The state of the Protestants of Ireland under the late King James's government in which their carriage towards him is justified, and the absolute necessity of their endeavouring to be freed from his government, and of submitting to their present Majesties is demonstrated.

CHAP. III. King James not only designed, but attempted, and made a considerable progress in our Destruction.

SECT. I. The Introduction to the proof of this head, grounded on a short view of the State of Ireland, at the time of King James's coming to the Crown; and of the vain assurances Protestants gave themselves of Security from the consideration of their Merits towards him; the Repute of his good Nature, and his own true Interest.

1. THE destruction of a People is so horrid a thing, that it is not easie to persuade a good natured Man that such an unnatural design can enter into any ones heart: and we our selves though al∣most ruined, dare hardly relate it to others lest they should not believe us. It is certain that if the Protestants of these Kingdoms could have believed that King James would have attempted what he did, they would never have entred into such Feuds against their fellow Subjects and Friends to pre∣vent his Exclusion: but their Zeal for the Monarchy and Succession, made them willing to overlook the danger; and they persuaded themselves that the absurdity and dif∣culty of the thing, would keep him if he came to the Crown, from attempting it, notwithstanding they knew that his Principles inclined him, and his Counsellors would prompt him to it. I question much if any thing but sad Experi∣ence would ever have opened the Eyes, or convinced the generality of these Nations that his designs were such as we found them in the event: and perhaps it is worth all our Sufferings, though very heavy, to have learned (as we have done) by this Example, never to trust Men of King James's

Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us; since it appears in him, that no Interest, Difficulties, or Obli∣gations are sufficient to hinder such from employing that Power to effect it. No Man could be under deeper Obligations to use his Power with Moderation than King James was; yet in the short time he possessed it, he employed it with so much dili∣gence and earnestness to destroy us, that he in a great measure accomplished it; and we must thank God only, and his present Majesties victorious Arms, that saved us from a total and final Destruction, to which we were so manifestly devoted. To make this appear, it will be necessary to take a short view of the State of Ireland, at, and since King James's coming to the Crown, and by the Alteration he introduced, it will plainly appear what he designed. At his coming to the Crown, Ire∣land was in a most flourishing Condition; Lands were every where improved, and Rents advanced to near double what they had been in a few years before; the Kingdom abounded with Money, Trade flourished, even to the Envy of our Neighbours; Cities, especially Dublin, encreased exceedingly; Gentlemens Seats were built, or building, every where, and Parks, Enclosures, and other Ornaments were carefully pro∣moted; insomuch that many places of the Kingdom equalled the Improvements of England. The Papists themselves, where Rancour, Pride or Laziness did not hinder them, lived happi∣ly, and a great many of them got considerable Estates, either by Traffick, by the Law, or by other Arts and Industry.

2. There was a free Liberty of Conscience by connivence, tho not by the Law; and the King's Revenue encreased proportionably to the Kingdom's* 1.1 Advance in Wealth, and was every day grow∣ing: it amounted to more than three hundred thousand pounds per annum, a Sum sufficient to defray all the Expence of the Crown, and to return yearly a considerable Sum into England, to which this Nation had formerly been a con∣stant Expence. If King James had minded either his own In∣terest, or the Kingdoms, he would not have interrupted this happy Condition. But the Protestants found, that neither this, nor the Services of any towards him, nor his own

good Nature, were Barrs sufficient to secure them from De∣struction.

2. It is certainly the Interest of all Kings to govern their Subjects with Justice and Equity; if therefore they understood or would mind their true Interest, no King would ruin any of his Subjects: but it often happens, that either Men are so weak that they do not understand their Interest, or else so little at their own Command, that some foolish Passion or Humour sways them more than all the Interest in the World: and from these proceeds all the ill Government which has ruined so many Kingdoms. Now King James was so bent on gaining an abso∣lute Power over the Lives and Liberties of his Subjects, and on introducing his Religion, that he valued no Interest when it came in competition with those.

3. Every Body that knew King James's Interest, and the true Interest of his Kingdoms, knew that it concerned him to keep fair with Protestants, especially with that party who were most devoted to him, and had set the Crown on his Head; and this had been, in the Opinion of thinking Men the most ef∣fectual way to inlarge his Power, and introduce his Religion; but because it did not suit with the Methods his bigotted Counsellors had proposed, he took a Course directly contrary to his Interest, and seemed to take a peculiar pleasure in af∣fronting and oppressing those very Men, whom in Interest he was most concerned to cherish and support.

His Proceeding thus in England was visibly the Cause of his Ruin; he had left himself no Friend to stand by him, when he stood in greatest need of them. Upon his coming to Ireland the Protestants had entertained some favourable Hopes, that he would have seen, and been convinced of his Error, and would now at last govern himself by other measures; it was manifestly his Interest to have done so, and nothing in proba∣bility could have allayed the Heats of England and Scotland so much as his Justice and Kindness to the Protestants of Ireland, nor could any thing have had so much the Appearance of an Answer to those many and evident Arguments by which they demonstrated his destructive Designs against those Kingdoms, as to have had it to say, that in Ireland, where it was in his Power, he was far from doing what they surmised he intended

to do in England, or if he had ever any such intentions, it was plain he had now altered them. These things were laid be∣fore him by some that wish'd well to his Affairs, and had more Prudence than his furious and bigotted Counsellors; and sometimes they seemed to make Impressions on him, but the Priests and needy Courtiers, who had swallowed in their Ima∣ginations the Spoils and Estates of the Protestants of England as well as of Ireland, could not endure to hear of this. They seemed mightily afraid lest he should be restored to his Throne by consent of his Protestant Subjects: For if so (said they) we know it will be on so strict Conditions, that we shall gain but little by it, it will not be in his power to gratifie us. And not only they, but the Irish in general likewise endeavoured to make his Restitution by way of Articles or Peace impracti∣cable and impossible. A Design so extremely foolish, that it is strange any should be found so sillily wicked as to promote it, or that King James should be so imposed on as to hearken to it; and yet it is certain he did, at least at some times, entertain it; and was heard to express himself to one that pressed him to Moderation to Protestants on this account; that he never ex∣pected to get into England but with Fire and Sword. How∣ever his Counsellors were not so weak, but they saw what disadvantage his dealing with the Protestants had on his Interest in England, and therefore they took care to conceal it as much as possible; they stopped all Intercourse as far as they could with England; they had a party to cry up the mildness of King James's Government towards the Protestants, to applaud the Ease, the Plenty, the Security in which they lived, and to run down and discredit all Relations to the contrary that came from Ireland. These endeavoured to perswade the World, that there was no such thing as a Bill of Attainder, or of Repeal; no Act taking away the Preferments or Maintenance of the Clergy, nor any Imprisonment or Plundering of Protestants; no taking away of Goods by private Orders of the King, or le∣vying of Monies by Proclamations. In short, they did that which on all occasions is the Practice, and indeed Support of Popery. They endeavoured to face down plain matter of Fact with Forehead and Confidence, and to perswade the World, that all these were mere Forgeries of King James's

Enemies. As many as believed these Allegations of theirs▪ and were persuaded by them, that the Protestants of Ireland were well used by King James, were inclined to favour him; a certain sign, that if they had been really well used by him, it would have gotten him many Friends, and perhaps reconciled some of his worst Enemies. But the Design entertained by him and his Party required the Ruin of Protestants, and of their Religion; whereas his Interest required, that it should not be believed, that he designed either; and therefore Care was ta∣ken to prosecute the Design with all eagerness, and deny the Matter of Fact with all impudence; and his Majesty took care to promote both: for he ruined the Protestants of Ireland by his Acts of Parliament, and by the other Methods we shall hereafter speak of; and by his Proclamations sent privately into England to his Partisans there, assured the World, that the Protestant Religion and Interest were his special care, and that he had secured them against their Enemies. It was his Interest to have done, as well as pretended this; but the carrying on his Design was so much in his Thoughts, that he chose to sacrifice his Interest to it.

4. And no wonder, if it be true, what is reported of him, that he resolved to die a Martyr, rather than not settle his Re∣ligion, and that he had rather die the next day, that Design being compassed, than live fifty years without effecting it. All which sufficiently explains that which seemed a Riddle to many, how King James should be so very hard on his Protestant▪ Subjects, when his Interest required, that he should treat them with all imaginable kindness; especially in the present Circum∣stances of his Affairs, whilst in Ireland. The Reasons of his acting contrary to his Interest in so palpable an instance, were either from the Persuasions of his ill Counsellors, who assured him, that they would so order the Matter, that what he did in Ireland should not be heard of, or not be believed in England; or else from a settled Resolution not to mind any Interest which came in competition with his grand Designs of advancing Po∣pery, and the Slavery of the Nations. To effect which, it is ma∣nifest he was content to be a Vassal to France; for whosoever calls in a potent Neighbour to his assistance, must reckon that will be the consequence if he get the better by his Means; of

which the Irish themselves were sensible, when they saw the French Succors landed; and the Protestants could not but con∣clude, that King James was so intent upon destroying them, that (so he compassed that Design) he cared not if he enslaved himself and the Kingdoms.

5. Nor had the Services of any towards him, more influence on him than his own Interest. Never had any Prince fairer Op∣portunities to distinguish his Friends from his Enemies, than King James; the struggle he had to get to the Crown was so long, and the issue so doubtful, that there was no Temptation for any one to dissemble his Thoughts towards him; and never had Subjects a fairer opportunity to serve and merit from a Prince. Now his Carriage to those that then proved his Friends, who against their own Interest, and against the En∣deavours of the most powerful, and most diffused Faction that ever appeared in a Kingdom, set the Crown on his Head, is a plain demonstration of what force, Merit or Service were with him, towards altering his private Designs. No sooner did it appear, that those who were against the Exclusion, de∣signed to preserve the Kingdom, as well as the Succession, but he abandoned them, and not only laid them aside, but further exposed them to the revenge of those very Men that they had provoked by espousing his Quarrel. It is no news to any how King James cast off his fastest Friends, when he saw that they would not proceed after his Measures to destroy the Liberty and Religion of their Country; and took into his Bosom and Council those that had been his most bitter Enemies, when he perceived, that they would assist him in that Design. Which is a plain demonstration, that he had no regard to Services or Merit, further than they tended to enslave the Nations, and destroy the settled Religion. But no Protestant that had any value for his God, his Conscience or Country, could pretend to this Merit; and therefore in the King's Opinion he could do nothing that his Majesty would count a Service.

King James had no desire to be served by Protestants, as was manifest by his turning many out, for no other reason, but because they would not change their Religion. By preferring Papists to all Places of Trust and Profit, tho not so deserving or well qualified for them as those that possessed them. By his

declaring, that he would have all that did eat his Bread, of his own Religion. If therefore he employed any, it was for a colour, either to cover his Partiality, or because he could not find a Papist fit for their Places, or because he believed, that in time he might gain them to be of his Religion, or lastly, because he had some odious Work to do, which he thought he could the better excuse, if he could get a Protestant to do it; where these Reasons ceased, he never employed any. But it is observable, where he did employ them, tho their places were considerable, yet they never had the In∣terest with him, or power proper to their place; but were mere Cyphers in it. Thus he made Sir Edward Herbert Chancellor of England, and caused a Seal to be cut for him, but he never allowed him that Interest with him, or had that re∣gard for him in Councils that his place required. The puny Papist Judges had more influence on the King, and could make bolder with him than he; he was not admitted to the Secret of Affairs at all, and at the publick Councils he was set below Fitton, Chancellor of Ireland, and several others; whom I am informed, whilst employed as Chancellor of England, and in his Masters presence, he ought to have preceded. But ge∣nerally Protestants were only admitted to inferior places, and for the most part with a Companion; and they had only the Name, their Companions must do all, and they durst not con∣tradict them; and tho they were intitled to rise according as Vacancies fell, yet some inconsiderable Papist was sure to get the start of them, and to be put over their Heads; so that it was never in their power to serve the King considerably, or merit at his Hands.

If they did chance to do any thing signal, yet their Enemies had so much the advantage of King James's Ear, that they were sure to be misrepresented; and what those said, having the dead Weight of Religion to help it, did generally with him, outweigh the Protestants Service. Of this Sir Charles Murry is an Instance; he followed King James through France to Ireland, and all along appeared zealous for his Service. Yet because he professed himself a Protestant, upon his landing at Kinsale, some that had an ill will to him prevailed with the King to clap him up a Prisoner in the Fort of Kinsale, where

he lay without being able to learn any Reason for his Confine∣ment, from the twelfth of March 168•• / ••, till toward the end of the following Summer; and then they had occasion for him to help to order their Camp, and fortifie Ardee, which procured him his Liberty; tho he never could have the satisfaction to learn either his Crime, or his Accuser.

My Lord Forbess, Son to the Earl of Granard, is another remarkable Instance: When the pretended Parliament sate in Dublin, both Houses were informed, that my Lord Forbess adhered to King James's Interest in England, and that he was a Prisoner in the Tower upon that account, his Friends thought it proper to improve this occasion with the King, and the Parlia∣ment, to save my Lord's Estate at Mollingar, which he holds under the Act of Settlement. And this seemed the more feasible because the Lands did, if not all, yet for the most part, for∣merly belong not to private persons, but to a Corporation. But all the Interest could be made, did not prevail; all that could be obtained, was a Clause implying, that the Commissioners that should be appointed to execute the Act, should set him out a Reprizal under the same Limitations, under which he held the Town and Lands of Mollingar; which (as one of the House of Commons expressed it) was a Mouthful of Moonshine. So little regard was had to the Services or Merits of Prote∣stants.

6. And they had no reason to expect it should be otherwise; for there was no regard had to the most considerable Papists▪ where their Interest interfered with the general Design. It was resolved to destroy the▪ Act of Settlement, the Foundation of the English and Protestant Interest in Ireland. This brought along with it Destruction to many Papists that held Estates under it, which they had purchased since the year 1662, as well as to Protestants. Those Papists were very numerous, and more wealthy than the rest (especially in Connaught) and they were likewise very zealous for King James, and many of them in his actual Service, and venturing their Lives for him, at the time of passing the Act of Repeal; yet this did not hinder him from giving away their Estates by that Act to the old Pro∣prietors.

In short, if serving King James truly and faithfully, even to their own prejudice, whilst it was for his Advantage and his Circumstances needed their Service, could have merited his Fa∣vour, most Protestants had supererogated; but all this passed for nothing with him, he would be served his own way: that is, he would have Protestants been active to destroy their Properties, Liberty and Religion, he would have had them lend their Hands to tie the Chains of Slavery for them and their Posterity, to which they had already contributed too far to oblige his Humor, both before and after his coming to the Crown, against the common Interest of the Kingdom. No∣thing less than the same blind Obedience, would serve him in the State, which his Clergy require in the Church, which we would not by any means pay him; and therefore it was in vain for us to think of preserving our selves by any Merit or Ser∣vice we could render him; he did not think any thing a Pro∣testant could do with a good Conscience, to be a Service. And if we did all was required, yet there never wanted per∣sons about his Majesty who had Malice enough towards us, and Interest enough with him, to misrepresent our most merito∣rious Actions.

8. Nor was the good Nature and merciful Disposition of King James any greater Security to the Protestants of Ireland, than their own Merits towards him. There are, 'tis true, Kings in the World, that have an absolute Power over the Lives and Liberties of their Subjects; and yet govern them with such Justice and Mercy, that they suffer very little in∣conveniency by it: but the Examples of this kind are so very rare, that it is ill trusting any one with such a Power. King James's Partizans made it their Business to represent their Master as the most merciful and justest Prince in the World; and then they railed at us that grudged to lay our own and our Posterities Lives and Liberties at his Feet. Perhaps if he alone had been to have had the Disposal of them, and would have followed his natural Inclinations, we should not so much have feared to have trusted him; but whilst he had such Ministers about him, and embraced a Religion of such Principles as he professed, we had no Reason to depend much on his natural Clemency or Inclination, for these were sufficient to corrupt the best natured Man in the World.

9. No doubt but Charles the Fifth of Germany was of as compassionate and generous a Nature as any Man; yet that did not keep him from making havock of his Subjects on account of Religion; besides all his Wars and Bloodshed to suppress the Reformation, he destroyed by way of legal Process fifty thou∣sand in the Inquisition, a Barbarity, I believe, hardly equalled by Nero▪ Francis the First of France was a Prince equal to any in Generosity and Nobleness of Nature; and yet he made no less Havock and Destruction in his Dominions on the same Account. The present French King is a Demonstration, that neither Love of Glory, nor of Interest, neither Greatness of Mind, nor Goodness of Nature, are Antidotes against, the Force of Romish Principles, or can restrain the Prince that has throughly imbibed them, from Blood and Persecution; other∣wise he would never have made himself infamous by such hor∣rid Cruelties as he has committed on his Protestant Subjects, or brought an indelible Blot on a Reign which he would fain have represented to be more glorious than any of his Prede∣cessors.

It is not necessary that what has been said should bring in question the good Nature or merciful Temper of King James, tho we confess we were unwilling to trust it too far. We had before our Thoughts the Proceedings in the West of England, where we saw his Clemency did not interpose, but suffered more to be prosecuted, tryed, condemned, and executed for that one Rebellion (and yet it was not so considerable as many others) than perhaps had suffered in that manner for many of the Rebellions since the Conquest. We found that he con∣sented to attaint above two thousand five hundred of the most considerable persons of this Kingdom; and that his good Na∣ture might not be a Temptation to pardon them, he put it out of his power to do it by the same Act. After his coming into Ireland, very few Pardons passed the Great Seal, perhaps not three; nor had many so much as the promise of a Pardon given them, tho very many needed and desired it.

Many of the Country People, who were not of the Army, were brought up Prisoners; they pleaded that they were not concerned in the Wars; that they lived in their Houses, and on their Farms, and submitted only to the stronger, without

engaging in the Cause; but all to no purpose: they were used worse than the Soldiers who were Prisoners, and suffered to starve in Jails, if the Charity of their Fellow Protestants had not relieved them. Many who were wronged and oppressed, petitioned his Majesty for Redress, but their Petitions were re∣jected, at best mislaid, and the Petitioners were so far from obtaining any Answer, that they often could never hear what became of their Petitions.

10. The chief Counsellors of the King were the Popish Clergy, and the Descendents of such as had shed the Blood of so many Protestants in the year 1641, who then ruined and destroyed the Kingdom, and made it a heap of Rubbish, and a Slaughter-House; and whilst he hearkened to the Suggesti∣ons and Councils of such, it was not possible for him to exert his good Nature and Clemency towards us.

