manner and conditions of Peace will they then require of us, when they are at Unity amongst them∣selves, and in Arms against us; seeing that now be∣ing in danger with mutual Discord, and almost by us vanquished, they think it reasonable (as if they had won the Field) that we should first raise our Siege, and then intreat of Peace? Their proud Demands for the Restitution of Bulgaria and Rascia, with other

Countries and Cities won by our travel and danger; already sound in mine ears; which if we shall refuse to grant, not only the Hungarians being then at Unity among themselves, but also the Polonians, joyned unto them, will bring those Wars home to our doors, which we now at great advantage make upon them, troubled with discord and civil broils. And if for desire of Peace we could be content to yield unto such shameful and miserable Conditions, and restore unto them all they should or in reason could desire; do you think the Prince of Servia would rest contented with his own, whose haughty mind (I am sure) being inflate with the combining of two such mighty Kingdoms, think∣eth not only of the recovery of that he hath lost, but even now gapeth at all that is Ours in Europe. He will not think himself satisfied, before he (having brought the Hungarian and Polonian Forces against us) shall see the same havock and spoil made in our Kingdom with Fire and Sword, which he hath before seen made by us in his own. Where if his Fortune should answer his Designs (which God forbid, but yet it may chance) desire all the miserable and intolerable Out∣rages, which are to be feared of an angry Conqueror, it is accounted with them for a godly and religious Work, to use all cruel and unspeakable Villanies against our Nation, except we will forsake the Faith and Religion delivered unto us by our Ancestors, and follow their new and incredible Ceremonies. Neither do they think they can more easily and effectually pro∣cure the Favor of God with any kind of Sacrifice or Service, than by overthrowing and prophaning our Temples, by scoffing at our most sacred and secret Rites and Ceremonies, by scorning our Religion and Priests; and that you may know all the Fury where∣with they rage against us and our Religion, they ac∣count all them for holy Saints which die in fight against us. There is no cause (valiant Souldiers) that upon the vain hope of Peace, we should expect whilst the Enemy doth gather and unite his Forces and Arms against us, especially such an Enemy as propoundeth not spoil and worldly Honours, but Immortality it self, as a reward of his Victory. We have already taken much more labour than we have to take, we have filled the Ditches with restless labour, we have cast up Bulwarks equal with the Walls, and part of the Walls we have beaten even with the ground, so that you see the Town half opened; and that Town, by gaining whereof, all that Ours is, may be made safe and quiet; and that which our Enemy possesseth, sub∣ject to our spoil and prey. If you will but a little enforce your selves, as men mindful of our good For∣tune and forwardness, you shall find our Temples, our Sacrifices, our Religion, all worldly and heavenly feli∣city to be then assured unto us, when as you shall to morrow overthrow the very Foundation of the Ene∣mies Wall. Then (couragious Souldiers) we may cry, Victory, not for the present, but for ever. If this War should bring unto us nothing else but an assured security of our Estate, it were sufficient reward; for which we ought chearfully to adventure our selves to all dan∣gers, and to challenge in Combate even death it self. But as this Victory doth defend all our things as with a deep Trench, or sure Wall, so doth it lay open and expose all our Enemies Dominions unto danger and spoil. Hitherto we have striven with Nature her self in the rough and abrupt Mountains of Bulgaria and Rascia, where we were to strive with Hunger, Thirst, Labour, and Desperation; all them we have overcome, allured with no other reward, but that at length we might attain unto the Wealth of fruitful Hungary, from whence we must fetch the guerdon of our Victory, and the ground of our Glory. We are come to the Gates, which being laid open, we are not to pass over inaccessible Rocks, or uncoth Desarts, but we shall go through most pleasant places, decked both by Nature her self, and the industry of man; where the temperateness of the Air, and lively Springs, with the fruitfulness of the Soil, doth every where yield plenty of all manner of food both for Man and Beast, not only to serve for Natures necessity, but even to glut our wanton desires. What thing soever curious en∣deavour hardly bringeth forth in other places, that the fertility of the Soil yieldeth plentifully of it self; so that it is to be thought, that Nature adorned Hun∣gary with a certain extraordinary Care, when as she would set forth a pattern of good Husbandry for other Countries to imitate. Neither hath she in any place been more bountiful in bestowing her rich Gifts; for Gold, which other men most painfully dig up, and that in few places, the Hungarians gather at their ease, as if it were a growing Plant. It is in your power (worthy Souldiers) whether you will to morrow open a way to all these good things for your selves for ever, or else leave the way open for your Enemies unto all that you hold. I would that you would remember when you go unto the Breach, that all the store of happy For∣tune is laid open unto you for a Prey, without any other defence, without any other Garrison, without any other Keeper; and that behind you are your Wives, Children, your Houses, your Temples, and Religion, together with the rewards of all your former Victories; over whom, except you win this City, the fury and in∣solency of the victorious Enemy will most cruelly and shamefully insult. I, according as I shall see you fight at the Breach to morrow, shall easily perceive how you are set down to Command as Conquerors, or else as Slaves to be commanded; and also what to answer to the most insolent Demands of the proud Embassadors. In the mean time make much of your selves, and toge∣ther with your Armor have all things in readiness, that to morrow with the dawning of the day we may assault the Breach.

The Turkish Captains for that time joyfully departed, as if they had been already assured of the Victory, and of all those good things which Amurath had so lively set before their eyes: The next morning very early, Amurath com∣manded the Assault to be given to a great Breach which he had made in the Wall with continual Battery; the Souldiers with great courage assailed the Breach, especially the Janizaries, who under the leading of Haly Bassa valiantly won the same, and were entring the City with assured hope of Victory.* 1.19 The Christians seeing all in danger to be lost, running to the Breach from all parts of the City, so forcibly charged the proud Jani∣zaries on every side, that they were glad to retire with more hast than they before entred; in which Retreat many of them were slain, and the rest flying out at the Breach, were either slain, or burnt to death in the Town-Ditch with Wild-fire; whereof the Defendants had cast great store upon the Turks at the Breach, which having taken hold upon the Faggots, Hurdles, and other light matter, wherewith the Turks had upon the sudden made their way over the Town-Ditch, did so terribly burn, that the Jani∣zaries which had entred the Breach, being again repulsed, were in that fiery Lake consumed, or else with smoke strangled. In this Assault Amu∣rath is reported to have lost 8000 of his best Men, beside 7000 others overwhelmed or stran∣gled in the Mines, by the Countermines of the Christians. The other part of the Turks, which at the same time assaulted the City by Water, out of their Gallies and small Ships, had as evil or rather worse Success; many of them were sunk with great Shot, and some burnt by the fire cast from the Walls, and so fired one ano∣ther; and divers of them in that sudden fear, for avoiding of that present danger, ran a∣ground upon the shelfs in the River, and so split. Amurath wonderfully discouraged with the

slaughter of his men, and shamefully beaten from the Assault, returned to his Camp with his Turks, much like men which had lately escaped from some great shipwrack. And thus partly by Fa∣mine, and partly by the Defendants force, having lost the greatest part of his Army, he determined now after seven months Siege to return home. Yet because he would not encourage his Enemies by shewing his fear, he sent for the Embassadors into the Camp, and with stern Countenance an∣swered them in this sort:

* 1.20We will (said he) then talk of Peace, when Ula∣dislaus shall deliver unto us all that part of Rascia which he yet holdeth, and also this City of Belgrade as a pledge of the League. And for this time I will raise my Siege, to give Uladislaus time to advise him∣self; yet I would wish him rather to accept of my friendship upon these Conditions, than by denying that little which is demanded, to hazard the State of both his Kingdoms. I ask but that which is mine own by Law of Arms, before Uladislaus was cal∣led into Hungary; and the Hungarians cannot transfer unto him that Right which they had not themselves. Wherefore if he will proceed rather to strive for that which is other m••ns, than quietly to possess his own, I will in good time repair hither again, with my God the Beholder and Revenger of Wrong.

With this Answer he dismissed the Embassa∣dors, and forthwith rose with his Army, sore re∣penting his coming thither; yet because he would take something in his way, he left his Nephew Isa-Beg with certain Troops of Horse∣men at Scopia in Servia, who so troubled the King of Bosna, that he was glad to require Peace of Amurath, and to promise unto him a yearly Tribute of five and twenty thousand Ducats.

Uladislaus newly elected King of Hungary, see∣ing that part of his Kingdom which is called Transylvania or Pannodacia, to be much subject to the Incursion of the Turks, (who having got into their possession all the Country of Molda∣via, and grown insolent by continual Victories, ceased not to invade and spoil the Country of Transylvania) for remedy of that daily mischief, created Iohn Huniades Vayvod, or his Vice-Gerent in Transylvania. This Huniades (as some write) was Earl of Bistrice, born in Valachia; others say, that he was born but of mean Parents, and called Huniades of the Village wherein he was born, and grew to be great by his Vertue and Prowess. Whatsoever his Parents were, he himself was a politique, valiant, fortunate, and famous Captain, his Victories so great, as the like was never before by any Christian Prince obtained against the Turks; so that his Name became unto them so dreadful, that they used the same to fear their crying Children withall. This worthy Captain, according to the trust re∣posed in him, began to keep the Turks short, by cutting them off, whensoever they presumed to enter into his Country; and also by shutting up the Passages whereby they were wont to forrage the Country of Transylvania; and when he had put his own Charge into good safety, he entred into Moldavia, and never rested until he had won it quite out of the Turks hands. And not contented with this, passed many times over Danubius into the Turks Dominions, making ha∣vock of the Turks, and carrying away with him great Booty, with many Captives.

Now were two great and worthy Captains met together, in places nigh one to another; Huniades in Transylvania and the next part of Hungary, and Isa in Rascia and the upper part of Servia; the one lying at Temeswar, and the other at Sinderovia; both Men of great spirit, and desirous of Honour. Of these two, Isa in great favour with Amurath, and by him highly pre∣ferred, to increase his credit with the Sultan his Uncle, and to inlarge the Bounds of the Turkish Kingdom committed to his Charge, continually forraged the Country about Belgrade, to the in∣tent that having wearied the Inhabitants with the harms he daily did them, and brought the City into great wants, he might so at length gain the same, for the most part abandoned then of Citizens, which Amurath could not by force obtain, and so to open a way into Hungary. Thus was the Country by him spoiled, the Villages rifled and burnt, and great numbers both of Men and Cattel daily carried away; yea some∣times not contented to have spoiled the open Country, he assailed the very Suburbs of the City, and was thence hardly repulsed; and finding Huniades the only man that hindred his further proceedings, to requite him, and pro∣voke him the more, brake sometimes into his Country, laying in every corner as he went, strong Ambushes, so to have circumvented that wary Captain, if it had been possible. But he grieved to see the Country thus spoiled, and purposing thereof to be revenged, secretly raised a strong Power both of Horse and Foot, and with his Companion Nicholas Vilach a right va∣liant Captain, passing over Danubius, came and incamped betwixt Belgrade and Sinderovia, being about twenty miles distant. Of whose coming Isa-Beg understanding, forthwith set forward with a great Army against him, lest he should by longer delay seem to stand in doubt of his Ene∣my, whom he had by many Injuries so often provoked. So marching on with his Army ranged in order of battel, he found Huniades as ready for battel as himself; who in both wings had placed his light Horsemen, and behind them his men at Arms, with certain Companies of Cross-bows on Horse-back; in the midst stood his armed Men, with his Archers, and other Souldiers more lightly armed, ready at all as∣says, all strongly guarded with Men at Arms; after whom in the rereward followed also a strong Squadron of valiant Footmen. The signal of battel being given, there began a great and cruel Fight, as amongst men desirous either to overcome, or there honourably to end their days. At the first incounter, the Wings of Hu∣niades his battel were by the Turks inforced to retire; but coming to the Men at Arms, their fury was there staid, and a cruel battel fought, wherein many fell on both sides, but of the Turks more, who trusting to their agility and nimbleness of body, were not able long to endure the shock and strength of the Men at Arms, but were there by heaps overthrown, and most miserably slain. Which Isa-Beg beholding, and perceiving the Hungarians couragiously to fight, as men almost in possession of an assured Victory, to save himself, turned his back and fled to Sin∣derovia. The rest beholding the flight of their General, betook themselves to flight also; after whom the Hungarians fiercely followed, especial∣ly Huniades himself, who by his example to ani∣mate the rest, left not the chase until he was come almost to the Suburbs of Sinderovia; few of the Turks escaped, the rest being either taken or slain. Huniades after so great a Victory, with a rich Prey and a multitude of Prisoners returned to Belgrade; having now sufficiently revenged himself of the wrongs he had before received. After which time Isa the Turk was more quiet, as having sufficient proof of his valour. The

fame of this Victory increased not a little the fame of Huniades, the report whereof coming to Buda, filled the City with joy and gladness; but most of all King Uladislaus, who thereupon caused publique Prayers, with Thanksgiving to be made in every Church; and by his Letters Gratulatory, with many rich Presents incouraged Huniades to the prosecution of the Religious War; wherein was propounded unto him not only the increase of his Wealth (a base regard in the honourable) but the immortality of his name, [year 1440.] and hope of eternal bliss.

* 1.21Not long after this Victory, Huniades obtained a far greater in Transylvania. For Amurath much grieved with the loss he had first by himself, and after by his Lieutenant Isa, received at Belgrade, and in the Country thereabout; lest he should seem to yield unto the Hungarians, repaired his broken Forces with new Supplies, with purpose again to renew his Wars in Valachia. And so having put all things in a readiness, sent one of his Bassaes called Mesites (his Vice-Roy in Asia, a man of great Wisdom, Experience, and Valour) with a puissant Army upon the sudden by the way of Valachia Transalpina, to invade Transylva∣nia. This worthy Captain according to his charge departing out of Servia, and passing from Danu∣bius, suddenly entred into Huniades his Country, burning and spoiling whatsoever came in his way, and killing all that he light upon, Man, Woman, and Child, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition, filling all the Country as he went with tumult and terror. Whereof Huniades (but lately come into the Country) understand∣ing, and having as then no sufficient Forces to oppose against the Fury of so puissant an Enemy, either means to raise any in so great a confusion and fear, was wonderfully grieved thereat, and perplexed in mind, as not well knowing which way to turn himself. At length he took his flight into Alba Iula,* 1.22 unto his old Friend George Lepe Bishop of that City, a man of great Vertue and Gravity; but whilst he there stayeth with his Friend, about the raising of a tumultuary Army, the Enemy was now come near unto him; who having overrun the greatest part of the Country, had scraped together such a Booty, and taken such a multitude of Prisoners, that surcharged as it were with the spoil, he was glad to march softlier; yet still burning the Country before him. Which Huniades and the good Bishop be∣holding out of the City, so much grieved there∣at, that albeit that they both well knew them∣selves, with an handful of men taken up in hast hand over head, too weak to encounter with their Enemies; yet thought it better, with such Power as they had to go out, and so in defence of their Country honourably to die, than longer to behold the most miserable destruction of the same. But whilst they upon this Resolution (car∣ried forth with too hot a desire of Revenge) march unadvisedly forward, without any Scouts or ••spials sent out before them, they fell before they were aware into such ambushes both of Horse and Foot, as the crafty Enemy had in the secret Woods and Vallies whereby they were to pass, laid of purpose to intercept them; which now with great force and horrible Out-cries breaking out upon them on every side, dismayed them with a great fear. Huniades and the Bishop seeing themselves so intrapped and beset with the multitude of their Enemies,* 1.23 as that they must needs perish if they should longer stay, fled in∣continently back again; after whom followed all the rest of their Army, and at their heels the eager Turks, who spared none of the flying Christians they could overtake, but put them all to the Sword; nevertheless most part of them escaped back again to Alba Iula. The Bishop thinking to have saved himself by the swiftness of his Horse, coming to a River, in taking the same was overthrown, and there by the Enemy slain. With whose death the Bassa incouraged, as also with the present Victory, began now more at liberty to range abroad, and at his pleasure with Fire and Sword to wast that part of the Country which yet remained unspoiled; leaving in the mean time (as a man out of fear) the rich Prey he had taken, together with his Baggage and Carriages, to be carried all toge∣ther, as a notable Testimony of his Victory, un∣to his great Lord and Master. Huniades in the mean time with wonderful celerity running about the borders of his Country, and out of every Town and Village taking such Souldiers as he could, perswaded also the Sicilians (or peo∣ple commonly called Siculi) in defence of their Wives and Children to take up Arms; who all in respect of the present necessity, chearfully did whatsoever he commanded. With this tumul∣tuary Army he followed the Bassa (who then in great pride was returning, laded with the spoil of the whole Country) with purpose to set upon him as time or place should give him oc∣casion. In the mean time Mesites being told, that Huniades with a great Power was coming after him, and now even at hand; is reported to have made no reckoning thereof, but to have proudly answered unto him that brought the News, Let him come, and with the spoil of himself inrich our Victory. There was present when he thus said, one Iohn, one of Huniades his Espials; who discovered unto him many of the Turks designs concerning the joyning of battel with him; but especially, that the Bassa had command∣ed through his Army, That above all things, they should in the beginning of the battel assail the Person of Huniades himself, for that he be∣ing once slain, the rest would easily be put to flight, as all depending on his direction; and that for the performance thereof, he had appointed certain Companies of his best Souldiers, giving them certain Tokens whereby they might know both him and his Horse. There was then in the Army one Simon Kemene, a right valiant and couragious Gentleman, not much unlike to Huni∣ades, with whom he changed both his Horse and Armour, appointing unto him a strong Troop of his choice Horsemen to attend upon him; nei∣ther was this counterfeit Huniades unwilling to expose himself unto the danger, accounting it honour enough, if by his death he might save the life of his Friend, and preserve so worthy a Defender of the Commonweal. Huniades fol∣lowing fast after, the Bassa marching before him, sought by light Skirmishes, sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, and sometimes in the rereward, to stay him, and at some advan∣tage, if any such were given, to fight with him before he should get out of the Country. At length finding such an opportunity as he thought good to lay hold upon, he with all his Forces, as if it had been a violent Tempest, came upon the Turks so suddenly, as that they had not time to put themselves in order of battel, but were glad confusedly to fight as they might, and without order; in which disordered fight many fell on both sides, but far more of the Turks. But whilst both Armies with like obstinacy incoun∣ter together, certain Troops of the most valiant Turks descrying Simon the counterfeit Huniades, and by the signs before delivered unto them, both of his Horse and Armor, supposing him to have been Huniades indeed; with all their Power

made towards him, to have slain him, according as they had in charge, where meeting with right valiant Men,* 1.24 of no less courage than them∣selves, there was fought a most terrible and bloody battel, in such sort, as if in that very place should have been tried the whole fortune of the day. But the Turks still bending their Forces more and more thither; for the killing of him of whom they stood in more dread than of all the rest; at length by plain force made a way unto him, and having slain them that were about him, though not without their own great loss, furiously assailing him, slew him, vainly supposing it to have been the very General him∣self; who had he there perished (as like enough it was he should, had he not been before warned of the Bassaes purpose) no doubt but that the whole Country had been with him, or shortly after quite lost. But Huniades in the mean time riding to and fro in the Army, encouraged his Souldiers not to forsake the Victory they were now as it were in possession of, nor leave unre∣venged so many slaughters and harms so lately committed by their Enemies, but to remember as they were fighting, that they carried in their hands their Wives and Children, and were in that one battel to revenge the wrong by them done both to God and Man. Sometime he with new Supplies encouraged such as were over∣charged, and even now ready to fly; othersome he with chearful words staid, that had already turned their backs; performing in every place all the parts both of a worthy Commander and valiant Souldier, as the necessity of the time and place required. In the heat of this battel (For∣tune yet favouring neither part, but both fight∣ing with all their Power) the Transylvanian Pri∣soners that in great number were kept in the Camp, wishing rather to die, than to be carried away into Captivity, and thinking it now or never, time for them to attempt their deliverance; with one consent brake asunder their Bonds, and with such Weapons as first came to hand, set upon their Keepers, of whom they slew a great number, and so desperately issuing out into the battel, incouraged their Country-men, and discouraged their Enemies. Yet was the bat∣tel hardly fought, though not altogether with like courage, or for like cause; for why, the Transylvanians fought for their Country, their Wives, their Children, their Lives, their Liberty, their Religion, and Altars; but the Turks, for the rich Prey they had before taken, and that they were by Victory in hope of. But at length the Turks by the breaking out of the Prisoners (who laid about them like desperate men) out of hope of the Victory, began by little and little to re∣tire; and the other on the contrary part by this unexpected Aid encouraged, and quickly find∣ing the Enemies fainting, fought more fiercely than before. Mesites seeing his Army thus in every part wavering, was therewith exceeding∣ly troubled; but presently after, beholding some of his men retiring as if they had fled, and other some flying outright, and no means to stay them, for safeguard of his life turned his Horse and fled also; after whom the Hungari∣ans followed with most terrible execution, as men desirous of the blood of them that had done them so great harm. In this chase Mesites himself with his Son were both slain; the re∣port of whose death in the pursuit, added swift∣ness unto the Hungarians, to the encreasing of the slaughter of the Turks, whom for the desire of Revenge they ceased not for certain days to pursue, unto the top of the Alps. In this battel were slain of the Turks 20000, and of the Hun∣garians about 3000. Huniades with this Victory recovered all the Prey the Turks had taken of the spoil of the Country, together with their Tents and Baggage; unto whom at his return into the Camp, a wonderful number of the poor Captives came, and falling at his feet,* 1.25 and kissing them, gave God thanks for their deliverance by him; some called him the Father, some the De∣fender of his Country; the Souldiers, their in∣vincible General; the Captives, their Deliverer, the Women, their Protector; the young Men and Children, their most loving Father. In all which joyful Acclamations, no honourable Ad∣ditions were heard, which in the judgment of all men, worthily agreed not with his deserts. He again with tears standing in his eyes, courteously embraced them, rejoycing at the publique good▪ and himself giving most hearty thanks unto God, commanded the like to be done in all Churches of that Province. Sometime he commended the Souldiers Valour, and in general, the peoples Loy∣alty. The Nobility and worthy Captains he ex∣tolled by name, according as their deserts had been in that notable Battel, not detracting any thing from any mans worthy praises; part of the spoil of the Turks he appointed unto devout Uses, and the other part he divided amongst the Souldiers; and willing as it were with the first Fruits thereof to gratifie King Uladislaus, and the Despot of Servia, then present with him, he sent a great Waggon, with ten Horses which they could scarce draw, laded with the Turks Ensigns and the chief of their Heads, where the Heads of the Bassa and his Son stood formost, and above them was placed an old Turk, sometime well known unto the Despot; who in this order pre∣sented unto them, is said to have thus delivered his Message, as followeth:

Huniades your Majesties most humble Servant,* 1.26 and the most honourable Despots Son, sendeth unto you this part of the spoil gained by this late Victory, lest he should seem to defraud you of the honour of the battel, happily fought under your good Fortune. These heads of the Asian Nobility he sendeth you for a Pre∣sent, that you should not want the assured Testimony of so notable a Victory; these are two Princes heads, the one of Mesites Bassa the General, and the other of his Son; the rest are the heads of the other great Commanders and Sanzacks. All these witness the greatness of the late slaughter, and exhort you to greater Atchievements. What your Royal Majesty for the natural instinct of Piety and Religion ingrafted into you, may hope for, and what an occasion of Immor∣tality and Glory is offered unto you, Huniades wish∣eth you hereby to consider; and humbly requesteth, that general Supplications may be commanded, and a great Army provided, forasmuch as all men suppose, that the Turk will gage his whole Forces, and leave nothing unattempted, in revenge of so great a slaughter of his people.

Having ended his Speech, he shewed unto them the grisely mortified heads; which the No∣bility and others there present, earnestly beheld, and wondred at, especially the King and the Despot; who by Letters further understanding the whole proceeding of the War, and fortune of the Battel, highly commended the discreet valour of Huniades, together with the glorious Victory, worthy (as they said) of a Roman Tri∣umph; for which, Uladislaus commanded publick Supplications to be made in all Churches through Hungary, and by honourable Messengers sent of purpose to Huniades, gave him great thanks, ac∣cording to his Deserts, with many rich Presents also, commending his faithful and worthy Service;

and requesting him, with like courage and care, to prosecute the War, so happily begun; pro∣mising him, That he should neither want Men nor Money, or any thing else needful thereunto. Upon this Victory, the Countries of Moldavia and Valachia, before Tributaries unto the Turks, now revolted again unto the Hungarians, to the great grief of Amurath; and the fame of Huniades was in short time dispersed through all Europe, and a general hope conceived of him, as of one most like to be one of the greatest Champions of the Christian Commonweal, as in his time undoubted∣ly he was.

The r••port of this late Overthrow, with the death of the Bassa Mesites, and the loss of his Army, being brought to Hadrianople, much trou∣bled the Turish Tyrant; but most of all, the Revolt of the two Countries, Moldavia and Va∣lachia. So that full of wrathful Indignation, and desire of Revenge, he commanded a great Army to be raised against the next Spring, with intent to have gone therewith himself; but af∣terward upon better advice changing his pur∣pose, he committed the leading thereof unto one Shech Abedin Bassa (corruptly called Scia∣bedin Bassa) an Eunuch, and yet nevertheless a right valiant and expert Captain, and his Vice-Roy in Europe; with Charge first to enter into Valachia, and there having done what harm he could with Fire and Sword, to do the like in Mol∣davia; and after that, with all his Power to break into Transylvania, there to Revenge unto the full, the Losses before received, and with the slaughter of the Hungarians to Sacrifice unto the Ghosts of their dead Friends and Companions. The Bassa according to his Charge, departing out of Macedonia, and marching through Mysia, and so passing over Danubius, with an Army of fourscore thousand fighting Men, whereof four thousand were of the best Janizaries,* 1.27 en∣tred into Valachia, filling the Country with fear and tumult; the Valachians now altogether in despair to be able to defend themselves against the fury of the Turks, and sore repenting them of their revolt from them, unto the Hungari∣ans. Whom for all that, Huniades comforted with chearful words, willing them betime to re∣tire themselves unto the safest places of the Country, and not to expose themselves with their too weak Forces against the fury of the Barbarians; promising in good time to come him∣self to their Relief, not doubting by the Power of Jesus Christ, to dare them battel in the plain Field, and to have of them a glorious Victory, although they were in number far more than they were reported to be. The Bassa dividing his Army into two parts, forraged the Country far and near, burning the Country Towns and Villages before them, spoiling whatsoever came in their way, and killing whosoever they light upon, Men, Women, or Children, without re∣spect of Age, Sex, or Condition. But the Vala∣chians for the most part had retired themselves, some into the Mountains, some into the strong Towns, and some into places further off, so that few fell into the Enemies hands, but such as were not able to fly, or not regarding the danger, had negligently staid the Enemies coming, and so perished. Valachia thus spoiled, the Turks pas∣sing over the Mountains, descended into Tran∣••••lvania, as Amurath had commanded, with pur∣pose there to have done the like or greater harm if possible it had been to have so done; but there was Huniades with 15000 chosen Souldi∣ers ready to encounter them. A small Power indeed, in comparison of the multitude the Bassa led; but all men of great Experience and Re∣solution, in valour countervailing the great number of their Enemies; Men resolved rather to die than to fly. Of whose approach the Bassa (unto whom the name and fortune of the Man was dreadful) by his Espials understanding, stayed his intended fury, and as one well aware with whom he had to do, without farther pro∣ceeding, encamped himself with his Army, to see what power and courage the Enemy had. But certainly informed by his Scouts, for that purpose sent out, That he was not in number a quarter so many as the Turks, but lay strongly encamped with his Waggons and Carriages, as in a sure Fort, in such order, as that he could not without great danger be assailed, and yet might at his pleasure come forth, and so if need were retire again, as into a strong Hold; he wondred at his courage and skilful manner of encamping; yet presuming of his own multi∣tude and strength, he doubted not to march for∣ward, and to offer him battel. Being come within half a mile the one of the other, although they were on neither side unwilling to fight, yet hoping both for a great Victory, they thought it not best to attempt any thing rashly, but be∣took themselves both unto the highest of their wits, as willing in so great a Conflict, as well to shew the utmost of their policy and skill, as of their courage and valour. The Turk thought it best not to joyn battel with his Ene∣mies in one front, for fear of confounding so great a multitude, but to divide his Army into certain Battalions, and so to fight by degrees and in good order, whereby to make all his men profitable; or if he could not do so, then with his multitude to enclose the Christians round, and so to overwhelm them. On the other side, Hu∣niades charged his Souldiers, above all things to keep their order, and in no case to suffer them∣selves to be divided by their Enemies. The next day, being come unto a place which they call Vascape, both the Armies by the break of day be∣gan to dislodge; at which time the Bassa spent a good space in the martialling of his great Army, as did also Huniades, seeking by provident fore∣sight and policy to match the multitude of his Enemies. And so having set all things in order, calling unto him the chief Captains and Com∣manders of his Army, with chearful countenance encouraged them as followeth:

No courage (believe me) worthy Companions,* 1.28 and Fellows in Arms, could have induced me to encounter so great a multitude, did not necessity it self enforce me, your approved Valour perswade, and the assured hope I have in Christ Iesus above all things con∣firm me; having made choice of us to fight this his sacred battel, and by our right hands to revenge the dishonour of his holy Name. In which his espe∣cial choice we are to consider how much he hath loved us; and for the same to praise his infinite Goodness and Mercy. Three such Commodities hath God thereby even this day propounded unto us, if we will be the same men we have been in times past, as that the least thereof were sufficient to encou∣rage men of worth, for the same to lay down their Lives, held they them never so dear. First, you are to fight for the health and welfare of your Children, Wives, and Country, joyned with your whole Estate; then, for eternal Glory and Renown in this World; and last of all, for Immortality and a Crown that shall never be taken from you, in the World to come. How many Miseries and Calamities we have in for∣mer times, and of late received from the Turks, would to God you had rather heard thereof by report, than seen the same with your eyes, and indured them in your selves. You had long since been bereft

of your beloved Wives and Children, whom most mi∣serable Servitude had overwhelmed; you had had neither House nor Church, wherein to dwell or to serve God, had not the Divine Power of God, and your rare Prowess been at hand for present rescue; your Country, your Goods, your Honour, your Liberty, you could not have kept, had not your Valour, confirmed by assured confidence in the Highest, preserved all these things unto your selves; The horrible fury of the Turk had now brought all these things into the power of it self, had they not been by your Arms defended, and he by so many bloody overthrows repressed. He could not before be staied; the Grecians, the Mace∣donians (both sometimes the greatest Commanders) the old Thracians, the strong Bulgarians, the va∣liant Epirots, and Dalmatians, could not abide their Force; The Athenians, the Thebans, the Lacede∣monians, Authors and Masters of the antient Disci∣pline of War, willingly gave place unto these. Unto us, is the Praise and great Glory of this Victory by God assigned, who oftentimes with a small Power, yea and that som••time against all hope, have with a notable Slaughter overthrown them, vanquished them, and put them to Flight. Neither is there any men in the World whom they more fear and stand in dread of, than you, whom though in number but few, they have by their dayly Slaughter and Losses, learned no less to fear, than if you were many. And no•• to trie the uttermost of their power, they are come with their innumerable Legions; but are not for that of you any thing the more to be feared than before; seeing that we all bear Arms under the conduct of the most mighty God; and are by dayly Victory, long Expe••ience, and approved Valour taught, what we are to dare; besides that the greatest part of their Army is of common Souldiers, Slaves, or rude Country Pesants, or men by force by them compelled; more than the Janizaries, are no good Souldiers among them, the rest as men enforced, serve them for fear, and against their Wills, and they by their Cowardise brought into that Bondage and Slavery. What Greeks, Macedonians, or Sclavonians soever are sent to their Aid, for asmuch as they are not yet revolted from the Christian Faith, deem them not to stand for them, but for us; they long for us the Re∣vengers of their Wrongs, and for you as victorious Conquerors; in this War they have given unto the Turks their Names, but unto us their Hearts and Power; and pray heartily for our Victory; wherefore you ought so much the more valiantly and couragi∣ously to fight, by how much greater you see the Victo∣ry, the Honour, the Prey before your Eyes. We are not to fight for other Mens Houses and Altars, but for our own; so our present necessi••y requireth, in such sort, that if we our selves deliver not our selves, and bear our selves upon our wonted hope and valour, we shall this day be enforced to endure the greatest mi∣sery that men may possibly. First, the loss of our Goods and Substance, the Captivity of ••ur Children, the de∣flowring of our Daughters,, the ravishing of our Wives, the slaughter of our Parents, the burning of our Houses and Churches; and that which worse is than all this, the scorn of our Saviour Christ Iesus, and his Saints; whose images you shall see in despight broken, or drag∣ged in the dirt, or moulten and converted into other prophane uses, all Religion trodden down, and God himself (if it were possible) with violence and despair driven out of our Hearts, if we stand not manfully unto it as becometh worthy Champions. God is able with his little Finger, if he so will forthwith, to de∣stroy all the Turks in the World; but seeing he hath committed unto our right Hands the defence of his name, he first maketh proof of our Courage and Valour, that finding the same faithful and ready, he may strengthen and defend it with his own right Hand. He never yet forsook any faithful or devout man, neither will our Saviour Christ be wanting unto you, if you be not wanting to your selves; in the power of his Name which is above all Names, he shall ••read down his re∣bellious Enemies, and exalt the Righteous that put their trust in him. Moreover, the causes that they and we combat for, are divers, and our hopes much stronger; They fight for their Prophet, a most prophane man, Author of all Impiety, for Spoil and Prey, for the de∣struction of Nations and Countries, for other Mens Kingdoms, for the inlarging of their Dominions and Territories, for worldly Praise and Glory; But we con∣trariwise bear Arms for the Saviour of the World, for our Faith and Religion, for the Christian Common-Wealth, for our Native Country, for our Wives and Children, for our Fortune and State; than which no∣thing can be more excellent, more commendable, or ho∣nourable. What reward is laid up for them in Heaven which have worthily protected or delivered their Coun∣try, or laid down their Lives in defence of their Faith and Religion? Neither, having often proved, are we ignorant, that God will never forsake them that honour, fear, and serve him. Whereby (f••llow Souldiers) you may plainly perceive, how far your hopes are beyond theirs. Believe our Saviour, promising unto you an eter∣nal reward; and shew your Fidelity and Valour unto God and your Country together. Wherefore, seeing with∣out the power of God we can do nothing, before the signal of Battel be given, I beseech you Collonels, Captains, and Lieutenants, by your effectual and Christian Exhortations in your Regiments and Compa∣nies, to encourage your Souldiers, valiantly to fight the Lords Battel; and for the present, every man by taking a little Earth in his Mouth, to prepare himself according to the necessity of the time, as it were to the receiving of the Lords Supper; so having cleansed your Souls, embrace you one another, plight your mutual Faith with your right Hand and a Kiss; and make a perpetual Covenant among your selves, none of you to forsake one another in this holy Battel, but for your Religion and Country valiantly to fight it out, even to the last man. And a little refreshing your selves with a short repast as you stand, upon the signal given, thrice calling aloud upon the mighty name of Christ Iesus, fight with the like Valour and Courage so near as you can, that he in the Agonie of Death fought for your Redemption and Liberty which that you will willingly do, I request and charge you this for our Saviours sake, for the Love of our Country, and for the Faith you owe both to God and Man. I also pray and beseech you, so to fight, as men resolved either to gain a most glo∣rious Victory, (whereof I doubt not) or else if it should otherwise chance, this day to purchase unto your selves a blessed life in the Kingdom of Heaven; not to sup in Hell with the Turks, but with the blessed Wights in Heaven; for Christ Iesus our Saviour will be alwaies present with us, who (believe me, and so hope) will this day not only deliver us out of the Hands of the Turks, but to our immortal Glory lode us with the rich Spoils of our Enemies, and so in safety bring all home again with much Ioy and Triumph.