It was the continual Business of these Counsellors to incense the King against us, to represent us as People unworthy of any Favour, Humanity, or Justice; that we were all Rogues, Vil∣lains and Traitors, and not fit to be allowed the common Offi∣ces of Humanity: This Chancellor Fitton declared on the Bench: This the King's Favourites and Attendants suggested publickly to him at his times of Eating, at his Couchee and Levee, and upon all occasions.

However it was, it is evident by the effect, that King James in great measure completed the Ruin of the Protestants and English Interest in this Kingdom; which will plainly appear, 1. In his dealing with the Army. 2. With the Courts of Ju∣dicature. 3. With the Privy Council and Offices. 4. With Corporations. 5. With Trade, and the trading People of the Nation. 6. With our Liberties. 7. With our Fortunes. 8. With the Lives of his Protestant Subjects. And 9. With their Religion.

SECT. II. I. King James's Dealing with the Army of Ireland, in order to destroy the Protestants and English Interest.

1. THE Army of Ireland which King James found at his coming to the Crown, consisted of about seven thou∣sand, as Loyal Men, and as Cordial to the King's Service as any could be; both Officers and Soldiers had been inured to it for many years. They looked on him as their Master and Father, intirely depending on him, and expecting nothing from any Body else. When Monmouth's and Argile's Rebellion called for their assistance to suppress them, no People in the World could shew more Chearfulness, or Forwardness, than they did; and it is observable, that no one Man in Ireland was ever found to be conscious or consenting to those Rebellions; the Protestants of all sorts shewed great Horror and Detestation of them, and were discernably melancholy till the Rebels were suppressed. Most of the Officers of this Army had been so zealous to serve the King, that they had by his permission and encouragement bought their Employments; many of them had laid out their whole Fortunes, and contracted Debts to purchase a Com∣mand; yet no sooner was King James settled in his Throne, but he began to turn out some of the Officers, that had been most zealous for his Service, and had deserved best of him, merely because they had been counted firm to the Protestant Religion and English Interest. The first who were made Examples to the rest, were the Lord Shannon, Captain Robert Fitz-Gerald, Captain Richard Coote, and Sir Oliver S. George. The three first were Earls Sons, who either in their own per∣sons, or by their Fathers and Relations, had been signally active in restoring King Charles the Second, and the Royal Family, to their just Rights, 1660; so had Sir Oliver S. George: and they were all of them without any other Exception, but their Zeal for their Religion, and the English Interest in Ireland. But the common Saying was, that King James would regard no Man for any Service done to him, his Father or Brother, but only for

future Service that he expected from them: and since he could fot expect that these Gentlemen should assist him to destroy the Protestant Religion or the Liberties of his Subjects, which was the Service he then expected, he took their Troops from them, and gave them to persons of mean or broken Fortunes, who must do any thing to keep them; some of them unquali∣fied by Law. It is fit their Names should be known, that the Reader may the better observe what kind of Change the King began with, when he substituted Captain Kerney, if I remember right, one of the Ruffians, Captain Anderson, a person of no Fortune, Captain Sheldon, a professed Papist, and Captain Graham, in the places of the Lord Shannon, Captain Fitz-Gerald, Captain Coote, and▪ Sir Oliver S. George.

2. But to convince the World, that no Consideration was to be had, of Loyalty or Merit, except a Man were a Papist: The Duke of Ormond was sent for abruptly, and devested of the Government, with such Circumstances that did no ways correspond with the Service he had rendered the Crown in general, and King James in particular. Imme∣diately the modelling of the Army was put in∣to* 1.2 the Hands of Collonel Richard Talbott, a person more hated than any other Man by the Protestants, and who had been named by Oates in his Narrative for this very Employment. When therefore the Protestants saw him put in∣to it, many who believed nothing of a Plot be∣fore, gave credit now to his▪ Narrative, and the common Saying was, that if Oates was an ill Evidence, he was certainly a good Prophet. Col∣lonel Talbott, afterwards Earl of Tyrconnell, knew the Ne∣cessity of having the Army fitted to his purpose, it being the Engine he depended on for destroying the Religion, Liberty and Laws of the Kingdom; and therefore set about it with all expedition, and prosecuted it in such a manner as might be expected from a Man of his insolent temper. He exercised at the same time▪ so much Falshood and Barbarity, that if the Ar∣my had not been the best principled with Loyalty and Obedi∣ence of any in the World, they would have 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or at least dispatched him. In the Morning he would take an Officer

into his Closet, and with all the Oaths, Curses and Damnations, that were never wanting to him, he would profess Friendship and Kindness to him, and promise him the continuance of his Commission; and yet▪ in the Afternoon cashier him, with all the contempt he could heap on him; nay perhaps, while he was thus caressing him, he had actually given away his Commission. The Officers of Ireland, then cashiered, and their Acquaintance, can vouch the truth of this in many instances. As for the Sol∣diers and Troopers, his way with them was to march them from their usual Quarters, to some distant place where he thought they were least known, where they would be put to greatest Hardships, and there he stripped them; the Foot, of their Cloaths, for which they had payed; and the Troopers of their Horses, Boots, and Furniture, bought with their own Money; and set them to walk barefooted one hundred, or one hundred and fifty Miles to their Homes or Friends, if they had any. Sometimes he would promise them something for their Horses; but then he told them, that they must come to Dublin for it: if any came to demand the small pittance promised them for their Horses or Arrears of Pay, he contrived it so, that they should be obliged to wait till they had spent twice as much as they expected; and most of them after all got nothing. By this means two or three hundred Protestant Gentlemen, who had laid out all, or a good part of their Fortunes, and con∣tracted Debts on Commissions, were not left worth any thing, but were turned out without reason or any consideration, and sive or six thousand Soldiers sent a begging; a hardship perhaps never put on any Army before, without any provocation; a∣gainst whom there was no other Exception, but that they were English Men and Protestants, and King James by substi∣tuting Irish Men and Papists in their places contrary to the Laws, and to the very Design of keeping a standing Army in Ireland, clearly demonstrated, that he had no regard to the Laws, or to the preservation of the Kingdom, and that he designed to ad∣vance the Popish Irish Interest in Ireland; which every Body knows cannot be done without the utter ruin of the English Protestants.

3. Yet all this we patiently endured, and exercised our Cha∣rity in relieving the poor cashiered Soldiers, and in putting the

ruined Gentlemen into a way of Subsisting; which was ge∣nerally by sending them over Seas to Foreign Service, and perhaps their Clamours and Sufferings did contribute to move the Compassion of the Prince of Orange, our present Sovereign, and forward his Designs.

4. In the mean time, the new raised Forces and Officers be∣ing put into Arms and Command, to which they were Stran∣gers, into good Cloaths, and mounted on Horses for which others had paid, behaved themselves with all the insolence common to such sort of Men when unworthily Advanced. They every where insulted over the English, and had their Mouths continually full of Oaths, Curses and Imprecations against them; they railed on them, and gave them all the op∣probrious names they could; and if any Chastized them for their Sauciness, though ever so much provoked, they had the Judges and Juries on their side. They might kill whom they pleased without fear of Law, as appeared from Captain Nangles murthering his disbanded Officer in the Streets of Dublin; but if any killed or hurt them, they were sure to suffer; as Captain Aston found to his cost, who was hanged for killing a Papist upon his▪ abusing the Captains Wife in the Street. They im∣mediately ruined all the Protestant Inns of Ireland, partly by oppressing them with Quarters, partly by paying nothing for what they had in their Quarters, and partly by driving away other Guests by their rudeness.

5. In this insolence they continued and daily increased, till the Prince of Orange came into England. But then new Com∣missions were issued out with all dilligence, of one sort or ano∣ther, sometimes five hundred in a day. All the Scum and Ras∣callity of the Kingdom were made Officers; every where the Papists arm'd and inlisted themselves, and the Priests suffered no Man to come to Mass that did not Arm himself with at least a Skean and half Pike. The new Commissioned Officers were obliged without Pay to subsist their Men, as they termed it, for three months, a thing impossible for them to do, since most of them were not able to maintain themselves. The better sort of their Captains and inferiour Officers had been Footmen or Servants to Protestants: One Gentlemans Cowherd was made a Lieutenant, but he would fain have capitulated with his

Master, to keep his place vacant for him if his Commission did not hold. Most of them were the Sons or Descendents of Re∣bels in 1641, who had murthered so many Protestants. Many were Outlawed and Condemned Persons that had lived by Torying and Robbing. No less than fourteen notorious To∣ries were Officers in Cormuck ô Neals Regiment; and when forty or fifty thousand such were put into Arms, without any Mony to pay them, we must leave the World to judge what apprehensions this must breed in Protestants, and whether they had not Reason to fear the destruction that immediately fell on them; they saw their Enemies in Arms, and their own Lives in their power. They saw their Goods at the mercy of those Thieves and Robbers and Tories, now armed and Au∣thorized, from whom they could scarce keep them when it was in their power to pursue and hang them. And they had all the Reason in the World to believe, that a Government that had armed such Men of desperate Fortunes and Resolu∣tions, was so far from protecting them, which is the only end of all Government, that on the contrary it designed to de∣stroy both their Lives and Fortunes. The latter of which, as will appear by the sequel, they have in a manner intirely lost.

6. I could never hear any thing pretended for these pro∣ceedings, except it were either 1. That the Army were the Kings Servants, and every Man may employ what Servants he pleases; or 2. That Protestants would not concur with the Kings intentions, and therefore there was a necessity of dis∣missing them. And 3. as to the general arming the Papists, and Plundering the Protestants, that it was necessary in order to raise and encourage an Army, otherwise the King had had nothing to trust to.

7. As to the first of these, It is not true that every Man may entertain what Servants he pleases; because one ought not to entertain any that are not qualified as the Law requires. 2. If it were granted that the Case were the same between the King and his Army as between a Master and his Servants, and that a Master might entertain what Servants he pleased (neither of which is true) yet it is to be considered that where another pays the Servants, the Master must be obliged

to keep such Servants as well answer the design of such as af∣ford the Wages. Now it was the Kingdoms Mony that paid the Soldiers; it was given the King by a Protestant Parlia∣ment, to preserve the Protestant English Interest, and sup∣press the conquered Irish Papists, as appears by the Acts them∣selves; it was paid by them out of their proper Fortunes and Estates; and for the King to Employ the Mony so given, and paid him, to Arm those whom it was designed to suppress; and destroy those who gave it, is the greatest breach of Trust and prevarication of which any can be guilty.

8. As to the second Reason, that Protestants would not con∣cur with the Kings intentions; I believe it is true, but the Reason was, because the Kings intentions were to destroy the Laws, Liberty, and Religion Established in his Kingdom: they had, and would have answered every just intention of the King; nay such as were Employed by him, had concurred fur∣ther with him than was perhaps justifiable. And his lay∣ing them aside as unserviceable to his Designs, is a plain Demonstration that those Designs were irreconcilable to the good of the Kingdom, and the Protestant English In∣terest.

9. As to the third Reason that it was necessary, in order to raise an Army for the King, to Arm all the Rascallity of Ire∣land; and to let them destroy the Protestants, to subsist and hearten them. I answer, that this owns a Necessity, if not a Design of destroying us: and considering that the Papists only by their wicked Counsels had brought that necessity on the Kingdom, it can never be imputed to the Protestants by any wise Man as a Crime, that they were unwilling to comply with the King to their own Destruction, or that they rather chose to be delivered by his present Majesty than ruined by King James and his foolish Counsellors. Upon the whole, the ordering the Irish Army as it was by King James, is a plain Demonstration of his Design to destroy us, and a great step towards it; and he had effectually done it, had not the Providence of God raised up his present Majesty to Re∣lieve us.

SECT. III. Secondly, King James's ordering the Courts of Judicature in such a method as tended to destroy the Protestant English In∣terest of Ireland.

1. THE support and happiness of a Kingdom consists chiefly in the equal and impartial Administration of Justice; and that depends on the choice of▪ fit and duly qua∣lified Persons for filling the Courts, and Executing the Laws; but King James made choice of such Persons for these Offices as were so far from answering the intent of their Places, that they made it their business to destroy the Protestant Interest, and the Laws that preserve the Liberty of the Subject in ge∣neral; by those Laws no Man was capable of being a Judg, who had not taken the Oath of Supremacy. The Judges he found on the Bench, had taken it; but yet some of them were known to be rather too favourable to Papists; and considering the influence King James had in his Brothers time in disposing of Offices, it is not to be imagined that he would suffer any Man to sit as a Judge, who had not been favourably repre∣sented unto him in that Point; though we must own he was mistaken in some of them; hence it came that Protestants did frequently complain of the Favour and Countenance their Ad∣versaries found in the Courts of Justice, even in King Charles II. time. But when King James came to the Crown, moderate, nay favourable Judges would not do the Work he designed. He found it necessary to Employ the most Zealous of his Party; those who both by Interest and Inclination, were most deeply ingaged to destroy the Protestant English Interest; and accordingly such were picked out and set on all the Benches▪

2. The Chancery is the great and highest Court wherein the great Frauds and other matters belonging to Trusts and Equi∣ty are determined; and neither the Lord Primate Boyle, who had managed that Court about twenty years, nor Sir Charles Porter who succeeded him, could answer the Kings intention: but Sir Alexander Fitton, of whom I have al∣ready* 1.3 given some account, a Person detected of Forgery not only at Westminster, and Chester,

but likewise Fined by the House of Lords in Parliament, must be brought out of Goal, and set on the highest Court of the Kingdom, to keep the Kings Conscience, though he wanted Law and natural Capacity, as well as Honesty and Courage, to discharge such a Trust; and had no other quality to recom∣mend him, besides his being a Convert Papist; that is, a Rene∣gado to his Religion and his Country; but the mystery of this was easily found out. The Papists of Ireland had gone a great way to retrieve the Estates they had forfeited by the Rebellion 1641, by counterfeit Settlements, Forgeries, and Perjuries, and to do their business in a great measure there needed no more than to find a Judg that would be favourable to, and countenance such proceedings; and where could they find a more favourable Judg than one who was notoriously involved in the same guilt, and who probably in some Cases did not esteem such Arts unlawful; but besides this, there is requisite to a Chancellor, a peculiar quickness of Parts and Dexterity, to penetrate into the contrivances of Cheats and Forgeries, for which Sir Alexander Fittons natural slowness and heaviness incapacitated him, but this very defect, together with his Zeal for Popery, fitted him to execute the Kings design as effectu∣ally as any that could have been found. He could not un∣derstand the merit of a Cause of any difficulty, and therefore never failed to give Sentence according to his inclination, having no other Rule to lead him; and how he was inclined towards Protestants; appeared from his Declarations on all oc∣cations against them; he did not stick, on a Hearing, to de∣clare that they were all Rogues, and that amongst forty thousand there was not one who was not a Traitor, a Rebel, and a Villain: for this Reason he would not allow the Guardianship of a Child to the Protestant Mother; but gave it against the po∣sitive words of the Law, to the Popish Relations: for this Reason he refused to hear so much as a demurrer in the Popish Dean of Christs Church, Mr. Staffords Case. For this Cause he over-ruled both the common Rules of Practice of the Courts, and the Laws of the Land, declaring in open Court that the Chancery was above all Laws, that no Law could bound his Conscience; and he acted accordingly in many Cases where Protestants were concerned. After hearing a Cause between

one of them and a Papist, he would often declare that he would consult a Divine before he gave a Decree; that is, he would have the Opinion of a Popish Priest, his Chaplain, Edu∣cated in Spain, and furnished with Destinctions to satisfie his Conscience how far he should do Justice to Protestants; many Papists came and made Affidavits of being in Possession when they never were, and got Injunctions and Orders without any more ado to quiet their Possessions. But a Protestant, though never so palpably disturbed, could not procure any Order; but was sent to the Common-Law to recover his Possession, by a Popish Jury, returned by a Popish Sheriff, before a Popish Judg: that is, he must expect Law from Judges and Officers that Sate and Acted in defiance of Law. If at any time the Chancellor was forced to grant an Injunction or Decree, it was with all the difficulties and delays that could be, and often the thing was lost and destroyed before the Order came for recovering it.

3. The Administration of Justice and Equity is the great end of Government, and it is as good, nay better to be with∣out Governours than to have Governors under whom Men cannot reasonably hope for these. We see from the choice of a Chancellor, what care King Iames took for the Administrati∣on of Equity to Protestants. To help the matter he added as Assistants to the Chancellor Mr. Stafford, a Popish Priest, for one Master of the Chancery; and Felix ô* 1.4 Neal, Son of Turlogh ô Neal, the great Rebel in 1641, and Massacrer of the Protestants, for another. To these generally the Causes be∣tween Protestants and Papists were referred, and upon their Report the Chancellor past his Orders and Decrees.

4. The Courts of Common-Law were put into the same method; and great care taken to fill them with Judges who might be ingaged in a profest enmity to the Protestant Interest. In Ireland there are only three Judges on a Bench; and it was thought fit, for a colour till things were Riper, to keep one Protestant on every Bench; but whilst there were two Votes to one, the Protestant Judg could neither do Right to Pro∣testants, or retard a Sentence to be given in the favour of a Papist. This mock method, of seeming to trust Protestants,

they took likewise in naming Burgesses and Aldermen for Cor∣porations; they generally put some few into their New Char∣ters to serve for a pretence of impartiallity, and yet to signi∣fie nothing: this Method of continuing some few Protestants in Courts and Corporations serving only to silence and ex∣asperate us, to be thus imposed on, but contributed nothing to relieve us, as we found to our Costs: and the Protestant Judges and Burgesses, finding that they were made Cyphers and Properties, of themselves declined at last to Act in their Stations.

5. Next to Chancery, is the Kings Bench, where Subjects are tryed for their Lives and Fortunes: upon this was set Mr. Thomas Nugent (made afterwards Baron of Riverstown) the Son of one who had been Earl of Westmeath, but had lost his Honor and Estate for being an Actor in the late Rebel∣lion begun in 1641. This Mr. Nugent who had never been taken notice of at the Bar, but for a more than ordinary Brogue on his Tongue (as they call it) and ignorance in the Law, was pitched on by King James, to judg whether the Outlawries a∣gainst his Father and his fellow Rebels should be reversed, and whether the Settlement of Ireland founded on those Out∣lawries, should stand good. It was a Demonstration to us what the King intended, when he assigned us such a Chief Justice; and indeed the Gentleman did not fail to answer the expectation conceived of him. He reversed the Outlawries as fast as they came before him, notwithstanding a Statute made in point against it: and in all the Causes that ever came before him, wherein the Plaintiffs and Defendants were Papist and Protestant, I could not learn from the most diligent Observer, that ever he gave Sentence for the latter. Nay it is Shrewdly suspected that he went sharer in some considerable Causes, and not only appeared for them on the Bench, but also secretly incouraged and fomented them. Before him a Deed should be judged Forged or not Forged according as it served a Popish Interest. And a Protestant needed no more to gain a Cause against another Protestant, than to turn Papist; which manifestly appear'd in Sir Gregory Birns Case, who merely by turning Papist, as is noted before, in the midst of his Suit a∣gainst Captain Robert Fitz Gerald, got a Deed condemned

of Forgery, and recovered five or six hundred pounds per an∣num; notwithstanding Mr. Daniel Birn his Father, some years before, for pretending it was Forged, had been Sued in an Action of the Case; and forced to pay two hundred pound damages: and though there appeared in Court a Bond un∣der Birns Hand, obliging him to pay two hundred pound to the Witnesses, in case they should prove Captain Fitz Geralds Deed to be Forged, yet the proof was accepted. But these were common things in this Court, and the mischief had been much greater had not a Writ of Error lyen from his Court to the Kings Bench in England. In one thing more he signalized himself; it was by committing and prosecuting people for feigned Offences and Treasons, and by countenancing and en∣couraging, and after discovery protecting false Witnesses a∣gainst Protestants. Many were brought in danger of their Lives by his contrivances; and when the accused were ac∣quitted on Tryal, by a palpable Demonstration that the Wit∣nesses were Perjured, he declared that they neither could nor should be Prosecuted, for they only sware for the King, and he believed the accused persons guilty, though it could not be proved. In short he shewed all the venom and rigour against them he could; he was set up to destroy them, and he went as far in it as his power could reach; his weakness, not his in∣clination, hindred him from carrying it farther. It is not ima∣ginable by any that have not seen and heard him, how furi∣ously and partially he was bent against Protestants: it may be guessed how he stood inclined to them by the great Hand he had in promoting the Bill of Attainder, and the Bill to vest all Absentees Goods in the King; whereby much the greater part of the Protestants of Ireland lost all their Estates, Perso∣nal and Real, of which we shall speak more hereafter. He was assisted on the Bench by Sir Bryan ô Neal, as puny Judg, a weak Man that had nothing to recommend him but Venom and Zeal, being otherwise disabled both in his Reason and Body. Only he had the faculty to do what he was bid, espe∣cially when it suited with his own inveteracy against Englishmen and Protestants This Character may seem rigid, but as many as knew him will not think it exceeds.

6. The next Court for business (though not for Precedence) is the Exchequer: in which all Actions wherein the Kings Re∣venue or any other Mans Estate is concerned, may be tryed. From this Court no Writ of Error lies in England; so they were free here from that Check, which was so troublesom to them in other Courts. Upon this consideration it was that the whole business of the Kingdom, so far as it concerned them, was brought into this Court, though not so proper for it. Here were brought all Actions of Trespasses and Ejectments concerning Estates; all Quo Warranto's against Corporations, and Scire Facias's about Offices: and they thought themselves concerned to have an able Man, and one throughly Cordial to their Interest for the Chief Judg in it: for if he had wanted Sense or Law, though willing, as they found by Experience in some of the other Courts, he might have been unable to serve them in all Cases. They therefore fixed on Mr. Stephen Rice, afterward Sir Stephen, who had formerly been noted for a Rook and Gamester at the Inns of Court. He was (to give him his due) a Man of the best Sense amongst them, well enough versed in the Law, but most signal for his inveteracy against the Pro∣testant Interest and Settlement of Ireland; having been often heard to say, before he was a Judg, that he would drive a Coach and Six Horses through the Act of Settlement, upon which both depended. And before that Act was Repealed in their pretended Parliament, he declared on the Bench that it was a∣gainst Natural Equity, and could not oblige. This Man did King James choose for Chief Baron, and for the final determi∣nation of all the Suits that lay between Protestants and Papists, either in Common-Law or Equity. And it is no hard matter to conjecture what success the Protestants met with in their Suits before a Judg that declared, as he did, that they should have no favour, but Summum jus, that is the utmost rigour of the Law. Immediately his Court was filled with Popish Plain∣tiffs: every one that had a forged Deed or a false Witness, met with Favour and Countenance from him; and he knowing that they could not bring his Sentences into England to be re-exa∣mined there, acted as a Man that feared no after Account or Reckoning. It was some considerable time before he would allow a Writ of Error into the Exchequer Chamber, though

that was in effect to themselves; and when it was allowed, it was to little purpose before such Judges. It was before him all the Charters of the Kingdom were damned, and that in a Term or two, in such a manner that proved him a Man of Dispatch though not of Justice. If he had been left alone, it was really believed that in few years he would, by some con∣trivance or other, have given away most of the Protestants Estates in Ireland, without troubling a Parliament to Attaint them; which was a more compendious, but not a more cer∣tain way to destroy them, than the Methods he took. It was he that without Hearing, after he had Dissolved the Corpora∣tions by giving Sentence against their Charters, declared void all the Leases of Lands or of Perquisites made by them, though long before their Dissolution, and on very good considerati∣ons; and thereupon outed several Protestants of their Leases: but it were endless to mention all the Oppressions and unjust proceedings of this Court; it were in effect to transcribe the Records of it. Let me only observe that the Chief Baron was assisted by Sir Henry Lynch as Second Baron, who came in∣deed short of him in Parts, but yielded nothing to him in Malice to the Protestant Religion and Interest.

7. The Court of Common Pleas▪ had little to do: the busi∣ness, so far as concerned the Protestants and Papists, was in∣tirely carried out of it to the Kings Bench, or Exchequer, and therefore they permitted the Lord Chief Justice Keating still to sit in it, but Pinioned with two of their own sort, that if any thing should chance to come before him, he might be out-voted by them. The truth is they were jealous of this Court, not only because a Protestant was Chief Justice in it, but likewise because Judg Dally sat as puny Judg, who though a Roman Catholick yet understood the Common-Law so well, and be∣haved himself so impartially, that they did not care to bring their Causes before him: so much did they dread the prospect of Justice, though before Judges that were of their own Party and Persuasion.

8. The Circuits are an extention of the Courts, whereby Justice is carried into the Country: these were managed much at the same rate with the Courts, and where the Sheriff and Judg were both Papists, it is not difficult to guess what Justice

Protestants must expect; what packing of Juries there was a∣mongst them, and how deeply the Judges themselves were con∣cerned in such Practices, is evident to all that had any Concerns in the Country at that time.

9. It will be requisite to say something of the Attourney General which King James made, instead of Sir William Dom∣vile, whom he turned out after near thirty years supplying the place; but he was a Protestant, and would not consent to re∣verse the Popish Outlawries, nor to the other Methods they took to destroy the Settlement of Ireland; and therefore he was laid aside. In his place King James substituted Mr. Richard Nagle, whom he afterwards Knighted, and made Secretary of State; he was at first designed for a Clergy-Man, and educated amongst the Jesuits; but afterwards betook himself to the Study of the Law, in which he arrived to a good Perfection, and was employed by many Protestants, so that he knew the weak part of most of their Titles. Every Body knows how great a part the Attorney General has in the Administration of Justice, it being his Office to prosecute, and in his power to stop any Suit wherein the King is concerned. How he used this Power will appear in one instance, tho many may be given. One Fitz Gerald of Tycrohan, the Heir of a forfeiting Papist, had a Suit for a great Estate against Sir William Petty; it was tryed in the Exchequer before Chief Baron Rice, and Fitz Gerald carried the Cause by the Perjury of two Friars, and a Woman, who swore a person to be dead in Spain, and themselves to be present at his Burial, upon whose Life Sir William's Title depended. This person soon after appeared to be alive, and is so still for ought we know; and his being alive was so notorious and mani∣fest, that the Attorney General could not deny it; Sir William's Counsel and Lawyers designed to indict the Friars and Woman for their Perjury, but the Grand Jury refused to find the Bill; and I was credibly informed, that the Attorney General said, that if they did not desist, he would enter a Noli prosequi. It is certain he refused to prosecute it, and it was imputed to his Con∣trivance, that they escaped. By such means the Course of Ju∣stice was stopped to Protestants; and the like Tenderness the Courts generally shewed to Perjurers, when the Perjury served their Interest. And sure the Protestants were in an ill case, whose

Lives and Fortunes lay at the Mercy of such Judges and Juries; and they must conclude, that nothing less than Destruction was designed for them, by a King who put them under such Admini∣strators of Justice. The same Sir Richard Nagle was the Speaker of the House of Commons in their pretended Parliament, and had the chief Hand in drawing up their Acts; King James con∣fided chiefly in him: and the Acts of Repeal and Attainder were looked on as his Work; in which his Malice and Jesuitical Principles prevailed so far, that he was not content to out two Thirds of the Protestant Gentlemen of their Estates by the Act of Repeal, (by which all Estates acquired since 1641, were ta∣ken away) and to attaint most of those that had old Estates by the Bill of Attainder; But to make sure Work, he put it out of the King's Power to pardon them; therein betraying the King's Prerogative, as the King himself told him, when he discovered it to him. Of which and of him we shall have occasion to give a further account hereafter.

10. Into such Hands as we have been speaking of, the Ad∣ministration of Justice and of the Laws was put, which were so far from preventing our Ruin, that they were made the Means and Instruments thereof, and it had been much better for us to have had no Laws at all, and been left to our natural Defence, than to be cheated into a necessity of Submission by Laws that were executed only to punish, and not to defend us.

11. It was common for some of those that served King James, to come upon the Exchange, and without any reason or provo∣cation to fall upon Protestant Gentlemen, if they looked a little more fashionable than other people, and beat them. One was thus beaten with a Cane severely, before the Gentleman was aware; he was advised for an Experiment to indict the Ruffian that used him thus, to see what protection the Law would give us after they had taken away our Swords; but the Grand Jury did not think it worth while to trouble the Courts with redres∣sing the Grievances of Protestants, and so would not find the Bill. A Merchant in Thomas street, Dublin, found a Fellow that had broken into his Ware house, and was conveying his Goods▪ out at the Window to his Fellow Soldiers that stood in the Street to receive them; he seised him and brought an Indict∣ment against him for Felony, but the Jury acquitted him; and

then he brought his Action against the Merchant for false Im∣prisonment and Slander, and it cost a good Sum of Money to compound the Matter. This Trick was very common; and at last, no Protestant, tho he had ever so good Evidence against a Papist, durst prosecute him; for he was sure to be acquitted, and then the Prosecutor was liable to the Revenge of an Action of the Case, and the Damages that a Popish Jury pleased to give against him.

12. There is an Act of Parliament, 10 Henrici 7. cap. 12. That forbids keeping Guns or Ordnance without License from the Lord Lieutenant or Deputy. The Design of it was to prevent the Irish from fortifying themselves in their little Castles, whereby at that time they created the Government great Trou∣ble, and raised daily Rebellions. But the Lord Chief Justice Nugent interpreted this to the disarming of all Protestants; and because there chanced to be a Sword and Case of Pistols found, September 6▪ 1689, in some outward by place in Christs Church, Dublin, one Wolf the Subverger was committed to Newgate, in∣dicted and found guilty, and had good luck to escape with his Life, the Chief Justice declaring it was Treason, tho Wolf was only indicted for a Misdemeanour.

13. But had the Laws been in never so good Hands, it could not have secured us from Destruction, when the King, who de∣signed that Destruction against us, pretended to be above all Laws, and made no Scruple* 1.5 to dispense with them; every Law in these King∣doms is really a Compact between the King and People, wherein by mutual consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern, and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience. But there is no ge∣neral Rule but in some Cases it may prove inconvenient; it is therefore agreed by all, that in Cases of sudden and unforeseen Ne∣cessity, there is no Law but may be dispensed with: but then first it is observable, that this Necessity must be so visible and apparent, that all reasonable Men may see and be satisfied that it is not pretended; and where the Necessity

has been thus real, no Man can shew that either the People or Par∣liament ever quarrelled with a King for using a dispensing Power.

14. Secondly, It must be observed, that this Power of Di∣spensing, in Cases of Necessity is mutual, and belongs to the People as well as the King; it being as lawful for a Subject, in Cases of Necessity, to dispense with his Obedience to a Law, nay, with his Allegiance to his King; as for a King to dispense with the Execution of a Law, or the exacting Obedience: and this mutual power of dispensing with the Laws, which are pub∣lick Compacts in Cases of Necessity, is tacitly understood in them as well as in all other Covenants.

Doctor Sanderson proves this Power of Dispensing to belong to the People as well as to the Prince, in his tenth Praelection, N. 21. and he gives an Example in N. 22. The Case is thus: The Conspirators, after the Gunpowder Treason was discovered, fled into Warwickshire, and made an Insurrection: the Sheriff raises the Posse Comitatus against them, they fled from thence in∣to Worcestershire, where, by the Law the Sheriffs of Warwick could not follow them, but the Sheriff dispensed with the Law, Judging (saith he) as he ought to have done, That, if he would perform right the Office of a good Subject, the Observation of the Law in that Case of Necessity was very unseasonable; and he ought to obey the Supreme Law, which is the Safety of his Country. The Sheriff did accordingly, and was highly commended by King James the First for it. There might be many Examples of this kind given, in which the People are allowed to dispense even with their Allegiance in case of Neces∣sity. It is against the Allegiance of a Subject to own the Power of an Usurper, to bear Arms, to judge of Life and Death, or admini∣ster Justice between Man and Man, by his Commission; and yet Dr. Sanderson determines it to be the Duty of a good Man to do all these, if required by an Usurper, Praelect. 5.* 1.6 N. 19. and accordingly we find Judge Hales acted under the worst of Usurpers, Oliver Cromwell, and executed the Office of a Judge, as may be seen in his Life.

15. Thirdly, 'Tis the most wicked as well as hazardous thing, that a King or People can do, to pretend a necessity for dispen∣sing with those publick Compacts, when the pretence is not real: for the publick Faith is hereby violated, the party unconsulted is abused, a just reason of Distrust raised between the King and People, and they of the two that assume to themselves this power of dispensing upon a pretended, not real necessity, in Ca∣ses of great Moment to the Kingdom, are in a fair way to lay a real necessity on the other party to dispense with their part of the Compact; that is to say, if the King will pretend a Necessity where there is none, for his not governing by Laws in Cases that concern the common safety of the Kingdom, he gives a shrewd Temptation, and a justifiable Colour to his People to dispense with their Submission and Allegiance to him. And it is full as good a Reason for a Peoples taking Arms to defend themselves against illegal Violence, to alledge that they were necessitated to do so, to prevent the Ruin and Destruction of them and their Posterity, as it is for a King to alledge, that he uses illegal Offi∣cers and Force to preserve himself, and his Kingdoms. And if the Allegation be real, I do not see why it should not justifie the one as well as the other, tho the one be against the Oath of Allegiance, and the other against the Coronation Oath; Cases of extreme Necessity being tacitly excepted in both. Kings therefore that take on themselves to dispense with Laws, with∣out the consent, either tacit or express of their People, give an ill Precedent against themselves, and must blame themselves, if their People, taught by them, return it upon them.

16. 'Tis plain, the Officers employed by King James in Ire∣land, both Civil and Military, were unqualified and uncapable by Law, of those Employments. If Lord Tirconnell (for in∣stance) claimed Subjection of us by the Laws, I do not see why he should expect the People to be better Observers of the Laws than he was. Suppose that it was against the Law for them to resist him, it was likewise against the Laws that he should command them; if he dispensed in one Case, they only dispen∣sed in the other: and in this Case it was as lawful for the one to dispense as the other.

I suppose the only Reason in a settled Government, why one Man can claim our Submission and not another, is, because the

known Laws give the one and not another the power of com∣manding; but the Laws as well as the Interest of this Kingdom said positively, that the Earl of Tirconnell, and Men of his Cha∣racter and Religion, should not have any Office Civil or Mili∣tary, and therefore those Protestants that stood on their Defence against him, did not look on themselves to have resisted any per∣sons legally commissioned by the King; nor was there any need of a Judge, or Judgment in the Case: the Question being no other, than, Whether the Law required, that our Governors and Army should not be Papists? And, whether the Earl of Tirconnell and those he employed were Papists? Both which were notorious and confessed by all without the Determination of a Court or Judges.

17. As to the point of Necessity; 'tis as plain there was no Necessity on King James to employ these persons, whom the Law had disabled to serve him; Protestants were numerous enough, and willing enough to serve him in every thing that was for the Interest of the Kingdom; but he not only refused to entertain them, but turned out such as he found employed, without the least Crime or Accusation; and put in their places persons not only unqualified by Law for the Employments into which he put them, but also unfit and uncapable to discharge them; which sufficient∣ly shewed, that it was Choice, not Necessity, made him employ them. But he foresaw, that such persons as the Laws designed for Employments, would not assist to destroy the Laws, Liber∣ties and Religion of the Kingdom; and therefore he exchanged them for those new Servants, whose Interest it was to join with him in his ill Designs, and whose Service was their Crime; who deserved the most severe punishments, not only for accepting these Employments against the Laws, but likewise using them to the Subversion of all Law and Justice. If therefore there was any necessity on King James to employ such Servants, it was a criminal Necessity, and intirely of his own making; and if he imagined, that such a Necessity would excuse him from his Coronation Oath, of governing according to the Laws, and justifie his dispensing with all the Laws made for the Security of his Subjects, why should he not allow the same Liberty to his Subjects, and think that an inevitable Necessity of avoiding Ruin, should be a sufficient Reason for them to dispense with

their Obedience to him, notwithstanding their Oaths of Alle∣giance; especially where the Necessity is not pretended or crea∣ted by themselves, as his was, but apparent and forced on them by him? According therefore to his own Rules, he cannot blame them for refusing to obey him where no Law required their Obe∣dience; or for resisting him in those unlawful Methods they saw him engaged in, to their manifest Destruction.

But King James was resolved to venture all, and, as many of his Favourites expressed it, would not be a Slave to the Laws, and therefore endeavoured to be their Master. In England he granted without any apparent Necessity, nay (against not only the Interest and Safety of the Kingdom but even) to his own prejudice, several Dispensations: but these passed in some colour or form of Law, and many of them at least passed the Offices and Seals; but in Ireland they did not trouble themselves with these Formalities. A verbal Command from the King was a sufficient Dispensation to all Laws made in favour of a Protestant; the Officers acted, and the Courts judged, as if there had been no such Laws in being. Here the Dispensations went much higher than in England, even to dispensing with the Laws against robbing and taking away property; for if King James had a mind to any thing, he sent an Officer with a File of Musquetiers, and fetched it away, without considering the Owners; and to shew us, that his Commands were not merely pretended by these Offi∣cers (which I confess often happened) when they did such illegal things, the King himself to shew, I say, that it was his deter∣minate Resolution to act us, did sometimes send Orders under his Hand to take away many things of great value without offer∣ing any Retribution or Satisfaction to the Owners.