The Bassa on the other side likewise encouraged his Souldiers, putting them in remembrance of their former Victories, exhorting them not to degenerate from their worthy Ancestors and themselves, by whose great Valor the Glory and Empire of the Turks had been so mightily in∣creased; and unto whom their great Prophet Ma∣homet, the Interpreter of the gods, had foretold the Empire of the whole World to be by all the gods allotted; and had by divine inspiration prophecied, that antient and stately Nation in time to become the terror of the World, the scourge of the Wicked, and Commander of all Nations. He farther declared unto them, what an increase of Kingdoms they had got in that short time, since which they first passed over into Europe, and filled them with the hope of a great Spoil; promising unto them that should in

the Battel valiantly behave themselves, not on∣ly the Spoil and Prey, but whole Villages, Towns, and Cities, and other great Preferments, accord∣ing as they should deserve. As for the Victory, considering the weak Power of their Enemies, and the great number of themselves, he assured them thereof, if they would but a while valiant∣ly fight it out like men. In conclusion, he told them, that having overcome Huniades (whom only, as he confessed, he had found to be the most valiant and skilful Captain of the Christi∣ans) nothing should afterward be able to stand in their way, or to hinder their further Conquests; and that if this day they should utterly overthrow him, they should gain the most honourable Victo∣ry that was ever yet got in Europe. Wherefore he willed them above all things, in the Battel to seek after him; promising unto him that should kill him, a great Reward, with most honourable Pre∣ferments. Having thus sufficiently, as he thought encouraged his Turks, he set forward with his Army in order of Battel. His Horsemen and Footmen he divided into two great Wings, be∣twixt which marched the Ianizaries in a square Battel, all men of approved Valour; after whom followed the Rereward; unto the Wings he had also joyned certain loose Companies of light Horsemen to begin the Battel, and to flie about the Enemies, and so as occasion should serve, either to charge or retire. Huniades likewise had placed in both Wings two square Battalions of men at Arms, and with them certain Horsemen with Cross-bows; before these Wings he had also placed certain Troops of light Horsemen, to encounter the Enemies; in the midst stood two square Battels of men at Arms; and betwixt them a strong Squadron of armed men, guarded be∣hind with a convenient number of Pikemen and Archers; both the Wings he had compassed about with a multitude of Carts and Waggons, and they also well manned. So marching for∣ward, and both Armies being come within a quarter of a mile together, the signal of Battel was on both sides given, and the Battel begun. Huniades seeing the multitude of his Enemies, cast his first Battel into the form of a Wedge,* 1.29 the more ••asily to divide them; and they on the other side in the form of a pair of Shears, were ready to receive him; where on both sides they encountred together with such Fury and Outcry, as never was thing more terrible to be heard or seen. The Turks trusting unto the multitude of their nimble light Horsemen, first with their light Staves, and afterwards with their crooked Scimeters fiercely assaulted the Christians light Horsemen, in which first incounter many fell on both sides: But the Wedge Battel of the Christians could not of the Turks be broken, as consisting all of valiant expert Souldiers, and they also strongly armed; who, do the Turks what they could, with a great Slaughter cut their Army in sunder, but not without a great Fight, and some loss also unto themselves. In the Wings also the light Horsemen for a while fought couragiously and with like hope; but the Turks with that kind of Fight better acquainted than the Christians, and better appointed for that purpose, and exceeding in number also, put the Christian light Horsemen to the worst, and en∣forced them to retire to the men at Arms. Here began the Fortune of the Turks to stay, where both parts desperately assailing the one the other, was made a most terrible Fight, wherein most part of the Turks light Horsemen were slain; for why, they were not able to abide the force of the men at Arms, although in comparison of them, but few; but with their Lances and arming Swords overthrown and slain, no other∣wise than if they had been naked men; so that in both Wings the Turks began now to faint. But the Battel in both the Wings yet wavering, and the Victory doubtful, in the main Battel was fought a most cruel Fight; the Ianizaries with a strong power of men at Arms, and certain Troops of light Horsemen, compassed about the men at Arms that stood (as we said) in the main Battel of the Christians, were the old Ianizaries with their crooked Scimeters, with great Cou∣rage cut in sunder the Legs of the Horses of the Men at Arms; of whom many fell down, and lying along upon the ground, were made shorter by the Head; as likewise on the other side, the Ianizaries whilst they seek the destruction of the Men at Arms, were themselves overborn and troden under Foot. Whereupon such a Slaughter was made, that the blood ran like Rivers, whilst they desperately fight with furious rage both on the one side and the other. In this cruel Fight most part of the Ianizaries were slain, and ma∣ny of the Christian Men at Arms also. The Bassa now perceiving the Hungarians to have the better, both in the Wings, and in the main Bat∣tel, and yet in hope that with long Fight they would faint (although he saw great Slaughter of his Men in every place) come on with the Rereward, and a number of other fresh Souldiers which he had left for guarding of the Baggage, all yet sound Men, in good hope so to over∣whelm the wearied Hungarians. It was now four hours that this cruel Fight had endured, when as the Bassa began it afresh; neither was this by him done without reason; for why, he was afraid lest if his Men should turn their Backs and flie, the whole Army should follow after; and therefore to make use of all the Men he had, he brought on his Rereward, in hope that his Ene∣mies, now spent with long Fight, would not longer endure a fresh Charge. And the more to encourage his Men, he commanded them to compass in the Hungarians round, and to dispatch their wearied Enemies, vainly boasting, That it would be the last Battel that ever the Hungarians would fight. On the other side, Huniades per∣ceiving the Enemies purpose, suffered his Men to be in part invironed, and by and by caused the Waggoners with the armed Carts and Waggons to thrust in behind them, and so to compass them in, divided in part from the rest, and afterward with fresh supplies renewed the Battel with the Enemy. The Fight was great, and in every place right terrible; and albeit that the Slaughter of the Turks was in many places great, yet by reason of their multitude they felt it not much, but fought yet still most desperate∣ly; until that they in the right Wing seeing them∣selves compassed in behind with the Waggons, and so from them charged with Shot, Darts, and other such missive Weapons; standing in doubt which way to turn themselves, and beset with danger on every side, began to faint, and fearing the danger behind them, shrunk from the Fight. On the other side, the Hungarians, now in good hope of Victory, with great and chearful Outcries, as Men inspired with fresh Spirits, more furiously af••ailed their fainting Enemies afront, than before; encouraging them also that assailed them behind in the Waggons, to approach them nearer; with which double danger the Turks hardly be∣set fought disorderly, and doubting to be all in∣closed round, first retired,* 1.30 and presently after betook themselves to plain Fight. But they which were already shut in betwixt the Waggons and them that fought before them, perished every Mothers Son. They which fought in the left

Wing also, discouraged with the Flight of their Fellows, fled likewise; after whom the Hunga∣rians fiercely followed. The Bassa himself seeing both the Wings of his Battel put to Flight, and his own Battel sore broken also, strucken with de∣spair fled, with certain Companies of the Iani∣zaries, which he had still kept about him against all Events, for the safeguard of his Person; after whom followed also so many other of the Turks as could; the rest dispersedly flying through the Woods, Forests and Mountains, either there perished with Hunger, or falling into the Hands of the Valachians, were by them slain. Of so great an Army as the Bassa brought into Transilva∣nia, scarce the one half returned again over Da∣nubius. It is reported by some that were in that Battel, that if Huniades having them in chace, had pursued them to Danubius, scarcely one of them had escaped over the River. But he con∣tented with so great a Victory, and to have driven his Enemies out of the Field, pursued them not far; but entring into their Camp, with the Spoil thereof greatly inricht both himself and his Souldiers. Beside the great multitude of the Turks here slain, five thousand more were taken Prisoners, and an hundred of their Ensigns. Long it were to rehearse and reckon up the rich Spoil there taken, the gilt Armor, and goodly Furniture, both of Men and Horses, besides the rich Pavilions and Tents there standing. In brief, the Wealth there found, was so great, as that there was no man in Huniades Army, which was not thereby for ever enriched. Huniades for this so great a Victo∣ry, and for his Country, delivered from so great a fear, caused general Prayers with Thanks∣giving, for the space of three days, to be made in all Churches of those three Provinces, unto whom that danger was threatned; and at Vascape, where the Battel was fought, hanged up certain of the Turks Ensigns, as Trophies of the Victory there gotten. This was the famous Battel of Vas∣cape, wherein Huniades got the greatest Victory that ever any Christian Prince before that time obtained against the Turkish Kings. The Fields thereabouts lay covered with the dead bodies of the slain Turks, whose Carrion Carkasses so in∣fected the Air, that many of the better sort of the Inhabitants of the Country were glad for a season to leave their Dwellings, and to get them further off, for fear of infection. Afterwards he in great Triumph came to Buda, and there pre∣sented to King Uladislaus the Enemies Ensigns, with such a part of the Spoil, as might both well declare the greatness of the Victory, and beseem the greatness of so great a Prince; which the King thankfully received, highly commending his great Valour, the fame whereof had in short time filled every corner of Europe.

Amurath, a little before this great overthrow of his Army in Transilvania, assuring himself of the Victory, had sent a proud Embassage to King Uladislaus into Hungary, offering him Peace upon condition, That he should deliver unto him the strong City of Belgrade, or else yield to pay him a yearly Tribute; to which, upon the first report of the Victory, answer was given by the King, answerable to the proud demand, That according to the issue of matters in Transilvania, he would shortly in person himself come and give him far∣ther answer. With which short answer, the proud Embassadors were dismissed and gone, a little be∣fore the coming of Huniades to Buda.

How much this late overthrow grieved the great King Amurath, Uladislaus was not ignorant; either of his power and desire of revenge, as suf∣ficiently warned thereof by the worthy Huniades; for the withstanding whereof, he thought it good not to be unprovided. Wherefore calling together the States of his Kingdom, and with them Iulian the Cardinal of S. Angel, the Popes Legate; at such time as they were all assembled, he pro∣pounded unto them the greatness of the danger threatned by the angry Turk, leaving unto their grave consideration, to determin how the same were by strong hand and plain force, or other∣wise to be averted. In which most honourable Assembly, Iulian the Cardinal, on purpose sent thither by Pope Urban to stir up the Hungarians against the Turks, being requested by the King to deliver his opinion first, spake unto them as followeth:

Since the time that the Turkish Pestilence began to rage in Europe,* 1.31 no news was ever more welcome unto the great Bishop, unto the Apostolical Senate, and other Princes of Italy (most mighty King, and you other most worthy Princes) then when it was told them, That Uladislaus, King of Polonia, was by you also chosen King of Hungary. For a fitter Governor of the Hungarian State, and Leader of their Power, could not the Hungarians any where have found; As he in whom Iustice, Religion, Wise∣dom, Valour, and Martial Skill doth so abound, that he seemeth rather for the good of this Kingdom by God sent from Heaven, than here in Earth chosen by Men. By this happy and fortunate choice, the minds also of all the Italians, which before lay heavy and discouraged, were lightned and revived; and there∣fore that this choice might be unto the Christian Com∣mon-weal both glorious and fortunate, they made their solemn Vows and Prayers. At such time as the most holy Senate understood if the civil Discord of this Kingdom, and the danger of the Turks fast by, it sent me hither to deal with you for the appeasing of those troubles, and repressing of that mischief (as you have oftentimes heard me say.) The Kingdom is by your Force and Valour, by my Mediation, and the Death of the Queen, well pacified; but yet the other remaineth full of Honour, full of Profit, full of Safety, Glory, and Immortality, best fitting Uladislaus Con∣duct and Fortune, and the Valour of the Hungari∣ans. The Turkish Tyranny and their proud Command (worthy Princes) is to be repressed; yea their ser∣vile yoke, hanging even now ov••r our Necks, is to be shaken off, and to be driven away. What you are to dare to do, the Valour and Fortune of Huniades, foretelleth you; the Fortune said I of Huniades, nay the Fortune of the Christian Common-weal, and pre∣sent Mercy of our Blessed Saviour, which suffereth his People to be up and down tossed, but not quite drowned. If so great an Army of the Enemies was vanquished and put to Flight by the power of one of thy Captains, and that but small; what is to be hoped of thee (most mighty King) if thou shalt lead forth thine Armies thy self in Person, under thine own Conduct, and the Protection of Christ Iesus? The Eyes of all Christian Princes are cast upon thee, upon the Hungarian and Polonian Forces; upon thee have they reposed all their hopes, they all expect that thou shouldst be the revenger of the Barbarian Cruelty, the Defender of the Faith, and Protector of Europe; and that is it, for which the Pope doth with his Letters dayly solicite and importune you. And albeit that the common cause and quarrel of the Christian Religion require it, yet doth the necessity of Hunga∣ry and Polonia no less enforce it; of which, the one is most miserably and dayly vexed with the Turks Forces and Fury out of Servia and Dalmatia; and the other out of Moldavia and Valachia. Now if any there be, whom neither the zeal of Religion, the necessity of the cause, the hope of immortal Fame and Glory, can move, let their own Saf••ty, the present Servitude of their Wives and Children, the Safeguard of their Wealth and Substance, the lawful Revenge

of the Wrongs done them, stir them up to take in hand this sacred Expedition. So fit an opportunity is now given unto you, that at one and the self-same time you may set your bodies in perpetual Safety and Happi∣ness; your Souls in Quietness and Rest, and unto both give Eternal Glory and Happiness. You lack not (worthy Captains) Mony, the Sinews of the War, which shall be brought unto you from all parts of the Christian Common-wealth, not lusty and couragious Souldiers, not Policy, not Fortune, not the propitious Hevenly Powers, which have made choice of you for the defence of the true Faith and Religion; you want nothing (worthy Princes) but Will. It is an Expe∣dition necessary, religious, profitable and honourable; wherein are propounded most ample Rewards both in this Life, and in the Life to come. Wherefore (most mighty Prince, and you right worthy Princes all) I pray and beseech you by the Faith of Christ Iesus, by the Love of your Children, by the Health of your Kingdom, and deliverance from your present destructi∣on, with valiant Courage, and one Consent to take this sacred War in hand, and so thereby to enrol your Names in the Eternal Book of Fame. And sith that you are to go, not so much to a Worldly as a Spiritual War against the Enemies of Christ and his Truth, take up your Arms with such Zeal, Courage, and Chearfulness, as the Expectation and Hope of Men, as your Valour, the present Danger, and the Mercies of God towards you, seem of right to require.

This Legate having made an end, forthwith ensued the miserable Supplication and Tears of the Despot;* 1.32 perswading them of the necessity of that Expedition to be taken in hand, decla∣ring unto them the Cruelty of the Turks, their Torments and strange Tortures, his Sons deprived of their Sight, and spoiled of their Genitories, many half mangled, and more cut in sunder with Saws; some slain quick, and others buried alive, with many other strange kinds of death, such as would abhor any Christian Ears to hear. And warning the Hungarians, by his example to beware how much they had need to look to themselves, told them, That they were but by the River Savus divided from the Turks; which in Summer was oftentimes to be waded over, and in Winter hard frozen, and so to be passed; that the Country beyond Danubius lay all open upon them; and that he, sometime the rich King of Servia, was now driven into exile by the power of the Turk, deprived of his King∣dom, of his Children, shamefully disgraced, spoiled of his Wealth and Fortune, glad to flie from place to place, and yet not able to find any safe place to rest in. First he fled (as he said) to Ragusium, where by and by he was sought after, and endangered by the Turks; then into Hungary, which was also forthwith by them on every side infested; and whereof the Barbarian King now asked Tribute, to have some colour for the invasion thereof; which dreadful Ene∣my was not far off from it, but still hovered even over it; as well witnesseth Valachia and Transylvania, two of the greatest and richest Pro∣vinces of the Hungarian Kingdom; which had not the Valour of Huniades, the Fortune of the Common-Weal, and above all, the Mercy of God, delivered out of the Hands of this filthy Nation, the State of Hungary had now been utterly forlorn. The Events of War (he said) were divers, Fortune uncertain, and that God would not every day be tempted. Where∣fore with many Tears abundantly running down his aged Face, he besought King Uladislaus and the rest, not to let slip this fair occasion, neither by Cowardise or Negligence to break off the course of their good Fortune and Victory; but to make choice rather to become Revengers of other mens harms, than of their own, and to satisfie the good opinion the World had con∣ceived of them. He was (as he said) a suffici∣ent Example to all Men. Besides that, he offered a great sum of Mony himself towards the de∣fraying of the Charges of the War, assuring them also of great supplies both of Men and Mony from divers other Christian Princes. Which opinion of the Legate and Despots being gene∣rally liked and approved, a Decree was made by a whole Court of Parliament there assembled, That the King should himself in person, with all speed possible entertain that honourable War. So that though it were now upon the approach of Winter, yet were Men taken up in every place, and Embassadors sent unto the Emperor and the other Neighbour Princes, to pray of them Aid against the common Enemy. Who for the most part excused themselves by their own par∣ticular Affairs, but sent no Aid at all. Never∣theless many devout Christians both out of France and Germany, for the Zeal they bare unto Christ and the Christian Religion, forsaking Wife and Children, and whatsoever they had else, came and worthily served upon their own Charge. The Spring being come, and Supplications made in all places, for the prosperous success of this Religious War, King Uladislaus the first of May set forward from Buda; where passing the River Danubius, and marching fair and softly, and coming to the River Tibiscus, he there staied three days for the coming of his Army. Departing thence, and marching on alongst the side of Da∣nubius, until he came within the sight of Bulgaria, he there at a place called Cobis, over against Sin∣derovia, passed over Danubius with his Army, which was now grown very great; and so marched directly to Sophia, situate about six days march from Danubius, in the Frontiers of Bul∣garia, so called of a most sumptuous and magnifi∣cent Temple there built by Iustinian the great Emperor. Which City being then old and ru∣inous, and but badly fortified, was easily taken;* 1.33 and afterward for that it was not well to be holden, was by the Kings commandment burnt, as were all the other Country Towns and Villa∣ges thereabouts, to the terror of the rest. March∣ing thence, he came unto the River Morava, and there incamped; where the plain Country easily riseth and falleth in manner of the Sea, when it is moved with a little Wind. Here five hundred Horsemen being sent over the River, not so much to seek after Prey, as to view the Country, which way the Army might most safely and easily pass, happened upon the Turks Scouts, of whom they took four; and understanding by them, that two thousand of the Turks were coming at hand, knowing themselves too weak to encounter them, they retired back again with all speed they could, unto the River; where many of them for fear leapt headlong from the high and broken Banks, and so perished in the deep; the rest terrified with the misfortune of their Fellows, stood still, doubtfully expecting what should be∣come of themselves. Beyond the River was another Hill, upon the top whereof the King with a great number of Horsemen were hunt∣ing; whom the Turks a far off descrying, and doubtful to fall into some ambush, of purpose laid for them betwixt them and the River, without coming on further, retired. Which they that before fearfully staid on the further side of the River, per∣ceiving, and now encouraged by the coming of the King down to the River, followed a while after, so to increase their fear; and so having well fear∣ed one another, retired on both sides worse afraid

than hurt. The next day the King passed over the River, sending out his Scouts to see if all were clear before him; by whom he was ad∣vertised, that the Turks were at hand, having placed certain Ambushes fast by, expecting but a fit time to set upon him. Whereupon entring into Council with his best and most expert Captains, what were best to be done, it was re∣solved upon, That Huniades the next night with ten thousand choice Horsemen, should upon the suddain set upon the Enemy, then fearing no∣thing less.* 1.34 Who conducted by the Espials, was in the first Watch of the Night brought very near unto them. The Moon by chance, as fa∣vouring his great attempt, did then shine out, so that he might well discern how the Enemy lay incamped, and which way for to charge them for his best advantage; which was by the same way they were most like to flie, if they should be put to the worst; unto which place he led his men, and there with a most hideous outcry entred the Camp, as then for most part buried in Sleep and Security; when as the Turks awaked with the suddain noise, as it were out of a dead sleep, and dismayed with the horror of the cry, began to betake them, some to their Wea∣pons, some to their Heels. Of whom such as fled, lighting upon the Enemies Troops standing in their way, ran as fast back again; the other scarce yet well awake, and overcome with fear, and now scarcely themselves, had much ado to make themselves ready to fight. Huniades in the mean time riding up and down amongst his men, cheered them up, still crying out and calling up∣on them, couragiously to assail their sleepy, naked, and fearful Enemies, and not to let slip so fair an occasion, and so notable a Victory now already in their hands. At the first en∣counter the Turks rather made a stir, than fought; but after that they heard that Huniades was there, as men dismayed with his Name, they turned their Backs and fled, finding, which way soever they took, their Fellows half dead or wounded; yea, such a confusion was raised amongst them with the greatness of the sud∣dain fear, that thrusting together, with an in∣considerate desire of Flight, they trod one ano∣ther under foot, and thrust themselves one upon anothers Weapons; the greatest part of them driven headlong, into the Thickets and other Straits, and not able in time to get out thence, were there by the victorious Enemy, fiercely pursuing of them, slain. All that night the fear∣ful Turks were with great slaughter held in chase; but as soon as it was day, the rest that remained of them, ran also the same fortune with their Fellows. A far greater Slaughter was there made, than a man would think that so few men could have made, when as but with ten thousand Horse, thirty thousand Turks were in one night slain, and four thousand taken, with a number of their Ensigns. Of Huniades his men were not many lost, for the greatness of the Slaughter; most report not above five hundred, for few of them found any Enemy to resist them. There was taken all the Spoil of a most rich Camp, the Enemy having carried with them nothing out of it. Huniades having in so short time gained so notable a Victory, and inriched his Army, re∣turned to the King in great Triumph; neither was that day more joyful unto these victorious Souldiers, than unto the rest of the Army, who most joyfully expected their return. The King and the Despot hearing of the approach of Huni∣ades from the Slaughter of the Turks, with the great applause and joyful acclamation of the other Legions, went to meet him three miles; and at such time as at their first meeting Huniades was about to have lighted to have done him ho∣nour, he would in no case suffer him so to do,* 1.35 but taking him by the right Hand, joyed with him for the Victory, thanking God in the hear∣ing of the whole Army, that he of his mercy had given him such a Captain, as, without En∣vy, in all mens judgments was worthy to rule the Roman Empire. In brief, he shewed how much his Country, his Kingdom, yea the Chri∣stian Common-Weal, was bound and indebted unto him, gave him his due Praises, exhorting all others to imitate his glory; the like honour did also all the rest of the Nobility unto him. As for the Common Souldiers, they could not be satisfied with beholding of him, but embracing one another, as if they would have died one in anothers Arms, welcomed their victorious Friends. So with Joy joyning their Forces together, and sending the rich Spoil of the Enemy, with the Prisoners chained together in long ranks before them; the King and Huniades in great Triumph returned into the Camp, where they caused ge∣neral Prayers, with Thanskgiving unto Almighty God for so great a Victory, to be made through∣out the Army.

The Legate Iulian, General of the voluntary Christians, which for Devotion sake served of their own Charge, after so great a Victory most earnestly perswaded the King and the rest of the great Commanders of the Army, to prosecute their good Fortune, and in God his so great Fa∣vour not to loiter, but dayly to march forward, and to take in the rest of Bulgaria. Now had Huniades by his Espials learned, that from So∣phia it was but three days journey to Philippolis, a great City of Thracia; and the like distance from thence to Hadrianople, the chief seat of the Turkish Tyrant, and as much more to Constantinople. The only difficulty was how to pass the great and rough Mountain Hemus, which running a mar∣vellous way in length, even unto the Euxine Sea, and mating almost the Skie, divideth the Coun∣tries of Bulgaria and Servia, from Macedonia and Thrace; and for the great height and roughness thereof, is not to be passed over but in two places; the one made by the great Emperor Trajan and the Romans, where as yet is to be seen a mighty strong Gate built of great square Stone, whereby the passage that way was opened or shut at the pleasure of them that had the keeping thereof; the other near unto a little River, which the Bulgarians now call Saltiza. By either of these ways, if he should find them open, Huniades, unto whom the King had committed both the leading and conduct of the Army, pur∣posed to enter. Wherefore marching forward, they took all such Towns of Bulgaria as stood in their way; some by force, some by composi∣tion; wherein was no small help, the confor∣mity of the Christian Religion, the horrible Cruelty of the Turks, the great Affinity of Language, the most effectual means to win the Love of Strangers; for the Polonians and the Bul∣garians both descended of the S••lavonians, and using the same Language, the Polonian Horsemen came to no Town, but it presently yielded. But being come unto the Mountain Hemus, to have entred into Thracia, the Winter weather being now very cold, they learned by their Espials, that the aforesaid passages were both fast shut up with great Stones, Timber and such other like matter, so strongly, as that they were very hardly to be forced. Wherefore Huniades leaving the straiter way made by the hand of man (which beside the former fortification at the great Gate, the Turks had in many places, with abundance

of water poured down the steep Hill in the night, and hard frozen with the coldness of the Weather, made so slippery, as that it was not possible either for Man or Beast there to stand, or to get up that way) upon Christmas Even came to the other, by which the River Saltiza runs, the which he found likewise shut. Here they met with many inconveniences; first, the difficulty of the passage, which old Amurath had (not without great reason) shut up, and there placed strong Garrisons, so at ease, and without danger of Battel (so often by his Bassa's unfor∣tunately proved) to defend his Kingdom in Ma∣cedonia and Thracia, from the invasion of the Hun∣garians, who now of all Nations he most dreaded. Beside that, in the Army was such want of all things, as that the Souldiers were ready to forsake their Ensigns, and to rise up in a general mutiny; for the Country near unto the Mountain Hemus, rising high, with broken Rocks, and inaccessible places, was altogether barren; and Victuals failing in the Camp, they were glad to live with a little Wheat and Flesh boiled together, and that so spa∣ringly, as that the Souldiers began now generally to grow weak and faint. Besides that, the Win∣ter was exceeding cold, and the Frost so great, that many times they could not go out of their Tents to seek for Forrage or Water. So that the Army enforced with Hunger and Cold,* 1.36 and the difficulty of the passage, began to retire, and had undoubtedly been dissolved, had it not been for the often and earnest perswasions of Huniades; for he daily told them, that the greatest difficulties were past, that that which remained, was with their wonted Valour and Courage to be indured, where∣unto nothing was high or difficult; that they should forthwith come into the borders of Thra∣cia, where they should find plenty of all things; that they were now come so far, that if they would go back again, they should in those wast Coun∣tries through which they were to pass, find greater difficulties and dangers, than in going forward; that these Straits once opened, remained no more travel, but chearfully to fall to the Spoil of a most rich and pleasant Country. They were not (as he said) to stay in the midst of their Fortunes, for that it was not always permanent, and for that the contempt of Gods favors caused them to be oftentimes taken from us; all that was yet done (he said) was nothing, if they proceeded not further; for that whatsoever they had already won, was easily by the Enemy to be recovered, except that those which yet remained (for that most part of them, as he said, were slain, with their Houses burnt over their Heads) were driven out of Thracia and Macedonia, and so quite out of Europe. So whilst the Souldiers heard Huniades speak, every man was well incouraged; but when they remembred the miseries wherewith they were invironed, they cursed all the rash Attempts of ambitious Princes. In the mean time News was brought by the Scouts, that the Turks were coming after them; but then began they to re∣joyce, as deeming it much more honour, man∣fully to die in Battel, than to starve with Hun∣ger and Cold. Against these Turks was Huni∣ades sent with certain Troops of Horsemen; who incountring with them, easily inforced them with loss to retire. Eight times he incountred them (as the Souldiers there present reported) and as often put them to Flight. In retiring back from the impregnable Mountain, the King with the greatest part of the Army went before; after whom followed Huniades and the Despot, a good days march; when the Turks that kept the pas∣sage upon the Mountain, understanding of their return, followed them down the Hill, in good hope to be of them well revenged, before they should get out of Bulgaria. Carambey the Bassa of Romania, and Brother to Caly-Bassa (a man of all others in greatest Favour with Amurath, and his Brother-in-Law, as having married his Sister) was General of this Army, and by him appointed for the keeping of these Straits, with express charge upon no occasion whatsoever, al∣though it made shew of never so assured a Victo∣ry, to fight with the Enemy; for he thought it Victory enough, without any loss to have kept his Enemies out of Thracia. Which the old Kings Command, Carambey for all the neglected, in good hope by a notable Victory easily to answer the contempt of that he was commanded. The Christian Army descending down the broken Mountains, was come to a great Mountain, which the Bulgarians call Cunobiza, and part of the Mountain Hemus; at whose Heels followed Ca∣rambey, with his Turks, still hovering over their Heads, to take them at some advantage; whom the Christians beholding, could not by their Captains be stayed, but that they would ma∣ny times by Companies flie forth upon them, and desperately fight with them in places of great advantage, saying, That they had rather die in fight like men, than to starve with Hun∣ger and Cold. Here Carambey, being himself a man of great Courage, and desirous of Honour, and by the rashness of his Enemies allured to fight; and withal, beside the advantage of the ground, perceiving himself to exceed his Enemies both in Strength and Number of men, could not be staied, but would needs give Battel, with such a desire, as if he had been already assured of the Victory. Huniades and the Despot had before perceived, that the Turks, provoked with the braving of their men, would assuredly fall upon them, and were therefore much troubled with the absence of the King, who (as is before said) was gone a days march before they saw they could neither shun Battel, neither if they could have so done, would their desperate Soul∣diers be staied, for the desire they had to fight. Yet seeing Carambey coming down upon them, they put themselves (though unwillingly) in best order they could to receive him; perswading their Souldiers not rashly in fury to run upon their Enemies, as desperate men prodigal of their Lives, but to keep their ranks, and orderly to fight, and so like valiant men to carry away the Victo∣ry, or to leave unto their Enemies a bloody re∣membrance thereof. Now had Carambey sent his Horsemen down the Hill,* 1.37 and the Battel was begun, where both the Armies met together with great fury, and a cruel Fight was made both at the foot of the Hill, and amongst the Hills and Vallies also; in which hard incounter many were slain, as well on the one side as the other. The Po∣lonian men at Arms (whom the King but a little before had left with Huniades against all Events) with the Hungarian light Horsemen (of whom the Despot had the leading) fought so that day, as if they had fought for nothing more, but how honourably to die; and the Turks for a space stood hard to it, so that many were there slain; yet at length finding themselves hardly laid to, as by desperate men, resolved to sell their Lives dear, they began to faint and to give ground; when as Carambey coming in behind them with new sup∣plies, rated the cowardly, staid them that were flying, and sometime with rough Speeches, some∣time with fair perswasion, incouraged the wave∣ring, and restored the Battel, before almost quite lost. Neither did Huniades and the Despot less be∣stir them, but as soon as they perceived the Ene∣my a little to faint, by and by cried out, Victory;

with chearful Speech incouraging their men, still calling upon them, to keep their Ranks strong, and to urge their present good Fortune, assuring themselves, that they fought against those Infi∣dels under the favour and protection of the Al∣mighty; and forthwith sent certain Companies of Footmen, who climbing up the Hill among the Bushes, with their half Pikes and Boar-Spears panched the Turks Horses as they passed by them. These loose Companies did the Turks Horsemen much harm, and here began their Battel to de∣cline; they which were coming down, for fear of the danger retiring back again unto them that were left above for the keeping of the Straits; and the bolder sort of them, which were come down into the Vallies, compassed about with the Men at Arms, hardly recovered the rising of the Hill. Carambey in the mean time crying out be∣hind them, one while calling back them that fled, another while relieved them that fainted, and to the uttermost of his power restoring the Bat∣tel, performed all the parts both of a valiant Souldier and worthy Captain, couragiously fight∣ing himself in the thickest of his Enemies, and by his own Valour staied for a time the lost Bat∣tel.* 1.38 At length performing his last indeavour, de∣ceived by the Snow, he fell into a Bog, where sticking fast with his Horse, and not able to help himself, he was taken Prisoner by a common Soul∣dier. The rest that escaped out of this bloody Battel, retired themselves unto them that were left above upon the Mountain, for the defence of the passage. After whom the Christians fol∣lowed, through the untract and rough places, until that hindred of their further pursuit by the ap∣proach of the night, and the abruptness of the way, they were glad to sound a Retreat, and so retired unto the Camp. Many other great men were taken beside Carambey, but many more slain in the Battel, and most of all in the Flight; few escaped, but such as fled back again up into the Mountains. In the Retreat, Huniades seeing so gallant a man as was Carambey (though to him altogether un∣known) unworthily bound, and led Prisoner by a common Souldier, asked the Souldier, if he would sell his Prisoner? who said, he would; and asked for him ten Ducats, (a poor price for so great a man;) unto whom Huniades commanded to be given four hundred, and so sent him to his Tent, comforting of him up with chearful words, and willing that he should be well used. The Despot the same Night coming to Huniades his Tent, to confer with him about the remainder of the War, and seeing so brave a man standing among the rest by the fire side, began to talk with him in the Turkish Language, whereof he had some knowledge, by reason of the nearness of the Nation, and such matters as he had some∣time to do with them; and having some guess by his talk, what he was, and pitying his Estate, asked Huniades, how he would ransome him? who said, that he cost him four hundred Ducats but that he valued him at forty thousand; which the Despot offered to pay him. Thus by the strange change of Fortune, was Carambey, of late so great a Commander, and so near allied unto the great Turk, valued and prized twice in one day by his Enemies, as a mirror of the uncertainty of Worldly Bliss and Felicity. The Polonians report somewhat otherwise of this Bat∣tel; as that Uladislaus should himself therein be present, and the chief that therein commanded; howbeit the Hungarian Writers, whose credit herein we follow, report it as before, not to have been fought under the good Fortune of the King then absent, but under the leading of Hunia∣des and the Despot.

Out of this Battel (or as some others report, a little before,* 1.39 out of the Battel of Morava) fled the great Captain George Castriot, otherwise of the Turks called Scanderbeg, now seeking to deliver both himself, and his Native Country of Epirus, out of the Thraldom of the Turks, as presently after he did; whose unwonted Flight not a little terrified the rest of the Turks Army, and much furthered the Christians Victory, whose proceedings he always secretly favoured; having (as it was thought) secret intelligence with the great Captain Huniades, who not without in∣structions from him (as some say) gave that great overthrow unto the Turks at Morava. But of him and his worthy Acts done for the delive∣rance and defence of his Country, more shall be said hereafter.

Shortly after this great overthrow and discom∣fiture of the Turks, the two great Captains, Hu∣niades and the Despot, together with the King, consulted for the removing of the Turks Gar∣risons, left above for the keeping of the strait passages of the Mountain, and the prosecution of the War. Which Uladislaus (considering the difficulty of the matter, and his Souldiers neces∣sity) thought it not good further to prosecute, but forthwith to return. But Huniades and the Despot, the one thirsting after Honour, and the other in no less hope, by the good success of this War, to recover again his lost Kingdom, said, That the Turks were in any case to be removed, the passage opened, and the sparks that yet remained, for fear of raising a greater Fire, extinguished; opposing against the difficulty by the King al∣ledged, the invincible Courage of his Souldiers, whereunto (they said) nothing was impossible or difficult. To which opinion the King also (lest he should seem to distrust the Valour of his Captains or Souldiers) easily yielded, and so commanded on Gods name to set forward. The first that mounted the Hill was the Kings Battalion, which by the roughness and abruptness of the Mountain hindered, oftentimes staid. But Huni∣ades still carried with an earnest desire to prosecute the Victory, and leaving nothing unattempted,* 1.40 in searching about found a crooked turning way, whereby he with his men, more easily and rea∣dily got up to the top of the Mountain, even with their Enemies, undescried or molested, by reason of the broken covert of the place; from whence they were in good hope easily to have come unto their Enemies. But being come up to the place they desired, they found such a deep and wide gaping of the Rock betwixt them and the Enemy, as was neither to be passed, or filled up; yet being come very near, they at∣tempted by Cross-Bow shot, and great Stones cast out of Slings, and other such Engins, to have removed the Turks from their places; who were therewith, and with their unexpected approach, at the first so greatly both anoyed and discomfi∣ted, that they were almost at the point to have forsaken the passage, had not Alis Beg (but the night before chosen for their General instead of Carambey) incouraged them and taught them how by shrouding themselves under the broken Rocks and Parapets with tumultuary labour cast up, to save themselves from the shot of their Ene∣mies. In the mean time also Huniades, by ano∣ther more high and steep way, whereby the Ene∣my was also to be approached, had sent up other Companies of Souldiers, who fighting at too much disadvantage, were by the Turks easily rejected. So at length, seeing the vain attempt given by himself upon top of the Hill▪ and the desperate danger of the others in climbing the inaccessible Mountain, where one might keep

down an hundred, despairing to inforce the Ene∣my, he by the Kings Command caused a Retreat to be sounded, and so again retired down the Mountain, to the great rejoycing of the Turks. The next day the Winter cold raging, and wants in the Army still more and more increasing, the King with the rest of the great Commanders entred into consultation for the hastening of their return out of that rough and barren Country, into places of greater plenty, before the Army were brought into any greater extremity. Where∣unto Huniades (giving place unto necessity, which always suffereth not to be regarded that is seemly) now easily yielded; only the Despot spake against it, blaming them, that having taken the Gene∣ral, and put their Enemies to Flight, and Victo∣ry now as it were in their hands, they would not prosecute the small remainder of the War, but cowardly turn their Backs unto their van∣quished Enemies; promising that he himself would find Mony enough for the providing of all things needful for the relief of the Army. So said the Popes Legate also. But forasmuch as the Wants in the Army were great, and the Soul∣diers presently pinched with Hunger and Cold, they could with no hope of any profit, were it never so great, be perswaded to stay; openly crying out, that it was not their Captains and Lieutenants, which wanted nothing, but them the poor Souldiers that starved for hunger; as for the Despot, that he in hope of recovering his King∣dom, perswaded things impossible, and no way to be performed; neither to be any thing moved with the death of their Men or Cattel. Need (they said) could not be vanquished; but that when Winter was past, they would willingly re∣turn again unto the sacred War. In the mean time, Winter raging, and Hunger commanding, let us give over (said they) and depart into more fruit∣ful places, there to refresh our Bodies, spent with Labour, Cold and Hunger. For which reasons, the King sending before his Baggage, retired again by the same way he came. Which the Turks from above beholding, and strengthned with new Sup∣plies, followed after them, as after men that had fled; oftentimes assailing them in the Rereward, and setting upon them sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, with often skirmishes both did and received much harm. Whose manner of Fight was, to retire when they were themselves charged, and presently by great Troops to charge again their Enemies, their Backs once turned to them, and so troubled the Army, that it was constrained oftentimes to stay; besides that, loded with the rich Spoil of the Enemy, and much Baggage, it could not of it self make any great ha••t. Now was he by the way come into a great thick Wood,* 1.41 full of deep Bogs and Water-courses, hard to be passed through; where the rest of the Army going before, in the Rereward, at the entrance of the Wood were left certain strong Companies of Men at Arms, as a Wall against the pursuing Enemy; whom the Turks with their ready light Horsemen fiercely charged; where betwixt them, in the Wood was fought a great Fight, and a great Tumult raised; unto the noise whereof, they which marched before hasti∣ly returning, in skirmishing, many of them fell into those deep Bogs and queachy Places, out of which they could hardly rid themselves again. Besides that, there were many crooked and troublesome turnings and windings, with sud∣dain descents, so steep, as that in going down the same, their Horses came tumbling heels over head, and there lay overthrown together with the••r Riders in such sort, as that to avoid these difficulties, they were oftentimes inforced to fight on foot. In which troublesome skirmish about fourscore Men at Arms were lost; but of the Turks, beside them which were slain, were taken an hundred and seventy, all whom Hu∣niades caused presently to be slain. In this Wood the Christians were more troubled with the dif∣ficulties of the place, than the Enemies Assaults. Wherefore Wants dayly more and more in∣creasing in the Army, which by reason of the multitude of their Carriages, abundance of their Baggage, and often Assaults of the Turks, was able to make no way; the King for fear his Army should in so long and slow march through those troublesome and barren Countries, be con∣sumed with Hunger and other Wants, caused all the Carriages and Baggage to be brought into the midst of the Army, and of it, all such things as served rather for burthen than use, to be there burnt; and the Arms as well of such Soul∣diers as he had there lost, as of the Enemy, to be buried in the ground; and all the weak Beasts that served for burthen, to be killed. So the Ar∣my well discharged of such unprofitable bur∣thens, marched much more speedily, neither was so much subject unto the Assaults of the Turks, as before. And so at length by long Journies, Uladislaus with his Army arrived at Belgrade, where he was of his Subjects honourably received. And having there staid certain days, and well re∣freshed his Army, departing thence, and passing the River Savus, came to the Royal City Buda,* 1.42 where he was of all his Subjects joyfully received also; the Legate and Huniades going on his right Hand, and the Despot on the left; after whom followed other Colonels, Captains, and Lieute∣nants with their Companies; who at their first meeting with the Citizens, more than a mile out of the City, in token of their mutual Joy, gave together such joyful acclamations and outcries, as that the Heavens seemed to resound, and the Earth to shake with the noise thereof. Before the King, at his coming unto the City, went a long Com∣pany of the notable Turks Captives; and next before him, Carambey, bound in Chains; upon whom all mens Eyes were fixed. With them were also carried the Enemies Ensigns, and such Spoils as had been saved. Behind the King came Huniades in a triumphant Robe, in the midst be∣twixt the Legate on the right Hand, and the Despot on the left, as he that next unto the King had best deserved the Honour of the Tri∣umph. Next unto them followed the devout Christians, that for the Zeal of Religion had most honourably of their own Charges voluntarily ser∣ved in those Wars; and on both sides of them the Civil Magistrates and best of the Citizens; be∣hind them came the rest of the Legions, and about them both upon the right Hand and the left, the promiscuous common People, doubling and re∣doubling the Praises of the King, and Huniades. Before all these went the Prelates and Priests in solemn Procession, singing Hymns and Psalms of Thanksgiving unto Almighty God. Uladislaus coming to the Gate of the City, acknowledging God to have been the Author of so great a Victory, alighting from his Horse, on foot went first unto the Cathedral Church of our Lady; and there giving most hearty Thanks unto Al∣mighty God, hanged up the Enemies Ensigns, and part of the Spoil, in perpetual remembrance of so notable a Victory; which he afterward caused to be most lively depainted in a fair Table of most curious work, and there in the same Church to be hanged up; as were also the Arms of all the notable Christians that served in that most famous Expedition, which there long time after remained. Which Solemnities ended, he

went to his Palace in his Castle, and there having given to every man, but especially to Huniades, his due Commendation, gave them leave to depart. Thus the Hungarians, with whom also the Polonians in most part agree, report of this notable Expedition of their King Uladislaus; howbeit the Turks (notable dissemblers of their own Losses) confessing the great Overthrow, call the Bassa so overthrown, not by the name of Carambey, but of Cassanes; and the noble Prisoner that was taken, by the name of Mechmet Beg, Sanzack of Ancyra, Amurath his Son in law, and Brother to Cali-Bassa, Amurath his great Coun∣sellor, of some called Carambey after the name of his Father.

Out of this late slaughter of the Turks, where Carambey was taken, scaped that valiant Prince and famous Warrior George Castriot (of the Turks called Scanderbeg) as is before declared; whose noble mind had long time desired to break out of the golden Fetters of the Turkish Thraldom, and to be revenged of the intollerable Injury by Amurath done to his Country, his Parents, his Brethren, and himself. Although he had al∣ways most warily dissembled the same,* 1.43 for fear of the old Tyrant; being oftentimes solicited and animated thereunto by secret Letters and Messengers from his Friends in Epirus, knowing right well that the least fortune thereof had been unto him present death. But finding no fit means for the accomplishment thereof, wisely dissembled the same, with all the shews of Love and Loyalty to Amurath that might be; until that now in this great Overthrow of the Turks Army, under the leading of Carambey, and in so great a con∣fusion, he took occasion to put in practice what he had long before in his deep conceit plotted, for the delivery both of himself and his Country from the Turkish Bondage and Slavery. At which time Scanderbeg (for so from henceforth we call him) having a little before imparted the matter unto some of his trusty Friends and Country-men, no less desirous of liberty than him∣self, but especially unto his Nephew Amesa, the Son of his Brother Reposius, a young man of great courage (in great confusion of the Turkish Army, when every man was glad to shift for himself) had ever in his flight a vigilant eye upon the Bassaes Principal Secretary; whom accom∣panied with a few Turks, he with his Nephew Amesa, and other of his faithful Friends closely followed, as he fled from the slaughter; but when he had got the Secretary with his few Followers in place most convenient for his pur∣pose, he set upon the Turks and slew them every one; and carrying the Secretary away with him fast bound, when he had brought him whither he thought good, with great Threats compelled him (sore against his will) to write counterfeit Letters, as from the Bassa his Master, unto the Governor of Croia, commanding him in Amuraths name, Forthwith to deliver unto Scanderbeg, the new chosen Governor, the Charge of the City with the Garrison there; cunningly enterlacing many other things in the same Letters, whereby the matter might seem more probable. Which Letters so extorted, he presently slew the Secretary, and as many more of the Turks as came in his way, of purpose that his doings might be the longer kept from the knowledge of Amurath, who not hearing what was become of him, might reason∣ably conjecture that he was slain by the Hungari∣ans among the rest of the Turks.

Whilst the fame of this great Overthrow is going to Hadrianople, and there filleth the Turks Court with sorrow and heaviness, in the mean time Scanderbeg having with him three thousand Epirot Souldiers which followed him out of the battel, as men desirous rather to fight for the li∣berty of themselves and of their Country, than in the quarrel of the Turk, was with incredible celerity come into the upper Country of Dibra, in the Borders of Epirus, about seventy miles from Croia; into which Country he was most joyfully received, where he stayed but one day, and chose a few of those three hundred which he brought with him, to wait upon him when he went to Croia, as if they had been his domesti∣cal Servants; the rest, with other three hundred lusty Souldiers, which were then come unto him out of Dibra, he appointed to be led by secret by-ways through the Woods and Mountains by perfect Guids, until they came so nigh Croia as was possible for them to come, unperceived; and there to stay until he might find opportunity to convey them into the City to oppress the Turkish Garrison. So he with a small Company of his Followers, as if they had been his private Reti∣nue, took the way towards Croia. But when he began to draw near to the City, he sent Amesa before with two Servitors attending upon him, as if he had been his Secretary, to certifie the Governor of his coming. This young Gentle∣man, as he was of a most sharp wit, and well spoken, so had he framed his Countenance and Attire, that he seemed to be a natural Turk; who assoon as he was come into the City, he went unto the Governor, whom after he had saluted according to the Turkish manner, he delivered his Message as from Scanderbeg, his Master, with so good Grace, and words so well placed, that all he said was verily believed for truth. But when Scanderbeg himself came, and had delivered the great Commanders Letters, the Governor made no further question of the matter, but presently delivered unto him the Government of the City, and the next day departed out of Croia with all his Houshold towards Hadrianople. Scanderbeg having by this policy got the Government of the chief City of Epirus, the night following found means in the dead time of the night, to receive into the City the Souldiers of Dibra, who were by this time come, according as he had before ap∣pointed; most part of them he placed in most convenient places of the City, and for the speedy suppression of the Turkish Garrison, he with the rest, first set upon the Turks which kept the Watch upon the Wall, and slew them; and af∣terwards breaking into their private houses, slew many of them in their Beds; the Christian Citi∣zens also taking up Arms at the same time, helped to increase the slaughter of the Turks, so that in the space of a few hours, there was none of the Turkish Garrison left alive, except some few, which were content to forsake their Mahometan Superstition, and to become Christi∣ans. Many of the Turks might so have saved their lives, and would not, chusing rather to die, and (as it is reported) also to kill themselves, than to forsake their damnable Superstition; so small is the regard of life unto resolute Minds, in what quarrel soever.

The City of Croia being thus happily by Sca••∣derbeg recovered, wherein appeared both the greatest difficulty, and hope of his good or bad Success in so great an Attempt, he presently sent Amesa back again into Dibra, and other speedy Messengers likewise into all the parts of Epirus, to disperse the News, and to stir up the people to take up Arms for the recovery of their lost Liberty; but flying Fame, the speedy Post, had prevented the Messengers by him sent, and al∣ready filled every corner of Epirus with report of Scanderbeg his coming, and of all that was

done at Croia. And the oppressed Epirots which had long wished to see that happy day, were now up in Arms in every place, wanting nothing but Leaders, whose coming although they great∣ly desired, yet they stayed not thereupon, but running together by heaps (as the manner of the common people is in all great Tumults) they set upon the Turks Garrisons which lay abroad in the Country, and slew most part of them; whereby it came to pass, that no Turk could stir in the Country, but that he was snatched up and slain, so that in few days there was not a Turk to be found in Epirus, but such as lay in Gar∣risons in strong Towns. In this fury of the peo∣ple, the Governor of Croia, with all his Retinue, was by the Country people by the way as he went, set upon and slain, and all his Goods taken as a Prey.

When Scanderbeg had thus recovered Croia, and scoured the Countrey, yet to remove the Garri∣sons, which Amurath had put in every strong City, was thought to be a matter of great im∣portance, and more difficulty. For which pur∣pose he commanded those whom he had ap∣pointed for Captains, speedily to repair unto Croia with all the Power they could make. At which time also, divers Noblemen his nigh Kins∣men, resorted to him with their Followers; so that within a few days, he had together at Croia twelve thousand Souldiers well appointed. With this Army he marched from Croia to Petrella, a strong City 25 miles distant from Croia,* 1.44 and encamped before it. This City is strongly situate upon the top of a steep rocky Mountain, as all the rest of the Cities of Epirus be, and was by the Turks well furnished with Men, Munition, and other things needful; yet Scanderbeg was in good hope that the Turkish Garrison there, ter∣rified with the fortune of the Garrison of Croia, and the slaughter of the Turks in the Country round about, would be glad to hearken unto reasonable Conditions. Which to make proof of, assoon as he was encamped, he sent one of those Souldiers which had followed him out of Hungary (a faithful and wise Fellow) unto Pe∣trella, to offer unto the Souldiers, That if they would yield up the City, it should be at their choice, either to continue in Service with Scan∣derbeg, with whom they should find most boun∣tiful Entertainment, or else to depart in safety with Bag and Baggage at their pleasure, with an honourable Reward to be divided among them. The subtil Messenger coming thither, and framing his Tale according to the present occa∣sion, and necessity of the time, first declared unto them, how that Amurath of late vanquished by the Hungarians in a great Battel, and looking every day to be set upon by divers other Christian Princes, was so busied that he had no leisure to look into Epirus, or to send them any Relief; after that, he in the name of Scanderbeg offered them the Conditions before rehearsed, setting the same forth with many great words; willing them oftentimes by the way, to consider the dreadful misery that but the other day befel to the Garrison at Croia, and other their Fellows abroad in the Country, whose dead bodies as then lay in every Corner of Epirus for a prey to the hungry Dogs and greedy Wolves; which thing was easily believed of them of the Garrison, for that divers of the Turks lately fled out of the Country into the City, had themselves seen the same to be true. The Governor having a little considered of the matter, was content to give up the City, upon condition that he with the Soul∣diers might in safety depart with such things as they had; not covenanting upon any further Re∣ward, because it should not be said that he had sold the City. Which when Scanderbeg had faith∣fully promised to perform, The Turkish Governor coming forth with all his Garrison,* 1.45 yielded up the City; and Scanderbeg mindful of his promise, gave unto them both Meat and Money, and sent them with a sufficient Convoy of Horsemen in safety out of Epirus.

When Scanderbeg had thus gained Petrella, he placed therein a convenient Garrison, and set all things in order as he thought good; but suffered none to enter into the City, more than the ap∣pointed Garrison, although it was then very cold and frosty Weather. This done, he presently raised his Camp, and following his good fortune, marched towards Petra-Alba in such hast, as if the City had been running away from him; well knowing, that though Time be evermore precious, yet never more than in martial affairs, wherein the least moment is oftentimes of such power as to effect or frustrate mens greatest de∣signs. Petra-Alba is a City in the Country of Aemathia, distant from Petrella three miles, strong∣ly situate upon the top of a Mountain, near unto the River Aemathus. Scanderbeg had scarcely well encamped himself before this City, but that the Governor thereof, terrified with the fortune of Croia, and Petrella,* 1.46 offered to deliver up the City, on the same Conditions that were granted at Petrella; which being agreed upon, the City was forthwith delivered, and the Conditions by Scan∣derbeg faithfully performed.

Petra-Alba being thus taken, and all things set in order, Scanderbeg carried with the course of his Victory, without delay came to Stellusa, which is also a strong City of Aemathia, fifty miles distant from Croia, pleasantly (as it were of pur∣pose) built upon the top of an high Hill, standing in the midst of a pleasant and fruitful▪ Valley, with great Plains round about it. There Scander∣beg encamped a little before the going down of the Sun, and rested that night. In the morning he sent a Messenger to the City, with like condi∣tions as were accepted at Petrella and Petra-Alba; which most part of the Garrison-Souldiers of the Turks would gladly have accepted, but that Des∣drot the Governor of the City, with some few others earnestly withstood the rest; whereupon a great Contention arose amongst the Garrison Souldiers.* 1.47 But the greater part desirous to yield up the City, when they could by no means per∣swade the Governor and those few which took his part, to yield to their desires, they violently set upon him, and delivered him with the rest to Scanderbeg, fast bound, and so yielded up the City. For which Fact, fearing to return to Amu∣rath, some of them remained with Scanderbeg, and afterwards became Christians; the rest were either honestly provided for, or else well reward∣ed and suffered to depart whether they would. All the other weaker places of Epirus wherein any of the Turkish Garrisons lay, hearing that the strongest Cities were already delivered unto Scanderbeg, in short time yielded themselves upon like conditions; only Sfetigrade (otherwise called the holy City) remained in the possession of the Turks; which City is placed in the upper Coun∣try of Dibra, in the Frontiers of Epirus, upon the top of an high and steep Hill, as if it were an Eagles nest. Unto this City came Scanderbeg with all his Army; and having placed his Tents, he began first to assay if he could gain it by Com∣position, as he had done the rest; and the ra∣ther to move them by the examples of others, he caused his Embassadors to declare unto them all that had happened at Croia, Petrella, Petra-Alba, and Stellusa, specially how he had used the Gar∣rison

of Stellusa, which yielded unto him, with all bounty and courtesie; and how that on the contrary part he had the Governor in bands, with all his wilful Partakers, whom they should presently see executed before their faces, if they forthwith delivered not the City. This Message troubled the minds of all the Garrison, but espe∣cially of the Governor; seeing before his eyes in the woful example of another man; what might by and by happen unto himself. Wherefore fearing to deliver his own opinion, and to give answer unto the Embassador, for offending the incon∣stant multitude and unknown minds of the peo∣ple, he first entertained the Embassadors honour∣ably, and afterwards turning himself unto the Citizens and Souldiers, said unto them, Worthy men and most faithful Souldiers, what is your plea∣sure, or what shall we answer to these our Enemies de∣mands? Then one of the Souldiers that stood by (a rough bold spirited Fellow) unwilling for his own part to give up the City, and deeming the Governor to be of the same mind, in that he had termed them worthy and faithful, and Scanderbeg by the name of the Enemy, drawing out his Sword, and with his right hand shaking it on high, answered:

* 1.48Most valiant Governor, this same and the like, shall make answer for us. Nothing was to less purpose, than with premeditated words to seek to terrifie vali∣ant minds, first with the divers Fortune of Croia, and then of Stellusa; for as the faces and counte∣nances of men are divers, so also are their minds and dispositions. Every man wisely directeth his own actions, according to his own proper humor, and by the same plays the Fool or Bedlam. We prescribe no Laws to them of Petrella, nor to them of Stellusa, neither let them prescribe any unto us. Let never so base ex∣amples of cowardly Slaves ever enter into the thoughts of couragious men; brave minds disdain to imitate other men in their honest Actions, much less in their Cowardise; And why? for every man liveth after his own fashion. Wherefore let Scanderbeg proceed, let him kill the Governor of Stellusa before our faces, let him sacrifice our fellow Souldiers, do you therefore think that we shall die in their Bodies? shall our living spirits be there extinguished? shall our blood there be spilt? But O happy Bodies, O ghosts of men ever to be revenced, which in worthy defence of your Liberty and Faith have indifferently contemned Gold, Silver, Death, and Torture, and whatsoever else miser∣able Worldlings hold dear or dismal! Wherefore carry thou back again unto thy Master this Answer from a Common Souldier, If he seek to impose these conditions upon us, let him once more bare that arm of his, which men of courage fear not so much as he thinketh. He may peradventure inforce us to these conditions of his, if God forsake us; but assuredly perswade us unto them, shall he never. And yet for all that, your Master Scanderbeg is not the man we have long since heard him reported to be, of an honourable mind, easie to forgive, and such a one as will indifferently judge betwixt the Enemy and himself; for why then doth he hold in bonds the Governor of Stellusa, for that he freely, justly, and honourably stood in defence of his King, his Faith and Liberty? Why doth he threaten him with death, whereas he hath not deserved the same, although he hath resolutely offered himself thereunto for defence of his liberty?

All they which were present, listned with great attention to the Souldiers Speech, neither was he interrupted by any, until he had said what he would. Then the Souldiers thronging about him, and beating their Swords and Targets toge∣ther, withall gave a great shout, in token that they all approved his Speech for answer. So the Governor encouraged with the chearfulness of his Souldiers, returned the Embassador with∣out other Answer than that of the Common Souldiers, and presently appointed every man to his Charge, and with great carefulness ordered all things for the better defence of the City. But when Scanderbeg had heard the Answer that was sent him from the City, delivered by the mouth of a Common Souldier, he smiled thereat, and said, He is undoubtedly a valiant Souldier,* 1.49 if his Deeds be answerable to his Speeches; but if my force fail me not, I will make him happy amongst the happy ghosts of them of Stellusa; and by and by commanded the Governor of Stellusa, with the other Captives, to be brought before him, and there caused some of them which were content voluntarily to forsake their Mahometan Superstition, to be presently baptized, to the great grief of the other Turks. Desdrot the Governor with the rest, to the terrour of the Defendants,* 1.50 were in their sight put to death; whereupon the Garrison-Souldiers with great Indignation gave a shout from the Wall, and bitterly railed upon the Christians.

Scanderbeg considering the strength of the City, with the time of the year, unfit for Souldiers to keep the Field, for Winter was now grown on, left Moses Golemus, a most valiant Captain with a Garrison of three thousand Souldie••s, to keep in the Turks Garrison at Sfetigrade, and to defend the Borders of Epirus, until he might at more convenient time himself return again to the Siege; and so with the rest of his Army re∣paired to Croia, when he had in the space of little more than one month, to his immortal Praise, recovered his Kingdom, and driven the Turks out of every corner of Epirus, excepting only Sfetigrade; which City also not long after was by composition delivered unto him. During all this time, from his first coming into Epirus, he never slept above two hours in a night, but with restless labour prosecuted his affairs. He ever fought against the Turks with his Arm bare, and that with such fierceness, that the blood did often∣times burst out of his lips. It is written, that he with his own hand slew three thousand Turks in the time of his Wars against them. But of his great and worthy Victories obtained against the two mighty Turkish Kings, Amurath, and Mahomet his Son, more shall be said hereafter in due time and place.

After that Scanderbeg had thus by great force and policy wrung his Inheritance out of Amuraths hands,* 1.51 and scoured the Turks out of every cor∣ner of Epirus; he proceeded further, and over∣ran part of Macedonia, making sundry Incursions into the heart of that Country, being then in the Turks possession; whereby he so enriched his Souldiers, that they desired of him no better pay. Which was so usual a thing with this restless Prince, as that it began to grow into a Proverb in most Princes Courts, That the spoil of Amurath his Dominions, was Scanderbegs Revenues. Com∣plaint hereof came daily to Amuraths Court, which the crafty aged Sire (being then troubled with the Hungarian Wars) seemed at the first to make no great account of, but as of that he could easily at his pleasure remedy; although he was therewith inwardly grieved at the heart. But when the certain report of one mischief as it were in the neck of another, continually sounded in his ears,* 1.52 and that he saw no end to be expected of these miseries, he sent Alis Bassa, one of his greatest men of War, with an Army of forty thousand select Souldiers, at once to subdue the Country of Epirus, and to bring it again under his Obeisance. The setting forth of this great

Army, under the Conduct of so famous a Cap∣tain, replenished the minds of the Turks with such an assured hope of Victory, that a man would have thought Scanderbeg had been already taken, and now brought to execution; yea the Common Souldiers before their setting forth, were oftentimes at vain contention for the divi∣sion of the spoil they were never like to have: So ready are men to promise Wonders to themselves, whilst they confer but with their own desires. And on the other side, Fame, the forerunner of great at∣tempts, had filled all the small Country of Epi∣rus, with great terror and fear of Alis Bassaes coming. The Country-men with their Familes fled into the strong Cities, and the Citizens within their Walls fell to fortifying the same, and kept continual Watch and Ward, as if the Ene∣my had even then lien fast by them; the aged Men and Women commended themselves and all theirs first to God by prayers, and then to the courage of the lusty Souldiers with tears, as in case of extream peril and danger. Only Scan∣derbeg was nothing moved either with the terri∣ble report of the Bassaes coming, or the vain fear of his Subjects; but always kept the same chearfulness both of countenance and speech, as he was wont, being well acquainted with the tumult of the Turkish Wars, and having (as was supposed) certain Intelligence before from his secret Friends in the Turks Court, of all Amu∣raths designs. So that having set all things in or∣der for the safety of his Country, he began to levy an Army at Croia; at which time most part of his Subjects of Epirus, which were able to bear Arms, repaired unto him; the Confederate Chri∣stian Princes also, his Neighbours, and for most part his Kinsmen, sent to him great Supplies; beside other devout and War-like minded Christi∣ans, which voluntarily resorted unto him from far, in great numbers. Out of which multitude of people he chose only 8000 Horsemen and seven thousand Foot, when as he might have raised a far greater Army; and placing some few in Garrisons in the frontier Cities where he thought most convenient, all the rest he sent home again to their dwellings. At which his confidence, his Friends, yea and his Enemies also much marvelled, that when he might have had so many, he would take the field with so few; with which small Army of fifteen thousand, he marched from Croia, fourscore miles to Dibra; where hearing by his Espials, of the approach of his Enemies, after he had with chearful Speech encouraged his Souldiers, he encamped with his Army in the lower Country of Dibra, near unto a Wood side, right in the way where the Bassa must needs pass. In which Wood, he placed Gnee Musachee, and Amesa in ambush with three thousand men; commanding them to stand close, until they saw he had throughly joyned battel with the Bassa, and then with all their Force to break forth upon his rereward. The Bassa marching forward, came and encamped near unto Scanderbeg, a little before the going down of the Sun, and there rested that night, making great shew of mirth and joy, with great fires in every corner of the Camp, as the Turkish manner of encamping is. Whereas in Scander∣begs Camp, all things were silent, and no shew of any fire at all; for so Scanderbeg had command∣ed; which made the Turks the more careless, deeming thereby the Christians as good as al∣ready discouraged. The next morning Scander∣beg ranged his Army in order of battel, placing Tanusius in the left Wing, with fifteen hundred Horsemen, and as many Foot; and Moses in the right with like number; and leading the main battel himself, the rereward was committed to Uranacontes a man renowned in those days, both for his gravity in Counsel, and for his valour in Arms, fit to command or be commanded; but afterwards, amongst the rest most famous, for the worthy defending of Croia against Amurath, being then there himself in Person. Alis Bassa contemning the small number of Scanderbergs Army, seeing nothing therein to be feared more than the good order thereof, gave the first charge with a small Troop of Horsemen; who at the first encounter retired, as if they had fled, of purpose that the Christians hastily pursuing their untimely hope, might disorder their battel, and so give occasion to their own overthrow.* 1.53 But by the commandment of Scanderbeg (who easily perceived the Bassaes meaning) their dangerous forwardness was warily wayed, and all with his safe∣ty kept in good order. So both Armies coming on, the Wings began the battel afresh, and Scan∣derbeg with great courage bringing on his main Battel in the face of the Bassa, valiantly charged him. But by that time that the Battels were throughly joyned, Musachee and Amesa suddenly issued out of the Wood, and fiercely set upon the rereward of the Turks Army, where they made great slaughter, and forced many of the Turks for fear to fly. Thus was the Bassaes great Army driven to fight both before and behind, being hardly beset and laid unto with a small number. The Bassa had placed his best Souldi∣ers nearest unto himself in the main Battel, as his most assured strength and last refuge; these valiant men stood fast, and renewed the battel, before almost lost. And here Scanderbegs fortune was even at a stand; until that the well ad∣vised and valiant Captain Uranacontes having received the wearied Souldiers into the rereward, and setting all things there in safety, accompa∣nied with certain Troops of fresh Souldiers which he brought out of the rereward, brake through the Bassaes Army with such slaughter of the Turks, that he made way for Scanderbeg and all the rest of his Army.* 1.54 The Turks discomfited with the invincible courage of these old▪ Souldi∣ers, and the slaughter of their Fellows, which lay by heaps wallowing in their own blood, be∣took themselves to flight; whom the Christians fiercely pursued, and slew of them two and twenty thousand; at which time were also two thousand others taken Prisoners, with four and twenty of the Turks Ensigns; whereas of the Christians were slain not past an hundred and twenty. The Enemies Tents with all their Car∣riages, were at the same time taken also. After this great Victory, when Scanderbeg had made all his seven thousand Footmen, Horsemen, by giving unto them the Horses of the slain Turks, he brake into the Enemies Country, and entred far into Macedonia, where he filled the desires of his Soul∣diers with the wealth and spoil thereof, sparing nothing that Fire and Sword could devour; and so with Victory returned to Croia, where he was of his Subjects joyfully received. Alis Bassa with the remainder of his discomfited Army, return∣ed to Hadrianople, and there by Amurath was hardly charged of cowardise and want of discret∣ion, for that he had lost so puissant an Army ••o so weak an Enemy. Whereof when he had cleared himself by the modest rehearsal of his former Victories, and the testimony of all the other Captains present with him in that battel, he was pardoned, and so again received into favour, and that great Overthrow imputed to the chance of War.

Amurath having received two so great Over∣throws,* 1.55 first from Huniades and the Hungarians,

and now from Scanderbeg, and seeing himself else∣where beset with so many Mischiefs, as that he could not tell which way to turn himself; tor∣mented with Despair, and desire of Revenge, whereof he saw small possibility, fell into such a Melancholy Passion, that overcome with the dark conceits thereof, he was about to have be∣come the bloody Executioner of himself,* 1.56 had not Caly Bassa by his grave advice comforted up his dying spirits; by whose perswasion (contrary to his haughty nature) he yielded by his Em∣bassadors sent for the same purpose, to desire Peace of Uladislaus King of Hungary; using the exiled Despot of Servia (his Father in law) then present with the King, as a mean therein. Who at the first gave small credit unto the Embassadors, or unto such things as they told him, until that at length better perswaded of the true meaning of the Turk, he so wrought the matter both with the King and the rest of the Nobility, and especially with Huniades, that there was an honourable Peace concluded. The Capi∣tulations whereof were,* 1.57 first, That Amurath with∣drawing all his Forces and Garrisons, should clearly depart out of Servia, and restore the fame unto the possession of George the Despot, the right Lord and Owner thereof; delivering also freely unto him his two Sons, Stephen and George, who bereft of their sight, he had long time kept in strait prison. Also, That from thenceforth he should make no Claim unto the Kingdom of Moldavia, nor to that part of Bul∣garia which he had in the last Wars lost. And finally, That he should not invade or molest the Hungarians, or any part of their Kingdom, during the whole time of that Peace; and to pay 40000 Ducats for the ransom of Carambey. Unto which hard conditions, when the Turkish Tyrant had full sore against his will condescended, a Peace for ten years was forthwith on both parts con∣cluded, and the same by solemn Oath confirm∣ed; King Uladislaus taking his Oath upon the holy Evangelists, and Amurath (by his Embassadors) upon their Turkish Alcoran. This was the most honourable Peace that ever Christian Prince had before that time made with any of the Turkish Kings, and most profitable also, had it been with like sincerity kept, as it was with Solemnity confirmed.

* 1.58Amurath with this Peace delivered of his great∣est fear, converted all his Forces against the Ca∣ramanian King, in revenge of the Injuries by him done whilst he was occupied in the Hungarian Wars. This King of Caramania knowing him∣self unable to withstand so great an Enemy, durst neither meet him in the field, nor trust himself to the strength of any his Cities or strong Castles, but fled into the Mountains, there fortifying him∣self more sure than in any other his strong Holds. Amurath entring into Caramania, made great spoil in the Country as he went, and took great Booties. At last coming to Iconium, he laid hard siege to the same. The poor King seeing his Kingdom thus spoiled, and his chief City in danger to be lost, sent Embassadors, and with them his Wife also, which was Amuraths Sister, to intreat for Peace; offering to pay unto him yearly the double Tribute which he before paid, and for the Performance thereof to give his Son in Hostage. Upon which conditions Amurath granted him Peace, and so returned. In this War, Aladin, Amuraths eldest Son, died, to the great grief of his aged Father, being slain with a fall from his Horse as he was hunting.

Old Amurath throughly wearied with conti∣nual Wars and other Troubles incident unto rest∣less rooms, resolved now to retire himself to a more private and quiet kind of life; and there∣fore sent for his Son, Mahomet, being then but fifteen years old, to whom he voluntarily re∣signed his Kingdom, appointing Caly Bassa his Tutor, with one Chosroe a learned Doctor of their Law, to be his trusty Counsellors and chief Directors. And so taking with him Hamze-Beg one of his Noblemen in whom he took greatest pleasure, departed to Magnesia, and there as a man weary of the World, gave himself to a solitary and monastical kind of life, in the company of certain religious Turkish Monks, as they accounted of them.

Many great Kings and Princes, as well Maho∣metans as Christians, glad before of the Hungari∣an Victory, were now no less sorry to hear of the late concluded Peace betwixt King Uladislaus and the old Sultan Amurath; as being of opinion, that the prosecution of this War so happily be∣gun, would have been the utter ruine and de∣struction of the Turkish Kingdom. Wherefore they sought by all possible means to induce the young King Uladislaus to break the League he had so lately and so solemnly made with the Turk; especially Iohn Palaeologus the Emperor of Constantinople, did by Letters importune the King to remember the Confederation he had made with the other Christian Princes, for the maintenance of the Wars against the common Enemy of Christianity; which Princes were now prest, and ready (as he said) to assist him with their promised Aid; adding moreover, That whereas Amurath had divers times sought to joyn with him in Amity and Friendship, he had utterly rejected that Offer of Peace, prefe••ring the Universal profit (like to insue to all Christen∣dom by that Religious War) before his own pro∣per Security and Profit, being for his part in readiness to joyn his Forces with the Kings, if he would presently enter into Arms; which he could never do in better time than now, whilst Amurath, terrified with his late Overthrow, and still beset with doubtful War, had drawn his greatest Forces out of Europe into Asia, in such disordered hast, as that it should seem he rather fled for fear of his Enemies in Europe, than marched to incounter his Enemies in Asia, and now being weary of all, had betaken himself to a private kind of life. To conclude, he request∣ed the King, not to leave him and the other Christian Princes of small Power, as a Prey to the Turk, who would assuredly with all Hostility invade them, so soon as he thought himself safe from the danger of the Hungarians. At the same time also, and upon the departure of the Turks Embassadors, for the performance of such things as they had promised, Letters came from Francis the Cardinal of Florence, General of the Christian Fleet, declaring how that Amurath having left almost none in Europe, was with all the Power he could make, gone over into Asia against the Caramanian King, leaving a most fair occasion for the Christians, easily to recover whatsoever they had before lost in Europe; and that he was in good time come with his Fleet unto the Straits of Hellespontus, according to promise, and there lay ready to imbar the Turks passage back again out of Asia. Both these Letters being read in the Council, so much moved the King, with all the rest of the Nobility of Hungary there pre∣sent, as that they were never more sorry or ashamed for any thing they had done in their lives, than for the League so lately with Amu∣rath concluded; for why, they saw that all the Plot they had laid for their Immortal Glory, was now by this hasty Peace that they had made with the Turk, without the good liking

and ••nowledge of their Confederates, brought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ought, and that they had thereby most shame∣fully deceived the general expectation that the Christian Commonweal had conceived of them; and that they, of long time called the Protectors of the Christian Faith, the Defenders of true Re∣ligion, the Revengers of Christs name, and De∣liverers of the faithful Nations; should now be accounted the Breakers of the Christian League, men forgetful of their Confederation both with the Latines and the Greeks, Contemners of Im∣mortality, and Lovers of their own profit only. In this doubtfulness of mind whilst they stood yet thus wavering, Iulian the Cardinal and Le∣gate, always an Enemy to the Peace, and by reason of his place, a man in greatest Authority next to the King, took occasion to disswade the same as followeth:

* 1.59If any of you, right Worthy (said he) shall haply marvel that I should speak of breaking the League, and violating our Faith, let him first understand, That I at this present am to perswade you to nothing else but the faithful observing both of the one and the other; led with like repentance with you; repen∣tance, I say, not sorrow, when as I, as from a Watch-Tower foreseeing all these things which were decreed against my will, to sort also contrary to your expecta∣tion, am now for the duty of my Legation, and the zeal unto the Christian Religion, inforced with you to doubt; and so much the rather, for that at this pre∣sent the question is of the loss and hazard of all our Honours and Credit in common; which except we by common consent, and wonted valour, endeavour to amend, O how much is it to be feared, lest for shame neither may you go out of Hungary, or I return to Rome, where all things are with most deep judg∣ment censured. Consider, I pray you, into what mi∣series this hasty Resolution hath cast us. We have entred into League with the Turk, an Infidel, to vio∣late our Faith with the Christians, and to break the holy League before made with the great Bishop and the other Christian Princes our Confederates. And that for what, for what profit I say? Forsooth, that so we might again recover Servia, long before destroyed. Verily a small and woful profit, which may again in short time be cut off, and depriveth us of others far greater, and of much longer continuance. For, what can be more fond and inconsiderate, than in our Con∣sultations to have regard to our private profit only, and not to the Publick, without respect of Religion, Honesty, or Conscience? It is not demanded of you at this present, (Right Honourable) what you owe unto the perjured Turk; but you are by me Julian, the great Bishops and the Confederate Christian Princes Legate, and Agent, before the Tribunal Seat of your own Con∣sciences, accused of breach of Faith, breach of League, and breach of Promise; and thereof even by your own judgment, rather than by the judgment of God, or other men, I will condemn you. Answer me, you noble Worthies: After you had happily six months made Wars against the Turks in Bulgaria and the Borders of Thracia; and after that, triumphantly returning into Hungary, received you not honourable Embassages from almost all Italy, and from the great Emperor, with common rejoycing for your so glorious a Victory, and Exhortations to continue the War? We received them. Did not you in my presence, and I the Author thereof, willingly make a most holy League with the Italians and Greeks; That the one should with their Aid and Power meet you out of Thracia; and the other with a great Fleet should come into the Hellespontus? We made it. If you made it, why breaking this, made you another with the Turks? or by what right can you keep the same, being made? Wherefore if the last year you made a League with the great Bishop, (God his Vicar here on Earth) if you be men, if you be in your wits, if you be Christians, this second League is to be broken, lest you should vio∣late the first, and that a most Christian League; which except you do, I fear lest that as Judas be∣trayed Christ, so you may seem to betray his Vicar; or that God, whom hitherto you have always found present, propitious, and favourable, you shall hereafter find him angry, and an Enemy to your proceedings. And now I pray you tell me, What will you answer unto the Costantinopolitan Emperor; who accord∣ing to your appointment, hath now with the first taken the field, and in so great an opportunity expecteth but your coming? What will you answer the great Bishop? What the Venetians and Genoways, who have their great Fleet ready, as was appointed? What the Bur∣gundians, who for their zeal unto the Christian Faith and Religion, have long since passed the Ocean, and so by many dangers of the Sea now flote into the Hellespont? Devise (I pray you) if you can, some excuse and colour, that we may not seem altogether unlike our selves; if out of your hidden skill you can coin any thing, shew it. You promised with the first of the Spring, that you would be in the Field; and now your Souldiers both the Spring and Summer, play; so great and so wholsome occasion passing away, through your woful sloth and negligence. O the great blind∣ness of mens minds! O gross cowardise! O detestable League, made to the destruction of the Commonweal! Some man happily will blame me, and ask, why I suffered it with the rest? I was present, I must confess; but as much as in me was I intreated it might not be, I disliked it; and (as many of you here present can testifie) I utterly condemned it. I was overcome by the Wisdom and Authority of Huniades, and the compassion of the Despot, lest (unhappy man) he should by my Intercession seem longer to want his Kingdom; and lest any man should call me a Contemner or im∣pugner of your good; I full of sorrow, and unwilling∣ly, gave way; not ignorant, the health of the Christian Commonweal to be therein weakned, the hope of your Immortal Glory extinguished, and us all (by your leave may I say it) accounted Breakers both of Di∣vine and Humane Leagues, forsworn Men, and Tray∣tors unto all good Christians. Wherefore except before the report of our perfidiousness be further bruted, we de∣liver our selves from this Infamy, nothing can be greater, or more miserable, than our shame or villany. If we will so do, we may not so easily, as justly and religi∣ously do it: Having made restitution of Servia and the Captives, what remaineth else for you to do, (Noble Worthies) but to repair your Army, to prepare what so as is needful for War, and to keep your first League with the Christian Princes? And to say, That King Uladislaus, after his League made with the Greek and Latine Princes, could not without the con∣sent of these his Confederates and Allies (under whose good fortune that common War was undertaken) con∣clude any thing, especially with the Enemies of the Christian Religion? And that therefore, if any thing were agreed upon betwixt him and the Turk, it was frustrate, and the first League to be stood upon. Who is so partial an esteemer of mens actions, that would not easily judge, That in case Faith were given to both, it were rather to be kept with a Christian, than with a Turk; with a Believer, than with an Infidel? Against a perfideous Enemy it is lawful (as they say) for a man to use all cunning, force, and deceit, de∣luding craft with craft, and fraud with fraud. By craft the Turk first passed over into Europe, by little and little he crept into that Kingdom, he never kept Faith with any, he grew to this height rather by cunning than by strength; and are you become so blind, as to think it better to keep your Promise with the Turk, devoid of all Faith and Humanity, rather than with the faithful Christians, and especially the most holy Bishop? All great things are done by device and policy; the Romans our Ancestors uprightly and religiously

always kept their Leagues with their Confedetates, but deluded the deceitful with their cunning. Caesar was of opinion, that for Soveraignty the Law was some∣times to be broken. And Philip (the Father and Master of him that conquered Asia) oftentimes used cunning and deceit for the desire of Rule; yet were not these men called Traytors. It is sometime lawful for the Commonweal-sake, neither to stand to our Leagues, neither to keep our Faith with them that be themselves faithless. Lawful it is to break unlawful Oaths, and especially such as are thought to be against Right, Rea∣son, and Equity. Was it lawful for Diomedes, vow∣ing for to sacrifice unto the gods whomsoever he first met at his return into his Country, to kill his Son by that his Vow and Oath? Verily it was a great Impiety. Wherefore a just and lawful Oath is in the judgment of all men to be religiously kept; but such an Oath as tendeth not only unto private, but publique destruction, that ought to be vain and frustrate. Wherefore before our faithless dealing be further spread abroad, I be∣seech you, worthy men, and thee especially, most glori∣ous King, not in any point to violate your Faith, for the good of the Christian Commonweal, given unto the most holy Father and the other Christian Princes. The League you have made with the Greeks and the Latines, faithfully and religiously keep; the Expedi∣tion by common consent taken in hand, by the example of your Confederates, prosecute; the foundation of Im∣mortal Glory by you laid, build up. Deliver the Christi∣an Provinces, oppressed with the Turkish Servitude; satisfie the Hope conceived of you, and deceive not the expectation the World hath now conceived of you, than which, nothing can be more dishonourable; make no Conscience of the League you have made with the Infidel, but think it a great Impiety and Wickedness, to violate the holy League made with the great Bishop and the other Christian Princes; thinking, that if you should do otherwise, God (which he of his mercy forbid) would become of that your falsified Faith a most severe and sharp Revenger; and that you can do nothing more acceptable unto our Saviour Christ, or more glo∣rious to your selves, than to deliver the oppressed Christian Countries, from the cruel Slavery and Bon∣dage of the Turk. Suffer not this so fit an occasion to slip away, than which, a fitter can never be given. Europe is unfurnished of the Turks, busied in the Cara∣manian War; their return is imbarred by the Christi∣ans Fleet, now in the Sea of Hellespontus; you need but to go see, and as it were to take a view of Thra∣cia, Macedonia, Grecia, and Epirus, there is no Enemy there left to oppose himself against you. Where∣fore for God his Cause, I request you above all things to continue the Christian League, and with your happy and victorious Forces, to march forward into Mace∣donia and Thracia, as is before by you with the other Christian Princes your Confederates agreed.