Many Instauces of this kind may be given: I shall only mention one, because it made some noise. A Grant, in nature of a Lease, with a reserv'd Rent to the Crown, was made by King Charles the Second to some of his Courtiers, as a Gratuity for consider∣able Services; whereby the sole Liberty to coin Copper-Money in the Kingdom of Ireland for one and twenty years was given to them. This Grant was purschased at a dear rate from the Grantees by Sir John Knox, late Lord Mayor of Dublin, and was renewed not without great Trouble and Charges to him by King James, after his Accession to the Crown. When he came into Ire∣land,

he found this Grant in the Hands of Collonel Roger Moor, to whom it came by way of Legacy from the Purchaser. King James designing to set up a Brass Mint, sent for this Grant, and had it strictly canvast, to see if any Flaw could be found in it: none could be found; nor would the Collonel be persuaded to give it up. The King therefore commanded it to be laid aside, and his own Mint to be proceeded on, without regard to it. But having occasion for the coining Tools and Engines belonging to this, without consulting the Owner, or enquiring whether he was willing to part with them, he sent and seised on them vio∣lently, forcing open the Doors, and taking away to a considerable Value. Collonel Moore petitioned for Redress, or at least some Consideration for his Loss, but his Petition was rejected, with∣out being heard. Such proceedings were common, and shews us plainly what a weak Barrier Laws are against a person who designs absolute Power, and who believes, according to our late Act of Recognition, That the Decision in all Cases of a misused Authority by a Lawful Hereditary King, must be left to the sole Judgment of God.

SECT. IV. III. King James's Progress to destroy his Protestant Subjects, by his disposing of Civil Offices, and ordering the Privy Council.

1. I Have already taken notice how King James disposed the Military Offices, in such a Method, as must unavoidably ruin the Protestant Interest in Ireland, it was not altogether so easie to out Men of their Civil Employment, as of their Military. 1. Because many had Patents for Life, or Good Be∣haviour. And 2. Because some of the Offices themselves were so difficult to be managed, that it was not easie to find Roman Ca∣tholicks capable of discharging them; yet it appeared necessary, in order to ruin the Protestants, that they should be turned out of them; and therefore King James and his Ministers resolved to do it as fast as they could. As soon as they could find a Papist that would or durst undertake them, they put him in; and they plainly declared, that no Protestant after a little while should have any Office of Trust or Profit left in his Hands. Some Offi∣ces they disposed of without more ado, by new Patents, and

put the Patentee in Possession without taking notice that there was another Patent in being, leaving the former Proprietor to bring his Action at Law if he pleased. Thus they served Sir Charles Meredith for his Chancellorship of the Exchequer; and thus they served Sir John Topham, and Sir John Coghill, for their Masterships of the Chancery. And the Inferior Bodies of Cities learned this Trick from them; and by it outed their Protestant Recorders, even before their new Charters. Some Officers that claimed a Title to their Offices by Law, were not allowed a Legal Tryal: but the Chancellor called them before him, and on a private Hearing, turned them out. Thus he served Mr. Charles Baldwin one of the Examinators of the Chancery.

2. But to proceed by Retail seemed tedious, and therefore to make short Work, and rid their Hands of Protestant Civil Officers at once, as they had done of the Military. They made an Act in their pretended Parliament, to void all Patents for Offices during Life or Good Behaviour, though granted by King James himself, and though the Protestants had laid out their Fortunes to purchase them by King James's own Con∣sent, and Permission, as many had done. Now let the World judg what a step the disposal of these Offices was, to the De∣struction of Protestants, when some of them were of such Con∣sequence, that an unfaithful Officer in them, might undo many, by destroying their Evidences for their Estates; in what con∣dition must Protestants be, when the Records by which they held their Estates, were put into the Hands of those who were their Adversaries in the claim, and had nothing to bar them, but these Records, of which they were now made Keepers, who had often before shocked the Protestant Titles, by setting up counterfeit Deeds, nay and corrupting the Re∣cords themselves, even whilst Protestants had the keeping of them; of which, the Records in the Common Pleas Office, are yet an unanswerable Evidence, counterfeit Judgments be∣ing entred there, to the sum of some one thousand pound, by the Treachery of corrupting Papists. I have for the satisfaction of the Reader set down in the Appendix the* 1.7 Names of the most considerable Officers be∣longing to the Courts, that the Change may be more visible.

3. The next sort of Officers were such as were concerned in the Revenue; these were, many of them, during Pleasure. The Revenue had for five or six years last past been managed by Commissioners to very great advantage. They had gotten under them a set of very sharp and severe Officers; many of which having been formerly concerned in Trade themselves, knew all the Arts of cheating the King in his Duties; and were able to discover them, and he who was most acute and made greatest Advantage for the King, was sure to keep his Place and to be advanced. It was hard to find a set of Com∣missioners and Officers that could serve the King in his Revenue at the Rate these Persons did; and therefore they were forced to be slow in changing them: yet they did it by degrees, and with such Circumstances, as plainly discovered that they were resolved, as soon as was possible, to employ Roman Catholicks only. To do them Justice they generally owned it; and when any of them had a Friend to prefer to an Office in the Revenue, his Argument to remove the Protestant Possessor usually was, This Man must be removed, and why not now? As the Popish Bishop of Elphin wrote to Sir Patrick Trant from Gallway, in order to remove a Protestant Gauger employed there. In most places they turned out the Protestant Collectors and Officers, and put in their Popish Friends, though much to the Kings Loss, as it often proved, and as they themselves knew it would be, and did not scruple to own it. Their new Collectors, either be∣ing so ignorant as not to make the best of their Places, or so very Corrupt that they run away with the Mony when Col∣lected; as it happened at Clonmell; or so abused their Trust, that they were obliged to change no less than five or six at a time, King James himself declaring publickly that they de∣served to be hanged. That there remained any Protestants employed in the Revenue was plainly from their not having time enough to train up others in their room, and not from their intentions to continue Protestants in it; to whom they envied even the hated Office of being Publicans.

4. The third sort of Officers in the Kingdom are such, as have Trust or Honour annexed to them, but little Profit; of this sort I reckon Sheriffs and Justices of the Peace. It was no easie matter to find Roman Catholicks to put into these

Offices, and it was a most provoking sight to Protestants, to see with what kind of Men they supplyed them: they were forced to rake into the very Scum and Sink of the People, to find a few to set on the Bench, as I shewed before; Men with∣out Freehold, without Sense, and without Honesty, were made Sherifs; and yet they were forced to continue most of them two years, not being able to find in some Counties any Ro∣man Catholick that could pretend to be capable of such an Employment. Thus in the County of Tyrone, Turlogh ô Do∣nelly served two years as Sheriff, who had not one foot of Freehold; and for his Honesty you may guess at it by this Story, which is notoriously true: His Son had stolen some Bullocks from his Neighbour Mr. Hamilton of Callidon, and brought them to his Father the Sheriffs House: some of them were killed and eaten in the House. The Owner pursued and found the remainder, which were restored; and to Compound the Matter, a Bond of sixteen pound was entred into by the Sheriff for such as were eaten; and if I remember right, a War∣rant of Attorney for Judgment. When he came to Dublin to pass his Accompts as Sheriff, he was sued for the Mony, but to avoid the Suit, he listed himself a Foot Soldier in the Lord Maguires Company, and pretended he was Enlisted in the Company two or three days before the Arrest; which my Lord likewise vouched, though really he was not Enlisted till after the Arrest or Execution. Upon which the Attorney that took out the Action or Execution, I do not remember which, and the Person to whom he owed Mony were brought into great trouble, and forced to abscond for violating the Privilege of the Army; and obliged for Peace sake to depart from their Claim. We had many such Sheriffs and Justices of the Peace; and to demonstrate that they designed to out Protestants of all Power, there was not one Protestant Sheriff in all Ireland, for the year 1687, as may be seen in the Catalogue which I I have given of their Names in the Appendix,* 1.8 except Charles Hamilton of Cavan, who was put in by mistake (as was supposed) insteed of John Hamilton of Killeneur, who is a Roman Catholick. Nay it was designed that not one Protestant should sit on the Bench as Justice of Peace; and the Design in a great measure effected; not indeed

by revoking their Commissions, but by making it impossible for them to Act. It was now almost a necessary qualification to preserve a Man in his Place, to change or dissemble his Re∣ligion; and some did worse, that is betrayed it by their Com∣pliance, whilst yet they profest it. Many who would not be guilty of such servility, were turned out even from the mean Employments of a High or Petty Constable, of a Goalour or Turn-Key; of all which it were easie to give Examples; but the thing being Universal, makes that unnecessary. Even these mean Employments were now counted too good for Prote∣stants; and all this contrary to the express Letter of the Law, which admitted none but such as would take the Oath of Su∣premacy, to any Office; but they took a peculiar Pleasure to act in contempt and despite of the Laws; and it seemed to them a kind of Conquest to turn a Man out of his Employ∣ment, Office, or Freehold, contrary to Law. In the mean time it was a melancholy thing for Protestants to live under such il∣legal Officers, and have their Lives, Estates, and Liberties, at the mercy of Sheriffs, Justices, and Juries; some of whose Fathers or nearest Relations, they had either hanged for Thieving, Robbery and Murthering, or killed in the very Act of Torying.

5. I reckon as a fourth sort of Officers in the Kingdom, such as were of the Privy-Council, which in Ireland is a great part of the Constitution, and has considerable Privileges and Power annexed to it. Regularly no Act of Parliament can pass in Ireland, till the chief Governor and Privy-Council do first certifie the Causes and Reasons of it. It was therefore no less than necessary that King James should model this to his mind; and he quickly ordered it so, that the Papists made the majority in it; and whereas before it was a Refuge and Sanctuary to the oppressed, it now became a most effectual In∣strument to strengthen the Popish Interest, and give Reputati∣on to their Proceedings. We may guess what kind of Govern∣ment King James designed, when he was attended with such a Council; and yet it is certain even some of* 1.9 these, who were Protestants, would have been turned out, if they had not absented themselves, and declined appearing at the Board; but whe∣ther

they appeared or no, was of no consideration, since it is plain they could do Protestants little service.

SECT. V. Fourthly, King James's ordering Corporations was an effectual means to destroy his Protestant Subjects, and to alter the ve∣ry Nature of the Government.

1. WOever knows the Constitution of England and Ire∣land, must observe that the Subjects have no other security for their Liberties, Properties and Lives, except the Interest they have of choosing their own Representatives in Parliament. This is the only Barrier they have against the Encroachments of their Governor. Take it away, and they are as absolute Slaves to the Kings Will, and as miserable as the Peasants in France. Whoever therefore goes about to deprive them of this Right, utterly destroys the very Constitution and Foundation of the Government. Now the Protestants of Ire∣land finding the necessity of securing this right in their own Hands, to preserve the Kingdom in Prosperity and Peace, had procured many Corporations to be Founded, and built many considerable Corporate Towns at their own Cost and Charges. They thought it reasonable to keep these in their own Hands, as being the Foundation of the Legislative power; and therefore secluded Papists as Enemies to the English Interest in Ireland, from Freedom and Votes in them by the very Foundation and Rules of planting them. This Caution they extended by a Law, to all other Corporations in the Kingdom, excluding Papists likewise from them, which they justly did, if we remember that these Papists had forfeited their Right in them, by their Rebellion in 1641; and by their having turned those Towns, where they had Interest, into Nests of Traitors against the King, and into places of Refuge for the Murtherers of the English; insomuch that it cost England some Millions to reduce them again into Obedience; witness Killkenny, Waterford, Galway, Lymerick, and every other place where they had power to do it. Add to this, that generally the trading industrious Men of the Kingdom were Protestants,

who had built most of the Corporate Towns (above thirty at once in King James the First's time) and a great part of the Freeholds of the Kingdom did also belong to Men of the same Religion: insomuch that if a fair Election had been allowed, in probability no Papist could have carryed it in any one County of Ireland. All which considered, it was but reasonable that the Protestants that had by so much Blood and Treasure, brought the Kingdom into subjection to the Laws of England, and planted it in such a manner as to render it worth the Governing by the King, should be secured of their Representatives in Parliament; especially when out of their great Loyalty, and Confidence in the Kings kind intention to them, they by some new Rules had condescended, that none should Officiate as Majors, Portrieves, Magistrates, or Sheriffs in the chief Towns, till approved by the Kings chief Governor for the time being. Their yielding this to the King, was a sufficient security, one would have thought, to the Royal Interest. A great diminu∣tion of their Liberties, and such as never was yielded before to any King; but this would not serve King James to be Ab∣solute, he must have the intire Disposition of them, and the Power to put in and turn out whom he pleased, without troubling the Formalities of Law. To bring them therefore to this, it was resolved to Dissolve them all. Tyrconnel knew that the Protestants would never give up their Charters, with∣out being compelled by Law: and therefore he endeavoured to prevail with them to admit Papists to Freedom and Offices in them, that by their means he might have them surrendred; but the Resolution of Sir John Knox, then Lord Mayor of Dublin, and of the then Table of Aldermen, spoiled that De∣sign, and forced the King to bring Quo Warranto's against them, since they would not easily consent to destroy them∣selves.

2. The Chief Baron Rice, and the Attorney General Nagle, were employed as the fittest Instruments to carry on this Work. To prevent Writs of Error into England, all these Quo Warranto's were brought in the Exchequer; and in about two Terms, Judgments were entred against most Charters. Whereas if either Equity or Law had been regarded, longer time ought to have been allowed in matters of such Conse∣quence

for the Defendants to draw up their Plea, than the Chief Baron took to dispatch the whole Cause, and seize their Franchises. Attorney General Nagle plaid all the little Tricks that could be thought of; and had an ordinary Attorney brought such Demurrers or Pleadings into Court, in a common Cause, as he did in this most weighty Affair of the Kingdom; he would have received a publick Rebuke, and been struck out of the Roll for his Knavery or ignorance. After all, there was not one Corporation found to have Forfeited by a Legal Tryal neither was any Crime or Cause of forfeiture objected against them; yet the Chief Baron gave Judgment against a hundred Charters or thereabouts, upon such little Exceptions, and pittiful Cavils, that it must be the greatest affront to the understanding of Mankind, to think to put such on them for Justice; and the greatest profanation of the name of Law, to endeavour to pass such Proceedings for Legal. Admit that a Corporation, which is an invisible Body in Law, could do any thing to destroy its own being; or that it were reasonable it should be divested of a particular Privilege, which it has mani∣festly abused; or when, by alteration of Circumstances, such a Privilegde becomes a Prejudice to the Publick; as it sometimes happens. Yet to Dissolve all the Corporations in a Kingdom, without the least Reason or Pretence of abuse of Priviledge or Forfeiture, to take advantage from the Ignorance of a Lawyer, or the mistake of a Clerk, nay to pretend these when really there is no such thing, is such an abuse of the Kings Preroga∣tive and the Law, that it is enough to make the People, oppres∣sed by colour of them, to hate both, at least to wish the Ad∣ministration of them in other Hands; and this was clearly the Case of the Corporations in Ireland. The City of Dublin was not allowed so much time to put in their Plea as was really sufficient to transcribe it as it ought to have been. The Clerk mistakes the Date of one of their Charters; they pray leave to mend it; this is denyed them; and the Chief Baron gives Judgment. The same Term the Charter of Londonderry, in which the City of London was so deeply concerned, was con∣demned on a yet more frivolous Pretence, upon which the Chief Baron gave Judgment against the Charter. And upon the like wrangling Cavils were the rest dissolved; except a few

which were on Noblemens Estates. Some of these Noblemen employed, Roman Catholick Agents or Receivers; who so managed their Estates for them, as chiefly to encourage Papists, and now became the Instruments to betray their Corporations. Those Agents employed the Power and Interest they had a∣mongst their Masters Tenants, by Threats and Intrigues, to procure Surrenders; and by these means, some few were in∣fluenced. Thus one Potter, a Papist, employed as a Receiver by the Earl of Kildare, betrayed his Lord, and prevailed with Athy and some other Corporations on his Estate to Surrender.

3. Whether they did not think fit to destroy the Charters upon their usual and trivial pretence of defective Pleading, there they found out other Expedients, without Tryal, to de∣stroy them. And that was, by granting a New Charter (as in the Case of Bangor in the County of Down) to such Men as the Attorney General thought fit; who by the Sheriff should be put in Possession of the Government of the Town, and then if the former Possessors thought themselves injured, they might bring their Actions against the Intruders: in the Tryal of which, they had Reason to expect no more fairness, than they found in the Proceedings against their Charters.

4. This Contrivance, of superseding a former Charter by granting a new one, served to very good purpose. There were many particular Charters granted to Corporations in the City of Dublin. Such were the Corporations of Taylors, Skin∣ners, Feltmakers, &c. where these refused to Surrender, they got a few of the Trade to take out a new Charter, by which Papists were constituted Masters and Wardens, and as soon as they had taken it out they committed to Prison such of the ancient Members as would not submit to them.

5. Every Body dreaded the Effects of these Proceedings, the Gentry considered that they held their Estates by Patents from the King; and the Title was no stronger than that of a Char∣ter. And if Men were outed of their Priviledges and Free∣doms by such Tricks and Shaddows of Law, they began to fear that one day or other the like might be found to void their Patents.

6. As soon as the Corporations came to be supplied with new Charters, it plainly appeared that no English or Protestant

Freeman could expect a comfortable Life in Ireland; for in the first place, the Corporations were made absolute Slaves to the King's Will, it being one Clause in all the new Charters, that the King's chief Governor should have power to turn out, or put in whom he pleased, without giving any Reason, and with∣out any Form of Legal Proceeding; by which the Corporations were so much in the King's Power, that he might with as much reason have named his Regiment of Guards, a Free Parliament, as the Burgesses return'd by such Elections. The whole King∣dom had therefore reason to resent such Proceedings, as being absolutely destructive to their Liberties; but more especially the English Protestants; for it plainly appeared in the second place, that all this Regulation was more immediately designed for their Destruction. The persons every where named for Aldermen and Burgesses in the new Charters being above two thirds Pa∣pists, some few Protestants were kept in for form sake, that they might not seem absolutely to discountenance them; and to avoid discovering their Designs of turning them out of all: but yet so few, in comparison of the Papists, that they were incapable of doing either good or hurt. And when they saw that they must be insignificant, they generally declined serving at all. The Papists employed, were commonly the most inveterate and exasperated persons against Protestants and their Interest, that could be found. Many of them never saw the Corporations for which they were named; they were never concerned in Trade or Bu∣siness; many of them were named for several Corporations, be∣cause they wanted Men qualified as they would have had them, to make up the number of Aldermen or Burgesses. Most of them were poor and mean, and such whose very Names spake Bar∣barities.