In conclusion, having much spoken of the Au∣thority and Power of the great Bishop,* 1.60 he in his Name disannulled the League whatsoever, by the King made with the Turk; and absolved him, with the rest whom it might concern, from the Oath they had given, and the Promise they had made. Which so well contented both the King and the rest, that there was now no more questi∣on of the Oath, or of the lawfulness of the War, but a Decree made for the continuation of the League with the other Christian Princes their Confederates, and for the prosecution of the Wars against the Turks, as was with them be∣fore agreed; whom, they could now say, they were not to forsake, and to leave them as a Prey unto the Turk their greedy Enemy; now for no∣thing more in danger, than for that, at their re∣quest they had taken up Arms in their quarrel. Unto which unfortunate Decree, both the Despot and Huniades (the chief Authors of the late Peace betwixt the King and Amurath) easily consented; the Despot, induced with the great hope he had conceived of the good success of the War; and Huniades, with the desire of the Kingdom of Bulgaria, promised unto him by Uladislaus, and by fair Charter also (as some said) assured unto him.

Of this the Kings Resolution for the breach of the Peace with the Turks, notice was with all speed given unto the Constantinopolitan Empe∣ror, and Francis the Florentine Cardinal, then lying with a Fleet of seventy Gallies at the Straits of Hellespontus; for fear lest they hearing of the former concluded Peace, should alter also, or else quite desist from their former purposes. In the mean time, whilst these things were yet in plotting, the Turk ignorant hereof, according to his promise had withdrawn all his Garrisons out of Servia, and other places before agreed upon in the late concluded Peace, restoring the same unto the Despot and others the lawful Owners, although it was not done at the very prefixed day at which it should have been done. In which time also he set at liberty great num∣bers of Captives, and amongst the rest, the two blind Sons of the Prince of Servia; faithfully performing whatsoever he had before upon his Religion promised in the League with the Chri∣stians before concluded, so desirous he was of Peace with the Hungarians. Howbeit Uladislaus, by the Counsel of Huniades, detained to his own use certain of the strong Holds in Servia; for which cause, George the Despot ever afterwards bore a secret grudge against Huniades.

Now as King Uladislaus (having by the per∣swasion of Iulian the Cardinal, renounced the League betwixt him and Amurath) was preparing his Forces, the fame of the Epirot Prince Scan∣derbeg was also (by the recovery of his Fathers Kingdom of Epirus out of the Turks hands, and by the late Overthrow of Alis Bassa) grown great, every one speaking of him honour and praise. Wherewith Uladislaus moved, and rea∣sonably perswaded what a furtherance it would be unto his haughty designs (aiming at no less than the utter overthrow of the Turks Kingdom in Europe) if he might unto his own great pre∣parations joyn also the strength of that so for∣tunate a Prince, by the consent of his Nobility, with all speed dispatched away his Embassadors with Letters unto him, certifying him of his honourable purpose for the rooting out of ••he Turks; and in that common cause praying his Aid against such a dangerous and dreadful enemy. The purport whereof here followeth:

Vladislaus King of Hungary and Polonia, unto the noble Scanderbeg Prince of Epirus, greeting.

IT may be that some good hap hath deferred this our late Congratulation until this present,* 2.1 to the in∣tent we might at this time, together with you, re∣joyce in the double success of your Prosperity; first, for the happy recovery of your Estate; and then, for that the same hath by your wisdom and valour, of late been so notably defended. Wherefore in this we re∣joyce, not only in your behalf, but in the behalf of all good Christians, that it hath pleased God of his good∣ness, by your valour to have given so great an in∣crease and comfort unto the Christian Commonwealth; for as much as amongst others our great Evils, the loss of the Albanian people hath not been to be ac∣counted the least, at such time as John Castriot, a worthy Prince, your Father, oppressed by Amurath, and by the ungrateful Destinies taken out of this world,

had neither the means to leave unto you his Kingdom and Scepter, (as unto his Son, then living in his Enemies Power) either was able yet otherwise to pro∣vide for his Affairs. And would to God this your Father, most happy in such a Son, might have till now lived; whose felicity had in that surmounted all others, if he might have seen you before his death. For as you seem unto me above all other Princes in the World (without offence be it said) most accom∣plished with all the good Graces and Perfections both of body and mind; so are you indowed also with a certain divine and wonderful Fortune; under the good Conduct whereof, not only the whole Kingdom of Epirus may think it self in security, but all the rest of the other Nations also, lately by the detestable fraud and violence of the Othoman Kings dismem∣bred from the Realm of Macedon, may also reco∣ver the former bea••ty of their ancient Laws and Liberties. For (to say nothing of those things which even from your Childhood having continually made you envied, have her••tofore purchased unto you an im∣mortal Fame and Glory even amongst the Barbari∣ans themselves) what can be more glorious than this Victory which (as we have heard, and believe) you, to your singular admiration, have obtained, by the over∣throw and u••ter discomfiture of Alis Bassa, with his so great and mighty a Power? But now O Scan∣derbeg (God so appointing it, who in his deep and secret Wisdom hath reserved you unto these so dan∣gerous times, for the Publique Good, and Comfort of the Christian Commonweal) there offers it self unto you an object of far greater Glory, with a fair and fit occasion for you to revenge your self of all the Wr••ngs and Injuries both new and old, by Amurath the Turkish Sultan done, not in private to the per∣son of your self only, but unto the whole State and Kingdom of Epirus also; and not the domestical and civil Miseries of your own Country only, but the Publique Calamities also, and those approbrious Dis∣graces done against the Christian Faith and Religion in general, now oppressed (I will not say extinguished;) and that is, if you with your victorious Forces will succ••ur us in this extremity of our Affairs, not yet altogether desperate. Hereunto do all the Princes of Hungary and Polonia, and all other men of cou∣rage invite you, Julian the Cardinal of S. Angel intreateth you; with all those devout and couragious Christians, which long since here with us, and ready in Arms, with for nothing more than the presence of your Victorious Ensigns. Which so fair an occa∣sion (by God himself now offered) if you refuse not, will in all mens judgment be a sure mean to van∣quish and overthrow our Common Enemy the Turk, and to drive him quite out of Europe, wrongfully by him of so long time possessed. I need not therefore (as I suppose) to use any kind of perswasion unto you in this Cause and Quarrel, the defence whereof doth purchase unto us health, light, and liberty; but be∣ing neglec••ed, I fear and abhor to forbode what may ••nsue thereof. We Christians have been too too flack and backward in helping one another; the flame hath now well near consumed us all, whilst no man thought it would have come near himself. What do we see ••f the Greek Empire? What of the Bulgarians and Servians? yea, mine own Losses, and many Calami∣ties already, and yet also to be endured, who is able to recount? The brave and most valiant Princes, the ••urest Bulwarks and Defences of the Kingdom of Hungary, from time to time lost; and the puissant Armies with one and the same fatal chance of War consumed and brought to nothing, who is able to reckon up? Insomuch that there is no House, Wife, nor Matron, in all Hungary, which is not in some measure partaker of this heaviness. All this do the Christian Princes hear of, and yet the miserable estate and condition of their Allies can nothing move any one of them, but suffer us thus as a Sacrifice for the rest, to be on all parts exposed to the rage and fury of the common and merciless Enemy. Only Eugenius the most holy Bishop of Rome, and Philip Duke of Burgundy, have not refused to bear a part of the burthen of this our afflicted Fortune; the one hath sent hither his Legate Julian the Cardinal, with notable and puissant Succours; and the other with his Fleet at Sea, and come as far as Hellespontus, so much as in him lieth, doth notably hinder the Turks passage into Europe. And one other hope there is, not now far from us, and that is your help, whereof we are so desirous; which we require of you, moved there∣unto partly by your valour so well known, and partly in regard of the imminent peril and common danger of us all. And albeit we are not ignorant, how evil you may be at leisure to take such an Expedition in hand, for the late troubled estate of your Affairs, and your new recovered Kingdom, as yet scarcely well esta∣blished; yet notwithstanding, let it not with-hold you, or keep you back; assuring you, that as this Expedition cannot be but unto you most honourable, even so this your present desert shall not be bestowed upon ungrate∣ful and thankless men; but that which you shall now first begin and undertake for our Preservation and Dignity, we will from henceforth and ever continue for your glory, and for the increase of your greatness. Fare you well. From our Regal City of Buda the fourth of Iuly, 1444.

Of this the Kings motion Scanderbeg liking well, and thinking it far better now in so fit a time, with his own Forces joyned unto the Hun∣garians his Friends, throughly to busie Amurath, than in short time after, himself alone to sustain his whole Power; by the general consent of the Albanian Princes his Confederates and Allies; yielded unto his request; in liberal terms promi∣sing him by his Letters, in good time to be present with him with thirty thousand good Souldiers. The Copy of which Letters I thought it not amiss here to set down also.

Scanderbeg Prince of the Epirots, unto Vla∣dislaus King of Hungary and Polonia, greeting.

YOur Letters, most invincible King,* 3.1 I have with like joy and contentment received; which I in the General Assembly of my Chieftanes having caused publiquely to be read, there was not any one of them which was not of opinion, but that so just an occa∣sion of War by you offered, was forthwith to be joy∣fully on our behalf also embraced. And so every man doth both publickly and privately affirm, That nothing could have hapned unto them more accepta∣ble from God, than that they might by some notable Service testifie their grateful Minds, and bind unto them so excellent a Prince; as also to give so fit Suc∣cours unto the Christian Commonweal. In which for∣wardness of my people I my self took great content∣ment and pleasure, both in regard of your self, and in the behalf of the Publick and Common Cause; seeing my men of War, and all other my Subjects, of what state or degree soever (without any perswa∣sion used on my part) to be so chearfully and coura∣giously minded in defence of the Faith, and of the Christian Religion; and so well affectioned towards your most Royal Majesty. And to say the truth, Who is he (if he be not hateful unto God and man) albei•• there were no question of Religion, or of the common danger, that would refuse so just and lawful a War? for such a King, as unto whom alone we may and ought to attribute, That we Christians do not only reign, but even live, breath, and enjoy the liberty of our Speech. Who would not willingly take up Arms, and adventure himself into most manifest

and certain danger for the People of Hungary; by whom in all Ages the Christian Common-weal hath with their so many Travels, and so much of their Blood, been so mightily supported and defended? who even from the very cradle have been continual Ene∣mies unto our Enemies, and have as it were even vowed themselves for the Honour of the Christian Religion and Name. Would God (most mighty and redoubted Uladislaus) it had been in my power to have brought unto you such Forces to this honourable War, as were answerable to my Courage and Desire; then happily Europe should not longer lie in this ig∣nominious Estate, oppressed by Amurath; neither should the Fields of Varna or Basilia so often smoke with the Blood of the Hungarians; nor every Cor∣ner of Macedonia with the Blood of the Epirots; both Nations being as it were become the Expiatorie Sa∣crifices of others Sins and Offences; we all now by turns perish, whilst every man thinketh himself born but for himself alone. But why do I unto my self pour forth these vain Complaints? Truly, it neither repenteth me of my Forces, neither (as I suppose, if it shall please God that our Forces may once meet and joyn together in so happy a War) shall the Christian Common-weal have any cause to sorrow or be agrieved with the issue and event of our Fortune. For unto those fifteen thousand good Souldiers which lately dis∣comfited Alis Bassa on the Borders of Macedonia, my purpose is to joyn as many more unto them; with all which Strength as soon as conveniently they may, I will begin to set forward, ready to follow your En∣signs to all Events whatsoever. And so fare you well, From Croia the third of August, 1444.

These Letters being dispatched away unto the King, Scanderbeg forthwith began to levy his Forces. And first of all he caused with new Supplies to be made strong, all those Compa∣nies wherewith he had overthrown Alis Bassa; not suffering any one of them to absent him∣self from this Expedition. Unto whom being in number fifteen thousand, all men of ap∣proved Valour, he joyned other fifteen thou∣sand more, no less valiant than they; such a Power as he never either before or after raised for the Recovery or Defence of his Kingdom. And so furnished with all things necessary for so honourable a War, chearfully set forward, accompanied with the Vows and Hope of all his most faithful and loving Subjects. But be∣ing come to the Borders of Servia, he found the strait and difficult passages of that rough Coun∣try shut up by George the Despot, (Lord there∣of, a man adorned with all the Graces of Na∣ture, but otherwise a wicked damned Atheist, and a Christian but in name only) who but lately before restored unto his Kingdom by the help of King Uladislaus, having changed his mind, did now mightily cleave unto the Turk his Son-in-Law (by whom he had been before himself exiled) and in favour of his quarrel, and despight of the Hungarians, but especially of Huniades, had stopped up the waies and pas∣sages whereby Scanderbeg was with his Army to pass; who by his Embassador sent of purpose unto the Despot, complained to him of that wrong, putting him in mind of the perjurious dealing of Amurath with him, notwithstanding he had married his Daughter; and of the great Pleasures the Hungarians had done him; of both which he had good proof; requesting him if it were but in regard of the common cause of Christianity to give unto him (as unto his Friend by whom he was never in any thing wronged) passage; and not to stain himself with the per∣petual note of Infamy, That he being a Chri∣stian Prince, and of late so mightily oppressed by the Turk, should now to the great hinderance of the Christian Common-Weal take part with him, against his Friends and Deliverers. But what availeth Prayers or Requests, be they ne∣ver so reasonable, with a man set down to mis∣chief? Scanderbeg out of hope by any other means to open his way, but by plain force, resolved so to do; although it much grieved him to spend those Forces upon a Christian Prince, which he had prepared against the capital Enemy both of himself and all good Christians, old Amurath the Turkish Sultan.

But whilst he thus discontented, spendeth his time with his Army upon the Borders of Servia, beset with many difficulties; Uladislaus prickt forward by the continual solicitation of Iulian the Cardinal, or else drawn on by his own in∣evitable Destiny, having assembled a great Army of valiant and couragious Souldiers out of Hun∣gary and Polonia (yet in number far inferior to that he had the year before,* 3.2 for that most of the voluntary Souldiers were returned home) set forward from Segedinum; and in the begin∣ning of November (a time unfit for Wars) passed over Danubius, and entring into Bulgaria, came to Nicopolis, the Metropolitical City of that Kingdom (but then in possession of the Turks) where he burnt the Suburbs thereof, and in that fruitful Country thereabouts re∣freshed his People three or four days, where he also mustered his Army, and took a view there∣of; At which time Dracula Vayvod of Vala∣chia, a man of great experience in Martial Af∣fairs, being then present, and considering the small number of the Kings Army, began to perswade him to retire; saying, He had suffi∣ciently learned by his own harms, to deem aright of the Power of the Turkish Sultan; who (as he said) was wont many times to carry more men with him into the Fields in∣to his Disport of Hawking and Hunting, than was there in the Kings Camp; wherefore he should do well, not to expose those his small Forces unto so manifest peril, in such unseaso∣nable time of the year, but to reserve them to a more fit opportunity, when he might with greater Power encounter his puissant Enemy. This his Counsel most men of greatest Expe∣rience, and not carried away with other pri∣vate respects, thought wholesom; but the Car∣dinal, Author of this fatal War, extolling with great words the last years Victory obtained agaist the Turk, with glorious promises of great Aid, as well by Sea from the Pope, and the Venetians, as by Land from the Emperor of Con∣stantinople and other Christian Princes; aug∣menting also the great Troubles in Asia, and promising an easie and happy success unto these Wars in Europe; perswaded the King that Dracula his speech proceeded either of ig∣norance, upon a superficial Judgment which he made of the Kings Power there present, without regard of further Strength from his Friends; or else of the private respect of his own security, in regard of a commodious League made a little before betwixt him and the Turk. So that the poor Prince seeing his Counsel mightily impugned by the Cardinal, and not so well taken, as it was meant by him, stood in doubt whether to leave him to his own Fortune, and himself to his quiet Peace, or cast∣ing off the Turkish League, to joyn with the King in this chance of War; but at length resolved as a Martial minded Man, preferring the un∣certain Glory of the Field before his own as∣sured rest, said unto the King;

Seeing that either your Princely Fortune, which hath ever hitherto favoured your high Attempts; or else the hope of Friends help, which I pray God fail you not at your need; or the secret designment of your Destiny, unable to be avoyded, draws your Majesty in∣to a different opinion from me; that your resolution, which I cannot by reasonable perswasion alter, I will as the suddenness of time, and my small ability will permit, most gladly further.

And therewith presented unto the King, his Son, with four thousand Horsemen well appointed,* 3.3 to serve him in those Wars; wishing unto him such good success as he himself desired. Afterward when he was about to take his leave of the King, he preferred unto him two lusty young men, per∣fect Guides for that Country, with two Horses of incredible switness, and with tears standing in his Eyes said unto him:

Take this small Gift in good part, as a poor refuge to flie unto,* 3.4 if your Fortune hap to fail you, which I tremble to think upon; I pray God they be given in vain, and so they shall, if my Prayers may prevail. Yet if necessity shall inforce you to use them, you shall find them serviceable at your need.

And so taking his last Farewel of the King, re∣turned into Valachia. Uladislaus marching on from Nicopolis toward Thracia, took many Towns and Forts by the way, which the Turks for fear yielded unto him; at last he came to Sumium and Peze∣chium, where the Turkish Garrisons trusting as much to the Strength of the places, as to their own Valour, stood upon their Guard; but the King laid Siege to both the said places, and took them by assault; where he put to the Sword five thousand of the Turks.

The Turks Bassa's terrified with those unex∣pected troubles, advertised Amurath thereof, re∣questing him to leave his obscure Life, and to levy the greatest Power he could in Asia, for the defence of the Turkish Kingdom in Europe, which otherwise was in short time like to be lost; blam∣ing also his discretion, for committing the Go∣vernment of so great a Kingdom to so young a Prince as was Mahomet his Son, unto whom ma∣ny of the great Captains did half scorn to yield their due obedience. Amurath herewith awaked, as it had been out of a dead sleep, left his Cloister, and with great speed gathered a strong Army in Asia, and came to the Straits of Hellespontus, where he found the passage stopped by the Ve∣netian and Popes Gallies, and was therefore at his Wits end. But marching alongst the Sea side un∣to the Straits of Bosphorus, he there found means to convey over his whole Army; using therein (as some write) the help of the Genoway Mer∣chants Ships, paying unto the Genowayes for the passage of every Turk a Ducat, which amounted to the sum of an hundred thousand Ducats; or as some others affirm, corrupting with great Bribes them that were left for the defence of this passage. And being now got over, joyned his Asian Army with such other Forces as his Bassaes had in readiness in Europe; and so marching on seven days, encamped within four miles of Varna, a City pleasantly standing upon the Euxine Sea side in Bulgaria, where the Christian Army lay; for Uladislaus hearing of Amurath his coming with so great an Army, had retired thither, having but a little before taken the same Ci∣ty of Varna from the Turks, with Calachrium, Galata, Macropolis, and others upon the Sea Coast.

Upon the first report that Amurath was with such a mighty Army come over the Strait of Bosphorus, Uladislaus who before was in good hope that he could not possibly have found any pas∣sage, entred into Counsel with the Commanders of his Army, what course he was now best to take; where many which before had been most for∣ward in that action (presuming that Amurath could by no means have transported his Army) were now so discouraged with the fame of his coming, that they advised the King in time to retire home, and not to oppose so small an Army against such a world of People as was reported to follow the Turk. But other Captains of greater Courage, and especially Huniades, said, It was not for the Kings honour first to invade his Enemies Dominions, and presently to turn his Back upon the first report of their coming; wishing him rather to remember the good Fortune of his former Wars, and that he was to fight against the same Enemy whom he had victoriously over∣thrown the year before; as for the multi∣tude of his Enemies, he had learned by expe∣rience (as he said) not to be moved therewith, for that it was the manner of the Turkish Kings, more to terrifie their Enemies with the shew of a huge Army, than with the Valour of their Souldiers, which were nothing to be accounted of, but as effeminate, in comparison of the Hun∣garians. Whereupon the King resolved to trie the fortune of the Field.

Uladislaus understanding by his Espials, that Amurath the night before encamped within four miles, was now putting his Army in order of Battel; committed the ordering of all his Forces unto the valiant Captain Huniades; who with great care and industry disposed the same, garding the one side of the Battel with a Fen or Marish, and the other side with Carriages, and the Rere∣ward of his Army with a steep Hill. Therein politickly providing, that the Christian Army being far less than the Turks in number, could not be compassed about with the multitude of their Enemies, neither any way charged but afront. The Turks Army approaching, began to skirmish with the Christians,* 3.5 which manner of Fight was long time with great courage maintain∣ed and that with diverse Fortune, sometime one party prevailing, and sometime the other; but with such Slaughter on both sides, that the ground was covered and stained with the dead Bodies and Blood of the slain. At length the Battel being more closely joyned, the Victory began to incline to the Christians, for Huniades had most valiantly with his Transilvanian and Vala∣chian Horsemen, put to Flight both the Wings of the Turkish Army, and made great Slaugh∣ter wheresoever he came. Insomuch that Amu∣rath dismaied with the Flight of his Souldiers, was about to have fled himself out of the main Battel, had he not been staied by a common Souldier, who laying Hands upon the Rains of his Bridle, staid him by force, and sharply re∣proved him of Cowardise. The Captains and Prelates about the King (whom it had better beseemed to have been at devout Prayers in their Oratories, than in Arms at that bloody Battel) encouraged by the prosperous success of Hunia∣des, and desirous to be Partakers of that Victory, foolishly left their safe Stations, where they were appointed by him to stand fast, and disorderly pursued the chase, leaving that side of the Bat∣tel where they stood, open unto the Turks; but they were not gon far, before they were hardly encountred by a great part of the Turks Army, for such purpose placed in a Vally fast by. In which Fight Lesco one of the most valiant Cap∣tains of the Hungarians was slain; and the Bishop of Veradium, a better Church-man than Soul∣dier, and the first man that disordered the Bat∣tel, seeking to save himself by Flight through the Fen, was there strangled in the deep Mud,

after he had with his Horse therein strugled a great while. The Bishop of Agria, a man of greatest Authority with the King, was at the same time also lost, with many other Church∣men more. The Cardinal with some other of the expert Captains retiring toward their for∣mer standings, were hardly assailed by the Turks, who by the coming in of the King and Huniades, were with great slaughter forced to re∣tire, and even ready to flie. Amurath seeing the great slaughter of his men, and all brought into extream danger, beholding the picture of the Crucifix in the displaied Ensigns of the vo∣luntary Christians, pluckt the Writing out of his Bosome, wherein the late League was comprised, and holding it up in his Hand with his Eyes cast up to Heaven, said:

Behold thou crucified Christ, this is the League thy Christians in thy name made with me;* 3.6 which they have without cause violated. Now if thou be a God, as they say thou art, and as we dream, revenge the wrong n••w done unto thy Name, and me, and shew thy Power upon thy perjured People, who in their deeds deny thee their God.

The King with Huniades furiously pursued the chased Turks, with bloody execution a great space; when as the King in his heat hardly per∣swaded by Huniades to return again unto his Camp, at his coming thither found the Cardi∣nal Iulian, with Frank, one of his chief Cap∣tains, and others overcharged with the Turks, which had again made head against that part of the Christian Army; and there yet fought cou∣ragiously, by reason of their multitude, being also backt by the Ianizaries, which all this while had stood fast with their old King, as his last and most assured refuge, but were now come in. There began a most cruel and fierce Fight; in the success whereof,* 3.7 the Turks well saw the whole state of their Kingdom in Europe to consist, many were there slain on both sides; the Turks feeling their loss less than indeed it was, by reason of their Multitude; and the Christians, by reason of their Courage. A great while the Victory stood doubtful, insomuch, that at length the Turks began to shrink back, in that part of the Battel where the King and Huniades fought. But in the left side they prevailed so upon the Christians, that they were even ready to have fled. Which when Huniades (having a vigilant Eye unto every part of the Army) perceived, he with speed made thither, and there again with his presence restored the Battel almost be∣fore lost. Which done, he returned again to∣wards the King, who in the mean time had most valiantly repulsed a great number of the Turks, and now was come unto the Ianizaries, Amurath his last hope. There was to be seen a thousand manners of death, whilst both the Ar∣mies fought more like wild Beasts in their rage and fury, than wary and politick Souldiers. In this confused medly the young King Uladislaus with greater Courage than Care of himself, brake into the Battel of the Ianizaries; at which time, Amurath himself was by a valiant Frenchman a Knight of the Rhodes,* 3.8 first wounded with a Pike, and after assailed with his Sword, and had there ended his days, but that he was speedily rescued by his Gua••d, by whom this worthy Knight after great proof of his Valour was there slain in the midst of his Enemies. Uladislaus be∣ing got also in among them valiantly performed all the parts of a worthy Souldier, till such time as his Horse being slain under him,* 3.9 he was forth∣with oppressed by the multitude of his Ene∣mies and slain; his Head being struck off by Fe∣rizes, one of the old Ianizaries, was by him presented unto Amurath, who commanded it pre∣sently to be put upon the point of a Launce, and Proclamation to be made, that it was the Head of the Christian King; which was after∣wards so carried through the principal Cities ••f Macedonia and Grecia, as a Trophy of the Turks Victory. Huniades after he had in vain given di∣vers brave attempts, to have rescued the Kings Bo∣dy, retired with a few Valachian Horsemen, and seeing no hope of better hap (for all the Chri∣stians being discouraged with the death of the King, had now taken themselves to flight) gave place to necessity,* 3.10 and reserving himself to his future Fortune, fled over the Mountains, into the thick Woods, from whence with much difficulty he got over Danubius into Valachia, and was there (as some write) by Dracula Prince of that Country taken Prisoner; In revenge whereof, after he was inlarged by the Hungarians, he so aided Danus against Dracula, that in fine, Dra∣cula and his Son were both slain, and Danus placed in his room. Iulian the Cardinal flying out of the Battel, was found by that worthy man Gregory Sanose, lying in the desart Forrest by the way side, mortally wounded, and half stripped, by whom he was in few words sharply reproved, as the wicked Author of that perfidious War, and there left giving up the Ghost. Many of the Christians which fled out of that Battel, fell into the Enemies hands, and so were slain; but greater was the number of them which were drowned in the Fens, or that by Hunger and Cold perished in the Woods, or else after long and miserable travel, finding no passage over Danubius, fell at length into the Turkish Slavery. This great and mortal Battel, as it was with di∣verse fortune fought, so was also the present re∣port thereof most uncertain; for the Turks that were at the first put to flight, reported in the Towns there by as they fled, that the Battel was lost; and they which had all the day endured the Fight, not altogether assured of the Victory, and not knowing whether the Hungarians had re∣tired themselves, whilst they suspected some de∣ceit in the Kings Camp, by reason of the great silence therein, staid two days before they durst adventure to take the Spoil thereof. The num∣ber of them that were slain in this Battel, as well on the one side as th'other, was great; as the Mounts and little Hills, raised of the Bones and Bodies of those that were there buried, do yet at this day declare. Howbeit, the certain number was not known, some reporting more, some fewer. Yet in this most agree, that of the Chri∣stian Army, being not great, scarce the third part escaped; and that the Turks bought this Victory with a far greater loss, although it was of them less felt, by reason of their multitude; made less by that slaughter, as they that report least thereof affirm, by thirty thousand. Which may well seem rather to be so, for that Amurath after this Victory, neither farther prosecuted the same, nor shewed any tokens of Joy at all, but be∣came very melancholy and sad, and being of them about him demanded, Why after so great a Victory, he was no merrier; answered, That he wished not at so great price, to gain many such Victories. Yet in memorial thereof he erected a great Pillar, in the same place where the King was slain, with an inscription of all that was then done; which, as they say, is yet there to be seen at this day. This bloody Battel was fought near unto Varna (in antient time called Dionisiopolis (a place fatal unto many great Warriors, and therefore of them even yet abhorred) the tenth day of November, in the year of our Lord Christ, 1444.

Some maliciously impute the loss of the Bat∣tel of Varna, and the death of the King, to Huniades, who (as they said) fled out of this Battel with ten thousand Horsemen; but this re∣port agreeth not with the noble disposition of that couragious and valiant Captain, but seemeth ra∣ther to have been devised, to excuse the foul dealing of the Clergy; who as most Histories bear witness, were the chief Authors both of the War, and of the lamentable calamity ensuing thereof.

From the Battel of Varna Amurath returned to Hadrianople,* 3.11 having lost the greatest part of his best Souldiers, and there with great Solemnity buried the body of Carazia, Vice-Roy of Europe, slain in that Battel; and then calling together all his Nobility, again resigned up his Kingdom unto his Son Mahomet, retiring himself unto Magnesia, where he lived a solitary and private life, having before vowed so to do, in the great fear he was in, in the Battel against Uladislaus; but after he had a short time performed these his Vows in that obscure and melancholy Life, he weary thereof, as some suppose, as not a little revived with the late Victory, or else solicited by Cali Bassa and other great Counsellors, returned again to Hadri∣anople, resuming unto himself the Government of the Kingdom, to the great discontentment of his ambitious Son Mahomet.

Scanderbeg yet sticking in the borders of Servia, and hearing what had happened unto King Ula∣dislaus with the Hungarians, was therewith ex∣ceedingly grieved; and having now lost the hope whereupon he had undertaken that so great an expedition, resolved to return home again into Epirus. Nevertheless, to be in some part revenged of the wicked Despot, he with his Army forcibly brake into his Country, and there did exceeding great harm. In his returning homewards, great numbers of Hungarians and Polonians, lately esca∣ped from the slaughter at Varna, repaired unto him, whom he (according to the extremity of their Fortune) courteously relieved; and fur∣nishing them with such things as they wanted, pro∣vided them shipping to Ragusa, from whence they might in safety return into their own Countries. Thus by the Disloyalty and Treachery of the faithless Despot of Servia, was Scanderbeg staid from being present at the bloody Battel of Varna, to the unspeakable loss of the Christian Common-weal; for it could not be, but that so many thousands of most resolute and expert Souldiers, under the leading of so worthy a Chieftain, must needs have done much for the gaining of the Victory. And what more glo∣rious sight could a man have wished for, than to have seen so puissant an Army in the Field against the sworn Enemy of Christendom, di∣rected by two such valiant and renowned Chieftains, as never, either before or since their time, was seen the like in one Battel against the Enemy of Christ and the Christian Reli∣gion? They were both men of invincible Cou∣rage, of exceeding Strength and Agility of Bo∣dy,* 3.12 wise, prudent and subtil; both of long time exercised in the Turks Wars, the greatest terror of that Nation, and most worthy Champions of the Christian Religion, being therein both very zealous. Of the two, Huniades was at that time accounted the better Commander, and the more politick, as a man in greater experience in Martial Affairs, by reason of his greater years; which was well countervailed by Scanderbeg his perpetual good Fortune, still as it were at∣tending upon him, and by his experience after∣wards gotten, as in the course of his History well appeareth.

Amurath advertised of these proceedings of Scanderbeg, as also of the great harms by him done in Macedonia, and that the Frontiers of his Dominions bordering upon Epirus, were by his Fury utterly wasted and spoiled, and his People there for most part slain, and that the rest had for fear forsaken their Dwellings, and left the Country desolate and unpeopled; was therewith exceedingly moved. Yet for so much as he still stood in dread of the Hunga∣rians, and was now himself clogged with years, and therefore more desirous of rest; consider∣ing also the young years of his Eldest Son Ma∣homet, as yet unfit for the Government of so great and troublesome a Kingdom; with the per∣petual good Fortune of Scanderbeg, and Malice of Huniades; he thought it not best to convert all his Forces upon him, but to prove if he could cunningly draw him into some dishonoura∣ble Peace for a time, that so he might afterwards at leisure be the better revenged of him. For which cause he writ unto him Letters, mixt with grievous Threats, and some feigned Courtesies, as followeth:

Amurath Othoman King of the Turks, and Emperor of the East, to the most ingrate∣ful Scanderbeg, wisheth neither Health nor Welfare.