7. The Protestants foresaw very well, what they were to ex∣pect from Corporations thus settled; and a great many of the richest trading Citizens, removed themselves and their Effects into England. The Gentry likewise endeavoured to make Pro∣visions for themselves there; and such as could compass Money laid it out in England, and fled after it to avoid the Storm they saw coming on Ireland. The Truth is▪ 'twas intolerable to them to live under the Government of their Footmen and Ser∣vants, which many must have done, had they staid; and they

could not but dread a Parliament, that should not only be Slaves to the King's Will, who they saw was bent to settle Po∣pery at any rate, but which must consist of Members that they knew to be their inveterate and hereditary Enemies, who would not stick to sacrifice the Liberties and Laws of the Kingdom to the King's Will, so they might procure from him Revenge on the Protestants, and turn them out of their Estates. For what would they stick at, that were so servile as to accept such pre∣carious Charters? They saw in this their own Ruin design'd; and the Event has shewn that they were not mistaken, perhaps no King in the World, much less a King who had been obliged in so high a manner as King James had been, by his Protestant Subjects, did ever take so much pains to ruin his Enemies, or condescend to such mean Acts as he did to ruin us.

SECT. VI. V. King James's destructive Attempts upon the Trade and Tra∣ding Part of the Nation.

1. TRade is of so great advantage to a Kingdom, and the Profit it brings to the Exchequer is so considerable, that it is hardly credible that any King should contrive to de∣stroy it in his own Kingdom; and yet King James has given us just reason to conclude, that he designed the Ruin of it in all his Kingdoms, at least was well pleased with it. Many Roman Ca∣tholicks, who pretended to know his mind, have confidently affirm'd, that he purposely let the Ships of England decay and rot, that the French might grow great at Sea, and destroy the Trade of the English. The Reason pretended for doing so, was to humble his Subjects, and take away their Wealth from them, that made them proud and surly, so that the King could not have his Will of them; I speak the Language of these Roman Catho∣licks; and the King himself▪could not sometimes forbear Words to the same purpose. And if we consider the Condition in which their present Majesties found the English Fleet, the thing will not want probability. It was further pretended by many of King James's Officers▪ that it was more for the King's Advantage, to have his Subjects poor than rich; For, said they, you see how

willing the poor Irish are to enlist themselves Soldiers for two pence a day, who know no better way of living: but it were impossible to bring the rich Churls of England (so they usually called them) from their Farms and Shops, on such terms, to serve the King. They further alledged, that the Poverty of the Generality of France, is the Reason that they are so willing to be Soldiers, and makes them so easily maintain'd when they are enrolled. Upon such destructive Maxims did they found their design of ruining Trade in these Kingdoms.

2. But whatever be said to the general Design, it is certain King James ruined the Trade of Ireland, in prosecution of his purpose of destroying the Protestants there. The Money and Wealth circulated in their Hands, and few others had either Stock, Understanding or Credit, to carry on a Trade besides them. They innocently imagined, if there had been no other Reason, that this alone would have prevailed with the then Government to have permitted them to live secure, easie and quiet; but they quick∣ly found that King James and his Ministers wou'd rather have no Trade at all in the Kingdom, than it should be in the Hands of Protestants. Merchants have generally their Stock in Move∣ables, so that it is easie for them to transport themselves and their Effects into another Country, if they find themselves uneasie in their own. And sure the Protestant Merchants could not be easie in Towns which they had formerly governed, and in which they were now subjected to mean inconsiderable People; many of which had formerly been their own menial Servants, but now advanced to the Honor of being Magistrates, treated their late Masters with such Affronts and Abuses, as are intolerable to Free Men, and, which Solomon observes, make even wise Men mad.

3. This, together with the apprehension of danger to their Lives and Fortunes, from the advancement of such indigent and malicious persons to▪ Power, did drive most of the rich Traders out of the Kingdom. The rest contracted their Stocks, called in their Debts, and resolved to give over Trading, or else follow their Neighbours into England, as soon as they could clear them∣selves of their Business; the effect of this Resolution of theirs was ruinous to all such as were indebted to them, or in their Books; for it was impossible to raise Money to answer those

Debts, when called for so suddenly, tho they had Stock enough to answer them if time had been allowed them, as they expect∣ed when they contracted them; by which means Protestants were forced to ruin one another, as well as some Papists that depended on them; a great many being forced thereby to shut up Shop, and break for small Debts, that bare no proportion to their Stocks and Credit, whose payment had been good, if they had not been called on too suddenly, and if the Circulation of Trade had not been stopped.

4. The next thing that destroyed the Trade of Ireland was the advancing persons of mean or no Fortunes unto places of Profit. These had no ready Money to give the Merchants, and yet were necessitated to live high, and appear in fine Cloaths; and either by force or fraud they got into the Shop-Books; and by refusing to pay, disabled the Merchants to make their usual Returns, and by that means broke their Credit, which is the Foundation of Trade. The Protestant Soldiers and Officers, in whose places the indigent Papists were substituted, were ge∣nerally so good Husbands as to have some little thing in store; and hence were enabled to take up at the best hand, and pun∣ctualy pay what they had expended; but these New-Comers gave their Creditors, where they chanced to be trusted, only Oaths, and Curses, and Abuses, instead of Payment; a general stop of Trading immediately followed; especially the Manu∣factures set up in the Kingdom, which were very considerable to its Trade, came to be neglected; and every thing upon Tyrcon∣nell's coming to the Government, was at a stand. The Clothier would not lay out his Money to make Cloth, and pay Work∣men, when it must either lie on his Hands, or he be obliged to trust it to such Debtors that would only return him Abuses for his Money. The Builder would not go on in his Building, and part with his ready Money, when he could have no Secu∣rity of enjoying it, or receiving Rent for it, if he let it. By these means great numbers of Tradesmen and Laborers, all ge∣nerally Protestants, were reduced to Beggary, and their Families starved. Such sort of People as these, are the Men that carry on Trade, and enrich a place; but were now forced to leave the Kingdom, and seek elsewhere for Work: their going away stop∣ped the usual Consumption of Commodities, and made Trade yet more dead and heavy.

5. There was a third thing that did further discourage the Merchants, and that was the▪ Exaction of the Custom Houses. The Officers found, that by the decay of Trade, the King's Revenue must fall, and that then they would be in hazard to lose their places; to prevent which, they used all the Rigor and Exactions imaginable: they had Valuators of their own chusing, which put what Rates on Goods they pleased; and then the Merchant must pay the Duties accordingly without Remedy. Frequently the Values set on Goods were double, nay treble to what they ought to have been, and to the true intrinsick Worth of the Commodity, or what they could be sold for; the Conse∣quence whereof was, that the Merchant paid often double or treble Duties to what he ought; and this was a great Discou∣ragement to Trading. The Complaints of all People in general as well as of Merchants were great on the account of Exactions of the Officers of the Revenue, who were grown up to a high degree of Exorbitance; which, with many other Abuses in the Kingdom, proceeded from the long Disuse of Parliaments, the inferior Officers being freed from that fear for twenty four years, did forget that there were any, to whom they were accountable, besides their own Masters; and therefore not only exacted upon and oppressed the Subjects, but likewise treated them with in∣sufferable Insolence, while the Commissioners or Farmers strain∣ed and perverted the Laws for their own profit, or to ingratiate themselves with the Courtiers, on whose Favour they de∣pended.

6. There was a fourth thing that more peculiarly ruined the Protestant Trade, and 'twas thus; the King's Revenue in Ire∣land was so considerable a part of each Man's Estate, that most of the current Coin in the Kingdom came into the Treasury once in a year, either for Hearth Money, Crown Rents, or some other Duties. And the King having turned Protestants out of all profitable Employments, and out of the Army, and put in Papists, his Revenue was paid out again to them, and ought to have circulated indifferently amongst his Subjects, as it used to do. But so great was the Malice of these new Officers to Protestants, that they combined amongst themselves, to let them have as little of it as was possible; and therefore where∣ever they could lay it out with one of their own Religion, they

did it. And very few Protestants ever received a Groat of their Money, as the Citizens of Dublin can universally witness. When they wanted Money they came to the Protestant Shops, where they abused and affronted and terrified them, if they re∣fused to trust; calling them Dogs, Whigs, Rebels and Traitors, swearing with many Oaths, that they would be revenged on them. But if they had ready Money, tho they had been for∣merly Customers to Protestants, and in their Books, they ne∣ver came near them any more. This Practice was so universal amongst them, that even the Women learn'd it; particularly the Lady Tyrconnel's Daughters: for thus the Lady Ross and her Sister Dillon treated several Shopkeepers, falling furiously upon them in the former Terms, because their Servants refused to trust. By the like rudeness the Exchange was intirely ruined; neither Buyers nor Sellers being able to keep in it, by reason of the Insolencies of the new Popish Officers who walked in it, affronted and assaulted every Body, or extorted their Goods from them for nothing, the Shopkeepers not daring to refuse to trust them. By this means the rich Shopkeepers were driven away, and most of the considerable Shops shut up, even in the princi∣pal Streets of the City, long before we heard any News of the Prince of Orange. As soon as the Earl of Tyrconnel came to the Government, there was almost a Desolation in the Town; and there were at least fourteen or fifteen Trades that had nothing to do; the Government knew very well that this would be the Effect of their Proceedings, and that the Trade, Manufactures and Improvements of the Kingdom must cease, if they went on at the Rate they did; but they were so far from being concerned at it, that they rather seemed well pleased with it.

7. And to ruin our Trade intirely, they suffered and conni∣ved at the Transportation of our Wool to France; a thing so fa∣tal to England as well as to Ireland, that the Law has made it Felony to be punished with Death. The new Mayor of Gallway, Mr. Kyrovan was catched in the very Fact; and the Delivery of a considerable Cargo sent by him into France, was fully pro∣ved; for which he ought to have been hanged: but the Lord Deputy Tyrconnel, notwithstanding all his Oaths and pretended Displeasure, when the Mischief of it was laid before him, quickly shewed this to be only a Copy of his Countenance; for he not

only granted him a Pardon, and remitted his Forfeiture of about 10000 l. but as a further Mark of his Favour, he continued him in his Mayoralty for another year. Thus the Trade of the Kingdom was ruined, and the Protestants, who with vast Hazard and Charge carried it on, had it left to their Choice whether they would stay here and starve, or remove themselves to ano∣ther Kingdom; and I believe no Body will wonder if they had no great affection for a Government that designedly brought this hardship upon them.

8. It must be acknowledged, that King James did not only ruin the Protestant Trade, but that he went a great way in de∣stroying the Trade of the Roman Catholicks also. It is well known, that the Citizens of Gallway are the most considerable Roman Catholick Traders in Ireland; many of whom had pur∣chased Estates under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, and must therefore fall together with them. They foresaw their own Ruin in the Repeal of th••se Acts, and petitioned the Par∣liament, that Consideration might be had of their Purchases and Improvements; but this reasonable Request was denyed them; those Acts were repealed, and by their Repeal left the most con∣siderable Roman Catholick Traders in Ireland, without Estates or Credit to follow their Trade, or to answer their Correspondents abroad.

I might add here the further steps made by King James to∣wards ruining the Protestant Trade, by his coining Brass Money, by his lodging it in Protestants Hands, seising their Stocks and Commodities, whereby they were utterly disabled to trade; whilst Papists were not only spared, but had the Protestants Goods put into their Hand. But these with the other Influences the Brass Money had to destroy us, will be more proper, when we come to consider the Invasions made on our Properties.

SECT. VII. VI. King James's destructive Proceedings against the Liberties of his Protestant Subjects.

1. THere is no worldly thing more valuable to Man than Liberty. Many prefer it to life; and few can live long without it. 'Tis the Darling of our Laws, and there is nothing of which they are more tender. But the Protestants of Ireland from the very beginning of King James's Reign, had their Li∣berties invaded, and at last intirely destroyed. 'Twas observ∣able, that at his coming to the Crown he made no Proclamation for a general Pardon, as has been usual with Kings; neither did he pass any Act of Grace in his first▪ Parliament, which gave a fair opportunity to the Papists of Ireland to revenge themselves on their Protestant Neighbors. No sooner had they gotten Judges and Juries that would believe them, but they began a Trade of Swearing, and ripping up what they pretended their Neighbors had said of His late Majesty, whilst Duke of York some years before, especially in time of the Popish Plot. The new Justices of the Peace were eager to exercise their Offices, and therefore on the slightest occasion, bound over and com∣mitted their Protestant Neighbors, many times without any rea∣son at all; at least, without any given in their Warrants: it was time enough to invent some against the next Assizes. There never wanted Evidence enough to accuse a Man; the very Priests being forward to encourage such Perjuries, as were to the preju∣dice of Protestants. Of this there are several Instances on Re∣cord in the Courts of Justice; where we find them sometimes swearing Falshoods themselves, and sometimes encouraging o∣thers to do it. Of which the Courts, even in spite of all their partiality, were satisfied. I gave one Example before in Sir Wil∣liam Petty's Case. There is another of Mr. Balfours in the County of Fermanagh, where the false Affidavit of one Hultaghan a Priest, had almost destroyed his Cause, and lost him a con∣siderable Estate.

2. Upon this account Perjuries became so common, that if a Tenant owed his Protestant Landlord his Rent, he payed

him by swearing him into a Plot, or by fixing on him some Treasonable or Seditious Words. If a Papist had any former Quarrel with his Protestant Neigbor, or owed him Money, he paid him in the same Coin. Many were indicted by these Con∣trivances; many found guilty, and excessively fin'd; some were imprisoned for their Fines, not being able to satisfie the King, who seised both their Bodies and Estates▪ Hardly any County in Ireland was free from numerous Indictments of this kind, and very few Country Gentlemen escaped being accused. Great numbers were indicted and found guilty in the Counties of Wexford and Wicklow, to the number at least of sixty, the most considerable Gentlemen in the County of Meath were indicted, but had better luck; the Perjury of their Accusers being made so manifest, that even a Popish Bench had not the confi∣dence to countenance it, nor a Popish Jury to find it. Thus Mr. Meredith, Mr. Parry, Mr. Chetwin a Minister, and se∣veral others, escaped; having discovered the very bottom of a wicked Contrivance to carry on a Trade of Swearing against all the Gentlemen in the Country; but though they disco∣vered it, yet they durst not prosecute it, by reason of some Priests being concerned in it, and of the Discountenance of the Courts; a great many in the County of Tipperary, were like∣wise brought into Trouble, but escaped the first time by a kind of Miracle; one of the Jurors was so maliciously bent against them, that he swore he would die before he would acquit them: It happened to him according to his own desire, he fell dead in the place, whilst they were disputing about returning the Verdict, which saved the Gentlemen for that time. Yet this did not discourage their Prosecutors, they caused them to be indicted anew, and upon their second Tryal Justin Macarty (afterwards made Lord Mountcashell by King James) came into the Court▪ threatened and hectored Sir John Mead, who then sate as Judge for the Duke of Ormond (it being within his Graces Palatinate) because he would not direct the Jury to find them guilty; but Sir John stood his Ground, and declared, that there was no sufficient Evidence against them; upon which they were ac∣quitted. It vexed them, that they could not bring their Po∣pish Judges and Sheriffs into that County, as they did into the

rest of Ireland, by reason that the nomination of them was in his Grace, as Lord of the Regalities; and therefore in their pre∣tended Parliament they not only Attainted him, but likewise, by a particular Act, dissolved his Principality. Their First Plot against the Gentlemen of the County having miscarried, they began a second, and got Depositions against several; but they were as unlucky in this as in the first. They laid the Scheme of their Affairs so unskilfully, that the Witnesses swore that the Gentle∣men met to carry on their Plot at Nenagh, a place above sixty Miles from Dublin, on the same day that some of them had been examined before the Council Board on the first Informations. This appearing to the Council by an entry made in their own Books, quashed the Design against them, and saved them a third time. It would make a Volume to enumerate all the Particulars of this Nature.

3. The new Mayors and Justices of the Peace were no less troublesome to Protestants in their Employments; they made no scruple to send their Tokens and Warrants for Persons of the best Quality. And wherever a Papist and Protestant had any difference, there needed no more but a complaint to pro∣cure a Committal, and to be sure it was done with all the indig∣nity and affronting Circumstances imaginable. Sir Thomas Hackett, whilst Lord Mayor of Dublin, did so many brutish and barbarous things of this nature, that it were endless to re∣count them; taking example from the Lord Tyrconnel, who made him Mayor, he treated every body with Oaths, Curses, ill Names, and barbarous Language. The Lord Primate Boyles Family could not escape his Warrants; he (or his Clerk, as he afterwards pretended) sent one for Mr. Francis Cuff, and Mr. Jephson, who lived in my Lords Family, being his Son in Law and Nephew: their Crime was, refusing to Contribute to the maintenance of two begging Fryars; one of them was one Magee, a Debauchee and Renegado, who had the impu∣dence to have demanded it from my Lord Primate if he had been permitted access. The Fryars vexed that they should be repulsed, procured a Warrant for the two Gentlemen that re∣fused them, and attempted the Execution of it in my Lord

Primates House, with a Rabble of near two hundred. Sir Thomas was not content to Execute his Authority within his own Precincts, but extended it where the Mayors Power was never owned. He sent his Warrant and committed the Officers of Christs Church, Dublin, to the Stocks, because he fancied they did not make the Bells ring merrily enough for the Birth of the Prince of Wales. It was in vain for the Officers to tell him, that their Church and Persons were not subject to his Juris∣diction; that if the Bells did not ring merrily enough as he al∣ledged, it was the Ringers fault, not theirs. That no body, besides his Lordship, could observe any such thing in their Ringing. His brutish Passion would not give him leave to hearken to Reason; but upon all occasions he proceeded in the same method; which made every body, that valued his Li∣berty, get out of his Power; and prevailed with a great ma∣ny to leave their Estates and Concerns, and Transport them∣selves, and what Effects they could carry with them into England. It was unsafe and uneasie living both in the City and in the Country, and he reckoned himself happy that could get out of them at any rate.

4. But when the Descent was made by his present Majesty into England, things grew yet more troublesome. The Pro∣testants were every where Robbed and Plundered. The new Commissioned Officers and their Souldiers, under the new name of Rapperies, committed many Outrages and Devastations on their Protestant Neighbours; insomuch that they could not be safe in their Houses. If any endeavoured to keep their Houses, though merely to secure themselves from the Robbers and To∣ries, immediately they were Besieged; and though they Sur∣rendred themselves as soon as Summoned, having no design to resist Authority, and put themselves into the Hands of King James's Officers, upon promise of Freedom, nay on Articles, yet afterward they were imprisoned and prosecuted, as Mr. Price of Wicklow. Some of them Condemned and Exe∣cuted; which happened to Mr. Maxwel and one Lewis, in the Queens County. They thought it not safe to Execute some till the War was over, and therefore only kept them in Prison. So Sir Laurence Parsons, and many others were served.

5. At last it came to a general Seizure, and almost all the Protestant Gentlemen, without Reason or pretence of Reason, without so much as a Warrant, or Form of Law, were put in Goals under the custody of mean and barbarous Guards. Whose very Captains had had no better Education than that of Foot∣men or Cowherds; who exercised what understanding they had, to invent new methods of vexing their Prisoners. This general Confinement continued with most, from the middle of Summer 1689, till Winter; and with some, till his Majesties Victory at the Boyne set them all at Liberty: during all which time, no Reason or Ground of their Committal was given; nor were Habeas Corpus's allowed them, though earnestly sol∣licited. One indeed was allowed to Mr. Thomas King, a Mi∣nister, which being the only one that took place, it may be proper to give the Reader an account of the Case. The Rea∣son of his Committal was really a Quarrel picked designedly with him by an Officer of the Guards, because he refused to admit one Ambrose, the Popish Quarter-Master of the City, for a Godfather to a Protestant Child, whom he Christened: in Revenge whereof, the Officer intruded into his Company whilst at Meat, as was common with them, and would needs oblige him to drink Confussion and Damnation to the Prince of Orange; which he modestly declining, and alledging that it was unfit for a Christian, much more for a Clergy-man, to drink Damnation to any: the Officer hurried him away to Newgate by his own Authority, and after lying there till the Term, his Habeas Corpus was allowed him. Upon the Return made by the Goalour, the Court was so vexed at it, that they fined the Goalour for making such a Return, but in earnest be∣cause he made any, for that was the contrivance they had to keep People in Goal: and after all he was still kept a Prisoner notwithstanding his Habeas Corpus, till most were bailed; and then upon Bail of five thousand pound he was permitted to go out: under which Bail he continued as all the rest did, under the like sums, till the general Deliverance. After his; no more Habeas Corpus's were allowed. Most of the Prisoners towards the depth of Winter were indeed bailed, and continued so

from Term to Term, till the news of his present Majesties ar∣rival, and then all were confined anew, notwithstanding their Bail, with some that had not been confined before. At the hour when the last of King James's Forces were leaving Dub∣lin, they were ordered to carry away four hundred Prisoners along with them; but the Officers were too much afraid of a Pursuit, and too busie in carrying off their own Baggage, to embarrass themselves with Prisoners; and therefore for a little Gold dismissed them. How the Protestants of Drogheda, who were all made Prisoners, were used, whilst the Town was surrounded, is not to be forgotten. They carried them to the Mount where they expected the Canon would play, tyed them together and set them to receive the Shot, if the Town had been Attacked: but their Hearts failed them who were to De∣fend it, and so it pleased God to preserve the poor Protestants, they being delivered, together with the Town, to his Majesty, upon Summons and Articles. The Protestants of Cork, and other Towns, were yet worse used; they were carried from their own Homes to some remote Castles, and there kept with∣out Conveniencies till many of them perished. There were some very barbarous Circumstances in their Sufferings, which I must leave to the Persons themselves to relate, having not yet had full Information.

6. During their Confinement, the Prisoners were kept very strictly, their Servants, Children, and Wives, were often de∣barred from seeing them; or when admitted, not suffered to speak to them, but in presence of the Soldiers. In Dublin, when they had filled the Goals, the Hospitals, the College, and other places of Confinement, they at last imprisoned the Citizens in Churches. They were crowded into stinking, nasty, unhealthy Rooms, sometimes twenty, sometimes forty in a Room. At the College, and at a House called White Friars, where there were many Prisoners, they put Barrels of Powder under them, threatning to blow them up if they should be prest, and not able to keep the Places. Collonel Luttrell, Go∣vernor of Dublin, denyed indeed that this was done by his Order; but▪ yet when he was informed of it by Sir John Davis,

then a Prisoner and Witness of it, he commended the Discreti∣on of the Officer that did it. This Confinement did not only fall on Gentlemen, but also on the Clergy, nay on the meanest Citizens. Whoever pleased, had a power to Commit Prote∣stants; and if at any time they asked by what Authority they were committed, those that committed them made no other answer than that they committed them, let them get out as they could. Some few Gentlemen were indeed committed by C. J. Nugents Warrant, upon a kind of Affidavit made by one Leak, whom most of them had never seen: several of these, by ex∣press Orders of the Lord Chief Justice, were sent to Newgate, and committed in the Common Goal, in the same Room with Thieves and Common Rogues, though Gentlemen of the best Quality in the Kingdom: and so hasty was his Lordship in it, that he did it before he knew some of their names; which he was forced afterward to send for, and learn from themselves. A Bill was prepared against them, and offered to the Grand Jury; but Leak was unwittingly clapt up, by one of them∣selves, for a former Robbery, at the time he should have given Evidence, and so the Gentlemen escaped being tryed. The Confinement was yet more severe and uneasie in the Country; the Gentlemen being at such distances from their own Homes, that they could hardly be supplyed with Necessaries.

7. It may be thought that these things were unknown to King James, and therefore are not to be imputed to him: but it is certain, that if he did not Contrive and and Order them, he yet consented to them; neither did he seem to have the least re∣sentment or pity for their Sufferings; as appeared from his Carriage to the Bishop of Lymerick. His Lordship, by his Majesties Command, on a particular Service waited often on him; he took one of those Opportunities that seemed most favourable, to lay before his Majesty the manifold hardships which were put on the Clergy, and the Protestants in general, of his Diocess. He represented to him how they were first Robbed of all, and then laid in Goal; and that they had no way offended his Majesty, or disturbed his Government; and begged his favour in their behalf. His Majesty heard him, but

made him no answer; instead thereof, he fell into discourse of another Affair, with a Papist that chanced to be by, and that with an Air more than ordinarily pleasant and uncon∣cerned. Indeed his Majesty had by one general Order and Proclamation, dated July 26. 1689, confined all Protestants, without distinction of Age or Sex, to their Parishes and Cities, though their Occasions were such that he very well knew that this alone, without any more, was a very great encroach∣ment on their Liberty, and a mighty inconveniency to their Affairs; especially when it was continued without Reason or Limitation. No body knew when this would be relaxed; and it was Executed with great strictness, till his present Majesties success put an end to it, and to the Power that imposed it.

8. But least these hardships and restraints should either be avoided by our flight, or known in England, where King James had a Party to cry up the mildness of his Government, and face down the World that the Protestants lived easily and happily under him in Ireland, a most strict Embargo was laid on all Ships, and effectual care taken to destroy all Correspon∣dence with our Friends there: insomuch that to avoid a Goal, great numbers of Gentlemen and other persons were forced to make their escapes in small Wherries and Fishing-Boats, which before these times durst never venture out of the sight of the Shoar: but it seemed more tolerable, to every body that could compass it, to cross the Irish Seas, so famous for their boi∣sterousness and Shipwracks, in that hazardous manner, than to continue under a Government where they could call nothing their own; where it was in the power of any that pleased, to deprive them of their Liberty; where they durst not Travel three Miles for fear of incurring the severest penalties; where they could not send a Letter to a Friend, though in the next Town, and about the most necessary Occasions; and where, tho never so cautious and innocent, they were sure at last to be sent to a Goal. A Government that thus encroached on our Liberties, could not expect we should continue under it longer than we needs must; and it had been unpardonable folly

in us not to desire, much more to refuse a deliverance, espe∣cially from England: which if Blood and Treasure, or a Posses∣sion of five hundred years can give a right to a Country, is justly intitled to the Government of Ireland. And which, if it had no other exception against King James's Government, but his Carriage towards Ireland, and his attempts to separate it from its dependence on England, must be justified by all the World, in their laying him aside, as a Destroyer of his People, and a disinheritor of the Crown of his Ancestors.

SECT. VIII. 7. The preparations made by the Earl of Tyrconnel to ruin the Estates and Fortunes of the Protestants, by taking away their Arms.

1. 'TIs Property that makes Government necessary; and the immediate end of Government is to preserve Property; where therefore a Government, instead of preser∣ving, intirely ruins the Property of the Subject, that Govern∣ment dissolves it self. Now this was the State of the Prote∣stants in Ireland: the Government depriv'd them contrary to Law and Justice (nay, for the most part, without so much as the pretence of a Crime) of every thing to which persons can have a Property; even of the necessaries of life, Food and Rayment. To lay this more fully before the Reader, I will shew First, That King James took away the Arms of Prote∣stants. Secondly, That he took away their personal; and Thirdly, their real Estates.

2. When his present Majesty made his descent into England, King James had an Army of Papists in Ireland, consisting of between 7 and 8000, of which, near 4000 were sent over to him into England; there remain'd then about 4000 behind, scattered up and down the Kingdom; which were but a hand∣ful to the Protestants, there being Men and Arms enough in Dublin alone, to have dealt with them: When therefore the News came, that K. J. had sent Commissioners to treat with the Prince of Orange, it was propos'd by some to seize the Ca∣stle of Dublin▪ where the Stores of Arms and Ammunition lay; the possibility of this was demonstrated, and the Success ex∣treamly probable; insomuch that the persons who offer'd to undertake it, made no doubt of effecting it; they considered that the Papists, besides the 4000 of the Army, were gene∣rally without Arms; that those who were in Arms, were raw and cowardly, and might easily be supprest; that to do it effectually▪ there needed no more but to seize the Deputy Tyr∣connel,

who had not then above 600 Men in the City to guard him, and secure it; that their hearts were generally sunk, and they openly declar'd themselves to be desirous to lay down their Arms; proposing to themselves no other Conditions, but to return to the station in which they were when K. J. came to the Crown. This was so universally talk'd of by themselves, that if any one could have assured them of these terms, there was no doubt but they would readily have comply'd, and have left the Lord Tyrconnel to shift for himself; nay, it is probable, the wiser sort amongst them would have bin glad that the Protestants had seiz'd him; and he himself a 1.10 commanded some Protestants to signifie to their Friends in England, that he was willing to part with the Sword on these terms, so he might have leave to do it from K. J. But the Protestants had bin educated in such a mighty veneration to the very name of Authority, and in so deep a sense of Loyalty, that notwith∣standing the many provocations given them, and their fear of being serv'd as in 1641, the memory of which was still fresh to them, they yet abhorr'd any thing that look'd like an In∣surrection against the Government; and generally condemn'd the design of medling with the Lord Deputy, tho they knew he was no Legal Governour, and uncapable by the Law of that Trust. Especially the Lord Mountjoy laboured for his safety, and prevented the forementioned proposal of seizing him and the Castle, with as much industry as if he himself had bin to perish in it.

The truth is, it was an unanimous resolution of all the Pro∣testants of the Kingdom, that they would not be the Aggres∣sors; and they held steadily to their resolution. None offered or attempted any thing, till they saw the whole body of the Papists in Ireland forming themselves into Troops and Com∣panies, and these new rais'd Men permitted, nay, put under a necessity to rob and plunder for their subsistence. They pitied the hard Fortune of K. J. and notwithstanding they were half ruin'd themselves when he came into the Kingdom; yet if he had carried himself with any tolerable moderation towards them, and his designs to ruin them had not bin so apparent,

he might have prevail'd on them in a great measure. But his behaviour was such, as shall appear in the sequel of this discourse, that it left no room for them to expect or hope for any safety under his Government; of which such Protestants as had fol∣lowed him from England were generally so sensible, that many of them repented too late their having stuck to his interest, and heartily wished themselves at home again: openly pro∣fessing, that they could not have believ'd that he was such a Man, or his designs such as they found them: nay, several of the English Papists that came from France with him, abhorr'd his Proceedings; and us'd to alledge, that he not only hated the English Protestant, but also the English Man. The very Ambassador d'Avaux, if he might be believ'd, was dissatisfied with K. J's Measures, and condemned them; alledging that he had intirely given himself up to the conduct of the bigotted Irish Clergy, and of Tyrconnel; who in earnest was the only Minister he trusted, and would effectually ruin him and the Kingdom: Whatever the Ambassador thought, it is certain he has discours'd in this manner, and the event has answer'd the prediction.

4. But to return to the Lord Tyrconnel's dealing with the Protestants: When he found himself so very weak, and so much in the power of the Protestants, that nothing but their own Principles of Loyalty secur'd him against them, he betook himself to his usual Arts, that is, of falshood, of dissimula∣lation, and of flattery; which he practis'd with the deepest Oaths and Curses; protesting that he would be rid of the Go∣vernment very willingly, so it might be with Honour; that it was easie for him to ruin and destroy the Kingdom, and make it not worth one groat, but impossible to preserve it for his Master. Every body wondred to find so great a Truth come so frank∣ly out of the mouth of one they usually stil'd Lying Dick Tal∣bot, and who had bin known, not without reason, many years by that name. Some believed that in earnest he intended to part with the Sword, and perhaps if it had bin demanded be∣fore K. J. went into France, it had not bin denied; There wanted not several to second the same Truth to him, with all earnestness and application, both in writing and by word of

mouth, which the Deputy seem'd to approve; all that he an∣swered to their perswasions to surrender and save the Kingdom was, that he could not do it with Honour, till it was demand∣ed; and sometimes he ask'd them in Raillery, if they would have him cast the Sword over the Castle-Walls. What he desired the World should at that time believe concerning his intentions, may be best collected by the Letters he procur'd to be written and sent into England. I have in* 1.11 the Appendix given the Copy of one written by his Command, and perused by him before it was sent; it was from a Protestant of good sense and interest in the Kingdom, to another in London: Several were written by his order to the same purpose. 'Tis observable in this Letter in the Appendix, 1st. That the Lord Deputy owns the Robberies then committed, but would have it believ'd, that the members of the Army were not the Robbers; which sufficiently shews the falshood of the Allegation whereby the Papists would ex∣cuse themselves, as if they had not begun to Rob till the Pro∣testant Associations were set on foot; whereas those were some while after this Letter, and occasion'd by the Robberies men∣tioned in it.

2ly. He would have it believ'd that the Papists fear'd a Mas∣sacre from the Protestants, as much as the Protestants from the Papists, which had no ground; The Arms, Forts, Magazins, &c. being in the Papists hands, and a vast number of Men every where enlisted by their new Officers; it is true, that the Priests did by order of their Grandees, endeavour to spread such a Rumour, to make their own people arm the faster; which if it were at all credited by some few of them, was look'd on as ridiculous by all others.

3ly. He would have the people in England believe, that he and the Roman Catholicks were willing to give up the Sword, and return to the Condition in which they were before the death of King Charles the Second. This is plainly the main de∣sign of the Letter; and some think he was sincere in it, till the coming over of Coll. Richard Hamilton altered his Measures; but that is not at all probable, his actions all along signifying his resolution to destroy the Kingdom rather than part with his

greatness. However he made a shift to perswade some Pro∣testants that he meant it; their own earnest Desires that it might be so, helping to impose on them; amongst whom the Writer of this Letter happened to be one, but was not sin∣gular, many of good Sense being deceived as well as he. Last∣ly, it appears from the Letter, that the Roman Catholicks as well as the Protestants were of opinion, that the Kingdom must be ruined, if not yielded up to the Prince of Orange: And if so, had not the Protestants in the North reason to do that which in the opinion of all could only save the King∣dom? The case then stood thus with them, if they joined with King James or sate still, they were certainly undone; if he perished they must perish with him; if he conquered, he would then be in a capacity to execute his destructive In∣tentions against them which he had entertained long be∣fore: But if they joyned with their Present Majesties, they were sure of Safety and Protection as long as England is a∣ble to Master Ireland, which in probability will be for e∣ver.

But whatever the Lord Tyrconnel profest of his being de∣sirous to give up the Sword, 'tis certain he meant nothing less, and the generality of Protestants believed, that he only de∣signed to gain time and delude them, till he had gotten some∣thing like an Army to Master them; and they had the more reason to believe it, because whilst he profest the greatest In∣clinations to Peace and Accommodation, he was most intent on providing for War, and gave out about Five Hundred Commissions of one sort or other in a day; which yet he did in such a manner, as to make the least Noise, not passing them in the regular forms, or entring them in the usual Offi∣ces, but antedating them, the more to delude and amuse the Protestants; which put the Muster-Masters Office out of Or∣der ever after, most of these Commissions being never entred in it: Nor was it ever able to fur∣nish* 1.12 a perfect List of the very Field Officers, as will appear from the List it self in the Appendix.

5. These new made Officers were set on Foot, partly on the first noise of the Prince of Orange's descent, and partly in the

beginning of December, 1688, and were without Mony, E∣state, or any other visible means, to raise their Troops and Companies, and to subsist (so they term'd maintaining) them for Three Months, from the First of January; a thing impos∣sible, without allowing them to Steal and Plunder. It was this struck so much terror into Protestants, and made them so jealous and apprehensive of Danger, that they fled into England in great numbers, especially when they found that the New Raised Men, as they surmised, began to make ha∣vock of all things. It was this gave Credit to a Letter dated December the Third, 1688, sent* 1.13 to the Lord Mount Alexander, whether true or counterfeit I cannot determine, intimating a design to De∣stroy the Protestants on Sunday the Ninth of the same Month, which Letter was spread over the whole Kingdom. The People of Derry had beside this, several Letters and Intima∣tions of Mischief designed against them, and against the Pro∣testants of Ireland. And though that directed to the Lord Mount Alexander, may not seem of great weight, yet who∣ever considers the circumstances of the Protestants of Ireland at that time, will acknowledge that it was not to be despised. In the Year 1641, the Seizing of Dublin by the Lord Mac Guire, was prevented by as improbable a discovery as this Let∣ter; while the Protestants in the rest of the Kingdom were Massacred through the incredulity of some who could not be perswaded to give ear to such intimations of the Design, as were brought before them. In England the Gun-powder Trea∣son was revealed, and the destruction of the Three Kingdoms prevented by a Letter as insignificant as that directed to the Lord Mount Alexander. About the very time intimated in the Letter for the Massacre, a new raised Regiment belonging to the Earl of Antrim, appeared before the Town without the King's Livery, without any Officers of Note, or the least warn∣ing given by the Earl of their coming; lastly, without any Arms besides Skeans, Clubs, and such other Weapons as Kearnes and Tories used.

6. The People of the Town were frightened at the Sight, and refused them entrance into the City; this was the First

rub or provocation the Lord Deputy met with; it was a meer accident, and proceeded from his own Ignorance or Negli∣gence, who had left that Garrison, the only one of any con∣siderable strength in Ulster, where most Protestants lived, without one Soldier to Guard it; and then sent such a pack of Ruffians to take Possession of it, many of whose Captains and Officers were well known to the Citizens, having lain long in their Jails for Thefts and Robberies. When there∣fore such a Body of Men came to demand entrance at the very time that they expected a Massacre, what could they imagin but that these Men came to execute it; and who could blame them for shutting their Gates? They were well assured that these were Men fit for such an Execution and that they were ready on command to do it; and perhaps would not stay for an Order. The Lord Deputy bethought himself too late of his Error, but could never retrieve it; though by means of the Lord Mountjoy he did all in it that was possible, having brought the City to accept of a Pardon, and receive a Gar∣rison of Soldiers; but then it was such a Garrison as they were able to Master, and no more by the Articles were to be admitted into it before the ensuing March.