I Never wanted honourable Preferments to b••stow upon thee all the while thou didst live in my Court, of all others most unkind Scanderbeg,* 4.1 but now I want Words wherewith to speak unto thee; thou hast so highly offended my Mind, and touched mine Honour, that I know not in discretion what Words to use unto thee, but of late one of my Do∣mestical Servants. For neither will hard speech mollifie the natural fierceness of thy proud disposition, neither art thou worthy of better, which hast far exceeded all Hostility. And because thou wouldest omit no occasion to provoke me, hast of late pro∣ceeded to that point of Folly, that thou hast had thine own Affairs, and the Welfare of thine own Subjects, in small regard, by confederating thy self in Arms with the Hungarians against me. It grieveth me to rehearse other thy unkindness, and as it were to touch those sores, if my mind would ever suffer me to forget the same, or that thine so mani∣fold and horrible Treasons, and strange examples of a most unthankful mind, were to be covered with silence. Yet I thought good to advertise thee (al∣though perhaps too late) lest that thy unstaid heat do untimely overthrow thee, with thy unlucky King∣dom; and then thou wouldst make humble confession of thy long transgression, when thou hast lost thy self, and left no hope of refuge in thy desperate Estate. We have hitherto sufficiently suffered thy manifold injuries; thou hast sufficiently provoked the Majesty of the Othoman Empire, with wrong and contume∣lious despight; and I with patience have born all these thy contempts. Thinkest thou that my Army by thee betrayed unto the Hungarians shall be unrevenged? Thinkest thou that so many Cities and Towns in Epirus, by thee rent from the body of my Empire, with my Garrisons there slain, shall be forgotten? Or thinkest thou with thy late committed Outrages to escape my revenging Hand? Remember the de∣struction of mine Army under Alis Bassa; the wasting and burning of my Dominions; and lately, the Hungarian Wars, by thee so far as in thee was, countenanced; with the Territories of George, the Despot of Servia, my Father-in-Law by thee spoiled. At length amend, thou graceless man, and expect not further, whether my indignation will break

out. Let not these trifling allurements of thy good Fortune, so puff up thy foolish desires, and sharpen thy conceits, that thy miserable Fortunes afterwards may move even thy greatest Enemies, or my self to compassion. I would thou shouldst at length remember my Courtesies (if any spark of humanity remain in thy savage Nature) and make me not longer sorry, that I have so evil bestowed the same. And although it is not the part of an honourable mind, to rehearse those things which we have in bounty bestowed upon any man; yet is it the token of a most unthankful Nature, so easily to forget all kindness past, as to need to be put in remembrance thereof. Wherefore Scanderbeg, I cannot bewail thy hap, and lament thine estate; For to let pass the health of thy Soul (which thou a very Reprobate, esteemest as nothing) not to speak of the Laws of Mahomet by thee despised, and the holy Prophet by thee contemned, for the zeal thou hast unto the Christian Superstition; what hast thou (which now holdst thy poor and base Kingdom in such price) ever wanted at my hands of all those things which most delight the desires of men? Didst thou ever want Armor, Horses, a great Train of Followers and Servants, Mony, or other Superfluities, the al∣lurements of all Ages? Or didst thou want matter to exercise thy Valor, for increase of thine Honour? Wast thou ever denied Preferments, Dignities, and Honours of all sorts fit for thine Age, both at home and abroad? Was any man in my Court dearer unto me, than thy self? what growing Wit, not of Stran∣gers only, but of them that were nearest unto my self, was better welcome unto me than thine? With what careful instruction did I cause th••e to be brought up? When thou wast delivered unto me almost a Child, I dayly cherished and increased thy hoped towardlyness, with Learning and Nurture; I have at all times ho∣noured thee with rich Rewards, magnifical Praises, and Honours of the Field (which of all worthy things is most glorious) so that in all Feats of Arms no Souldier was to me better known, or Captain of me more honoured. For all these great benefits, Scan∣derbeg, thou now shewest thy self such an one, that I may be thought not to have brought up such a man as I hoped for, but a very Serpent in mine one Bo∣some. But the love of thy Country did move thee; which if thou hadst asked of me, would I have de∣nied the same unto thee? which (if thou dost well remember) I so oftentimes voluntarily profered unto thee? But thou hadst rather to gain the same by Treachery, than to receive it at my Hands of Courtesie. So thine be it therefore on God his name, and that with my very good Will. And verily, according to my accustomed Clemency towards all them whom I have once well known, and been familiarly ac∣quainted with, I now pardon thee all thou hast of∣fended me; not for any thy present deserts, which are none, but because in this publique enmity it pleaseth me to remember my former kindness in private towards thee, and thy faithfulness sometimes in my Affairs; especially for that the time was much longer wherein thou servest me, than the time wherein thou hast offended me. Croia and thy Fa∣thers Kingdom (although thou hast gained the same by foul Treachery) I give unto thee, upon condition thou willingly restore unto me the other Towns of Epirus, which by no right belong unto thee, but are mine by Law of Arms, by my self honourably won. What∣soever thou hast taken from my Father-in-Law the Prince of Servia, thou shalt forthwith restore, and make him an honourable recompence for the other harms thou hast done unto him; and for ever here∣after, thou shalt as well forbear to offer violence to any our Friends, as to aid any our Enemies. So shalt thou for ever avoid the displeasure of the Turks, and stand in my good grace and favour, as thou hast done before; except thou hadst rather (being taught by thine own harms) than in vain cry for mercy, when thy furious outrage shall have me in Person an implacable Reven∣ger. Thou knowest thy Forces, thou knowest the Strength of mine Arms; thou hast before thine Eeys the fr••sh example of the Hungarian Fortune, so that thou needest no further admonitions. Yet I would thou shouldest write at large, what thou intendest to do. Thou maist also confer with Ayradin our Servant, our trusty and faithful Messenger, of whom thou shalt understand more than are in these Letters comprised. Farewel if thou be wise. From Hadrianople.

To these Letters Scanderbeg gave small credit, and less to the Messenger, but least of all to the old Fox himself, whom he well knew to have written nothing simply of good meaning, but only to gain a cessation from Wars, until he might at better leisure set upon him with all his Forces. Wherefore calling Ayradin the Mes∣senger unto him, whom he rather held for a crafty Spy, than an honourable Embassador, after he had many times both publiquely and privately discoursed with him, so far forth as was possible to sound the depth of his coming, and had also further entertained him with all honourable Courtesies, he shewed him all his Camp, with the strength thereof; which he did, because he would not have the crafty Mes∣senger to think, that he was any thing afraid of his Masters greatness. And at last, greatly complaining of Amurath his cruel and perfideous dealing against his Father, his Brethren, and himself, he sent him away with such answer in writing, as followeth.

The Souldier of Christ Jesus, George Castriot, sirnamed Scanderbeg, Prince of Epirus, to Amurath Othoman King of the Turks, send∣eth greeting.

THou hast in times past, as thou writest, exceeded me in many kinds of Courtesies;* 5.1 and at this pre∣sent I will exceed thee in modest and temperate Speech; for I think there is no greater token of a base mind, than not to be able to forbear to give railing and opprobrious words, even unto our most mortal Ene∣mies. Wherefore we have with patience received and seen both thy Letters and Messenger; and to confess a truth, they have ministred unto me greater occasion of Smile than Choler; whilst at the first thou shamest not to accuse me of much Ingratitude and Treason; and presently following a milder passion, seemest careful of my Souls health, being ignorant of thine own E∣state, as a studious Defender of a most damnable error. And at last, keeping neither Law of Arms, nor orderly course answering to our Affairs, dost most insolently and unadvisedly, as a valiant Conqueror to his vanquished Enemy, propound many Conditions of Peace, of such quality and condition, that mine Ears scorn to hear the same. Truly Amurath, although thy immoderate railing might move a man of greatest patience to intemperate Speech; yet I impue the same partly to thy great Age, and partly to the waiward∣ness of thy Nature; and the rest, to thy conceived grief, which I know thou canst hardly moderate; and the rather, for that I have not set down my self to contend with thee in foul and unseemly Language, but with Arms, and the just Fury of War. Yet I pray thee, wherefore do'st thou so exclaim against me before God and Man? as though thou hadst first suffered wrong and injury from me and that thou hadst not in truth first done the same. Dost thou call my necessary departing, a perfideous Treachery? my native Country by my Policy and Va∣lour recovered, dost thou object to me as a Villany?

object the same still and spare not; charge me with such crimes for ever, I care not. The long Cata∣logue of thy kindness towards me, which thou re∣hearsest, I could willingly remember, if it drew not with it the woful remembrance of my greater mise∣ries; which if they were to be compared together, the greatness of thy good deserts would be overwhelmed with the multitude of thy greater Tyrannies; which I had rather thou shouldst count with thy self, than blush whilst I repeat them. Every man that know∣eth them, may marvel how I had power to endure them, or that thou wast not weary at last of thy Cruelty and secret Hatred. Thou tookest away my Fathers Kingdom by force; thou didst murther my Br••thren, and my self thou didst most wickedly vow to death, when I little feared any such Cruelty; and doth it now seem strange to thee, O Amurath, that an invincible mind, desirous of Liberty, should seek to break out of the bonds of so great and insolent Slavery? How long at length didst thou think I would endure thy proud Bondage? which for all that, I many years endured, and refused not thy command. I exposed my self to publique and private dangers, both voluntarily, and by thy designment; speeches were given ••ut dayly by thy self, and the admonition of my Friends concerning thy deep Treachery, was rife in mine Ears; Yet for all that, of long time I simply believed both thy words and deeds to have been devoid of all Fraud until thy cankered malice began too too apparently to shew it self; then began I also to glose with thee, wholly metamorphosed into thine own conceits, until I found occasion to recover my Liberty. Wherefore there is no cause thou shouldst now grieve, if thou be well beaten with thine own rod. But these are but Trifles, Amurath, in comparison of those things which I have laid up in hope and resolution of mind. There∣fore hereafter surcease thine angry threats, and tell not us of the Hungarian Fortune; every man hath his own resolution, and every man a particular Gover∣nor of his actions; and so will we with patience endure such Fortune as it shall please God to appoint us. In the mean time, for direction of our Affairs we will not request Counsel of our Enemies, nor Peace of thee, but Victory by the help of God. Farewel. From our Camp.

When Amurath had read these Letters, and fur∣ther conferred with Ayradin, he was filled with wrath and indignation, wondering at the great resolution of so small a Prince, presently cast∣ing in his mind (as was thought) the difficul∣ty of that War. Yet because he would give no token of Fear, oftentimes stroaking his white Beard, as his manner was when he was throughly angry, with a dissembled chearfulness of counte∣nance said,

Thou desirest (wicked man) thou desirest the title of some honourable death;* 5.2 We will give it thee (be∣lieve us) we will give it thee; we our selves will be present at the burial of our foster Child, and in person (though unbidden) honour the funeral Pomp of the great King of Epirus, that thou shalt never complain among the damned Ghosts, that thou didst die a base or obscure kind of death.

And because at that time, by reason of many great occurrents, he could not convert his whole Power into Epirus, he sent Ferises one of his best Captains, with nine thousand choice Horse∣men, to keep Scanderbeg in doing, and to spoil his Country so much as he could. Which was with such speed done, as it was thought Ferises would have been in the heart of Epirus, before Scanderbeg could have had knowledge of his coming. But for all his hast, he could not so prevent the flying fame, but that Scanderbeg hearing thereof, and having his men always in readiness, placed fifteen hundred good Footmen in ambush upon the rough Mountains leading into the Valley of Movea, whereby the Turks must needs pass into Epirus; placing also two thousand Horsemen, as he thought most fit and convenient for his purpose. Ferises descending from the high Mountains full of Woods and Bushes, by the broken and stony ways leading into the Valley, was in that troublesome and intricate passage fiercely set upon by Scanderbegs ready Footmen, suddenly arising out of ambush where the Turks having no use of their Horses, but rather by them encumbred, were slain as Deer enclosed in a toyl. In this conflict seven hundred and sixty Turks were taken Prisoners, and a great number slain, and Ferises himself, with the rest, enforced to flie, crying still out as he fled, Better some saved, than all lost. Scander∣beg having thus overthrown Ferises, pursued him into Macedonia, and with the Spoil there taken, rewarded his Souldiers, as he had also many times before done.

Amurath grieved with the overthrow of Fe∣rises, presently sent Mustapha a politick and hardy Captain with a new supply of six thousand Souldiers, to take the charge from Ferises; com∣manding him in no case, nor upon any occasion to enter far into Epirus; but only to burn and spoil the frontiers thereof, saying, That he would account it for good service, if he might but understand, that the Trees and Fruits of that Country had felt the force of his Anger. Mu∣stapha having received his Charge, when he be∣gan to draw near the Borders of Epirus, conti∣nually sent out Scouts before his Army, to see if the passages were clear, and so warily entred the Vally of Movea, where Ferizes not long before was overthrown. In this fruitful Valley, being the Frontiers of Scanderbegs Dominion, Mustapha in∣trenched his Army, upon the rising of a Hill, and placed Espials upon the top of the high Moun∣tains round about, by them to discover the coming of the Enemy, and to have notice thereof by signs into the Camp; then reserving four thousand Horsemen with himself, to keep his Camp, he sent forth the rest of his Army, about nine thou∣sand Horsemen, to forrage and spoil the Coun∣try; giving charge before, That every man up∣on pain of Death should presently retire to the Camp, upon sign given from thence, as to a place of Safety and Refuge. The Turkish Ar∣my ranging over that rich and pleasant Vally, burnt the Villages, cut down Trees, spoiled the Vineyards, and made havock of all things that Fire and Sword could destroy; in that point executing Amuraths command to the full. At length Scan∣derbeg drawing near to this Vally with four thousand Horsemen and one thousand Foot, was advertised of all the Enemies doings, by an Epi∣rot Souldier, who grievously wounded, had hard∣ly escaped from the Turks; of him he under∣stood, what number of Turks were burning and destroying the Country, of the Camp also kept by Mustapha, and how Espials were placed up∣on the Mountains. Scanderbeg having well con∣sidered Mustapha his wary proceedings, and seeing no Policy to be used against so careful an Enemy, resolved to vanquish him by plain force,* 5.3 by assaulting him suddainly in his Tren∣ches, before his dispersed Souldiers could re∣pair to the Camp; and having to this purpose with effectual perswasions incouraged the minds of his valiant Souldiers, ready of themselves to follow him through all dangers; when he had set all things in order for the assaulting of the Ene∣mies Camp, speedily entred the Vally, and was

presently discovered by the Enemies Espials, from the tops of the high Hills, and a sign given to the Camp, from whence also the appointed sign was given for the dispersed Souldiers to retire; but most of them being straied from the Camp, and busied in taking the Spoil of the Country, heard not or saw not the sign given. Those which were within the hearing thereof, retired to the Camp, and at their Heels followed Scanderbegs Souldiers, terrifying them with calling upon the Name of Scanderbeg. Many of the Turks were by the Christians slain in the entrance of the Camp, with their Booties in their Hands, and presently the Turks Trenches were now by Scanderbegs Souldiers couragiously assaulted, and the Turks beaten from the top of them. They having won the Trenches, prevailed still upon the Turks, filling all their Camp with fear and slaughter. There was no use of Shot in that medly, by reason of the straitness of the place, for they were now come to pell mell. Mustapha seeing his Souldiers put to the worst, and that the Camp was not long to be defended, took horse and fled by the Port which was furthest from the Enemy. The rest of the Souldiers fled also, making such poor shift for themselves as they could. In this Battel five thou∣sand Turks were slain, and but three hundred taken; for the Christians inraged with the Spoil of the Country, revenged themselves with the slaughter of the Turks. Scanderbeg lost in this conflict but twenty Horsemen and fifty Foot∣men. The rest of the Turks Army dispersed in the Country, hearing the tumult in the Camp, misdoubting the fortune of their Fellows, fled also; yet many of them were in that Flight pursued and slain.

After this overthrow, Mustapha returning to Amurath, the better to excuse the misfortune of himself and the other Captains before sent, great∣ly commended the invincible Courage of Scan∣derbeg, and his wonderful skill in feats of Arms; perswading Amurath, either to send a greater Power against him, or else none at all; saying, That to send such small Armies, was but to mi∣nister matter to the increase of his Glory, and the Infamy of the Turks; and to use Policy against him, the Master of Policy, was but meer Folly. It grieved Amurath to hear the Praises of his Ene∣my, although he knew the same to be true, by the continual Fortune he had always against his great Captains, Alis Bassa, Ferizes and Mustapha; wherefore he determined for a time not to pro∣voke him further, but to suffer him to live in Peace; yet commanded Mustapha to renew his Army for defence of the borders of his King∣dom towards Epirus, against the innovation of Scanderbeg; but straitly commanding him, in no case to invade any part of Epirus, neither upon any occasion offered, or conceived hope of Victo∣ry, to join Battel with Scanderbeg; for fear of such evil success as before.

At this time also the Grecians of Pelopon••sus, (now called Morea) having before fortified the Strait of Corinth from Sea to Sea, with a per∣petual Wall which they called Hexamylum, and deep Trenches about six miles in length, had also built five strong Castles in the same Wall, of purpose to take away all passage by Land into that rich Country, and began now not only to deny the yearly Tribute they were wont to pay unto the Turkish King, but also to in∣vade such Princes of Achaia their Neighbours, as were content to remain still the Turks Tri∣butaries; among whom Neceus Prince of Athens, and Turacan Governor of Thessalia for Amurath, ceased not by continual Complaints to incense him against them of Peloponesus. Who having his Army in readiness, although it was now Winter, and he himself very aged, set forward from Hadrianople, and marching through Thessa∣lia, came into Achaia, where most of the Gre∣cians were before fled for fear into Peloponesus. So passing on with his Army, he came to the Strait commonly called Istmus, where the fa∣mous City of Co••inth sometime stood; and there incamped his Army near unto the strong Wall and Castles, lately before built, hoping that the Grecians of Peloponesus, terrified with the multi∣tude of his Army, would without resistance sub∣mit themselves; but when he perceived them to stand upon their guard, and to trust to their Strength, he laid battery to the Wall four days, and having made it assaultable, brake through the same with his Army. The Grecians having lost the Wall (their chief Strength) fled, some to one strong Hold, and some to another, as their Fortune led them; the Turks at their plea∣sure spoiling and destroying that rich and pleasant Country, sometime the Nurse of worthy Wits, and famous Captains; where they found wonderful riches, and took Prisoners without num∣ber; in so much that they were sold among the Turks at a most vile Price. There Amurath for his pleasure cruelly sacrificed six hundred Chri∣stian Captives, to the hellish Ghost of his dead Father Mahomet; and afterwards imposing a yearly Tribute upon the Peloponesians, and other Grecian Princes now yielding again unto him,* 5.4 as an induction to their further Slavery under the Turkish Tyranny, he returned, taking in his way the two famous Cities of Patras and Sicy∣one. Thus the rich Country of Peloponesus, and all the rest of Grecia, sometime the Fountain of all Learning and Civility, became tributary to the barbarous and cruel Turks, in the year of our Lord 1445.

Old Amurath now clogged with years, and wea∣ried with long Wars, was content to take his rest at Hadrianople; during which time,* 5.5 Bajazet the Son of Mahomet was born in the year 1446. [year 1446.] who afterwards of long time with great Glory govern∣ed the Turkish Empire at Constantinople, as in his place shall appear.

The Hungarians after the Calamity of Varna (wherein they had together with Uladislaus their King, lost most part of their Nobility also) in a general Assembly of their States, made choice of Ladislaus the Posthumous Son of Albertus (and then in keeping of Frederick the Emperor) for their King. But forasmuch as he being then but a Child of five years old, and chosen King more for the remembrance of the Emperor Si∣gismund his Grandfather, and Albertus his Fa∣ther, and the good hope conceived of him, than for any other thing presently to be expected; from him; it was thought more than necessary, to make choice of some notable and worthy man, unto whom they might, during the time of the Kings Minority, commit the Government and Protection of that so great and turbulent a Kingdom. Many there were in that honoura∣ble Assembly well thought of, both of themselves and others; but such was the Glory and Valour of Huniades, and so great the remembrance of his worthy deserts, both of the Kingdom of Hun∣gary, and of the Christian Common-weal in ge∣neral, as without his seeking, procured unto him the general Favour and Suffrages of all; yea so far, that even they which most envied at his Honour (as overshadowing their own) were glad to hold their Peace, for that without him, it was commonly thought the state of that shaken Kingdom could not long stand; So by the ge∣neral consent of all the States there assembled, he

was with the great applause of the People chosen and proclaimed Governor,* 5.6 as of all others most fit for so great and heavy a charge; wherein he quietly spent some few years in deciding of civil Controversies, in composing the quarrels of the Nobility; not forgetting in the mean time the indifferent administration of Justice to all men, ending many controversies far from the place of Judgment, and that without all suspi∣tion of corruption; using therein such expedition and never wearied patience in hearing every mans cause, that sitting, going, standing, riding, he dispatched many great and weighty matters; always shewing himself affable and courteous, as well unto them of poorer sort, as others of greater calling, that had any suits to him. So that it was of him truly said, That no man was than he unto his Friends more friendly, or un∣to his Enemies more cross and contrary. In time of Peace he was always providing for War, heaping up great Treasure, and such other things, as without which the Wars could not be main∣tained. But above all things, he was careful of the good agreement of the Nobility, taking great pains in reconciling their displeasures conceived one against another, and that with such dexteri∣ty, as that he was both of them and others gene∣rally both beloved and feared.

[year 1448.] In the mean time, whilst he was thus busied in disposing of the Civil Affairs of the Common-Weal,* 5.7 and the Administration of Justice, he was advertised by his Espials, how that the old Sul∣tan Amurath was raising great Forces both in Asia and Europe, and that as the common same went, for the invasion of Hungary. For the with∣standing whereof, Huniades not unprovided, as never unmindful of so dangerous an Enemy, or of any thing more desirous, than in some sort to be revenged of the great loss received at Varna; in the fourth year of his Government, and in the year of our Lord 1448. accompanied with most part of the Nobility of Hungary, and the Vayvod of Valachia his Friend and Confede∣rate, set forward against the Turk with an Ar∣my of two and twenty thousand choice Soul∣diers. So having passed the River Tibiscus, or T••se, and travelling through Valachia, a little beneath where the River Morava running through Servia, falleth into Danubius, ••he with most part of his Army passed that great River; the rest in the mean time taking passage over at a Town called Severin. Huniades with his Army being thus gotten over into Servia, by his Embassadors requested the Despot, as he had oftentimes before, to put himself into that most Christian War, and remembering the great be∣nefits he had received from the Hungarians, not to shew himself therefore ungrateful, than which nothing could be more dishonourable; and to encourage him the more, certified him both of his own Strength, and of the Aid brought unto him by the Vayvod; and that for the good success of the War there wanted nothing but his presence and direction, with such Troops of light Horsemen as he knew he had always in readiness; wherewith he requested him with all speed to follow him. But he being a man of no Religion, and better affected unto the Turk than Huniades, the more cleanly to with∣draw himself from this War, pretended many excuses; first, The League he had with Amu∣rath his Son-in-Law, which he said he might not break, for fear that if things chanced not well he might so fall again headlong into his old misery; then, The unseasonableness of the time, Autumn being now past; which difficul∣ties in those cold Countries they had to their cost too much felt in the late War: These with many other such like he alledged in excuse that he came not; but the truth was, the malice of the man, grieved to see Huniades preferred be∣fore him in the Government of the Kingdom, and disdaining to serve under his Ensigns, be∣ing himself Despot and King of Servia, descend∣ed of the Royal Race, was the cause of his backwardness; so that blinded with Envy, he could not there rightly judge of himself, or what was fit for him in this case to have done. But Huniades angry with his unkind answer, threatned him with his own hands to be re∣venged upon him, and to give away his King∣dom to one more worthy thereof than he, if he should with Victory return. So passing through Servia, as through the Enemies Country, he came into Bulgaria. After whose departure,* 5.8 the false Despot by speedy Messengers adverti∣sed Amurath both of the coming of the Hunga∣rians, and of their Strength; yea he certified him of every days march, and how that Huniades was but with a small Company of his own, and some weak supplies of the Vayvods, come over Danubius; whom if he should not presently meet, but suffer him to come on further, and so with his Army to get betwixt him and home, he might so shut him in, as that he should be hardly able to escape his Hands. All which he did, partly for Envy, partly to gratifie the Turk, and the better to keep Friendship with him. So Amurath not contemning the Despots Counsel, suffered Huniades without resistance to enter a great way into his Country, and coming two or three days march behind him, so stopped the passage, as that he could not possibly re∣tire, but that he must needs fight. And now they were both come unto a great Plain in Bulgaria, which the Hungarians call Rigomezu; and the Rascians, the Plain of Cossova; through the midst whereof the River Schichniza rising out of the Mountains of Illyria, running, at length falleth into Morava, and so into Danubius. This Plain is about twenty miles in length, and in breadth five, environed on each side with plea∣sant Mountains in manner of a Theatre, the River and low Vallies at the foot of the Mountains being garnished with many Country Villages and Towns. Into this fatal Plain, when as the Hungarians first, and after them the Turks, were as into a place of Combat descended; an old Woman dwelling in one of the Villages upon the River side fast by, where both Armies of late passed, with a loud voice cried out, O,* 5.9 how much I now fear the hard Fortune of the Hunga∣rians. When as their passage over by the Foord troubled the River but one day, and the Turks three; by the small number of their Army, divining their ensuing overthrow. In the midst almost of this Plain ariseth a small Hill, by the foot whereof the River Schichniza runneth; not far beyond which, toward the Head of the Plain, was a certain Tower built like a Pyramid, in memorial of Amurath, the first of that name, and third King of the Turks, there slain; which Tower Amurath fearing lest Huniades marching before him, should take, and so become unto him ominous, (for in such matters the Turks are very superstitious) he made hast, of purpose to joyn Battel with him before he should come to the foresaid Tower. Huniades being come unto the Hill, easily arising in the midst of the Plain, there incamped, expecting the coming of Scanderbg; who was said (according to ap∣pointment made betwixt him and Huniades) to be every hour coming. Wherefore Amurath fearing lest the Tower fast by should be taken,

and the Enemies Power strengthned by the coming of the Albanois, provoked Huniades to battel; who still refused the same in hope of his Friends coming; which made the Turk more fierce upon him, seeking by all means he could to draw him to battel, but especially by cutting him off from Water and For••age; for why, he much presumed upon his multitude, having in his Army about fourscore thousand fighting men. At length Huniades, for want of Water and other necessaries enforced to fight, upon S. Lukes-day, being then Thursday, commanded his Souldiers to make themselves ready; and dividing his Army into two and thirty Battali∣ons, in such order as he meant to give battel, the more to encourage them, spake unto them as followeth:

* 5.10At length (valiant Souldiers, and fellows in Arms) the day is come, wherein you may revenge that Dishonour or Disgrace, you received in the battel of Varna; and recover your former Credit of Con∣stancy and Praise, if you will play the Men. The Enemy opposeth against you but these Reliques of his Armies, by you so often broken and discomfited; who although they be in number mor•• than you, yet are they in hope, Quarrel and Strength, far inferior. For what can they hope for, which fight not for their own, but for another mans Kingdom? and in con∣quering, procure unto themselves nothing but bondage in this life, and torment in the life to come, and in both, perpetual and endless Misery? Whereas you on the other side, howsoever the matter fall out, fight∣ing for your own Kingdom, your Children, your Coun∣try, your Houses, your Altars, may assuredly hope for in both, eternal and undoubted Bliss. You have also far greater cause to fight, as they which if they do not valiantly overcome their Enemies, are in dan∣ger, with themselves, to lose also all that theirs is. The strength of both is sufficiently tried. Once we unfortunately joyned battel at Varna, where if we might make exchange of ••ur Fortunes there found, haply the Turk would make choice of our flight, rather than of the great slaughter of his own men; who being not able to overtake us, was there notably beaten, with the loss of a great part of his Army; whose great loss there received, might countervail our Dishonour; although the loss, he suffered perforce, but we our flight by choice. But of that our Overthrow, the angry Powers from above (willing to revenge our breach of Faith) were, as I verily believe, the cause, rather than our Cowardise; for even there, all the Authors of that perfideous dealing, even there I say, every one received the just guerdon of their Treachery. Whereas we, against our wills drawn into that woful War, by the mercy of God yet live with you, preserved for the defence of the Christian Commonweal, and especially of Hungary, that it should not be over-run with the Turkish Power and Rage. The number of your Enemies is not of you to be feared, when as you with few, have oftentimes learned to fight with their multitudes, and carried away from them the Victory. Hitherto we have ra∣ther fought by the Power of God than man, and in the Name of Christ Iesus our Saviour, have easily overthrown their prophane Battels. Which way soever we have turned our selves in his most mighty Name, we have with our victorious Arms opened our way, for that we fought under the Leading and Conduct of the Highest, whose help we have always felt at hand; neither shall we thereof this day fail, if we be mindful of his forepassed love towards us, and of our wonted valour. God is always present with them that in his just Quarrel fight couragiously. Here∣unto is joyned the safe manner of our fight, by reason of our Men at Arms, and barbed Horses, who like a strong Castle cannot easily be overthrown. Our Batta∣lions are such as may easily be commanded, and yet strong enough against our Enemies; whereas their great multitude breedeth but confusion. We have many notable and forcible Engines of War, which they have not. Besides that, every hour we look for the worthy Scanderbeg his coming. The danger is not so great, as that we should fear it; or so little, as that we should contemn it. Back again without Victory we may not go, for that our Army is hardly by the straits of these Mountains to be led; and if the way were never so easie, yet without doing that we came for, and glory with Victory, we may not retire. Unto the Valiant, all difficulties are propounded. Wherefore sith this your last Labour is at hand, wherein the whole strength of the Turks may be for ever cut off, I pray and beseech you (fellow Souldiers) by that God under whose Power and Protection we serve, and by the love you bear unto your Country, your Wives, your Children, and Wealth, upon the signal of battel given, so to shew your valour, as men resolved to be fully revenged of the Injuries by that filthy and wic∣ked Nation done both to God and man; and espe∣cially of the loss received at Varna. We lost there a devout King, who for our safety, and for the breach of his Faith, sacrificed himself; by which Royal Sa∣crifice, that Divine Anger is appeased; unto whose ghost I beseech you, in this battel to make an honour∣able Sacrifice. Not forgetting withall, to revenge the death of other worthy Men in that battel slain. This fear of the Turks, is at once and even this day to be cut off; and so, as that it should never grow again; and the Kingdom of Hungary, so to be delivered from the danger of most cruel slavery, as that it may by this days work gain perpetual Rest and Glory, unto the enjoying of the pleasures both of this life, and of the life to come. Wherefore (worthy Souldiers) we must fight with all our force, for that our Honour so requireth, our profit so perswadeth, and necessity enforceth. As for our selves, howsoever the matter fall out, all shall be with us well: If Victory, perpe∣tual Bliss and Happiness shall thereby be procured unto our Country, and Immortal Fame unto our selves; but if we shall be overcome, here we shall be most honour∣ably buried in the bed of Fame, to live in Heaven with God and his Saints for ever. Wherefore I be∣seech you so fight, as men resolutely set down to over∣come, or if it should otherwise fall out, as Men resolved honourably to die.

With this the Generals Speech, all the minds of the Hearers were greatly enflamed, and they all by his words, and their own hot desires, suf∣ficiently encouraged; neither did old Amurath on the other side with less care or diligence marshal his Army, and incourage his Turks, sparing neither chearful Speech, glorious Promises, or se∣vere Command; whose Army being brought into the Plain, and ranged in order of battel, filled the same from the one side to the other, even unto the very Mountains, to the great astonish∣ment of the Christians; and so about nine a clock in the morning set forward. Huniades had from the Hill where he lay, sent down both the wings of his Army, and had afront on both sides be∣fore them, stretched out certain long Troops of light Horsemen to begin the Skirmish. In the midst betwixt both he had placed Zechel, his Sisters Son, with a strong square battel of Men at Arms; and such as he had kept aloft upon the Hill for Rescues, he had compassed about with his Wag∣gons, as with Trenches.* 5.11 The signal of the battel be∣ing given, the fierce and couragious Souldiers on both sides, with chearful minds, began at first to Skirmish a far off; but afterwards For∣tune as it were fawning upon both sides, and their courage thereupon increasing, they began with greater force to fight foot to foot, and

hand to hand. Which hot fight continued about three hours; at length the Turks battel was put to the worst, by Benedict Losonicus, who had the leading of the right Wing; and so likewise in the left also by Stephen Bamffi, who with great slaughter had notably foiled the great Bassa of Europe, still pressing hard and desperately upon him. Which discomfiture of his Men in both Wings Amurath beholding, presently sent in strong Supplies, and in both places renewed the battel; whereby the Hungarian and Valachian light Horsemen, before wearied, were enforced to re∣tire unto the Men at Arms; who serred toge∣ther, and standing as a strong Wall, easily repul∣sed the greatest Assaults of the Turks. In which manner of fight many were on both sides slain, but far more of the Turks, by reason they were neither so well horsed nor armed as were the Christians. Huniades in the mean time with the Artillery from the Hill, did the Turks great harm; which Amurath perceiving, drew as close unto the Hill as he could, by that mean saving his people (so much as was possible) out of the danger of the Artillery, mounted on high above them in such sort, as that it could little or no∣thing now hurt them; which Huniades from the Hill beholding, came down to the relief of his Men, sending new Supplies to both Wings; sometime encouraging them with chearful Speech, and sometime with his own most valiant hand; unto the weary he sent Relief, the fearful he encouraged, them that were flying he stay∣ed, and where he saw the Enemies fastest coming on, there was he himself present to meet them, omitting nothing that was of a good Ge∣neral or worthy Souldier to be done. The valiant he commended, the coward he reproved, and as a careful General, was himself in every place present. Whereby the battel became so fierce and terrible, that in every place a man might have seen all fouly foiled with blood and the quarry of the dead. Amurath in like manner still sent in new Suppli••s, nothing discouraged with the great loss of his Men, presuming upon his multitude, as fully resolved orderly to fight, and to make use of all his Forces, in hope at length by continual sending in of fresh Supplies, to weary his Enemies, whom he saw he could not by force overcome. Wherein he was not deceived, for one Battalion of the Hungarians was often∣times enforced to weary four or five of the Turks before they could be relieved, they came on so fast. That day they dined and supt in the battel, refreshing themselves with such short re∣past as they could eat standing, going, or riding. The Turks Army was that day in every place put to the worst, and oftentimes with great slaughter enforced by the Hungarians to retire al∣most unto their Trenches; yet was the battel still again renewed, and so fought on both sides, as well appeared they were resolved either to over∣come, or there to die. This cruel fight main∣tained all the day, was by the coming on of the night ended, both the Armies retiring into their own Trenches, but with purpose the next day to renew the battel, and not to give over or turn their backs, till the Victory were by dint of Sword determined. So with little rest, was that night spent, both Armies keeping most diligent watch, all carefully expecting the next day, as by battel therein to try whether they should live or die. It was yet scarce fair day, when both the Armies in good order ready ranged began again the battel;* 5.12 which at the first, was not by the Hungarians fought with such ••orce and courage as before, for there was none of them which had not the day before spent their whole strength; whereas there was yet 40000 of the Turks which either had not fought at all,* 5.13 or but light∣ly skirmished. Yet Huniades exhorted his Soul∣diers, not by faint-hearted cowardise to break off the course of the Victory by them the day before so well begun, but couragiously to prose∣cute the same; beseeching them not to be now wanting unto themselves and their Country, but to remember how they had fought the day before, how many thousands of their Enemies they had slain, and not now at last to give over, and so shamefully to frustrate all the pains and dangers by them before endured; for that they (as he said) were to be thought worthy of Honour, not which began, but which ended honourable actions. He wisht them to set before their eyes the Cala∣mities like to ensue, if they should as Cowards be overcome; first, the divers kinds of death and torture; then, the slavery of their Wives and Children; the Ravishment of their Virgins and Matrons; and last of all, the utter destruction of their Kingdom, with the horrible confusion of all things, as well Sacred as Prophane; all which were by that one days labour (said he) to be avoided. And therefore he besought them for the love both of God and man, with their wonted Valour, that day to set at liberty for ever, them∣selves, their Country, their Wives and Children, and whatsoever else they held dear. In like man∣ner also did Amurath encourage his Souldiers, with great Promises and Threats, perswading them ra∣ther to endure any thing, than by that days over∣throw to be driven out of Europe. He carefully viewed his Army, ordered this Battels, and with many great Reasons perswaded them to play the men. But after that some light Skirmishes be∣ing past, both the Armies were fully joyned, the battel was fought with no less force and fury than the day before. Of the Christians many then wounded, came now again into the battel, there either by speedy death or speedy victory to cure their Wounds before received, and there did right good Service. Great was the slaughter in every place, neither could the force of the Hun∣garians be withstood; whose furious impression, when the Turks could not by plain force en∣dure, they began with their fresh Horsemen, cun∣ningly to delude their desperate fierceness; at such time at the Hungarians began most hardly to charge them, they by and by turned their backs, suffering them a while to follow after them, far scattered and dispersed; who allured as it were with the hope of present Victory, eagerly pur∣sued them, and in the pursuit slew divers of them, and they again upon a signal given, closing toge∣ther, and turning back upon the dispersed Troops, well revenged the death of their Fellows; and with their often charges and retreats, wonder∣fully wearied the Hungarians, notably deluding their furious Attempts with that uncertain kind of fight, all the day long. Many of the Hunga∣rians were slain, and the Turks had that day the better, and so both Armies being wearied, night and weariness ended the fight; both retiring in∣to their Trenches, there keeping most careful Watch. The next morning by the dawning of the day, the battel was again begun. Huniades his Brother, General of the Valachians, with his sight Horsemen setting first forward, after whom in seemly order followed the rest of the Nobility, with their Companies. Where for certain hours,* 5.14 the battel was hardly fought with like hope on both sides, and a great slaughter made, but especially of the Hungarians; who wearied with the long fight, and most part of them wounded, were now all to endure this third days labour. Zechel (Huniades his Sisters Son) valiantly

fighting in the front of the Battel, was the first of the Leaders there slain in the thickest of the Turks. Emericus Marzalus and Stephen Bamffi, both great Commanders, enclosed by the Turks, there died also. Amurath seeing the formost En∣signs of the Christians, which stood in Zechels Regiment, taken, and his Souldiers (discomfited with the death of their Colonel) turning their backs, presently commanded all the Companies, which were many (yet left in the Trenches, for fresh Supplies) to issue forth, and at once to over∣whelm the Christians, being (as he said) but few and overwearied with three days continual fight. Upon which the Kings Command, they fiercely breaking out, presently overthrew both the Wings of the Christians, before wavering; and in a great battel (wherein most of the chief Commanders were slain, and their Ensigns taken) discomfited the rest, and with a great slaughter put them to flight. Huniades seeing his Brother now slain,* 5.15 the Ensigns taken, and the Battel quite lost, betook himself to flight also; leaving behind him his Tents and Baggage, all which shortly after became a Prey to the Turks; who from noon until night furiously followed the chace, with most cruel execution; but at length staid by the coming on of the darkness, they re∣turned again unto their Trenches. The rest of the Turks Army that followed not the chace, compassing in the Hungarian Camp, were there by the wounded Souldiers, the Waggoners, and other Drudges of the Army, kept out so long as they had any shot left; but yet were in the end every Mothers Son slain, though not alto∣gether unrevenged, two or three of the Turks in many places lying dead by the body of one Hun∣garian. Amurath to cover the greatness of the loss he there received, commanded the bodies of his Captains there slain, to be forthwith bu∣ried; and the bodies of his common Souldiers, to be for the most part cast into the River Schichniza; for which cause the Inhabitants of the Country there by, of long time after ab∣stained from eating of any Fish taken in that River. The Plain by this great battel made once again famous, lay nevertheless many years after covered with dead mens bones, as if it had been with stones; neither could be ploughed by the Country-people, but that long time after Armor and Weapons were there still in many places turned up and found. Thus albeit that this bloody Victory fell unto the Turks, yet was their loss far greater than the Hungarians; having lost (as was reported by them that say least) four and thirty thousand of themselves, for eight thousand of their Enemies.* 5.16 Howbeit they themselves re∣port the loss to have been on both sides far greater; as that of the Christians were slain seventeen thousand, and of themselves forty thousand; which in so long and mortal a fight, is not unlike to have been true. In this unfortunate battel, fell most part of the Hungarian Nobility; all men worthy eternal Fame and Memory, whose Names we for brevity will pass over. Many in the chace taken, and the next day brought to Amurath, were by the commandment of the angry Tyrant slain. Such as escaped out of the slaughter by the way of Illyria, returned in safety; but such as thought to save themselves by returning back again through Servia, the De∣spots Country, found the same so troublesome as that few of them escaped, but that they were by the way either slain, or quite stripped of all they had.

Neither was the Fortune of the Noble Hunia∣des much better than the fortune of the rest, who having on Horseback all alone by uncouth and untract ways travelled three days without Meat or Drink, and the fourth day tired his Horse and cast him off, being on foot and disarmed, fell into the hands of two notable Thieves, who in dispoiling him of his Apparel, finding a fair Crucifix of Gold about his Neck, fell at strife betwixt themselves for the same; whereby he took occasion to lay hand upon one of their Swords, and with the same presently thrust him through; and then suddenly assailing the other, put him to flight also. So delivered of this dan∣ger, travelling on, and almost spent with thirst and hunger, the next day he light upon a Shep∣herd, a sturdy rough Knave, who hearing of the Overthrow of the Hungarians, was (in hope of prey) roaming abroad in that desolate Country; who at the first meeting, strucken with the ma∣jesty of the man, stood at gaze upon him; as also did Huniades, fearing in his so great weak∣ness to have to do with him. Thus a while having the one well regarded the other, they began to enter talk, the Shepherd bluntly asking him of his Fortune; and he for God sake craving of him something to eat. When as the Shepherd hearing of his hard hap, moved with his estate, and hope of promised reward, brought him unto a poor Cottage not far off, causing to be set be∣fore him Bread and Water, with a few Onions. Who in the pleasant remembrance of that passed misery, would oftentimes after in his greatest Banquets say, That he never in his life fared bet∣ter, or more daintily, than when he supped with this Shepherd. So well can hunger season home∣ly Cates. Thus refreshed, he was by the Shep∣herd conducted to Sinderovia; whereof the Des∣pot having Intelligence (whose Country was all laid for the staying of him) caused him by the Captain of the Castle to be apprehended, and imprisoned. But after certain days spent in talk about his deliverance, it was at length agreed, that all such strong Towns in Rascia and Servia, as had by the Hungarians been detained from the Despot,* 5.17 at such time as his Kingdom was by King Uladislaus restored unto him, should now be again to him delivered; and that Matthias, Huniades his youngest Son, should for the confir∣mation of further friendship, marry the Despots Daughter; with some other such conditions as it pleased the ungrateful Prince for his own be∣hoof to set down. For performance whereof, he required to have Ladislaus, Huniades his eldest Son, in Hostage. All which Huniades was glad forthwith to yield unto, for fear the false Des∣pot should have delivered him into the hands of Amurath his mortal Enemy. So the Hostage being given, Huniades was again fet at liberty: Who upon Christmas-day coming to Segedinum, was there by all the Nobility of Hungary, and great concourse of the people, honourably received. This ingratitude of the Despots no less grieved this worthy man, than the dishonour received from the Turk. Wherefore upon the sudden raising a great Army, he invaded the Territory, long before given to the Despot by the Emperor Si∣gismund in Hungary, in exchange of the strong Town of Belgrade, destroying the Country be∣fore him, and burning the Villages, never rest∣ing, until he had got into his Power whatso∣ever the Despot had in Hungary; and not so contented, presently entred into Rascia, where the Despots Embassadors met him, bringing with them Ladislaus the Hostage, honourably reward∣ed, and humbly craving Peace at his hands; which he, at the request of the Nobility easily granted, with forgiveness of all former Wrongs or Injuries; and so having with him concluded a Peace, returned back again into Hungary. But

fortune never suffereth long the valiant man to rest, but still keepeth him busied, lest he should at too much ease attain unto Honors glory.

[year 1449.] The year following, Amurath certainly infor∣med,* 5.18 That George the Despot having of late Hu∣niades in his Power, had again set him at liber∣ty; was therewith exceeding wroth, blaming him of great Ingratitude, That for a Kingdom which he had at his hands received, he had not delivered to him his Enemy, in full recompence thereof; whom of all others he most feared, and therefore likewise wisht to have had him perish. In revenge of which Injury (as he took it) the melancholy Tyrant, sent Fritze-beg and Iose-beg, two of his most expert Captains, with a strong Power to invade Rascia, the Despots Country; who accordingly entring thereinto, strongly for∣tified Chrysonicum, a Town before ruinated, upon the side of the River Morava, and from thence with Fire and Sword destroyed the Country both far and near. The Despot dismayed with this sudden and unexpected Invasion, wist not well which way to turn himself; the angry Turk he well knew, was not to be appeased without yielding unto some great inconvenience; and to pray Aid of Huniades, without which he was not able to withstand the Turks, he thought but vain, for the wrong he had before done him. So that what to do he wist not; yet had he ra∣ther to endure any thing, than again to suffer the heavy Bondage of the Turk. In this extre∣mity he thought best to make proof of Huniades, of whom he humbly, and not without great shame, craved Aid. Which the courteous Go∣vernor, according to his honourable Nature, for∣getting all former Injuries, easily granted; and the rather, for that he desired nothing more, than to be of the Turks in some part revenged of the Overthrow from them of late received in the Plains of Cossova; as also for that he wise∣ly foresaw, That the Despots Country being lost, he should have the Turks still braving him even as it were in the Gates of Hungary. Wherefore having with great speed raised a convenient Power, he forthwith in Person himself set for∣ward, and at Synderovia passing over the River Danubius into Rascia, there joyned his Power with the Despots, which he found there ready. And so marching forward with such Expedition, that he prevented the fame of his coming; and the Weather also at the same time as it were fa∣vouring his purpose, and covering the Country with a thick mist, he was the fourth day upon the Turks before they were aware of him. Who wonderfully dismayed with the sudden coming of the Christians, and upon the break∣ing up of the mist, discovering also Huniades his Ensigns (always unto them dreadful) thought now no more of resistance, or of the ordering of their Battel, but as men discouraged, betook themselves to speedy flight. After whom follow∣ed the Hungarian and Servian light Horsemen, with most bloody Execution, having them in chase all that day; Huniades with his Men at Arms following still after in good order, for fear the Turks should again make head upon the light Horsemen that had them in chase. And had not the coming on of the night ended the slaughter, few of the Turks had there escaped; but by the approach thereof many of them got into the Woods, and so saved themselves. Fritze-beg the General, with most part of the Turks best Commanders, were in that flight taken. Hunia∣des after this Victory entring into Bulgaria, came to Budina, the Metropolitical City of that Coun∣try, which (as the cause oftentimes of great Wars) he burnt down to the ground. And so having well revenged himself, and cleared the Country of the Turks, he returned back again into Servia, and there gave to the Despot for a Present all the Prisoners he had taken, and contenting him∣self with the honour of the Victory, returned with Triumph to Buda, there to find no less trouble with the Bohemians, and some of the dis∣contented Nobility of Hungary, than he had with the Turks, to the great hurt of the Christian Com∣monweal.

All this while that Amurath was thus troubled with Huniades and the Hungarians, Mustapha lying still upon the borders of Macedonia, as Amurath had commanded; it chanced that a great quar∣rel grew betwixt the Venetians and Scanderbeg, about the Inheritance of Lech Zachary (a Noble man of Epirus) then shamefully murdered by his unnatural Kinsman Lech Duchagne; part of whose Inheritance lying in the Frontiers of Epirus, the Venetians claimed, as belonging to their Seigniory; and having got possession of the City of Dayna, part thereof, by force held the same against Scanderbeg; upon which quar∣rel great Wars arose betwixt the Venetians and him, who had before been very great Friends; insomuch that in the end they joyned in battel at the River of Drine, where the Venetians were by him in a great battel overthrown. Of which troubles Mustapha daily understood, and how that Scanderbeg so busied, had left but a small Garri∣son upon the Borders of Epirus. Wherefore be∣ing desirous to redeem his former disgrace with some better hap; he would fain have taken the opportunity now presented, but that his great Masters command lay so heavy upon him, as that he durst not without his leave attempt the same; knowing that the danger of his evil for∣tune, if it should so fall out, would far exceed the uncertain glory of his better success. Yet ceased he not from time to time to give Amurath Intelligence of these Troubles and Wars in Epirus, earnestly requesting him not to let slip so fair an opportunity, but to give him leave to enter into the Country, in manner, assuring him be∣fore hand of the Victory. Yet the suspitious old King was long in resolving what to do, still fearing the Fortune of his Enemy. At length discharged of the fear of the Hungarians, and commending Mustapha his forwardness, he sent unto him a Mes∣senger with Letters of this purport, answerable to his desire.

The Wars thou so greatly desirest,* 6.1 behold Mustapha we grant unto thee; the glory thereof (if those things be true which we hear of the Venetian War) thine own valour, and worthy right hand shall give thee; yet thou must warily deal with that Enemy, and not rashly take up Arms, which thou mayst be enforced shamefully to cast away, when thou thinkest least. Peradventure the counterfeit shew of War and feigned falling out among the Christians, do too much allure thee; for the common saying is, There is no quarrel sooner ended, than betwixt the Father and the Son; we in Person absent, can neither advise thee as pre∣sent, nor commend a foolish forwardness in Arms. Thou must before thou put on Arms, dispose of all things, and consider of every particular, which is to be put in execution when thou art in the field. Thou hast a great Army of fresh and lusty Souldiers, thine Ene∣mies are with continual Wars wearied and spent; in that remaineth, do as thou thinkest good; for I forbid thee the doing of nothing, which thou thinkest may be for the advancement of our Honour.

Mustapha having thus obtained leave, and well appointed, with all his Forces entred into Epi∣rus, hoping in one battle to end that War; which

he (presuming upon the strength of his Army) many times offered in the plain field. News hereof was brought to Scanderbeg (then lying at the Siege of Dayna against the Venetians) from his Garrisons lying upon the Frontiers of Epirus, to whom he addressed a speedy Messenger; com∣manding them in no wise to encounter with the Enemy, but to keep themselves within the safe∣guard of their strong Holds, and to protract the time until his coming. Afterwards selecting out of his Army 500 Horsemen, and 1500 chosen Footmen, all old beaten Souldiers, he with that small number marched to the place where he knew lay his Garrisons intrenched, in the upper Country of Dibra; leaving Amesa his Nephew at the Siege of Dayna. Mustapha having many times in vain sought to draw the Garrison Soul∣diers out of their Trenches by offering them many fair opportunities of advantage, and now out of hope that way to circumvent them, began to spoil and burn the Country round about. But when he understood by his Scouts of Scanderbeg his coming, he speedily called together his Army, and encamped within two miles of Scanderbegs Camp, at a place called Oronoche, in the upper Country of Dibra. Scanderbeg had there in his Camp, of his Garrison Souldiers and those he brought with him, four thousand Horsemen, and two thousand Foot, all old expert Souldiers, where, after he had made his Trenches strong, he left therein three hundred of them, and brought the rest into the field in order of battel. Mustapha on the other side likewise brought on in good order his Army also. But whilst both Armies thus stood ranged one within the view of the other, expecting nothing but the signal of battel, suddenly a man at Arms, in gallant and rich Furniture, issued out of the Turks Army into the midst of the Plain betwixt both Armies, and from thence with a loud Voice challenged to fight hand to hand with any one of the Christian Army. This Turk was called Caragusa. At the first Scanderbeg Souldiers upon this Chal∣lenge stood still, one looking upon another; for as they were all ashamed to refuse so brave an Offer, so the danger so suddenly offered, staid every mans forwardness for a while; until that one Paul Manessi, accounted the best Man at Arms in Scanderbeg his Army (upon whom every mans eye was now cast, as if he had been the Man by name called out by the proud Challen∣ger) not able longer to endure the Turks pride, with great courage and chearful countenance came to Scanderbeg, requesting him that he might be the Man to accept that Challenge. Who greatly commended him, and willed him on God his Name to set forward, first to win Honour to himself, and then to give example of his Valour for all the rest of the Army to follow. Paul staying a while, until he had for that pur∣pose most bravely armed himself, mounted pre∣sently to Horse, and riding forth into the Plain, called aloud unto the Turk, that he should make himself ready to fight. Whom Caragusa required to stay a while, that he might speak unto him a few words, indifferently concerning them both.

* 6.2The Victory (said he) our force and fortune shall determine; but the conditions of the Victory, we are now to appoint our selves. If the Destinies have assigned unto thee the Honour of this day, I refuse not, but that thou mayst by Law of Arms, when I am overcome, carry away with thee my rich Spoils, and at thy pleasure dispose of my dead body. But if thou shalt fall under my hand, I require that I may have the same right and power over thy captive Body; and that the Generals will grant that no man shall move out of either Army, to better the fortune of either of us in the time of the Combat, or after.

Whereunto Manessi answered,* 6.3 That he agreed to those conditions of the Combat, which he upon a need∣less fear had so required to be kept, saying, That where the fierce Soul had yielded, there of good right all the rest ought to be the Conquerors; and that therefore he should fight without fear of any more Enemies than himself; whom so soon as he had deprived of life, he should have free power to do with his dead body what he would. Which if thou wouldst give (said he) unto the tears of my fellow Souldiers, yet would not worthy Scanderbeg suffer the Carkass of a van∣quished Coward to be brought back again into his Camp.

Caragusa marvelled to hear his so brave Reso∣lution, and as it was thought, repented him of his Challenge. But after that both the Generals had upon their Honours confirmed the Laws of the Combat before rehearsed, both the Champions were left alone in the midst of the Plain between both Armies, with all mens eyes fixed upon them. Now both the Armies betwixt fear and hope, stood in great expectation of the event of the Combat, presaging their own Fortunes in the fortune of their Champions. In which time they both having withdrawn themselves one from the other a convenient distance, for the making of their course, and after with great violence run∣ning together, Caragusa was by Manessi, at the first encounter struck through the Head and slain. Manessi alighting, disarmed the dead Body, and struck off his Head; and so loaded with the Armor and Head of the proud Challenger, re∣returned with Victory to the Army, where he was joyfully received and brough to Scanderbeg, of whom he was there presently honourably both commended and rewarded. Scanderbeg seeing his Men by this good fortune of Man••ssi, greatly en∣couraged, and the Turks as men dismayed with the death of their Champion, hanging their heads, like an invincible Captain, himself set first forward toward the Enemy, as it were in con∣tempt of their multitude; and had charged them as they stood, before they had set one foot for∣ward, had not Mustapha to incourage his Soul∣diers,* 6.4 with certain disordered Troops opposed himself against him, which the whole Army seeing, faintly followed; but as they set for∣ward with small courage, so were they at the first Incounter easily driven to retire. Which when Mustapha saw, he called earnestly upon them to follow him, and the more to encourage them by his own example, put Spurs to his Horse, and fiercely charged the Front of Scan∣derbegs Army, as one resolved either to gain the Victory, or there to die; after whom followed most of the principal Captains of his Army, which would not for shame forsake their Gene∣ral; thus by his Valour the battel was for a while renewed. But Moses prevailing with great slaughter in one part of the Army, the Turks began to fly; in which flight Mustapha the Gene∣ral, with twelve others of the chief Men in that Army, were taken Prisoners, but of the common Souldiers few were saved. There was slain of the Turks Army ten thousand, and fifteen En∣signs taken; whereas of the Christians were slain but three hundred. The Turks Tents and Camp, with all the Wealth thereof, became a Prey to Scanderbegs Souldiers; wherewith although he had satisfied the desires of them all, yet to keep his old custom, he entred into the Confines of Macedonia, and there burnt and spoiled all that he could. And afterwards leaving a Gar∣rison of two thousand Horsemen and a thou∣sand Foot for defence of his Frontiers, returned

again with the rest of his Army to the Siege of Dayna.

* 6.5Not long after, the Venetians made Peace with Scanderbeg; and Amurath desirous to redeem his Captains, about the same time sent great Pre∣sents unto Scanderbeg, with five and twenty thou∣sand Ducats for the Ransom of Mustapha and the other Chieftains; whom Scanderbeg so honour∣ably used, as if there had never been any Hosti∣lity betwixt him and them; and so with a safe Convoy sent them out of his Country. The Ransom of Mustapha and the other Turks he divided amongst his Souldiers. When Scander∣beg had thus made Peace with the Venetians, he forthwith led his Army again into Macedonia, with the spoil of that Country to make his Soul∣diers better pay, as his usual manner was. And to do the greater harm, he divided his Army into three parts, wherewith he over-running the Country, wasted and destroyed all before him, putting to the Sword all the Turks that came in his way. As for the Christians that there lived amongst them, he spared, but left them nothing more than their lives; the Buildings of the Country he utterly consumed with fire, so that in all that part of Macedonia which bordereth upon Epirus, nothing was to be seen more than the bare ground, and the shews of the spoil by him there made. Which unmerciful havock of all things he made, to the end that the Turks should find no Relief in those Quarters, whenso∣ever they should come thither to lie in Garrison in that Country, or to invade Epirus. The spoil he made was so great, that it was thought he left not in all that Country, so much as might relieve the Turks Army for one day.

Of all these great harms by Scanderbeg done in Macedonia, Amurath was with all speed ad∣vertised, and therewith exceedingly vexed; how∣beit he resolved with his great Counsellors, no more to send any of his Bassaes or Captains, but to go himself in Person, with such a Royal Army as should be sufficient, not to Conquer Epirus, but if need were, to fill every corner thereof. Wherefore he commanded Commissions to be speedily directed into all parts of his Kingdoms and Provinces, for the levying of a great Army for Hadrianople; yet whither he intended to im∣ploy the same, was not known to any in the Turks Court, more than to the Bassaes of the Council. Which caused all the bordering Christi∣an Princes to make the best preparation they could for their own assurance, every one fearing left that growing Tempest should break out against himself. But Scanderbeg of long acquaint∣ed with the Turkish policy, easily perceived all that great preparation to be made against him; which he was the rather induced to think, by reason of the unaccustomed quietness of Amu∣rath, who all that while had neither sent any Army to Revenge Mustapha's Overthrow, nor so much as a Garrison for the defence of the Borders of his Kingdom, but had let all things negligent∣ly pass, as if he had been in a dead sleep. Be∣sides that, it was also thought that he had secret Intelligence from some of his old Friends and Acquaintance in Amuraths Court, who probably suspected the matter. Wherefore Scanderbeg set∣ting all other things apart, gave himself wholly to the preparing of things necessary for the de∣fence of his small Kingdom against so mighty an Enemy. First, he by Letters and Messengers advertised all the Christian Princes his Neigh∣bours and Friends, of the greatness of the danger of that War; wherein Amurath (as he said) sought not only his destruction, but the utter ruine of them all; exhorting them therefore to consider, how far the danger of so great an Army might extend, and therefore to stand fast upon their Guard. Then he sent Moses and other his expert Captains into all parts of Epirus, to take up Souldiers, and all the Provision of Corn and Victuals that was possible to be had. Wherein he himself also busily travelled day and night, not resting until he had left nothing in the Country, whereupon the Enemy might shew his cruelty. Most part of the common people, with their Substance, were received into the strong Ci∣ties; the rest took the refuge of the Venetian and other Christian Princes Towns and Countries farther off, until this fury were overpast; all such as were able to bear Arms, were commanded to repair to Croia; where when they were all assembled, they were enough to have made a right puissant Army. But out of all this multitude, Scanderbeg made choice only of 10000 old ex∣pert Souldiers, whom he purposed to lead him∣self, to incounter with the Turks great Army, as he should see occasion, and placed 1300 in Gar∣rison in Croia. The Citizens also themselves were throughly furnished with all manner of Weapons and other Provision meet for the defence of their City. Then Proclamation was made, That all the aged men unfit for Wars, with the Women and Children, should depart the City, and none to be therein lest, but the Garrison-Souldiers, and such Citizens as were willing to tarry, and able to bear Arms. This City of Croia was the chief City of Epirus, and of the fortune thereof seemed to depend the state of all the other strong Towns and Cities, and so consequently of the whole Kingdom; for which cause, Scanderbeg had the greater care for the defence thereof. It was a miserable sight,* 6.6 to see the lamentable departure of this weak Company out of Croia; all was full of weeping and willing; no House, no Street, no part of the City was without mourn∣ing; but especially in the Churches was to be seen the very face of common sorrow and heavi∣ness; where all sorts of people in great numbers flocking together, poured forth their devout Pray∣ers, with fountains of Tears, ringing their hands; yea, and some in the impatiency of their grief forgetting themselves, seemed to expostulate their grief with God. But when their sorrow was with tears asswaged, and their Hearts somewhat eased, the aged Mothers kissing their Sons, gave them many a fearful commandment; sometime rehearsing, how lovingly and tenderly they had brought them up, and othersome times shewing unto them their feeble Limbs and hoary Hairs, willing them to be mindful of them. The Wives presented their Children unto their Husbands, bewailing to leave them as childless Widowers, and their Houses desolate. The old Men mute with sorrow, and careful of their Children, durst neither incourage them, for fear of making them too forward; neither disswade them from adven∣turing themselves, lest they should seem to love them more than their native Country. In the midst of these Passions Commandment came from Scanderbeg, that they must now depart, that the Souldiers might take their places and charge. Then began their sorrows afresh, with piteous scriching and Tears; a man would have thought the City had even then been presently taken by the Turks. They could hardly be drawn from the imbracing of their Friends, all now de∣siring to remain still with them in the City, par∣takers of their common dangers. But when they saw the Officers begin to be earnest upon them, and to hasten their departure, then with heavy Hearts they took as it were their last farewel, and departed out of the City, setting their feet

many times they wist not where, for desire they had to look back again upon the City. This great multitude was conveyed also into the Vene∣tian Cities, and other places free from danger; whither all the Country-people which were not before received into the strong Cities, resorted also, with all their Subjects and Cattel; leaving nothing in all the Country of Epirus, but the bare ground for the Turks to prey upon. After this multitude was departed, and all well quieted, and none left in the City but Men fit for Ser∣vice, Scanderbeg throughly stored it with all things needful for the defence thereof, and for the induring of a long Siege; besides that, he gave to every Souldier convenient Armor, with some small reward. Then he placed Uranacontes (a va∣liant and famous Captain, honourably descended) Governor of the City. And so having set all things in order for the safeguard thereof, after he had in few words exhorted them couragiously to endure the Siege, and not to listen to Amuraths flattering and deceitful Charms, he departed out of the City unto his Army, then lying within view, and began presently to march towards Dybra. But he was not far gone, before he met Moses with a gallant Troop of Horsemen coming from Sfetigrade, a strong City of Dybra, situate in the Confines of Epirus, bordering upon Macedonia; which City was Scanderbeg his se∣cond care, for that it was like to be the first that should indure the angry Tyrants fury, standing first in his way, as it were the Fortress of that Country. Moses had there set all things in like order, as had Scanderbeg in Croia, and had there placed one Peter Perlat (a grave and politique Man) Governor, with a strong Garrison of Soul∣diers chosen out of all the Country of Dybra, which were always accounted the best Men of War in all Epirus, and was for so doing greatly commended of Scanderbeg. Who delivering unto him all the Forces he had prepared for the de∣fence of the other Castles and Cities of Epirus, sent him with divers other of his Nobility and Captains, to take order for the safety of those places, appointing unto every man his charge. As for himself, he with a small Troop of Horse∣men went to Sfetigrade,* 6.7 careful of that City above measure, as it were before divining the insuing danger. Being come thither, and all the Souldiers assembled by his commandment into the Market place, he there in open Audience spake unto them as followeth:

* 6.8Almighty God could not this day offer unto you (worthy Souldiers of Sfetigrade) better matter, nei∣ther could a fairer occasion be presented unto brave Minds and Souldiers desirous of Honour, than that which now hath caused you to take up most just Arms. Wherein you may for ever, by worthy example, make known your constant Faith and worthy Valour, both towards me in private, and the people of Epi∣rus in general. Hitherto we have born Arms for the Honour of our Kingdom, but now we must fight for our Lives, our Liberty, and the Walls of our Country. You must now force your selves, that you do not by Reproach and Cowardise stain the worthy Praises you have already deserved, by the great Victories by you obtained under my Conduct. The greatest part of the fortune of this War dependeth upon you: For, the first passage of Amurath into Epirus (that I my self may be unto you the first Messenger of that danger) will be this way; the first fury of the Turks will assail you, that having here as it were broken down the strongest Fortress of Epirus, he may after∣wards break into the Country, more subject to dan∣ger. The first fruits of this War is yours, you (if you bear the hearts of couragious Men, mindful of your Liberty) may beat down the proud strength of the haughty Enemy, and discover his high Conceits. The Othoman King shall have the beginning both of his hope and fear, of you; if he shall find you so minded, as I now see you gallantly moved, and with joy hear your violent Indignation; he will in every place fear a great force of danger, and thereby learn to ab∣stain from the other Cities of Epirus. Neither will he lie here long at a vain Siege, except the wayward old man will foolishly hereupon gage all h••s whole Forces; for such is the situation and strength of this City, that it may easily set at nought an angry Ene∣my. Wherefore resolve with your selves (worthy Souldiers and Citizens) only by constancy and faith∣fulness, without bloodshed, to gain unto your selves an honourable Victory. Of your Valour (which I willingly speak of) dependeth for the most part the faithfulness of all the rest; they will look upon you, whom they may praise or accuse, and whose Example they may follow in the fortune of these Wars. But to what purpose should men of worth in their actions pretend the necessity of Faith, or chance of Fortune? whereas by reason things are both best begun and accom∣plished. It seldom chanceth, that Fortune faileth the second advice, or is not obedient to Vertue; and you have all things which most politique Care could pro∣vide for your safety. You want not Armor, you want not plentiful Provision of Victuals, you want not va∣liant ment; the superfluous multitude of unnecessary people, the pitiful lamentation of Women, and trouble∣some crying of Children shall not withdraw you from your publique Charge, from your service and defence of your Country; I have left you alone to your selves, for defence of your City, your Religion, and Dwellings, that you might be encouraged only with the provo∣cations of Honour and Liberty, with the emulation of adventure and danger, and the very sight one of another; and I my self will not be far off with my couragious Souldiers, a silent Beholder and Encour∣ager of your Vertue; where although I may not avert from you all the force of the cruel Enemy by rash adventure, nor try the whole Fortune of this War in plain Field; yet will I turn a great part of your dan∣gers upon my self, and trouble the Enemies designs with many a hot Skirmish. For as much as there is no better manner of fight, nor safer kind of War for us, amongst such a multitude of men, and so many thousands of Souldiers, than never to offer battel unto the Enemy in plain Field, neither to adventure all upon the Fortune of one Conflict, although a man did see apparent signs of Victory. He will of purpose at the first give us the opportunity of good hap; he will feed our hardiness with the blood of his base Souldiers, the easilier to intrap and oppress our rashness, allured with the sweet baits of good Fortune; but the crafty Devices of the Othoman King are by great policy and consideration to be frustrated; this mighty Ene∣my is by little and little to be cut off as time and place shall give occasion. For truly that Victory should be unto me lamentable, which I should buy with the blood of my Souldiers; and believe me, it would be unto me a more sorrowful than pleasant sight, to see eight or ten thousand of my Enemies slain, with the loss of a few of you. I praise and honour my Subjects of Epi∣rus for valiant Conquerors, if they shall n••t suffer themselves to be conquered of the Turkish King. The rest I had rather you couragious Souldiers of Dybra should consider with your selves, than that I should seem to distrust of your assured Faith, by giving you a car••ful and tedious Admonition.

When Scanderbeg had with chearful perswa∣sion thus encouraged the Minds of them of Sfetigrade, he departed thence, and visited di∣vers other Cities of Epirus; where finding all things politiquely ordered by Moses and the other Captains, whom he had put in trust, he

returned to his Army, then lying near unto Croia.

Whilst Scanderbeg was with great carefulness yet thus providing for the safeguard of his King∣dom, in the mean time Amurath his Army was assembled at Hadrianople, to the number of a hundred and fifty thousand men, whereof many were Pioneers, and men appointed for other base Services necessary at the Siege of Towns. Of this great Army Amurath sent forty thousand light Horsemen before him to Sfetigrade; who according to his command came and incamped before the City. The news of their coming, with a great deal more than truth, was forth∣with brought to Scanderbeg, then lying with his small Army near Croia; whereupon he with four thousand Horse, and a thousand Foot, took the way toward Sfetigrade, and strongly in∣camped his Army within seven miles of the City. Where having set all things in good order, he, accompanied with Moses and Tanusius, went by certain blind ways through the Mountains and Woods, until he came so near unto the City, that from the place where he stood, he might easily discover in what sort the Enemy lay in∣camped; and so returning back again to his Camp, rose with his Army in the night follow∣ing, and drawing as near unto the Turks Army as he could, undiscovered, placed all his Army in the covert of the Woods and secret Vallies, unperceived of his Enemies. After that, he sent ••orth Moses and Musachi his Nephew,* 6.9 with thirty of his best Horesemen, apparelled as if they had been but Common Souldiers, but passing well mounted, driving before them certain Horses laden with Corn, by a by-way, as if they had secretly purposed to have got into the City. The day then breaking, they were discovered by the Turks Scouts, and set upon; where at the first Moses and the rest began of purpose to fly; but when he saw that they were pursued but with like number to themselves, he turned back upon the Turks, and slew five of them, and chased the rest unto the Camp. The General seeing what had happened, sent forth four thousand Horsemen to pursue these supposed Victuallers; whom they quickly recovered the sight of, for that Moses of purpose had made small hast to fly; but when the Turks began to draw nigh, Moses le••t the Horses laden with Corn, and fled; yet so, that he still drew on the Turks with hope to overtake him, until he had brought them where Scanderbeg with his Army lay in wait; by whom they were suddenly assailed on every side, and with great slaughter put to flight. In this Conflict two thousand of the Turks were slain, and a thousand of their Horses taken; of the Christians were lost but two and twenty. This was the fi••st welcome of the Turks Army to Sf••tigrade.

About eight days after came Amurath with all his Army, in the beginning of May, Anno Dom. 1449. [year 1449.] and having made the greatest shew he could with his huge Army to terrifie the Defen∣dants;* 6.10 he incamped the baser sort of his Foot∣men at the foot of the Hill whereon the City stood, and lay himself with his Janizaries, and other his most valiant Souldiers, about three quar∣ters of a mile further off; where after he had li••n still one day, and well considered the strength of the place, toward evening he sent a Messenger to the City, who requested to speak with the Governor Perlat. Whereof he hearing came to the Wall; of whom the Messenger re∣quested, That he would command the Souldiers standing by, to go further-off, forasmuch as he had something in secret to say unto him from his Master. Unto whom Perlat merrily answer∣ed; It is like indeed to be some great secret, that you would have kept not only from the hearing of my Souldiers, but from the very light of the day, and therefore have chosen the night; but I have not learned of mine Elders, to hear any Message from mine Enemies by night, neither at any time else out of the hearing of the Gar∣rison Souldiers, to whom Scanderbeg hath com∣mitted the defence of this City, and I the safe∣guard of my Person; you must therefore at this time pardon me, and to morrow if your Master so please, I will hear you at large. And there∣fore commanded him to depart from the Walls. So he returned for that time without Audience as he came. It grieved Amurath not a little, to see his Messenger so lightly regarded; yet for as much as he had more hope to gain the City by large Offers, or some reasonable Composition, than by all his great force, he dissembled his wrath, and the next day sent the Messenger again, with one of his Bassaes, a grave and well spoken man, himself born in Epirus. This Bassa, with three Souldiers and two Servitors, was by the Governors commandment, by one of the Ports received into the City, and brought into Saint Maries Church. Where after he had with great Eloquence sought to insinuate himself into the minds of the Governor and the hearers, and afterwards augmented the terrour of Amuraths Power beyond all measure, laying before them the great Victories by him obtained against the Hungarians and the other Christian Princes; in fine, he exhorted them to yield the City unto him; in whose name he promised first, That the Citizens should in all respects under his Go∣vernment live as they had before done under Scanderbeg; then, That the Governor should re∣ceive at Amurath his hands most honourable Pre∣ferments, with many rich and Princely Gifts; and, That it should be lawful for the Garrison Souldiers to depart in safety wither they would, and to have three hundred thousand Aspers di∣vided amongst them in reward. But when the Bassa had ended his Speech, the Governor in this sort replied:

If you had not delivered this Speech unto resolute men, devoted unto the defence of their Liberty,* 6.11 it might perhaps have wrought some effect; and we (said he) might peradventure listen unto your Offers, if we were either afraid of the Othoman King, and the vain Threats of our Enemies, or else were weary of the Government of the noble Scanderbeg. But forasmuch as no evil desert of his, nor good de∣sert of your Master, hath yet passed, for which we should prefer a stranger before our natural Soveraign, an Enemy before a Friend, a Turk before a Christian; let your Master proceed first in his action begun, let him prove his Fortune, let him by force terrifie us, beat down our Walls, make havock of our Men, and by strong hand drive us to humble our selves at his Feet, and to sue for Peace. But it were a great Dishonour, yea a thing almost to be laughed at, if we should cowardly accept of these Conditions by him offered, before any Assault given, before one drop of Blood spilt, before any Souldier did so much as once groan for any Wound received, before one Stone were shaken in the Wall, or any small Breach made. But your Master shall do better to raise his Siege, and get him back again to Hadrianople, there to spend the small remainder of his old years in quiet, and not to provoke us his fatal Enemies, whose courage in de∣fence of our Liberties, and fidelity towards our Prince, he hath so oftentimes proved to his great Dishonour, and loss of his Armies. The Faith I have once given to my Soveraign, for the defence of this City, I will

never forget, until the effusion of the last drop of my blood. It shall be unto me Reward and Honour enough, if I either living defend this City, or with loss of my life shall leave my guiltless Soul at liberty, and my Carkass amongst the dead Bodies of worthy Souldiers, when I shall find a way into a far better place.

The General having given this resolute An∣swer unto the Bassa, bountifully feasted him that day at dinner, and afterwards led him through the midst of the City; where he saw great store of Victuals, by the Governor commanded of purpose to be set in shew, to put Amurath out of hope of winning the City by long Siege. And so sent the Bassa out by the same Port whereby he came in, much discontented with the Answer he was to return to his Master.

When Amurath understood by the Bassa, of the Governors Resolution, he was therewith exceed∣ing wrath, and thereupon with his great Ord∣nance battered the City three days without in∣termission.* 6.12 And having by the fury of his Ar∣tillery made a small Breach, he forthwith gave thereunto a most terrible Assault, labouring first to win the same by the force and multitude of his common Souldiers, which the Turks call Asapi, whom he forced by great numbers to that Service. Of these Souldiers the Turk in his Wars maketh no great reckoning, but to blunt the Swords of his Enemies, or to abate their first fury, thereby to give the easier Victory to his Janizaries and other his better Souldiers; which the Othoman Kings hold for good policy. Whilst these forlorn Souldiers, without respect of danger pressing forward, are slain by heaps at the Breach, the Janizaries at the same time in another place attempted to have scaled the Walls of the City; but whilst they with much labour and difficulty first crawl up the steep Rock whereon the City was built, and afterward desperately mount up their Scaling-Ladders, they were by the De∣fendants, with huge Stones and weighty pieces of Timber cast upon them, beaten down, where∣with they were driven headlong to the bottom of the Rock, and so miserably slain. Many of them together with their Scaling-Ladders, were by the Christians thrust from the Wall, and tumbling from the Rock, violently carried with them others coming up behind them. Some few got to the top of the Ladders, and taking hold of the Battlements of the Walls, lost some their Fingers, some their Hands, but most their Lives, being beaten down as the other were. Many of them which stood farther off, were then wounded also, and with Shot from the Walls slain. With this miserable slaughter, and no hope to prevail, the Turks discouraged, began to withdraw themselves from the Assault; but the Bassaes and Captains standing behind them, forced them again forward, exhorting some, threatning others, and beating the rest forward with their Trunchions. By which means the Assault was again renewed, but not with such courage as before, though with no less slaughter; which the Defendants seeing, gave from the Walls great tokens of Joy and Triumph. Amurath per∣ceiving his discouraged Souldiers ready of them∣selves to forsake the Assault, presently sent Feri-Bassa (one of his most valiant Captains) with a new Supply of 3000 chosen Souldiers to renew the fight. The Christians well aware of their coming, ceased not with continual Shot to beat them from the Walls; but such was the forward∣ness of that fierce Captain, that without regard of danger, he brought his Men to the Walls, where the Defendants from above overwhelmed them with Stones, Timber, Wild-fire, and such other things as are usually prepared for the de∣fence of Towns besieged. For all that, Feri-Bassa gave so great an Assault, that he slew divers of the Defendants upon the Walls, and had there forcibly entred, had not the Govenor, perceiving the danger, with a Company of fresh Souldiers come with speed to the defence of that place; whereby the Enemy was presently repulsed, and driven again from the Walls. Amurath seeing the great slaughter of his Men, and no hope of suc∣cess, caused a Retreat to be sounded,* 6.13 and so leaving the Assault, retired again into his Camp. The great loss and dishonour at this Assault re∣ceived, much troubled his wayward mind; who for all that yet ceased not to give the like vain At∣tempts. At length, the Captain of the Janiza∣ries perceiving that part of the City which was farthest from the Camp, to be commonly but slenderly manned, by reason that it seemed a place impregnable, both for the height and steep∣ness of the Rock; told Amurath, That he would assay (if it so pleased him) secretly in the night to attempt by that place to enter the City;* 6.14 where∣as they thought nothing was more to be feared, than the height thereof, which they, supported with the wings of desire, doubted not to mount unto. This his device exceedingly pleased the King, and was the next night with great silence put in execution. But such was the carefulness of the Governor over every part of his charge, that nothing could be done against the same, but that it was forthwith by him discovered. The Gover∣nor advertised by the Watch, of the Turks At∣tempt, with great silence presently repaired to the place with a great Company of the Garrison Souldiers, and standing close, from the top of the Wall beheld the Turks, as it had been a swarm of Emmets, climing up the high Rocks, and one helping up another, by such desperate way, as was in reason to have been thought no man would have attempted. But when they were come to the top of the Rock, and now even ready to enter, they were from above suddenly over∣whelmed, as it had been with a shower of Shot, and so violently forced down that high Rock, that most part of them which had got up to any height, were miserably crushed to death, either with the weight of themselves, or with others falling upon them, and many of the rest slain with Shot from the top of the Rock;* 6.15 whereof Amurath presently understanding, was therewith exceedingly grieved.