7. We ought to remember the reason of Building London∣derry, and 'tis plain from its Charter granted by King James the First, that it was Founded to be a Shelter and Refuge for Protestants against the Insurrections and Massacres of the Na∣tives, who were known always to design and be ready to exe∣cute their malice on their Conquerors: To keep them there∣fore in awe, and secure the Plantation, was the Design of Building the City; it was upon this condition, and by these Covenants the Proprietors of the City held their Estates; and the Inhabitants had been false to the very design and end of their Foundation, if they had given up the City, with the keeping of which they were intrusted, into the Hands of those very men against whom by the Charter it was designed to be a Security and Bulwark. At this rate the Lord Deputy might give away any mans Estate, and have bestowed it on his greatest Enemy, and that with much less injury to the Publick.

The People therefore of Londonderry had good reason to refuse to deliver their City to the Kearnes and Tories of Ul∣ster, though inlisted under the Earl of Antrim, by a Com∣mission from a pretended Lord Deputy; these were excluded by their very Charter, and by the design of Building the Place from possessing it: much less had they reason to deli∣ver it to a parcel of men of whose Commission they knew nothing, and whose Errand they had reason to believe was to cut their Throats.

8. 'Tis to be considered, that Londonderry was under a fur∣ther provocation to lay hold on the first opportunity to do themselves Justice, and that was the wicked▪ and illegal In∣vasion made on their Charter, Liberties, Priviledges and E∣states by a most unjust and oppressive Sentence given by an unqualified Lord Chief Baron, on a Quo Warranto, for which there was not the least pretence in the World, as may ap∣pear to any one that will be at the pains to view the Pro∣ceedings in Court: By this Sentence grounded on a foolish nicety objected to the Plea, the whole English Interest and Plantations in that County were ruined, and the whole De∣signs of them destroyed and perverted; and therefore it was not to be wondered if they took the first opportunity to save themselves from imminent Destruction. They concluded that a Government, who on a nicety could take away their Charter, their Priviledges, their Estates, and subvert the de∣sign of Building their City, might as easily and unavoidably find another nicety to take away what remained, together with their Lives; and therefore they cannot be much blam∣ed, if they had been under no other Temptation but this, that they were willing to withdraw themselves from a Go∣vernment whom they durst not trust, and which took all advantages against them to destroy them.

9. The shutting up of Derry against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment, was all that was done by any Protestant in Ire∣land in opposition to the Government, till King James de∣serted▪ England; except what was done at Enniskillin, where the People were under the same circumstances with those of Derry, having about the same time refused to quarter two

Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy. They were not so much as summoned by him, nor did they enter into any Act of Hostility or Association, or offend any till assault∣ed, being content to stand on their Guard against such as they knew to be Mortal Enemies to the English Interest; to subdue whom, they were planted in that wild and fast Country. But as soon as the News of King James's deserting the Govern∣ment came into Ireland, all Protestants look'd on themselves as obliged to take care of their own Preservation; and find∣ing that continual Robberies and Plunderings were committed by such as the Lord Deputy, against the Laws of the Kingdom and the Interest of the Nation, had intrusted with Arms and Employments, and that no Care was taken by him to prevent those Mischiefs, (but on the contrary the Robbers were secret∣ly cherished and encouraged,) the Gentlemen in the North to prevent their own Ruin, and the Ruin of all the Prote∣stants of Ireland, which they saw unavoidable, entred into Associations to defend themselves from these Robbers; their Associations did really reach no farther than this, nor did they attempt any thing upon the Armed Robbers, except in their own Defence, when invaded and assaulted by them: Insomuch that I could never hear of one act of Hostility committed, wherein they were not on the Defensive. Their crime then if any, was only this; they were not willing to suffer themselves to be robb'd and plundered as their Neighbours were, with∣out opposition, but disarmed some of those who under co∣lour of being King James's Soldiers, destroyed the Country: This was all the reason the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels, and to charge them in their Proclamation dated March the 7th, 1688, with actual Rebellion, and with Killing and Murdering several of his Majesties Subjects, and with Pillaging and Plundering the Country; whereas it was notorious they never killed any whom they did not find actu∣ally Robbing, to kill whom, the Laws of the Kingdom not only indemnified them, but likewise assigned them a Re∣ward; and for Plundering, it is no less notorious that they preserved the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged, when all the rest of Ireland was destroyed:

And their great care of themselves and their Country was the Crime which truly provoked the Lord Deputy, and made him except from Pardon Twelve of the principal Estated Men in the North, when he sent down Lieutenant General Hamilton, with an Army which he tells us in the same Procla∣mation would inevitably occasion the total ruin and destruction of the North.

10. And lest there should be any Terms proposed or ac∣cepted by the People in the North, and so that Country es∣cape being Plundered and Undone, he made all the haste he could to involve the Kingdom in Blood: King James was e∣very day expected from France, and landed at Kinsale, March the 12th, but no Perswasions would prevail with the Lord Deputy to defer sending the Army to the North, till the King came, though he had good assurance given him by several who knew their Minds and Tempers, that in all probability if King James himself appeared amongst them and offered them Terms, they would have complyed with him, at least so far as to submit quietly to his Government: But it was the Lord Deputy's design to destroy the Protestants there as well as in the rest of the Kingdom; and therefore he hasted to make the Parties irreconcilable, by engaging them in Blood, and by letting loose the Army to Spoil and Plunder. The War therefore was entirely imputable to him, and the Protestants were forced into it, having no other choice than either to be undone without offering to make any De∣fence for themselves, or else with their Arms in their Hands, to try what they could do in their own Preserva∣tion.

11. But it must be considered that Ireland is a Kingdom dependent on the Crown of England, and part of the Inhe∣ritance thereof, and therefore must follow its fate, which it cannot decline without most apparent ruin to the English In∣terest in it. Now King James having abdicated the Govern∣ment of England, and others being actually possessed of the Throne, it was the business of the Protestants of Ireland to preserve themselves rather than dispute the Titles of Princes; they were sure it was their Interest and their Duty to be

subject to the Crown of England, but whether King James was rightly intitled to that Crown, is not so easily determi∣nable by the common People: No wonder therefore they declared for King William and his Queen, whom they found actually in the Throne of England, and own'd as rightful Possessors by those who had best reason to know, rather than for King James who indeed pretended to it, but with this disadvantage amongst many others, that he was out of Posses∣sion; and he had not used the Power when he was in pos∣session so well, that they should be desirous to restore him to it, with the danger of their own ruin.

12. They considered further, that their defending them∣selves and those Places of which they were possest would in all probability very much contribute to save not only them∣selves, but likewise the Three Kingdoms, and the Protestant Interest in Europe; to which it did certainly in some Mea∣sure contribute. King James and his Party believed it, and declared themselves to this effect; and some of them were very liberal of their Curses on the Rebels in the North, as they called them, for this reason; had (said they) the Re∣bels in the North joined with King James, he had such a Party in England and Scotland, which (together with the Succours he might then have sent from Ireland, and the as∣sistance of the French King,) would in all probability have shaken the Government of England before it had been settled; but the opposition of Enniskillin and Derry lost the opportunity, that will not easily be retrieved. How far this Conjecture of theirs was probable, I leave it to the Rea∣der; what has happened since, shews that it was not alto∣gether groundless; if the Design had taken, the condition of Europe, especially of the Protestants, had been most de∣plorable; but it pleased God to spoil all their Measures by the opposition made by a small Town, Mann'd with People before that time of•• no extraordinary Reputation in the World, for Arms, Valour or Estates, and who perhaps had never before seen an Enemy in Arms: King James was plea∣sed to call them a Rabble, but it must be remembred to their Honour, that they outdid in Conduct, Courage and

Resolution all his Experienced Generals. To a Man that se∣riously reflects on it, the thing must almost seem miracu∣lous, all Circumstances considered; the rest of the King∣dom, except Enniskillin, had yielded without a Blow; most of the chief Officers, Gentlemen and Persons of Note, Cou∣rage or Interest in the North, had deserted their new rais'd Troops without Fighting; the Succours designed for them from England came at the very time when the Town was ready to be invested, and the Officers that came with those Succors, as well as their own Officers, were of opinion that the Place was not to be defended; that they had neither Provision nor Necessaries to hold out a Siege: The Officers therefore privately took a resolution to return for England, and carried along with them most of the Gentlemen and Leaders of the Town, without leaving any Governor or In∣structions for the People what they were to do, and with∣out offering to make any conditions for them; but neither this nor their extream want of Provision, to which they were at last reduced, nor the consideration of their Friends whom their Enemies treated barbarously in their sight, could prevail with them to give up themselves or their cause; but by patience and resolution they wearied out their Enemies, and instead of letting them make approaches to their Walls, they enlarged their Out-works upon them, and made them confess after a Siege of Fifteen Weeks, that if the Walls of Derry had been made of Canvas, they could not have taken it.

The same may be said of the People of Enniskillin, who lived in a wild Country, and untenable place, surrounded with Enemies on every side, and removed from almost all possibility of Succour, being in the heart of Ireland; yet they chose to run all Hazards and Extremities, rather than trust their Faithless Enemies, or contribute to the ruin of the Pro∣testant Interest by yielding. After almost all their Gentry of Estates or Note had left them, or refused to joyn heartily with them, they formed themselves into Parties, and though in a manner without Arms and Ammunition, yet by meer Resolution and Courage, they worsted several Parties of the

Enemy, and almost naked, recovered Arms and Ammunition out of their Hands, and signalized themselves in many En∣gagements, by which they not only saved themselves, but likewise did considerable Service to the Protestants that were under the Power of King James; for this Handful of Men, by their frequent Incursions and carrying off Prisoners in e∣very Engagement, terrified even the Papists of Dublin into better Humour, and more moderate Proceedings, as to the Lives of Protestants that lived amongst them, than perhaps they would otherwise have been inclined to: They saw from this, that their Game was not so sure as they imagined, and the Prisoners taken by those of Enniskillin, were Hostages for their Friends that lived in Dublin; and the Humanity with which the Prisoners were used there, was a Reproach on the Barbarity exercised by the other Party. In short, it appeared that it was neither Malice nor Factiousness that en∣gaged them in Arms, but meer Self-preservation and the Ob∣ligation of their Tenures and Plantations, by which they were bound to keep Arms, and Defend themselves and their Country from the power of the Popish Natives which were then Armed against them.

13. But to return to the Lord Deputy's Proceedings in his new Levies, in order to gain time and delude the Prote∣stants, he sent for the Lord Mountjoy out of the North, after he had compounded the business of Derry, and perswaded him to go with Chief Baron Rice to King James into France, to represent to him the weakness of the Kingdom, and the necessity to yield to the Time, and wait a better op∣portunity to serve himself of his Irish Subjects. The Lord Tyrconnel swore most solemnly that he was in earnest in this Message, and that he knew the Court of France would op∣pose it with all their Power; for said he, that Court minds nothing but their own Interest, and they would not care if Ire∣land were sunk to the Pit of Hell, (they are his own Words▪) so they could give the Prince of Orange but Three Months diversion; but he added, if the King be perswaded to ruin his fastest Friends to do himself no Service, only to gratify France, he is neither so Merciful nor so Wise as I believe him to be. If

he recover England, Ireland will fall to him in course, but he can never expect to Conquer England by Ireland; if he attempts it, he ruins Ireland to do himself no kindness, but rather to ex∣asperate England the more against him, and make his Restora∣tion impossible; and he intimated, that if the King would not do it, he would look on his Refusal to be forced on him▪ by those in whose power he was, and that he would think himself obliged to do it without his Consent.

14. Every body told the Lord Mountjoy, that this was all sham and trick, and that the design was only to amuse the Prote∣stants, and get him, who was the likeliest Man to head them, out of the way: But his Answer was, that his going into France could have no influence on the Councils of England, who were neither privy nor Parties to it; and if they had a mind to reduce the Kingdom, it was easy to do it without his Assistance; that he must either go on this Message, now the Deputy had put him upon it, or enter into an actual War a∣gainst him, and against such as adhered to King Jame's Interest; that he did not think it safe to do the latter, having no order or encouragement from England; but on the contrary all the Advice he received from thence, was to be quiet and not to meddle; that he was obliged to King James, and neither Ho∣nour, Conscience, nor Gratitude would permit him in his pre∣sent Circumstances to make a War on his own Authority a∣gainst him, whilst there was any possibility of doing the bu∣siness without one. Upon these considerations, against the general Opinion of all the Protestants in Ireland, he under∣took the business, and went away from Dublin about the Tenth of January, 1688, having first had these general Con∣cessions made him in behalf of the Protestants: 1. That no more Commissions should be given out, or new Men raised: 2. That no more of the Army should be sent into the North 3. That none should be questioned for what was passed. And 4. That no Private House should be garrison'd or disturb'd with Soldiers; these he sent about with a Letter which will be found in the Appendix. But he was* 1.14 no sooner gone, but the Lord Deputy, according to his usual Method of Falshood, denyed these Concessions,

seemed mighty angry at the dispersing the Letter, and refused to observe any of them. The first News we heard from France, was that the Lord Mountjoy was put into the Bastile, which further exasperated the Protestants against King James, and made them look on him as a Violater of Publick Faith to his Subjects. As for the Lord Deputy, this clearly ruined his Credit (if ever he had any) amongst them, and they could never after be brought to give the least belief to what he said; on the contrary they look'd on it as a sure sign that a thing was false if he earnestly affirmed it.

15. But it was not yet in his power to master them; he had not sufficiently Trained and Exercised his Men; but as soon as he found that nothing was to be feared from England before the End of Summer, and that he was assured King James would be with him soon, he laid aside his Vizour, and fell upon disarming them: It was no difficult matter to do this, for in the very beginning of King James's Reign, the Protestant Militia had been dissolved, and though they had bought their own Arms, yet they were required to bring them into the Stores, and they punctually obeyed the Order: Such of the Protestant Army as remained in the Kingdom after their Ca∣shiering, were likewise without Arms, being as I shewed be∣fore, both disarmed and strip'd upon their being turned out. It was therefore a wonder that the Protestants had any Arms at all, especially when it is to be remembred, that during King James's Reign, they durst not be seen to buy or import them, being under the jealousy and suspicion of the Govern∣ment: However some they had, enough to make the Papists afraid, and to Beat them too, if they had had a little Assist∣ance and Encouragement of Authority to attempt it. The Lord Deputy was therefore resolved to have their Arms, and in order to get them, he drew Nine or Ten Regiments to Dub∣lin, and a proportional Party to every place where the num∣ber of Protestants was considerable; and without the least Notice or Declaration premised, on the 24th of February, 1688, he took away their▪ Arms and Horses throughout the whole Kingdom, except in the North where he durst not yet attempt it. The method of doing it in Dublin was this, he filled all

the Streets and Lanes with Foot and Horse; and then for so much of the City as lies within the Walls, he sent the City Officers to signify to every House, that if they did not send in every Sword and Bayonet, as well as Fire-Arms in their possession into the Churches, (which were generally seized for this use and filled with Soldiers,) they should be left to the Mercy and Discretion of the Soldiers, both as to their Lives and Goods: This was perfect Dragooning to the Protestants; nor is it easie to express what a Consternation it caused a∣mongst them; the preparation at first looked like a design to put in execution (what they long feared,) a general Mas∣sacre, and which had never been out of their Minds since the Lord Mount Alexander's Letter was dispersed. While they had their Arms in their Hands, it gave them some Heart, resolving to sell their Lives dear; but when they saw these now taken from them, this support failed, and they had no prospect of Defence, but generally imagined that their Arms were taken away in order to the more easie execution of the designed Massacre. They knew themselves to be the on∣ly Persons qualified by Law to keep or carry Arms; they knew the malicious designs of the Irish against them; they considered how necessary their Arms were at this time, not only to preserve their Goods, which were every day robb'd, and their Houses that were every night broken open, but likewise to secure their Persons, that were daily assaulted; and yet to avoid this terrible Dragooning, they were forced to part with them, and immediately delivered in near 3000 Fire-Arms, besides Swords, Bayonets and Pikes in Dublin on∣ly. At the same time some Hundreds of Horses were like∣wise taken, without any other reason than that they belong'd to Protestants. Without the Walls it was much worse than in the City; the Inhabitants there were not so much as re∣quired to bring in their Arms, but generally the Soldiers came and searched for them, on pretence of which, Five or Six Parties after one another, without method or order, rifled the Houses: In many Places they pull'd up the Boards of the Floors, brake down the Wainscots, Stealing and Plundering

whatever they could lay their Hands on, and sometimes tor∣turing the poor People to make them confess their Arms.

16. The next day after this disorderly Dragooning, came out a Proclamation dated February 25, 1688, signifying that this disarming and taking away Horses, was done by order of the Government, throughout all Ireland, there being only a Verbal Order for it before, of which the Protestants knew nothing, and which the Proclamation contradicted; for wear∣ing Swords were excepted in it, whereas the Verbal Order is said to have mentioned them, and they were delivered with great exactness before the Proclamation came out; for no body could hope to conceal them, it being known that every Gentleman had a wearing Sword, yet none were redelivered to them though demanded; and a second Proclamation pub∣lished by King James himself, dated July 20, 1689, did ex∣pressly forbid all Protestants to wear or keep any Swords, under the penalty of being counted Rebels and Triators, and used as such; and lest some should wear them and not be discovered, they beset all the Church Doors on Sunday Morning, February the 23d, 1689, whilst the Protestants were at their Devotion, to their great terror, being ignorant of the Design; and the Soldiers searched every one whether he had a Sword or no.