During the time of this Siege Scanderbeg never lay long still in one place, but removed conti∣nually from place to place, as best served his pur∣pose, breaking sometimes into one quarter of the Turks Camp, and sometime into another, and straightway so suddenly gone again, and as it were vanished out of sight, that Amurath many times wondred what was become of him. At this time, being the later end of Iune, he was come with his Army within eight miles of Amuraths Camp; and from thence sent Moses his greatest Captain, in the attire of a common Souldier, with two other, to take view how the Enemy lay incamped. By which trusty Espials he was in∣formed, That the Turks lay in great security, as men without fear, keeping but negligent Watch. Of which opportunity, Scanderbeg re∣joycing, the night following suddenly assaulted one quarter of the Turks Camp. Whose coming, although it was a little before by the Turks Scouts discovered, yet his furious Assault was so sudden and so forcible, that he slew two thousand of the Turks, and filled every corner of that great Camp with fear and tumult, b••fore they could well

arm themselves or make resistance. After which slaughter he safely retired, carrying away with him two hundred and thirty Horse, with seven of the Turks Ensigns, having in this Skirmish lost of his Men but two and forty; whose dead bodies the Turks the next morning in revenge of their slain Friends hewed into small pieces.

Upon these great Disgraces one following in the neck of another, Amurath having no other Object but the City to shew his fury upon, gave three fierce Assaults unto the same, one after another, and was always with loss both of his Men and Honour repulsed. But the more he lost, the more he burnt with desire of Revenge, per∣swading his Souldiers, That as the strongest Cities and Fortresses were built by Mens hands, so were they to be overthrown and laid even with the ground by resolute and valiant men; incouraging them to a fresh Assault, with greater promises of Reward than ever he had done before in all his Wars, from the first beginning of his Reign. And because he would with more safety give this his last and greatest Assault, he appointed Feri-Bassa, with twelve thousand Horsemen and six thousand Foot to attend upon Scanderbeg, if he should hap to come (as he thought he would) to trouble the Assault, by assailing of his Camp. Feri-Bassa glad of this charge, well hoping now to redeem his former Overthrow with some great Victory, and leading forth his Army a little from the Camp, as he was commanded, so lay; wishing for nothing more than the coming of Scanderbeg; vainly boasting, That he would seek him in the Field, and there try his Force and Fortune with him hand to hand; which he did shortly after to his cost. When Amurath had thus set in order all things requisite, as well for the Siege, as for the safeguard of his Camp, the next morning he compassed the City round about with his Army, and covered the ground with his Men of War, purposing at that time to gage his whole Forces upon the taking thereof. The Walls he had before in some places battered, so much as was possible; and yet but so, as that they were not without Scaling-Ladders to be assaulted; part∣ly for the natural strength of the place, and part∣ly for that the Defendants had with great dili∣gence continually repaired and filled up with earth what the fury of the Canon had thrown down. This Assault Amurath began first with his Archers and small Shot, which delivered theit Arrows and Bullets upon the top of the Wall, and into the City, as if it had been a shower of Hail, thereby to trouble the stationary Souldiers. In this heat, Ladders were clapped to the Walls in every place where any could be possibly reared, and the Turks began desperately to scale the Walls; but the Christians nothing dismaid there∣at, with great courage resisted them, and with Shot from their safe standings wounded and slew many of them; yet others still pressed up in the places of them that were slain, so that the Assault began most terribly in many places at once, but especially near to the great Gate of the City; where the Turks had upon the sudden with Lad∣ders, Timber, and Planks clapt together, raised close unto that Tower, as it had been a wooden Tower, equal in height to the Wall; from whence the Turks greatly distressed the Christians in that place, fighting with them as if it had been upon even ground, still sending up fresh Souldiers in stead of them that were slain; and thereby pre∣vailed so far, that they had set up certain of Amuraths Ensigns upon the Wall, to the great comfort of the Turks, and astonishment of the besieged Christians. The Governor seeing the eminent danger, hasted to the place with a Company of fresh and valiant Souldiers, by whose force the Turks were quickly repulsed from the Wall, their Ensigns taken and sent into the Mar∣ket place; the Tower of wood with many Lad∣ders and much Timber by the Turks brought to that place, was quickly consumed with Wild-fire cast upon the same from the Walls. Perlat having delivered the City of this fear, presently placed fresh Souldiers in stead of them which were slain or hurt, and so worthily defended the City.

Whilst Amurath was giving this great Assault to Sfetigrade,* 6.16 Scanderbeg to withdraw him from the same, came with nine thousand Souldiers to assail the Turks Camp, as Amurath had before suspected, and was now come very near the same. Feri-Bassa glad of his coming, opposed his Army against him; which Scanderbeg seeing, retired a little of purpose to draw the Bassa farther from the Camp, and then forthwith began to joyn battel with him. The Bassa considering the small number of his Enemies, and his own great∣er Power, withdrew four thousand Horsemen out of his Army to fetch a compass about, and to set upon the rereward of Scanderbegs Army; hoping so to enclose him, that he should never escape thence, but there either to be slain or taken alive, and his Army utterly defeated. But the expert Captain perceiving his purpose, to meet therewith, left Moses to lead the main Bat∣tel, and he himself with two thousand Horse∣men, so valiantly charged those four thousand of his Enemies before they were well departed from the rest of the Bassaes Army, that they had now more cause to look to their own safety, than how to circumvent others. In this Conflict Feri-Bassa hand to hand, as he had oft times be∣fore desired, encountring with Scanderbeg, was by him there slain. All this while that Scanderbeg was in fight with Feri-Bassa in the right Wing of the Army, and Musachy in the left, Moses stood fast, receiving the Assault of the Enemy without moving any thing forward, expecting the success of the Wings. But Scanderbeg having discomfited the right Wing, and slain the General, coming now in, he set forward with such force and courage, that the Turks not able longer to abide his force, turned their backs and fled; of whom many were slain in this chase, though Scanderbeg doubting the great Power of his Ene∣my so nigh at hand, durst not follow them far; but sounding a Retreat, put his Army again in good order, for fear of some sudden Attempt from the Camp, and after appointed some of the meanest of his Souldiers to take the spoil of the slain Turks. When Amurath had understood what had hapned to Feri-Bassa, he was so overcome with anger and melancholy, that for a while he could not speak one word; but after the heat was a little past, he commanded certain small pieces of Ord∣nance, which he had before used against the City, to be removed into the Camp, and there placed upon that side which was most in danger to the Enemy. He also presently sent thither four thousand Souldiers to joyn with the remainder of Feri-Bassaes Army, for defence of the Camp, with strait charge that they should not issue out of the Trenches. Nevertheless he himself con∣tinued the Assault of the City all that day; but when night drew on, and no hope appear∣ed for him to prevail, he caused a Retreat to be sounded; and leaving the Assault, he returned again into his Camp. At this Assault Amurath lost seven thousand Men, beside many that died afterwards of their wounds; but of the Garrison Souldiers were slain but seventy, and ninety more hurt.

The terrour of the Turkish Army began now to grow in contempt throughout Epirus; and Scanderbeg was in good hope, that Amurath after so many Overthrows and shameful Repulses, would at length raise his Siege and be gone; yet he sent Spies continually to discover what was done in the Turks Camp, and he himself with two thousand Souldiers would oftentimes shew himself upon the sides of the Mountains near unto Amurath his Camp, of purpose to draw the Turks out, that he might take them at some advantage. But the old King had given Com∣mandment upon pain of death, That no man should go out of the Trenches without leave, or once to speak of giving Battel or Assault; so that he lay certain days in his Camp, not like a King besieging of a City, but more like a man besieged himself; the which his still lying, Scan∣derbeg had the more in distrust, fearing greatly that he was hatching some mischief, which so soon as it was ripe would violently break out.

* 6.17Amurath considering with what evil Success he had many times assaulted the City, and hold∣ing it for a great dishonour to raise his Siege and depart, having done nothing worth the remem∣brance; thought good once again to prove, if it were possible to overcome the minds of the Garrison Souldiers with Gifts, whom he was not able to subdue by force. For which purpose he sent an Embassador unto the City, offering unto the besieged and Garrison Souldiers easie Condi∣tions of Peace, with such large Gifts and Re∣wards as had not been heard offered to any Garrison in former time. All which his magni∣fical Promises were lightly rejected by the com∣mon consent of all the whole Garrison, prefer∣ing their faithful Loyalty before all his golden Mountains. For all that, Amurath was in good hope, that amongst so many, some would be found, into whose minds his large Offers might make some Impression; wherein he was not de∣ceived.* 6.18 For one base-minded Fellow amongst the rest, corrupted with the Turks great Promises, preferring his own private wealth, before the wel∣fare of his Country, waiting his time had secret conference with the Turks Espials, promising upon assurance of such Reward as was before by Amurath profered, to find means that in few days the City should be yielded into his Power. This corrupted Traytor, had laid many mis∣chievous Plots for the effecting of this horrible Treason, but the first device he put in practise, which of all others a man would have thought to have been of least moment, served his wicked purpose in stead of all the rest. All the Garrison Souldiers of Sfetigrade were of the upper Coun∣try of Dibra, put into that City, by Moses, for their approved Valour above all the other Soul∣diers of Epirus. But as they were men of great courage, so were they exceeding superstitious both in their Religion and manner of living, put∣ting nice difference betwixt one kind of lawful Meat and other; accounting some clean, some unclean; abhorring from that, which they fond∣ly deemed unclean, with more than a Jewish Superstition, choosing rather to die than to eat or drink thereof; such is the strong delusion of blind Error, where it hath throughly possessed the minds of men. The City of Sfetigrade (as is aforesaid) is situate upon the top of a great high Rock, as most of the Cities of Epirus now be, and was then watered but with one great Well in the midst of the City, which sunk deep into the Rock, plentifully served both the pub∣lick and private use of the Inhabitants. Into this common Well the malicious Traytor in the night time cast the foul stinking carrion Carkass of a dead Dog, knowing,* 6.19 that the conc••ited Ga••rison Souldiers of Dibra, would rather indure the pains of death, and starve, or else yield up the City, upon any condition, than to drink of that pol∣luted water. In the morning when that s••••nk∣ing Carrion was espied, and drawn out o•• the Well, the report thereof was quickly bruted in every corner of the City, and that the Well was poysoned; so that all the people were in man∣ner in an uproar about the finding out of the Traytor. The Citizens were exceeding sorry for that had hapned, but the Garrison Souldiers d••∣tested that loathsome and unclean water (as they accounted it) more than the Turkish Servitude, protesting, that they would rather perish with thirst, than drink thereof. Whereupon some of them desired to set fire upon the City, and whilst they had yet strength, to break through the Ene∣mies Camp or there manfully to die. And they which thought best of the matter, requested, that the City might be yielded up; for now, they discouraged with a Superstitious Vanity, could be content to hearken to the former conditions of Peace, yea they were ready enough of themselves to sue to Amurath for Peace, though it had been upon harder terms.* 6.20 The Governor troubled with that had hapned, and astonied to see so great an alteration in the minds of his Souldiers up∣on so small occasion; could not tell whether he might think it to proceed of a superstitious con∣ceit, or of some secret compact made with Amurath. But the better to pacifie the matter, he came into the Market place, and there in the hearing of all the Garrison, with many effectual Reasons, exhorted them to continue faithful unto their Prince and Country in that honourable Service; and in a matter of so great consequence to make small reckoning to use that water, which would easily in short time be brought again to the wonted purity and cleanness; and to per∣swade them the rather, he went presently to the Well himself, and in the sight of them all drunk a great Draught of the Water, whose example the Citizens following, drank likewise. But when it was offered to the Captains and Souldiers of the Garrison, they all re••used to tast thereof, as if it had been a most loathsome thing, or rather some deadly poyson, and with great instance cried unto the Governor, to give up the City; for which cause many thought they were cor∣rupted by Amuraths great Promises. Howbeit none of the Garrison (except that one Traytor) did ever afterwards revolt to the Turkish King, or yet appeared any thing the richer for any Gift received, whereby such suspition might be confirmed. When the Governor saw that the obstinate minds of the Garrison were not to be moved with any Perswasion or Reward (where∣of he spared not to make large Promise) nor by any other means which he could devise; he called unto him his chief Captains, with the best sort of the Citizens, and resolved with them full sore against his will to yield up the City to Amurath, on such conditions as they themselves there agreed upon; which were, That it should be law∣ful for all the Captains and Souldiers to depart in safety with their Armor and all other things; and that so many of the Citizens as would stay, might there still dwell in the City, in such sort, as they had done before, under the Government of Scanderbeg; the rest that listed not to reamain there still, might at their pleasure with Bag and Baggage depart whether they would. Glad was Amurath when this Offer was made unto him, and granted them all that was desired, saving that he would not consent that the Citizens

should continue in the City, yet was he content that they should live under him as they had done before, quietly enjoying all their Possessi∣ons, but to build their houses without the Wall of the City; which condition some accepted, and some forsaking all, went to Scanderbeg. When all was throughly agreed upon, the Keys of the Gates were delivered to Amurath, and the Governor with the Captains, and all the Garri∣son Souldiers suffered quietly to pass through the Turkish Camp, as the King had promised. How∣beit, Mahomet the Son of Amurath, a Prince of a cruel disposition, earnestly perswaded his Father, to have broken his Faith, and to have put them all to the Sword; saying, It was one of their Prophet Mahomets chief Commandments, to use all cruelty for the destruction of the Christians. But the old King would not therein hearken unto his Son, saying, That he which was desirous to be great among men, must either be indeed faithful of his Word and Promise, or at leastwise seem so to be, thereby to gain the minds of the people, who naturally abhor the Government of a faithless and cruel Prince. The Traytor which corrupted the Water, remained still in the City, and was by Amurath rewarded with three rich Suits of Apparel, and fifty thousand Aspers, and had given unto him besides a yearly Pension of two thousand Ducats. But short was the joy the Traytor had of this evil gotten Goods;* 6.21 for after he had a few days vainly triumphed in the midst of Amurath his Favours, he was suddenly gone, and never afterwards seen or heard of; being secretly made away (as was supposed) by the commandment of Amurath, whose noble heart could not but detest the Traytor, although the Treason served well his purpose. Amurath entring into Sf••etigrade, caused the Walls to be forthwith repaired, and placed one thousand two hundred Janizaries in Garrison there. And raising his Camp the first of September, departed out of Epirus, having lost thirty thousand of his Turks at the Siege of Sfetigrade; much grieved in mind for all that, that he could not vanquish the Ene∣my, whom he came of purpose to subdue. In his return, the Vice-Roy of Asia marched before him with the Asian Souldiers; in the rereward followed the Vice-Roy of Europe with his Euro∣pean Souldiers; in the midst was Amurath him∣self, compassed about with his Janizaries and other Souldiers of the Court. Scanderbeg under∣standing of Amurath his departure, followed speedily with eight thousand Horsemen, and three thousand Foot, and taking the advantage of the thick Woods and Mountain straits (to him well known) whereby that great Army was to pass, oftentimes skirmished with the Turks, charging them sometime in the Vaward, and sometime in the Rereward, sometime on the one side, and sometime on the other, and slew many of them; whereby he so troubled Amurath his passage, that he was glad to leave the Vice-Roy of Romania, with 30000 to attend upon Scander∣beg, that he himself might in the mean time with more safety march away with the rest of his Army. Scanderbeg perceiving the stay of the Vice-Roy, ceased to follow Amurath further, fearing to be enclosed between those two great Armies. The Vice-Roy seeing that Scanderbeg was retired, after he had staid a few days, followed his Master to Hadrianople, and so Scanderbeg returned to Croia.

Shortly after the departure of Amurath out of Epirus, Scanderbeg left two thousand Souldiers upon the Borders for defence of the Country against the Turks. These Souldiers so straightly kept in the Janizaries left in Garrison at Sfeti∣grade that they could not look out of the City, but that they were intercepted and slain. And within a few days after came himself with an Army of eighteen thousand, and laid siege to Sfetigrade the space of a month, which was from the middle of September until the middle of October. In which time he gave two great Assaults to have recovered the City, but was both times repulsed, with the loss of five hundred men. Amurath understanding that Scanderbeg lay at the siege of Sfetigrade, sent with all speed to re∣call his Army, but lately before dispersed. Where∣of Scanderbeg having Intelligence, considering also the difficulty of the Enterprise, with the approach of Winter, raised his Siege, and returned to Croia; where he set all things in the same order he had done before the coming of Amurath to the Siege of Sfetigrade, and put two thousand of his best Souldiers there in Garrison, under the charge of the famous Captain Uranacontes, and stored his City with sufficient Victual for a years Siege, wherein he had great help from the Vene∣tians and other Christian Princes, for that there was then great scarcity of all things in Epirus, by reason of the late Wars. The like care he had also of all the rest of his Cities, being continually advertised from his secret Friends in the Turks Court, of the great preparation intended against him by the Turkish King, against the beginning of the next Spring.

Amurath understanding that Scanderbeg was de∣parted from Sfetigrade, [year 1450.] * 6.22 changed his former deter∣mination for the calling back again of his Army, and appointed it to meet again at Hadrianople, in the beginning of March following; whether the Bassaes, and other great Commanders, at the time appointed, assembled with their Com∣panies, according as Amurath had before com∣manded. So that by the latter end of March, he had there in readiness an Army of an hundred and threescore thousand men strong. Of which great multitude, he after the manner of the Turkish Wars, sent forty thousand Horsemen, under the leading of Sebalyas a politick Captain, as his Vauntcourriers into Epirus, in the beginning of April, in the year, 1450. The valiant Captain with great speed and no resistance entred into Epirus, as was given him in charge, and without let came to Croia; where, after he had advised∣ly considered of the situation thereof, and of the places thereabouts, he strongly encamped himself near thereunto in the pleasant Plain called Ty∣ranna; and there within his Trenches kept his Souldiers close, attending nothing more, but that no new supply of Men, Munition, or Victuals, should be conveyed into the City, more than was therein before his coming. For he was not able with his Horsemen to do any thing against the City; and Scanderbeg had left nothing abroad in the Country Subject to his fury. Besides that, he was expresly by Amurath forbidden to attempt any thing against Scanderbeg himself.

After Sebalyas had twenty days thus lien en∣camped before Croia, neither doing nor taking harm; Amurath by reason of his great age, having marched oftentimes but five miles a day, came thither also with his whole Army, wherewith he filled all the Country round about; the very sight whereof, had been enough to have dis∣couraged the same Garrison in Croia, had they not been men both of great Experience and Re∣solution. Where after he had spent four days in setling of his Camp, he sent two Messengers unto the Governor (as the manner of the Turks is) offering him if he would yield up the City, that it should be lawful for him with all his Souldiers in safety with Bag and Baggage to de∣part;

and the Governor himself to receive in Reward two hundred thousand Aspers, with an honourable Place amongst the great Bassaes of his▪ Court, if it would please him to accept thereof; and further, that the Citizens should enjoy all their ancient Liberties as in former time, without any alteration; with promise also of greater. These Messengers coming to the Gates of the City, could not be suffered to enter, but standing without, were commanded there to de∣liver their Message; which when the Governor had heard, he scornfully rejected their Offers, and returned the Messengers shamefully derided by the Souldiers which stood upon the Wall. Amurath more offended with this Contempt, than the refusal of his Offers; and seeing no other means to gain the City, converted all his devices unto the Siege thereof. Wherefore he first commanded ten great pieces of Artillery to be forthwith cast, for he had brought with him none ready made, because of the difficult passage over the high Mountains into Epirus; whereby it seemed to be a matter of infinite trouble to have brought his great Ordnance; and therefore carried with him great store of Metal in mass, whereof at his pleasure to make his great Artillery as he saw cause. In fifteen days this work was brought to perfection, and ten pieces of huge greatness were ready mount∣ed upon Carriages. Six of them he placed against the East side of the City, towards the Plain of Tyranna, and the other four against the Gate; in which two places only, Croia, was sub∣ject to battery, being on all other parts naturally defended with impregnable Rocks, upon the tops whereof were built fair Battlements, more for beauty than needful defence.* 6.23 These two places Amurath battered four days continually, and with the fury of his Artillery had in both places beaten down half the Wall, and sore shaken the rest. Wherewith the Turks were exceedingly encouraged, and with great chear∣fulness made all things ready to assault these Breaches, whensoever Amurath should command, striving among themselves who should shew him∣self most forward in that dangerous Enterprise. And Mahomet the young Prince, the more to en∣courage the Souldiers, besides the great Rewards by his Father proposed; promised of himself to give an hundred thousand Aspers unto him that should first set up an Ensign upon the Walls of the City. The Garrison Souldiers on the other side, considering that the whole State and Wel∣fare of Epirus was reposed in their valour; and that the Eyes of most part of Christendom were as it were fixed upon them, were nothing dis∣mayed with the Breaches made, but manfully comforted and encouraged one another to en∣dure all manner of peril and danger that might possibly chance; but especially the worthy Go∣vernor Uranacontes, who going through the midst of his Souldiers, and shaking some of them by the hands, withall said:

* 6.24Th••se, these are the Fortresses of our City, these are the invincible Bulwarks, these are the irremovable Stones and surest Cement. What Honour? what Praise? what Triumph should we hope for? if these Walls standing whole and strong, we should lie shroud∣ed under the defence of them, and not they defended by us? So can Cowards defend Cities, and Sheep fear n••t the Wolves rage, when they are safely shut up within the Walls of their Sheep-coats: But that is the praise of the Walls, and not of the Men. Worthy Castriot our Prince hath commended this his City to be defended by us, and not us by it. Honour is at∣tended upon with danger, and fostered up amongst perils; every base Mariner may be a Master in fair Weather; and firm things stand of themselves, and need not our upholding. Wherefore, men of worth shun such things, which being kept or lost, yield like praise. Things ready to fall, need shoaring, and thi∣ther hasteth Honour, and there (worthy Souldiers) appeareth Courage and Valour. Wherefore let our valiant right hands defend these broken Breaches, and in stead of these dead Walls, couragiously oppose our lusty and lively armed Bodies against the Force of our Enemies. If these Walls stood still firm, and un∣battered, you should then fight from the top of them like Women; but now that they are something shaken, you shall as men stand upon somewhat more even ground, and encounter your Enemies hand to hand, the better to satisfie your furious desire. Where I also in the thickest, shall easily view and judge of every mans private courage in particular, and of all your Valour in common. And yet if we well consider of the matter, the place it self doth yet notably make for us; and our former good hopes are little or nothing by these small Breaches diminished; for, this rising of the Hill (not p••ssible to be taken from us) al∣though it be not so high as it is in other places, yet, doth it not serve us sufficiently at great advantage to charge our Enemies, and hinder their Assault? The steepness whereof, as it will be troublesome unto them, so will it keep us most fresh in strength, and make our Shot more forcible. Wherefore this had been a thing of us to have been wished for, if we desire the slaughter of our Enemies at this Siege; or if we wish for perpetual Honour and Glory by this War. For this Breach of the Walls will encourage these Barbarians, and allure their armed men to clime up in greater multitude than if the Walls were whole; whereof so many shall on every side be easily slain, as we shall but aim at; except you had rather sit still, holding your hands together in your Bosomes as Cowards. Their dead bodies shall fill up the Breaches again, if you be men mindful of your Liberty. What is there (worthy Captains and Souldiers) that letteth our Victory? or memorable slaughter of our Enemies? by whom only these two places of the City can be as∣saulted; all the rest is out of danger, and fears no Enemies force. Here only is the pains to be taken, this only is left for you to defend, and here shall you all be; the courage, force, and strength of you all shall in this place appear. How will you so many worthy Captains, and valiant Souldiers, in so little room bestow your selves? We are too many Defendants for so small Breaches. Yet let us play the Men, and do our endeavour; let us in one Conflict weaken the Ty∣rants strength; and burst his proud heart; he will for∣sake this City, and raise his Siege unfortunately begun, so soon as he shall see his first Assault to cost him the lives of so many thousands of his Men.

When Uranacontes had with this comfortable Speech thus encouraged his Souldiers,* 6.25 against the Assault which he expected the next day; and had with great care and diligence set all things in order for the same, and repaired the Breaches as well as was possible in that case, he gave them leave for that night to take their rest. In the morning Amurath commanded the Assault to be given to both the Breaches, which was forth∣with by the Turks chearfully begun, and every man busie to perform the Service he was ap∣pointed unto. But by that time that the Assault was well begun, a sudden Alarum was raised throughout all the Turks Camp; for Scanderbeg with five thousand valiant Souldiers, had sudden∣ly broken in upon one side of the Turks great Camp, and at the first Encounter had slain six hundred of the Turks, and was now spoiling their Tents. The rumour whereof, troubled the whole Camp, and made the Turks with less

courage to assault the Breaches, for fear of the danger behind them. Amurath although he had great confidence in them whom he had before left for safeguard of his Tents, yet for more surety sent Seremet one of his greatest Captains, with four thousand Souldiers back into the Camp, for more surety; saying, That nothing could be too sure, against that wild Beast: meaning the fury of Scanderbeg. Mahomet also the young Prince, hasted thither in great choler with his Guard, much against his Fathers will. But Moses, Scanderbegs Lieutenant, knowing himself too weak to withstand the multitude that was swarming thither (contenting himself with that which was already done) had before Mahomets coming, speedily retired with all his Army into the safe∣guard of the Mountains, from whence he came; having done great harm in the Turks Camp, with the loss but of ten men.* 6.26 Scanderbeg in the heat of this Skirmish, forgetting himself, had so far engaged himself among the Turks, that he was by them on every side enclosed, and in great danger to have been slain or taken; yet valiant∣ly breaking through them, he escaped the dan∣ger, and recovered the Mountains, and with much ado came at length to his Camp, to the great joy and comfort of them all, being before in great fear he had been lost. This was ac∣counted the greatest oversight of Scanderbeg in all his Wars; for so much as the Office of a good General consisteth not in adventuring of his Per∣son to manifest danger, but in the politick Go∣vernment of his charge. During the time that Scanderbeg thus assailed the Turks Camp, Amu∣rath but ••aintly assaulted the Breaches, expect∣ing the success in the Camp; but when he un∣derstood that Scanderbeg was retired, and all qui∣eted, he brought all his Forces to the Walls, and first with the multitude of his Archers and small Shot laboured to drive the Defendants from the Walls, overwhelming them with Arrows falling as thick as Ha••l. And likewise at the same time other common Souldiers of baser account, brought S••aling-Ladders and other things need∣ful for the s••aling of the Walls. After whom also followed the Janizaries and other chosen Soul∣diers, ready to mount the Ladders so soon as they should be set to the Walls. But whilst they climb up the high Hills in this order, the Garri∣son Souldiers made such slaughter of them with Shot from the Walls and out of the City, that they would have presently retired, had they not been forced forward by their Captains, who spared neither stripes nor wounds, when words would not serve. By this tyrannical means, the S••aling-Ladders were with great slaughter of the common Souldiers set up against the Walls, and the Turks climing up, came to handy-blows with the Defendants at the Breaches; nothing was to be heard but the crying of People, the clatter∣ing of Armor, and the Instruments of War, which was terribly redoubled with the Ecchoes from the Mountains round about. The Turks doing what they might to win the Breaches, were by the Christians worthily repulsed, and with their Ladders tumbled headlong down the Mountain, with such horrible slaughter and discomfitute, es∣pecially of the common Souldiers, that none of them would set one foot forward again toward the Walls, although they had small hope to save themselves by retiring back; for the fierce young Prince Mah••••••t even then making shew of his cruel disposition, caused them that returned, to be slain, by the terrour thereof to drive others forward. These common Souldiers, whom the Turks make small reckoning of, are for the most part miserable Christians, which live in such Countries as had sometimes received the Faith of Christ, but are now under the Turkish slave∣ry; of which sort of wretched people the Turkish Tyrants draw with them great multitudes in their Wars, most commonly unarmed, because they dare not well trust them in Wars against the Christians; these carry all the Baggage of the Camp; these serve to fetch Wood and Water for other Souldiers of better account; these serve in stead of Pioneers, to cast Trenches and raise Bulwarks; and when battel is to be given, if it be in plain field, these have then Weapons put into their hands, and thrust into the fore-front of the battel, to blunt the Enemies Swords; but if a City be to be besieged, these serve as fit matter to fill up the Breaches with their dead Bodies, or to make Bridges for other Souldiers to pass over upon; and if they shrink to attempt any thing they are commanded, then are they more cruelly used by their Commanders than by their Enemies. When Amurath saw his Souldi∣ers so discouraged, he stood in doubt whether it were better for that time to sound a Retreat, or to send a new Supply; but being inraged with the loss of his Men, and desirous to be in some part revenged, he sent divers Companies of his better Souldiers, for the incouragement of them which were before discouraged, and so gave a fresh Assault; but with as evil or worse success than before; for Uranacontes had withdrawn from the Breaches all those Souldiers which had in∣dured the former Assault, and placed other fresh and lusty Men in their stead; who incouraged with the former Victory, and loth to be ac∣counted inferior to their Fellows, repulsed the Turks with double slaughter; until that the aged King, not able longer to behold the endless loss of his Men, caused a Retreat to be sounded; which all his Souldiers were glad to hear, and so returned into his Camp, having lost in those two Assaults eight thousand Men, without any nota∣ble harm done unto the Defendants worth the remembrance.

This shameful Repulse much grieved all the Captains and Commanders of Amuraths Army,* 6.27 but especially Mahomet the young Prince, whose violent nature unacquainted with mishap, burnt impatiently with Revenge. Wherefore under∣standing that Scanderbeg lay intrenched upon the Mountain of Tumenist, not far from his Fathers Army, he drew most of the best and readiest Souldiers of all the whole Camp, into that quar∣ter which was nearest unto Scanderbeg; of pur∣pose that if he should again assail the Camp in that place (as it was most like he would) he should be incountred with so many brave and valiant Men there in readiness, as that it should be hard for him either to do any great harm, or for him∣self to escape. Of all which, Scanderbeg by cer∣tain Fugitives had Intelligence, as also in what order the Camp lay; whereupon he left Moses with five hundred Souldiers in the place where he lay; taking order with him before his depar∣ture, that he at a certain appointed hour in the night following, should assail the Turks Camp in the quarter next unto him where Mahomet lay; and having there raised some tumult, spee∣dily to retire again to his assured strength in the Mountain. Scanderbeg himself with the whole strength of his Army, in number about 8000, in the mean time took a compass, and by certain secret by-ways through the Woods and Moun∣tains, came unto the farther side of the Turks Camp, to a place called Mountecle. The night following, Moses at the appointed hour with his 500 Souldiers assailed that part of the Turks Camp next unto him, with such noise and tumult

as if it had been some great Army. By occasion whereof, all the Turks Camp was in alarm, and drew in hast to that place where they heard that great tumult, as was before by Mahomet commanded. When at the same instant, Scanderbeg with all his Army brake into the other side of the Turks Camp, where he was least feared or looked for, and from whence the best Souldiers were before drawn by Mahomet; and there made such slaugh∣ter and havock of the rest (not knowing which way to turn themselves) that the loss a little be∣fore received under the Walls of Croia, was now forgot, as a small thing in comparison of this. Moses having raised a great fear, and done little harm, returned in safety to his well known strength; and Scanderbeg having made great spoil in the Camp, fearing to be oppressed with the multitude of his Enemies, if he should there longer stay, returned in good time, having scarce lost one Man.

Amurath after this great loss and trouble of his Camp, withdrew most of his small Ordnance which he had before bent against the City, into his Trenches, placing it as commodiously as he might, for the defence thereof against the sud∣den Attempts of Scanderbeg. Yet for as much as he could not in that hot season of the year so closely incamp his great Army, but that some part thereof would still be in like danger as before; he therefore appointed Sebalias with 16000 Souldiers to attend upon Scanderbeg, that he should no more trouble the Camp. After which order taken, he battered the Walls of Croia afresh, and with his great Ordnance overthrew whatsoever the Citizens had repaired, making the Breaches greater, and more assaultable than before, intending once again by a new Assault to prove his Fortune, and the force of his Souldiers; which he appointed to be the next day. But when he perceived no sign of courage or good hope in the heavy Countenances of them discouraged, and that they yielded to him their consents, rather for fear and shame, than for hope of Victory; he called them Cowards, discouraged with the least frown of Fortune; and said,

* 6.28Every weak Castle is able to hold out one Assault; but if you will draw these wild Beasts out of their Dens, you must arm your selves like resolute Men of invincible Courage, to indure what thing soever shall happen. Great Captains with their puissant Armies have grown old under the Walls of their Enemies, upon light and small displeasures; and will you having received so many disgraces of these perjured Epirots, leave them all unrevenged? What great Victory was ever yet by any man gained without bloodshed? Remember the most glorious Victory of Varna. It is ••••rd without bloody hands to put the yoke upon the fierce Enemies Neck. All honourable things are brought to pass with adventure and labour; and the end of this War dependeth of the taking of Croia; if it were once won, all this War were at an end; which if Scanderbeg lose (being the strength of his Kingdom,) he will not tarry one day longer in Epi∣rus. Wherefore be of good chear, and couragiously set upon it; there is not more uncertainty in any thing, than in matters of War: Fortune is to be proved, and oftentimes provoked of him that will Wed her. And yet I will not deny, but that we must go more warily to work against this Enemy, and hazard our selves with better advisement, and not without reason like wild Beasts to run headlong upon our own death. At length we shall wear them out, if we kill but ten of them at an Assault; yet are they daily to be assailed, that they may have no leisure to refresh themselves, and to make up their Breaches; and peradventure if Force may not prevail, Fortune may find some mean that we look not for, as it fell out at the Siege of Sfetigrade, beyond all our expectation. Treason is ingenious, and mens desires great, where great Rewards are propounded.

With these and like Speeches old Amurath en∣couraged his Captains and Souldiers and the next day early in the morning began the Assault, which the Turks valiantly attempted; and with∣out regard of danger came to the Gates of the City, assaying, but with vain and desperate labour to have broken them open. In this Assault Wild-fire was cast into many places of the City, and the great Artillery oftentimes discharged into the Breaches; whereby many of the Turks themselves were slain with their own great shot, together with the Christians; for Amurath desperately set, was content to buy the life of one Christian with the loss of twenty of his Turks. But the Christi∣ans still valiantly repulsed their Enemies, so that of them that came to the Gates, none escaped alive; and of them that assaulted the great Breach, they which were most forward, were first slain, and they which stood farther off, were sore wound∣ed with Shot. Yet for all that, Amurath still main∣tained the Assault, by sending in of new Supplies, delighting to see them go forward, but grieved at the heart to see them so slain;* 6.29 until at last weary with beholding the slaughter of his Men, he caused a Retreat to be sounded, and so ended the As∣sault; perswaded by his Bassaes, not wilfully to cast away his valiant Souldiers where there was no hope to prevail, but to reserve them for his better Service.

Amurath now out of hope to win the City by Assault,* 6.30 thought good to prove what might be done by undermining of the same; during which work he caused small Alarms daily to be given unto the City, to the intent that the Defendants busied therewith, should not perceive the secret work of the Mine. About which time his Pro∣vision of Corn began to fail in his Camp; for which cause he sent his Purveyors for Corn to Lisia, a City of the Venetians, with whom he was at that time in League, and bought of them great store of Corn. But as his Officers were convey∣ing it to his Camp, Scanderbeg having Intelligence thereof, slew the Convoy, and carried away with him all that Provision, dividing it among his own Souldiers. Howbeit, not long after, Amurath received great abundance of Corn and other Provision out of Macedonia; beside that, the Vene∣tian Merchants afterward furnished him with plenty of Corn, Oil, Honey, and other neces∣saries; which Scanderbeg might well have hin∣dered, but that he would not in so doing of∣fend the Venetians, which were also his secret Friends, considering that Amurath might have had all the same Provision out of the further part of Macedonia, Thracia, Mysia, and such other places, if he had not otherwise had it from the Venetians.

Whilst Amurath thus lay expecting the success of his Mine, four hundred of the Garrison Soul∣diers of Croia sallying out of the City, chased divers of the Turks that were come forth back again unto the Camp; whereof Amurath was glad, hoping, that they encouraged with that good hap, would to their further loss give the like attempt afterwards. But the staid discre∣tion of the Governor deceived that his expecta∣tion; who considering the danger, would not suffer his Souldiers any more to sally out of the City. Scanderbeg also at this time having en∣creased his Army with a new Supply of two thousand Souldiers, divided the same into three

parts; delivering one part to Moses, another to T••nusie; and reserving the third unto himself. With this Army of nine thousand thus divided, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 determined by night at one instant to assail the Turks great Camp in three divers places, ap∣pointing in which quarter every one should charge. But as Scanderbeg in the night appoint∣ed, was coming towards the Turks Camp, he was discovered by their Scouts; whereupon a sud∣den Alarum was raised in the Camp, and all mens minds turned that way, and Souldiers appointed with all diligence to guard that side of the Camp. But whilst the Turks were all at gaze this way for fear of Scanderbeg, Moses and Tanusie, in the dead of the night, at one time assailed the Turks Camp in two divers quarters, as they were ap∣pointed, where they slew a number of the Turks, and made great spoil. At which time Scander∣beg did also what he might; but by reason he was be••ore discovered, did not much harm. Upon the approach of the day Scanderbeg re∣tired again to the Hills, and by that time it was fair day light, sate down upon the side of a great Mountain, about twenty Furlongs off; in the open sight of all the Turks Camp; which he did of purpose, that Moses and Tanusie, which were by night retired into the Mountains, might see which way to hold, to meet with him again. But the Turks thinking that he stood there to brave their whole Camp, and as it were to deface them to the great encouragement of the Defendants; divers of them earnestly craved leave of Amu∣rath, that they might go up to him, and at least∣wise beat him out of sight; which he granting, 12000 of his best Souldiers, whereof 7000 were Horsemen, and the rest Foot, presently set for∣ward to encounter him. Scanderbeg seeing them all the way they came, upon their approach softly retired a little farther up into the Mountains, still expecting the coming of Moses and Tanusie. The Turks unacquainted with such difficult ways, marched up the steep Hills after Scander∣beg with much labour and pain, well wearied of themselves; but when they were come a great way into the Mountains, they perceived by the rising of the dust, that some greater Force was coming cross those Mountains; and not long af∣ter they might plainly see the foremost of their Enemies. Wherefore fearing to be enclosed, they began to retire, in which Retreat Scanderbeg hard∣ly pursued them, and having the advantage of the ground, slew many of them, but especially with his Archers. Moses also coming afresh on another side, caused them to fly down the Hill amain, and beside the slaughter that he made, took divers Prisoners. After which Victory by Scander∣beg obtained in the sight of Amurath and his whole Army, he retired again into the Moun∣tains.

The late spoil of the Turks Camp, with this Overthrow of the Souldiers but now sent against Scanderbeg, much grieved the old Tyrant; but the work of the Mine, wherein he had of long laid up his greatest hope, sorting now to no good purpose, being deemed as well an endless piece of work, for the natural hardness of the Rock, as also of small importance, for that it was by the Defendants discovered, drave him to his wits end. His Forces he had to his great loss suffici∣ently proved, and still found them too weak; and policy prevailed not. Nothing now re∣mained, but to prove if by great Gifts and glo∣rious Promises he could first corrupt the Faith of the Governor, and afterwards the Garrison; wherein he determined to spare no cost. Upon which Resolution he sent one of his Bassaes (a man of great authority and dexterity of wit) unto Uranacontes, with such rich Gifts and Pre∣sents as might have moved a right constant mind; commanding the Bassa (if it were possible) first to fasten the same upon the Governor, as Presents sent from Amurath of meer bounty, in the honour of his valiant mind; and afterwards to deliver his Message, not sparing to promise any thing for the giving up of the City, yea more than should be desired. The Bassa attended on but with two Servants, came with this rich Present near to the Gates of the City, and there stayed until the Governors pleasure were known; by whose command he was received into the City, and brought to his Presence. Then the Bassa with much Reverence, and many magni∣fical words, presented unto Uranacontes the rich Gifts sent from Amurath, and would forthwith have delivered them unto him, as the Rewards of his Valour. But Uranacontes willed him first to declare his Message from Amurath, upon the hear∣ing whereof he would (as he said) as he saw cause, either receive or refuse them; before which time he would not be beholden to his Enemy, by receiving from him the least courtesie. With which Answer the subtil Bassa nothing dismayed, with great constancy thus began to deliver his Mes∣sage:

Howsoever we agree (said he) upon other matters we come for,* 6.31 we brought not these Gifts of purpose to deceive any; for so men use to deal with their Chil∣dren and Servants, and not with Men of Courage and Valour. And albeit that Enemies Gifts are ever to be suspected, (as you have right wisely said, and we our selves know) yet we du••st not for shame come unto so worthy a Governor (as the common saying is) empty handed; neither ought you, if you be the man you seem to be, and whom men report your are, to refuse our Courtesie. Take these Presents in good part, which shall no way inforce or hinder you to determine or dispose of your Affairs otherwise than shall seem unto you good; neither shall we once object unto you these Gifts, which we so frank and freely offer in the great Sultans Name, whether you reject or admit our Demands and Message; wherein there is (perhaps) no less regard had of your good, than of ours. For there is no greater token of a base mind; than to give, in hope to receive again. We come unto you frank∣ly, (worthy Governor) I speak it from my heart; we go not about with filed Speech and rich Rewards to circumvent thee, whose invincible Mind we have so often in vain proved with our Forces and Power. That is it for which Amurath loveth thee; he doth wonderfully admire the Vertues of his Enemies, and if it were possible, desireth to have them with him∣self. There verily with so mighty a Monarch might thy invincible Mind and pregnant find a better way unto the highest Type of Fortunes bliss. Not that I condemn Scanderbeg, whom we his E••••mies do highly commend, for his Country so well recover∣ed, and so oftentimes worthily defended, yet chiefly by your help; but you are worthy of another man∣ner of Soveraign, and of another manner of Call∣ing, and not to spend all the days of your Life, and such heroical Vertues, in obscurity, and (without offence be it said) in contemptible baseness. Be∣sides that, Scanderbeg his Estate is but momentary, the Destinies have assigned unto him too too mighty an Enemy; his destruction may well be deferred, but not by any means avoided. Amurath hath con∣ceived against him an implacable displeasure, and prepared his Forces accordingly; he hath sworn to spare no Cost, no Labour, no Danger; and that he will never whilst he liveth depart out of Epirus, be∣fore he have imposed a deadly yoke on his Neck. And behold, the first of this misery beginneth at this City, and upon your selves. We daily hear his Pavilions

sound with these and such like speeches, That he will never depart out of this place before he have taken this City, and satisfied his angry mind with the t••r∣ture of your bodies; no, not if he should therefore lose Hadrianople; yea, and that more is, his whole King∣dom. And verily he will do it, which I fear to divine or think upon; For although I with others bear against you the mind of an Enemy; yet I am a man, and moved with humane compassion; believe me (ye men of Croia) believe me, my Eyes would scarcely endure to behold the horrible spectacle of your miserable Fortune. I tell you again, he will do it, except you change your purpose, and now receive Health, Life, Liberty and Peace, whilst it is so freely offered. For albeit that this notable strong place, these impregna∣ble Walls, and especially your own Valour, do yet de∣fend you; how long will it hold out? Verily no longer than you have victual, no longer than you have meat to sustain your bodies. Do you think that Amurath will raise his Siege in the middle of the heat of this War, and be gon? No, no, if force will not prevail, if all his attempts fail, yet shall you see and feel these Enemies continually to your hurt; you shall always have these Tents in your Eyes, and at your Gates, until long Famine, which mastereth all things, tame your Courage also. I pray you, what hope have you left? from whence ariseth in your re∣solute minds such desperate contempt of danger? Can Scanderbeg victual you, being so straitly besieged? which hideth himself (poor man) in the Woods all the day, and flieth over the tops of the Moun∣tains, loaden with travel and care, scarce able to re∣lieve his own misery. Or will the Venetians re∣lieve you, which dayly bring unto us and store us with too too great plenty of all things necessary for this War against you. Wherefore repent your too much hardiness, and gather your Wits together; behold I your Enemie advise you; you long enough continued in your obstinacy; your Country and Liberty is not so far to be defended, as that you should therefore fight a∣gainst God. But wherefore do I call this, Liberty? you must give place unto your Fortune, and learn to obey them that be too strong for you. You shall find assured Liberty, rich Rewards, perpetual Rest with Amurath. Provide for your selves, if you be wise, whilst all things are yet whole for you to determine of; whilst we your Enemies exhort and request you, and had rather have you our voluntary Companions and Friends than our enforced Servants and Slaves.

This the Bassa spake with great gravity, and no less vehemency, expecting some great motions to have risen in the minds of the Souldiers. But when he perceived that his Speech had rather filled them with indignation, than with fear; and that it was but a vain thing to go about to terrifie them with Words, whom all the Power of Amurath could not make afraid with Weapons, he requested to talk alone with the Governor in secret; which was also granted. For all men had no less good opinion of the worthy Governors Fidelity, than of his great Wisdom and Valour. The crafty Bassa having him by himself, began with great cunning to deliver his more secret message; when Uranacontes perceiving by a little, what the whole tale meant, interrupted him in the middle of his Speech, and without more ado commanded him to depart;* 6.32 straitly charging him, That neither he nor any other should after that time presume to come from his Master to the City, to speak with him about any such disho∣nourable matter; for if he did, he would in de∣testation thereof cause their Hands, their Nose, their Ears to be cut off, and so return them dis∣membred, instead of answer. And so the Bassa was with his Presents again returned out of the City, and no man suffered to receive any thing of him in reward, although the Souldiers could have been well content to have eased him and his Ser∣vants of that carriage, if the Governor would but have winked thereat.

Great was the expectation in the Turks Camp, of the Bassa's return; but when they saw the Pre∣sents were not received, they easily gues••ed that all went not as they wished. But when Amurath himself understood the Governors resolute answer, he in great rage commanded all things to be made ready for a fresh Assault; which he did rather to satisfie his anger, than upon any hope he had to prevail therein. The next day he caused a furious Assault to be given to the City, but with greater loss to himself than before;* 6.33 the Christians still valiantly defending the City against the Turkish Fury. In this Assault many of the Turks were slain, at the breach with their own great Shot; for whilst Amurath sought therewith to drive the Christians from the defence of the Breach, he slew a great number more of the forwardest of his own men, than he did of the Defendants. But wearied at length to behold the endless slaughter of his men, he gave over the Assault, and returned into his Camp, as if he had been a man hal•• ••rantick or distract of his Wits; and there sate down in his Tent, all that day full of melancholy Passions, sometimes violently pulling his hoary Beard and white Lo••ks, complaining of his hard and diaster Fortune, that he had lived so long to see those days of disgrace, wherein all his former Glory and triumphant Victories were obscured, by one base Town of Epirus. His Bassaes and grave Counsello••s la∣bouring in the mean time with long discours••s to comfort him up; sometimes recounting unto him his many and glorious Victories, and other whiles producing antient examples of like event. But dark and heavy conceits had so overwhelmed the melancholy old Tyrant, that nothing could con∣tent his waiward Mind, or revive his dying, Spi∣rits; so that the little remainder of natural heat which was left in his aged Body now oppressed and almost extinguished with melancholy conceits, and his aged body dried up with sorrow, he be∣came sick for grief. Whereupon by the Counsel of some of his Bassaes, he sent an Embassador to Scanderbeg, offering him Peace, if he would yield to pay him a yearly Tribute of ten thou∣sand Ducats; thinking by that means his Honour to be well saved, if before his departure out of Epirus, he could but make Scanderbeg his Tribu∣tary. This Embassador was by Scanderbeg ho∣nourably entertained in his Camp, but the offered Peace at the same time utterly refused. The Em∣bassador returning to Amurath, declared unto him the evil success of his Embassage, which greatly increased his melancholy Sickness. And Scan∣derbeg to grieve him the more, understanding that he was dangerously sick, and that the great Bassaes were more careful of the Kings health, than of the success of his Wars, divers cimes as∣sailed the Turks Camp. Which thing though the Bassaes kept from his knowledge with all care∣fulness; yet he oftentimes suspected the matter, by the often Alarms and Tumults in the Camp, and with the grief thereof languished. So feeling his sickness dayly to encrease, and that he could not longer live, lying upon a Pallet in his Pa••i∣lion, grievosly complained to his Bassaes, That the Destinies had so blemished all the former course of his Life, with such an obscure Death, that he which had so often repressed the fury of the Hungarians, and almost brought to nought the pride of the Grecians together with their name, should now be enforced to give up the Ghost, under the Walls of an obscure Castle (as

he termed it) and that in the sight of his con∣temptible Enemy. After that, turning himself to his Son Mahomet, he earnestly commended him to the faithfulness of his Bassaes, and gave him many grave advertisements, sometimes in se∣cret betwixt themselves, and sometimes in the hearing of others; want of strength, and abun∣dance of tears running down his aged Face (upon the sight of his Son) oftentimes interrupting his Speech. Yet sick unto death as he was, and drawing fast unto his end, he forced himself, to warn his Son of such things as now at his death grieved him most.

L••t mine example (quoth he) be a warning un∣to thee my Son,* 6.34 never to contemn thine Enemy, be he never so weak; of which one thing above all others, I have repented my self of long, and shall do after my death, if any feeling of humane things remain in the dead. And that I was so foolish, and inconsiderate, as to faster as it were in my bosome this my domesti∣cal and neglected Enemy, whereby I have purchased un∣to my self this calamity, and for ever blemished the Honour of the Othoman Kings; whilst I so basely ending my days under the Walls of Croia, shall become a by-word unto the World, and all Posterity for ever. This Traitor should even then have been oppressed, when he by great Treachery, first recovered his wicked Kingdom; in that newness of his Estate, and before the minds of the People were assured unto him, then it had been an easie matter, without bloodshed to have utterly extinguished the wretch, together with his name. Alis Bassa, whose evil Fortune was the first begin∣ning of his good; Nor the other Generals, who by him slain or taken Prisoners, increased his strength and credit unto his Subjects, should not have been sent against him; a thing which I have oftentimes thought upon, but could scarce have believed, that ever I should have thereby received such disgrace, together with the ignominious renting of my Kingdom, if I had not been taught the same by mine own experi∣ence, to my great loss and hearts grief. We entred into Epirus, and here encamped an hundred and three∣score thousand men strong; now if leasure serve you, take view of them, examine the matter, you shall find a great want of that number. The Fields could not contain our Regiments and the multitude of our m••n; but now, how many Tents stand empty? how many Horses want Riders? You shall go to Ha∣drianople with our Forces much impaired. As for me, the Destinies have vowed my Spirits to this Country of Epirus, as unto me fatal. But wherefore do I impute unto my self these impediments and chances of Fortune? For then first began this seed of mischief in Epirus, when the Hungarians with other the Chri∣stian Princes, rose up in Arms against us; at which time we fought not with them for Soveraignty, but for the whole State of our Kingdom; as the bloody Bat∣tl••s of Varna and Cossova still witness unto the World. So whilst I had neither leisure nor sufficient p••wer to take order for all my important Affairs at 〈◊〉〈◊〉; in the mean time this Enemy grew as you see. But how, or in what order you are hereafter to wage War against him, you may not look for any directions from me, which have in all these matters so evil di∣rected my self; Fortune never deceived my endeavour more than in this. But happily thou Mahomet my S••a, maist prove a more fortunate Warrior against him; and for so many Honours already given unto me, the Destinies have reserved the triumph of Epirus for thee. Wherefore my Son, thou shalt receive from me this Scepter, and these Royal Ensigns; but above all things, I leave unto thee this Enemy; charging thee not to leave my death unrevenged. It is all I charge thee with, for so great and stately a Patrimony as thou art to receive from me; it is the only Sacrifice that my old departing Ghost desireth of thee.

Shortly after he became speechless, and striving with the Pangs of Death half a day,* 6.35 he then breathed out his gastly Ghost, to the great joy and contentment of the poor oppressed Christi∣ans. He died about the midle of Autumn, in the year of our Lord 1450, when he had lived eighty five years, as most write; and thereof reigned eight and twenty years (or as some others report thirty;) about five months after the Siege laid before Croia.

Thus lieth great Amurath, erst not inferior un∣to the greatest Monarchs of that Age,* 6.36 dead al∣most in despair; a worthy mirror of Honours frailty; yeilding unto the worldly man in the end, neither comfort nor relief. Who had fought greater Battels? who had gained greater Victo∣ries, or obtained more glorious Triumphs than had Amurath? who by the Spoils of so many mighty Kings and Princes, and by the conquest of so many proud and warlike Nations, again restored and established the Turks Kingdom, be∣fore by Tamerlane and the Tartars in a manner clean defaced. He it was that burst the heart of the proud Grecians, establishing his Empire at Hadrianople, even in the Center of their Bowels; from whence have proceeded so many miseries and calamities into the greatest part of Christen∣dom, as no Tongue is able to express. He it was that first brake down the Hexamile or Wall of separation on the Strait of Corinth, and conquer∣ed the greatest part of Peloponesus. He it was that subdued unto the Turks so many great Countries and Provinces in Asia; that in plain Feild and set Battel overthrew many puissant Kings and Princes, and brought them under his Subjection; who having slain Uladislaus the King of Polonia and Hungary, and more than once chased out of the Field Huniades that famous and redoubted Warrior; had in his proud and am∣bitious Heart, promised unto himself the Con∣quest of a great part of Christendom. But O how far was he now changed from the man he then was! how far did these his last Speeches differ from the course of his fore passed life? full of such base passionate complaints and lamen∣tations, as beseemed not a man of his place and spirit, but some vile wretch overtaken with de∣spair; and yet afraid to die. Where were now those haughty Thoughts, those lofty Looks, those thundering and commanding Speeches; whereat so many great Commanders, so many Troops and Legions, so many thousands of armed Soul∣diers were wont to tremble and quake? Where is that Head, before adorned with so many Tro∣phies and Triumphs? Where is that victorious Hand that swaied so many Scepters? Where is the Majesty of his Power and Strength, that commanded over so many Nations and King∣doms? O how is the case now altered; he lieth now dead, a gastly filthy stinking Carcass, a Clod of Clay unregarded, his Hands closed, his Eyes shut, and his Feet stretched out, which erst proud∣ly traced the Countries by him subdued and conquered. And now of such infinite Riches, such unmeasurable Wealth, such huge Treasures, such stately Honours and vain glorious Praises, as he in his life time enjoyed; his frail Body en∣joyeth nothing but left all behind it. O the weak condition of Mans Nature! O the vain glory of mortal Creatures! O the blind and perverse thoughts of foolish men! Why do we so mag∣nifie our selves? why are we so puft up with Pride? why do we so much set our minds upon Riches, Authority, and other vanities of this Life? whereof never man had yet one days assurance, and at our most need, and when we least think, quite forsake us; leaving even them that most

sought after them, and most abounded in them, shrowded oftentimes in the Sheet of Dishonour and Shame.

That his death is otherwise by some reported, I am not ignorant; The Turks saying, that he died miraculously forewarned of his death at Ha∣drianople; and some others, That he died in Asia, strucken with an Apoplexy proceeding of a Sur∣feit taken of the immoderate drinking of Wine. But Marinus Barlesius, who lived in his time in Scodra fast by Epirus, whose Authority, in re∣port of the Wars betwixt him and Scanderbeg we follow, setteth it down in such manner as is aforesaid.

Presently after his death, Mahomet his Son, for fear of some innovation to be made at home, raised the Siege and returned to Hadrianople; and afterward with great Solemnity buried his dead body at the West side of Prusa,* 6.37 in the Suburbs of the City, where he now lieth in a Chappel without any roof, his Grave nothing differing from the manner of the common Turks; which (they say) he commanded to be done in his last Will; that the Mercy and Blessing of God (as he termed it) might come unto him by the shining of the Sun and Moon, and falling of the Rain and Dew of Heaven upon his Grave.

He whilst he lived, mightily enlarged the Turkish Kingdom, and with greater Wisdom and Policy than his Predecessors, established the same; insomuch that some attribute unto him the first institution of the Ianizaries, and other Souldiers of the Court (the greatest Strength of the Turkish Empire) before indeed begun in the time of Amurath the first, his great Grandfather (as is before declared) but by him greatly aug∣mented, and the policy of that State, whereby it hath ever since in his Posterity flourished, even by himself plotted. For the better establishing whereof in his own House, and to cut off all occasion of fear, as also to leave all such as might have the heart to arise against him, naked and bare of Forces to resist; but especially the other ancient and noble Families of the Turks; still secretly repining at the great honour of the Othoman Kings; he as a man of great Wisdom and Judgment, to keep them under in the be∣ginning of his Reign, by manifold favours began to bind unto himself men of strange and forreign Countries, his Servants, and by ordering of his most weighty Affairs by their Authority, so by little and little to cast off the service of his natural Turks; they in the mean time little or nothing at all looking into this his practice. And whereas the Othoman Kings his Predecessors, had for the most part, or rather altogether raised their Ianizaries and other Souldiers of the Court, of such Children of the Christians as were taken in the Wars; he, seeing by experience how ser∣viceable those new kind of Souldiers were, be∣gan forthwith to plot in his head, how to make himself an Army altogether of such able per∣sons, his own Creatures, and so to bring in a new kind of Warfare, wholly depending of him∣self. And to that end, by his Officers appointed for that purpose, took from the Christians through∣out his Dominions, every fifth Child; the fairest and aptest of whom, he placed in his own Sera∣glio at Hadrianople, and the rest in other like places by him built for such purpose; where they were by sufficient Teachers, first instructed in the Principles of the Mahometan Religion, and then in all manner of Activity and Feats of Arms. Of these, when they were grown to mans state, he made Horsemen, gave them great Pensions, and sorting them into divers orders, appointed them also to guard his Person; honouring the better sort of them with the name of Spahi-Ogla∣ni, that is to say, his Sons the Knights; and of these he began to make his Bassaes, his Generals of his Armies, and the Governors of his Provinces and Cities, with all the great Offices of the State. The rest, and far the greatest part of these Tribute Children, taken from their Christian Parents, and not brought up in the Seraglios, he caused to be dispersed into every City and Coun∣try of his Dominion in Asia, there for certain years to be brought up in all hardness and painful labour, never tasting of ease or pleasure; out of which hard brood so enured to pains, he made choice of so many of the most lusty and able bodies fittest for service, as he thought good; who kept in continual exercise, and by skilful men taught to handle all manner of Weapons, but especially the Bow, the Peece, and the Sci∣mitar, were by him as occasion served added to the other Ianizaries, and appointed for the guarding of his Person; calling them commonly by the names of his Sons. The remainder of these Tribute Children, as unfit for the Wars, he put unto other base Occupations and Ministe∣ries. But unto those Martial Men of all sorts, so by him ordained, he appointed a continual pay according, to their degrees and places; and by great benefits and liberties bestowed upon them, bound them so fast unto him, as that h•• might now account himself to have of them so many Sons, as he had Souldiers; For they to∣gether with the Christian Religion, having for∣got their Parents and Country, and knowing no other Lord and Master but him, and acknow∣ledging all that they had to come and proceed of his free grace only, remained ever bound and faithful unto him; and so kept others also, as well the natural Turks themselves, as the other oppressed Christians within the bounds of Obe∣dience and Loyalty. A great Policy proceeding from a deep Judgment,* 6.38 first to weaken the Chri∣stians by taking from them their best Children, and of greatest hope; and then by them depending wholly of himself, to keep in awe and dutiful Obedience his natural Subjects also; having them always as a scourge ready to chastise the Rebel∣lious or Disloyal. Now the other Othoman Kings and Emperors, the Successors of Amurath, keep∣ing this custom, and also increasing it one after another, have thereby not only kept the Empire still in their House and Family, where it was first gotten; but also so maintained the Majesty of their State, as they are of their Subjects feared, obeyed, honoured, not as Kings, but as Gods. For the natural Turks their Subjects losing cou∣rage continually, and daily growing more base and dastardly, by reason they are not suffered to practise the knowledge of Arms; and the Souldiers in whose power all things are, knowing nothing of their own, but holding and acknow∣ledging all that they have to come of their Lord, account them as Lords and Kings of all; ruling much after the manner of the Pharaohs the ancient Kings of Egypt; who were absolute Lords and Masters, both of the publick and private Wealth of their Subjects, whom they kept under as Slaves and Villains. And here∣of cometh it to pass, that the better part of them whom we call Turks, (but are indeed the Children of Christians, and seduced by their false instructors) desire to be called Musulmans (that is to say, Right Believers) holding it a re∣proachful and dishonourable thing to be called Turks, as it were peculiarly and above other People; For that they knowing right well, that there is not one natural Turk among all those that bear Authority and Rule, and are had in

greater Honour and Reputation than the rest (such as are the Men of War and Courtiers) but he is born a Christian, either of Father, or at the least of his Grandfather, avouch those only to be Turks which live in Natolia, all of them either Merchants, or of base and mechanical Crafts, or poor Labourers with the Spade and Pickaxe, and such like People unfit for the Wars, the rest (as I say) holding it for a Title of Honour to be descended of Christian Parents. Yea the Grand Seigniour himself, although by the Fathers side he be come of Progenitors such as were natural Turks born, yet many of them had Christian Mothers, which they accounted in the greatest part of their Nobility and Honour. Thus by the Wisdom of Amurath was the order of the Iani∣zaries, and other Souldiers of the Court greatly advanced, though not by him begun, and the politick state of the Turks Kingdom (to say the truth) quite altered; the natural Turks (more than the Sultan himself) now bearing therein no sway; but only these new Souldiers, all of them descended from Christian Parents and by adop∣tion as it were become the Sons of the Turkish Sultans, and under them commanding all; by whom they have ever since managed their estate, and by their good service wonderfully, even to the astonishment of the World, increased and extended their Empire. But of them more shall be said hereafter.

This great King was whilst he lived, of his Subjects wonderfully beloved, and no less of them after his death lamented.* 6.39 He was more faithful of his word than any of the Turkish Kings either before or after him; by Nature melancholy and sad, and accounted rather po∣litick than valiant, yet was indeed both; a great dissembler, and painful in travel, but wayward and testy above measure, which ma∣ny imputed unto his great Age.* 6.40 He had issue six Sons, Achmetes, Aladin, Mahomet, Hasan, (otherwise called Chasan) Urchan, and Achmetes the younger, of some called Calepinus; three of whom died before; but the two youngest were by their unnatural Brother Mahomet, who suc∣ceeded him in the Turkish Kingdom, even in their infancy, in the beginning of his Reign most cruelly murthered.

Christian Princes of the same time with Amu∣rath the Second.

• ...Emperors
  • ...Of the East
    • John Palaeologus. 1421. 24.
    • Constantinus Palaeologus. 1444. 8.
  • ...Of the West
    • Sigismund King of Hungary. 1411. 28.
    • Albert the Second, King of Hun∣gary and Bohemia. 1438. 2.
    • Frederick the Third, Arch-Duke of Austria. 1440. 54.
• ...Kings
  • Of England
    • Henry the Fifth. 1413. 9.
    • Henry the Sixth. 1422. 39.
  • Of France
    • Charles the Sixth. 1381. 42.
    • Charles the Seventh. 1423. 38.
  • Of Scotland
    • James the First. 1424. 13.
    • James the Second. 1436. 29.
• Bishops of Rome
  • Martin the V. 1417. 13.
  • Eugenius the IV. 1431. 16.
  • Nicholas the V. 1447. 8.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Murat is the same that we call Desi∣derius.
• * 1.2

  Mustapha the suppo∣sed Son of Bajazet raiseth Re∣bellion a∣gainst A∣murath.
• * 1.3

  Mustapha flieth.
• * 1.4

  Mustapha hanged.
• * 1.5

  Two Asapi sold by a Ianizary for a sheeps head.
• * 1.6

  Constan∣tinople in vain be∣sieged by Amurath.
• * 1.7

  Mustapha betrayed and stran∣gled.
• * 1.8

  Eivases Bassa his Eyes put out.
• * 1.9

  The King of Carama∣nia slain.
• * 1.10

  Thessalo∣nica be∣sieged.
• * 1.11

  Thessalo∣nica taken by Amu∣rath.
• * 1.12

  A Plague among the Turks.
• * 1.13

  Hungary spoiled by Amurath.
• * 1.14

  Amurath contrary to his Faith invadeth Servia and subdueth it.
• * 1.15

  Uladisla∣us accept∣eth of the the King∣dom offer∣ed.
• * 1.16

  Belgrade besieged of the Turks.
• * 1.17

  Belgrade in vain assaulted.
• * 1.18

  The nota∣ble Speech of Amu∣rath to en∣courage his Soul∣diers to the assault of Bel∣grade.
• * 1.19

  Belgrade notably de∣fended by the Chri∣stians.
• * 1.20

  Amurath his answer to the Em∣bassadors.
• * 1.21

  Transyl∣vania in∣vaded and spoiled by Mesites Bassa.
• * 1.22

  Hun••ades flieth.
• * 1.23

  Hun••ades and the Bishop of Alba Jula entrapped by the ••••rks.
• * 1.24

  A great battel be∣twixt Mesites and Huni∣ades.
• * 1.25

  Great re∣joycing for the victory
• * 1.26

  The Speech of an old Turk, in delivering the Present unto the King.
• * 1.27

  Valachia grievously s••oiled by ••he Turks.
• * 1.28

  The most Christian Speech of Huniades to encou∣rage his Souldiers against the Turks.
• * 1.29

  A cruel Battel be∣twixt Hu∣niades and Abedin Bassa.
• * 1.30

  The Turks flie.
• * 1.31

  The effectu∣al Speech of Julian the P••p••s Legate in the Parli∣ament to perswade the War.
• * 1.32

  The piti∣ful com∣plaint of the Despot, of the cru∣elty of the Turks, per∣swading the Hun∣garians to take the War a∣gainst them in ••and.
• * 1.33

  Sophia taken▪
• * 1.34

  Huniades with ten thousand Horsemen assaileth the Turks by night.
• * 1.35

  The meet∣ing of U∣ladislaus and Huni∣ades after the Victory.
• * 1.36

  The Hun∣garians inforced with the difficulty of the pas∣sage of the M••untain Hemus, retire.
• * 1.37

  A great Battel be∣twixt Hu∣ni••des and the Bassa Carambey
• * 1.38

  The Turks over∣thrown, and Ca∣rambey taken Pri∣soner.
• * 1.39

  Scander∣beg revol∣teth from the Turks.
• * 1.40

  Uladisla∣us seeketh in vain to open the passage of the Moun∣tain Hemus.
• * 1.41

  The Hun∣garians mu••h trou∣bled in pa••i••g a ••••ick wood.
• * 1.42

  Uladisla∣us honou∣rably re∣ceived at Buda.
• * 1.43

  Scander∣beg wisely dissem∣bleth his desire for the delive∣ry of him∣self and his Country.
• * 1.44

  Scander∣beg cometh with his Army to Petrella.
• * 1.45

  Petrella yielded unto Scan∣derbeg.
• * 1.46

  Petra-Al∣ba yielded.
• * 1.47

  Stellusa yielded by the Garri∣son.
• * 1.48

  A notable Speech of a Common Souldier to the rest of his fellows for the holding out of the City a∣gainst Scanderbeg.
• * 1.49

  Scander∣beg his short an∣swer to the Souldiers Speech.
• * 1.50

  Desdrot Governor of Stellusa executed.
• * 1.51

  Macedo∣nia spoiled by Scan∣derbeg.
• * 1.52

  Alis Bassa with an Army of ••orty thou∣sand sent against Scanderb••g.
• * 1.53

  The battel betwixt Alis Bassa and Scan∣derbeg.
• * 1.54

  A great slaughter of the Turks.
• * 1.55

  Amurath in despair.
• * 1.56

  Amurath by the per∣swasion of Caly Bas∣sa, seeketh for Peace, of King Uladisla∣us.
• * 1.57

  The Capi∣tulations of the ten years peace concluded betwixt Uladisla∣us and Amurath.
• * 1.58

  Amurath envadeth Carama∣nia.
• * 1.59

  The cun∣ning Speech wherewith Julian the Cardinal perswadeth King Ula∣dislaus to break the League he h••d b••fore ••ade with Amurath.
• * 1.60

  Jul••an the Cardinal absolveth King Ula∣dislaus and the rest, from their Oath before gi∣ven to Amurath.
• * 2.1

  The L••tters of King Uladisla∣us to Scand••r∣beg.
• * 3.1

  Scander∣beg his Answer by Letters un∣to King Uladisla∣us.
• * 3.2

  King Ula∣dislaus s••t∣teth for∣ward a∣gainst the Turks.
• * 3.3

  Dracula aideth U∣ladislaus with his Son and four thou∣sand Horse.
• * 3.4

  His last farewel unto the King.
• * 3.5

  The great Battel of Varna, fought be∣tween U∣ladislaus and Amu∣rath.
• * 3.6

  Amurath prayeth un∣to Christ.
• * 3.7

  A cruel Fight.
• * 3.8

  Amurath in danger.
• * 3.9

  King Ula∣dislaus slain.
• * 3.10

  Huniade•• flieth.
• * 3.11

  Amurath to persorm his vow, resigneth his King∣dom to his Son Ma∣homet, which he in short time after taketh a∣gain upon him.
• * 3.12

  The compa∣rison be∣twixt Hu∣niades and Scan∣derbeg.
• * 4.1

  The sullen and crafty Letters of Amurath to Scan∣derbeg.
• * 5.1

  The reso∣••u••e an∣swer of Scander∣beg to Amurath his Letter••
• * 5.2

  Amurath his passio∣nate speech in his rage against Scander∣b••g.
• * 5.3

  Scander∣beg his valiant resolution for the as∣saulting of Mustapha in his Camp.
• * 5.4

  Pelopone∣sus made tributary unto the Turks.
• * 5.5

  Bajazet born.
• * 5.6

  Huniades i•• t••e mi∣nority of the Ki••g chosen Go∣vernor of all the Kingdom of Hunga∣ry.
• * 5.7

  Huniades g••••th a∣gainst the ••arks.
• * 5.8

  The false Despot gi∣veth A∣murath knowledge both of Huniades his coming and of his Strength.
• * 5.9

  The omi∣nous speech of an old Woman.
• * 5.10

  The nota∣ble Speech of Hun••a∣des to en∣courage his Souldi∣ers against the Turks.
• * 5.11

  The great battel of Cos••ova fought be∣twixt Amurath and Huni∣ades three days toge∣ther.
• * 5.12

  The battel began a∣gain the se∣cond day.
• * 5.13

  Huniades encourageth his Soul∣diers.
• * 5.14

  The battel again be∣gan the third day.
• * 5.15

  Huniades fli••th.
• * 5.16

  The number of the Turks and Christians slain in the battel of Cosso∣va.
• * 5.17

  Huniades taken Pri∣soner by the Despot.
• * 5.18

  The Despot invaded by Amu∣rath, cra∣veth aid of Huniades.
• * 6.1

  Amurath his grave Letters of advertise∣ment to Mustapha, concerning his going again into Epirus.
• * 6.2

  The Speech of Cara∣gusa the Turk▪ to Manessi.
• * 6.3

  Manessi his s••out Answer to Caragusa.
• * 6.4

  The batt••l betwixt Scander∣beg and Mustapha.
• * 6.5

  Mustapha ransomed.
• * 6.6

  The lamen∣table de∣parting of the weak Citizens out of Croia.
• * 6.7

  Scander∣beg com∣eth to Sfeti∣grade.
• * 6.8

  The effectu∣al Speech of Scan∣derbeg unto the Souldiers and Citi∣zens of Sfeti∣grade, to encourage them a∣gainst the coming of Amurath.
• * 6.9

  A notable stratagem of Scan∣derbeg f••r the intrap∣ping of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.10

  Amurath c••••eth to S••e••igrade with his A••my.
• * 6.11

  The resolute Answer of Perlat the Governor, unto the Bassa.
• * 6.12

  Sfetigrade assaulted.
• * 6.13

  The Turks repuls••••, re••••••e.
• * 6.14

  The Iani∣zaries d••s∣perately attempt to su••p••ise the City.
• * 6.15

  The Iani∣z••ries re∣pulsed.
• * 6.16

  Scander∣beg cometh to trouble the As∣sault, and is met with by Fer••-Bassa
• * 6.17

  Amurath by great Promises seeketh to corrupt the Garrison of Sfetigrade
• * 6.18

  A Traytor corrupted with A∣murath his large promises, conspires to betray the City.
• * 6.19

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.20

  Th•• G••ver∣nor in ••ain s••••k••th ••o per••••••de the Gar••i∣son So••ldi∣ers to d••ink of the water of the w••ll.
• * 6.21

  A Traytor worthily rewarded acc••rding to his Treason.
• * 6.22

  Amurath assembleth again his Army at Hadriano∣ple.
• * 6.23

  Croia bat∣tered.
• * 6.24

  The chear∣ful Speech of Urana∣contes the Governor to encou∣rage his Souldiers.
• * 6.25

  Cro••a as∣saulted.
• * 6.26

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.27

  Mahomet thinking to deceive Scander∣beg, is himself by him de∣ceived.
• * 6.28

  Amurath his com∣fortable Speech un∣to his wearied Souldiers.
• * 6.29

  The Turks retire.
• * 6.30

  Amurath seeketh to unde••mine, Croia.
• * 6.31

  The crafty Speech of the Bassa sent from Amurath to corrupt the Gover∣nor, and to perswade the Souldi∣ers to yield up the City
• * 6.32

  Urana∣contes re∣jecteth A∣murath's Presents, and threat∣neth the Bassa.
• * 6.33

  Croi•• a∣gain in vai•• as∣s••••lted▪
• * 6.34

  The last Speech and ad••••niti∣o•• of A∣murath to his Son Mahomet upon his death bed.
• * 6.35

  Amurath his death.
• * 6.36

  Amurath an example of the va∣nity of worldly honour.
• * 6.37

  Amurath buried at Prusa.
• * 6.38

  A great Policy.
• * 6.39

  Amurath his dispo∣sition.
• * 6.40

  The Sons of Amu∣rath.