17. But to return to the general disarming, though the Protestants lost in it thei•• Horses and Arms, the Kings Stores gained little by them; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Soldiers who received the Arms, imbezel'd all that were better than ordinary amongst them, conveying them away privately, and converting them to their own use. The Arms of the Citizens were generally fine, and the Gentlemens Swords were Silver, and the Sol∣diers that got them were wiser than to return such to the Stores. The Lord Deputy seemed angry that so few Arms were returned, imputed it to the Citizens as an effect of their Obstinacy; and an Order was ready drawn for him to sign, wherein it was declared, that all Protestants with whom any Arms were found, should be given up to the Mercy of the Sol∣diers; so that there needed only some ill Fellows to come into a House and drop a Bayonet or Sword in a Corner, and

pretend to find it there, for the Soldiers to have rifled whom they pleased; besides which, all Protestants were to be re∣quire•• upon Oath to discover their Arms. This Order had been signed and put into Execution, if the Bishop of Meath had not come in seasonably to the Lord Deputy, and by discoursing him calmly, prevailed to have it laid aside: The Reasons and Proposals that he made use of to divert this inconveniency from the City, may be seen in the Appendix; by them he got leave to enquire* 1.15 into the number of Arms taken away; and found upon examination, that more had been taken from one Parish, than had been returned into the Store from the whole City. The talk of putting the Citizens to their Oaths on this occasion, did mightily alarm them; they knew not where it would end, if once the Government got into the Method of imposing Oaths on them; and therefore the Bishop took care to caution them against it, and they unanimously determined to take no Oaths at all, whatever hardships they suffered; and it is certain, they might have eased themselves of many, if they would have engaged themselves by Oaths; but the remedy was counted worse than the Disease; and in many Places of the Kingdom they chose to lye in Jail, rather than take some new invented Oath that was put to them without any Law to enjoyn it.

18. The management of taking up Horses was yet more disorderly; whoever pleased took 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and was not so much as obliged to tell his Name; the Proclamation mentioned only serviceable Horses, but the Verbal Order that went be∣fore, and on which they were taken, made no distinction; so all were taken that could be found: At the best, it was left to the discretion of a Dragoon, what he would count a Ser∣viceable Horse, and what he would do with them when he had taken them; so that of 10000 Horses at least that were taken from the Protestants at that time, the King received not 100, nor had he one Troop raised out of them, but whoever could get a Horse, whether he were Officer or Soldier, from a Pro∣testant, went away with it, and converted it to his private use; of which the Lord Deputy complains in a Proclamation,

dated March the 1st, 1688; but this Proclamation though dated the 1st of March, was not published till the 12th; the reason of the delay was this, the Proclamation ordered Horses that were not fit for Service to be restored, and if it had come out according to the date thereof, many Protestants that knew in whose Hands their Horses were, would have claimed them: To defeat them therefore, some that had interest with the Deputy, got the Proclamation delayed till those that took them might have time to convey them far enough from being found. And this was their usual Method, they first did the mischief they intended to the Protestants, and then they published some antedated Proclamation, forbidding it to be done; and sometimes when a Proclamation came out, before they had gone through with what they intended, they deny∣ed to be concluded by it, alledging it came out surreptitiously; as it happened in this very case of Searching for Arms.

19. Now Arms are the Hedges that secure and preserve our Goods and Lives, especially in a Conquered Country, such as Ireland is; and it was but reason that the Law did allow none but Protestants to have them; though they ne∣ver hindred any Man from arming himself so far as was neces∣sary for his own Defence: When therefore they saw the keep∣ing of Arms was made penal to them in the highest degree, (King James's Proclamation having made it Treason and Re∣bellion, as I shewed before,) and some would needs perswade them it was really so, to which opinion the Lord Chief Justice inclined, when he gave charge to the Jury concerning one Wolf, who was indicted for keeping some Arms, and fined for it as a Misdemeanor,) when I say, they saw that which the Law required them to do, made so highly criminal, (for the Law requires every Freeman of Dublin to keep Arms,) and those Arms put into the Hands of Tories and Ruffians, who had already robb'd them of a great part of their Sub∣stance, had they not reason to believe that they were disarm'd purposely, that they might be the more easily Robb'd or Mas∣sacred? and that it was as easy for a Government, that in one day disarmed them through the whole Kingdom, against Rea∣son, Law and Justice, to find a pretence at another time to take

away their Lives? they could neither doubt their inclinations, nor question their ability to do it. If one should tye a Mans Hands, and turn him naked amongst Wild Beasts, all the World would believe he designed they should devour him; and sure we had reason to suppose the same of our Governours; and they that treated us thus without provocation, and against the Laws, could not expect that we should be unwilling to change our Masters if a fair opportunity offered. By the Law we have as much property in our Arms and Horses that we buy with our Mony, and in a conquered Country such as Ireland is, where every Forty Years we constantly have had a Rebel∣lion, they are as necessary for us as our Cloathes or Estates, which indeed can signify nothing without them. And the King might as justly pretend that he had occasion for them, and take them from us without consideration, as our Horses and Arms; the oppression to us in our circumstances was real∣ly equal.

20. It may perhaps be imagined by those who are Strangers to our Affairs, that we had abused our Arms to oppress and wrong our Neighbours, or to oppose the King, and there∣fore deserv'd to lose them; but it is observable, that it doth not appear that any one Protestant in Ireland before this Dis∣arming, had used his Arms to injure any R. C. nor did they hurt any that was not either actually robbing them of their Goods, or assaulting their Persons, no not in the North, where they refused to give up their Arms; they kept even there on the defensive, and offended no Man but when first Assaulted: So that there was not the least reason or colour to disarm us, except that we might be Plundered and Robb'd, without be∣ing able to make resistance. Our crime for which we lost our Arms, for which we were exposed naked to our Enemies, and for which the best Gentlemen in the Kingdom were obliged to walk without a Sword, was because they suspected that we would not otherwise tamely part with our Goods, or suffer our selves to be abused and affronted in the Streets by every Ruf∣fian, which was the condition of the best amongst us.

21. 'Tis true King James could not carry on a War for the advancement of Popery, without our Goods, and he could

not be secure of them whilst we had Arms; but I hope all the World is convinced, that it was not our Counsels nor Actings that brought him to these Straits; nor was it to be expected that we should be content to be undone, to repair the errors and faults of those Wicked Counsellors, who put him on those desperate courses which lost him his Crown. All our crime is, then, that we could not be content to be undone with him and by him, and rather chose to desire Protection, Liberty and the restitution of our Priviledges and Arms from their present Majesties than to be in the condition of the Vilest of Slaves under King James; a crime for which I am confident no Papist condemns us in his Conscience, however he may rail at us and call us disloyal.

SECT. IX. The attempts made on the Personal Estates of Protestants, before the Revolution in England.

1. THe Earl of Tyrconnel when made Deputy of Ireland, found the Riches of the Kingdom in the Hands of Prote∣stants; the Flocks, the Herds, the rich Houshold-Stuff and Plate, Beneficial Leases, improved Rents, Trade and Mony were almost intirely theirs; whereas the Papists by their Idle∣ness, Ignorance, and numerous Begging Clergy, were so low in their Fortunes, that they were in no condition to raise or maintain such an Army, as was necessary to carry on his De∣signs in this Kingdom; and he was sure the Protestants that had the Riches, would not contribute to support them: He therefore applied himself with all art and industry to impo∣verish them. He did what he could, as I have already shew'd, to destroy their Trade; he put all the hardships imaginable on Protestant Tenants, that they might not be able to pay their Rents, and he encouraged the Popish Tenants to oppose their Landlords: It was whispered amongst them, that they need not pay their Rents, for the Land in a little time would

be their own; they were taught to answer when their Rents were demanded, that they had spent what they designed for their Landlords, to fit themselves or their Sons for the King's Service; and he was sure to be represented as disaffected, that did not sit down with this Answer. If any Landlord was so hardy as to Sue them, they either got themselves inlisted in the Army, or got a particular Protection against Arrests. If any distrained, they let their Cattle be taken to the Pound, and then by Night they either stole or forced them from thence; and when they had thus secretly recovered and conveyed them away, they brought Actions against the Landlord that distrained, as if he had imbezelled them; in which case they were sure to meet with favour and countenance in the Courts. Sometimes they avoided paying Rents, by Swearing their Pro∣testant Landlords into a Plot, or by affixing Treasonable Words on them; insomuch that hardly any Protestant durst distrain, or even demand his Rent: And for Two Years be∣fore the Revolution in England, very few received any profit out of their Estates. This stop of Receits for so long time, obliged Gentlemen to live upon the main Stock, and for want of their growing Rents, which should have answered their Ex∣pences, they were as low as possible in ready Mony, when the late. Troubles fell upon them; and this made many of them on their Flight to England, need Charity for their Sub∣sistence.

2. This hardship was the more heavy upon them, by the necessity they lay under of leaving their Farms and setled manner of Living in the Country, and of either repairing to Dublin, or removing into England, where nothing could be useful to them but ready Mony; yet this was unavoidable, for there was no living for them amongst a People that made no Conscience to pilfer or rob them of their Goods, or to lay Snares for their Lives by false Oaths and suborned Evidence: Nei∣ther did their repairing to Cities and Towns protect them, but the same Persons that drove them from their Country Houses by their Robberies and Oppressions, did afterwards indict and imprison them for leaving* 1.16 them, of which I have given an Example in the

Appendix. Some indeed notwithstanding all the hard usage they met with, ventured to stay on their concerns in the Country; but were at last burnt out of their Houses, and for∣ced to follow their Nighbours. A House within Four Miles of Dublin was Burnt, and several Women and Children Mur∣thered in it at the very beginning of Modelling the Army. Thus Mr. Thomas Corker's House in the County of Meath by Navan was Burnt, as supposed, by the Popish Parish Priest; who after he had done this inju∣ry to the Gentleman, gave out* 1.17 that Mr. Corker had burnt his own House, to make the Roman Catholicks odious. Mr. Henry* 1.18 Gonnes, a Ministers House in Con∣naught, was likewise Burnt, be∣cause they could not otherwise prevait with him to leave the Country: And many others were served in the same way, and their Families Murthered; or else were put to a vast Charge to guard their Houses against these Cut∣throats and Robbers. Even about Dublin hardly any Gentleman's House escaped without being Robbed, or at least several times attempted; and if any were caught in the Fact, they easily got a Pardon for it.

3. Add to this in the Third Place, that though of a good while the Protestants got nothing out of their Estates, yet they were put to vast Charges to defend them; for the Pa∣pists having gotten Judges, Juries and Sheriffs of their own, brought in their Counterfeit Deeds and false Claims in great numbers, and either in forma Pauperum, or by the favour of the Courts, carried on their Suits with little Expences; and when worsted in them, as sometimes in spite of the most ma∣nifest partiality, they were, there was nothing to be recovered of them; whereas the Protestants were forced to row against

the Stream, and to struggle with all the expensive delays and tricks the Courts could put on them. If at any time they were found tardy in the least circumstance or form of Law, though no advantage used formerly to be made of such Mi∣stakes, yet they were sure to pay severely for it; every body who has been concerned in Law business, knows the difference of these cases as to expences; and the consequence was, that Protestants were forced to part with a considerable share of their ready Mony, to recover or defend their Estates, which when in their Possession yielded them nothing.

4. They met with the same measure from the Treasury, as from their Tenants; where any Salary, Pension or Payment was due to any of them from the King, they either did not get it at all, or if by importunity and interest they did get any thing, it was with such Expences, Bribes to Cour∣tiers, and Delays, that they lost the benefit of it. But where any thing was due from them, it was exacted with all the ri∣gour imaginable, and the most strict punctilio's observed to bring them under Fines and Forfeitures. The Chief Baron Rice could not contain himself on the Bench; but on occa∣sion of a Protestant Lawyers pressing somewhat importunate∣ly for his Client that he might have Justice, he answered he should have Justice, but as I said before, that it should be Summum Jus. Nay such discouragement and discountenance was given to the Protestant Lawyers, that many of the most celebrated Counsellors forsook their Practice and the King∣dom; and such as staid could hardly come in for a share of the Fees expended by their former Protestant Clients; for it was enough to destroy a Cause, to have them appear at the Bar for it. The consequence of which was, that the Prote∣stants were forced to employ their Enemies for Counsel, and give them their Mony too often to betray their Cause; at least they could not expect Lawyers that wished so ill to it and them in their Hearts, would be earnest to carry it for them.

5. In Cities and Corporate Towns, the Townsmen were put to great Charges to defend their Charters; and when Judg∣ment was given against them, they were put to another Charge to take them out anew, and to purchase their Freedoms. It

is true, some few Papists generally joined to take out the new Charter; but when it was taken out, they forced the Prote∣stants to pay for it at what rate they pleased, or obliged them to leave the Town. The Attorny General got some Thou∣sands for his share, and every petty Officer and Head of a Country Borrough, enrich'd himself with some part of the Pro∣testants spoil on this account.

6. The next means used to impoverish them was that of Free Quarters, by which they extorted from the Inn-keepers vast Sums of Mony: It was a hardship in time of Peace to be obliged to entertain such rude nasty Guests as the private Soldiers generally were, and to endure the insolencies of their Officers, who practised several Arts with a design to destroy their Quarters. Sometimes they would quarter a whole Troop of Horse on Two or Three Protestant Inns for some Months together, till they wearied them out of their Trade, drove away their Guests, and broke them: Sometimes they would compound for a Sum of Mony to be gone, and then imme∣diately send another Party as bad as themselves, to succeed them; by which means they ruined all the little Towns about Dublin, and broke the Inhabitants. The very first thing they did after they had gotten into the Army, was to set a rate on Diet, on hay and on Oats, not above▪ of what it cost the Innkeeper; a thing to which they had been Strangers be∣fore; but it seemed tolerable, in respect of the Free Quar∣ters to which they pretended afterwards, though in effect it came to the same thing, for they went away and never paid a Farthing for Meat or Drink, or any other conveniencies al∣lowed them in their Quarters; only some gave Bills which were never paid; nay they were not content to have their Meat and Drink and Quarters free, but they so ordered the matter, that their Quarters were generally better to them than their Pay: They commonly had Billets on. Three or Four Houses apiece, every one of which paid them a certain rate per Week; one private Soldier bragg'd that he had Fif∣teen Quarters; the rate paid out of them was according to the quality of the House, and the Person that had the Billet; the very least was 18 d. or 12 d. per Week, and the allowance

to the Officers was proportional: The truth of this is noto∣rious to all in Dublin, and is demonstrable from the number of Publick Houses which were obliged to quarter Men, com∣pared with the number of Men quartered in them. The Houses were double in number to the Soldiers, and yet eve∣ry House had one or Two Soldiers at the least, some Three some Four quartered on them, for which they paid Week∣ly; and yet so unreasonable were these Creatures, that this would not satisfie them, but they would go up and down the Country Stealing and Plundering Meat and Drink, and for∣cing the poor Protestants to bring forth their whole Stock of Provisions, of which they used to eat what they pleased, and then destroy the rest, that the Damned Whigs, (that is, in their constant Dialect, the Protestants,) might not have the benefit of it: It was in vain to grumble or complain; instead of remedy they were sure to have the injury redoubled up∣on them. If any ventured to prosecute a notorious Robbery committed by a Soldier, their Officers appeared in the Court for them, and openly threatned the Jury if they found them Guilty. Thus Colonel Luttrel, afterwards Governour of Dub∣lin, appeared at Killmainham, and brought off his Soldiers who were guilty of a Robbery, by threatning the Jury, and telling them that it should be worse for them if they found his Men guilty; that the King's Souldiers must not be discouraged, and must be allowed, when in want, to take from those that had, meaning the Protestants; and by his Authority he saved them, being not only an Officer, but one of the Justices of the Ses∣sions. And in the very Council, Allbaville publickly owned that the Protestants durst not complain, except they had a mind to be Massacred: I use his Words.

7. The Priests and Fryars were no less oppressive than the Soldiers; they Multiplied in Dublin to Three or Four Hun∣dred at the least; they were well Fed and well Cloathed; there were not more Lusty Plump Fellows in the Town than they, insomuch that they were remarkable for it; and rec∣koning that they consumed but Twenty Pound apiece one with another, which was the least, they cost the Town Eight Thousand Pound per Annum; which is near Four times more

than all the Protestant Clergy in Town received; they built about Fourteen Chappels and Convents in Dublin, and set up Two Nunneries, all which came to a great Sum; and a great part of it came out of the Protestants Pockets, for they were such experienced Beggars, that none escaped them, and so importunate that none durst refuse them; if any did, they must expect to be the next who were Robbed: They must be content to be Accused and Committed either on some se∣cret Whisper, or false Accusation. The Insolency of the Friars may be guessed at by their Carriage to the Lord Primate Boyle; Two of them, as I had before occasion to remark, came to de∣mand Mony of him; and because he refused them, they pro∣cured a Warrant from Sir Thomas Hacket, to commit his Son in Law and Nephew; but others were forced to buy their Peace by large Contributions to them.

SECT. X. The Progress King James made in destroying the Personal Estates of Protestants after the Revolution in England.

1. THus the case stood with the Protestants of Ireland, long before the Revolution happened in England; Their Rents and Receipts were stopt, their Expences multi∣plied, and many were driven from their Houses and Farms; their Trade decayed, and their Towns and Villages destroyed by Robberies and Free Quarters; but as soon as the new Le∣vies upon pretence of resisting the Prince of Orange, were made, the mischief became much more universal and intole∣rable; whereas before, only Inns and Publick Houses, toge∣ther with Brewers, Bakers, Butchers and Chandlers, were obliged to quarter Soldiers, this Burden was now extended to all Gentlemen of the best quality, if Protestants, none being exempted; this happened soon after the Lord Mount∣joys going to France, though the Lord Deputy, as I noted

before did possitively engage to him to the contrary in his Ar∣ticles; these new Guests committed all manner of rudeness and insolencies in their Quarters, and drove away as many of the Gentry and Citizens as could steal a Passage, or procure a License to be gone by bribing the Secretary. Sir William Dom∣vile a Gentlemen of about 80 Years of Age, who had been Attorny General near Thirty Years, as has been said, had his House filled with them; they treated the Old Gentleman so rudely and barbarously, that all concluded it hastened his Death. Some Roman Catholicks, that were not known to belong to the Army, would come to the Houses of Prote∣stants, and agree with them for their best Rooms and suitable Attendance, and when they were to go away, and should have paid, instead of Mony they would present a Billet, and then triumph in the trick they had put on their Landlords. There are in Dublin about Seven Thousand Houses, and it was very rare that King James had Four Thousand of the Ar∣my in Town, and yet they ordered it so, that every House had more or less quartered upon it: Some Gentlemen had Ten, some Twenty, nay some Thirty quartered on them; if there was no other Room they turned the Master or Mistriss of the Family out of their own Beds, and sent both them and their Lodgers to provide for themselves; not only Soldiers were thus quartered, but likewise all Gentlemen, Priests, Fryars and some Noblemen that came with King James from France, together with their Servants and Retinue. All the Houses in Town were taken up with such Guests, who were often trea∣cherous Spies on their Hosts, and reckoned themselves very kind, if they did not procure them to be clapt up by a false Information. The Story of one Gentleman is remarkable, re∣lated to a good Family in England of his Name, as he pre∣tended, which was Brown; he lodged at one Mr. Brocks, from whom he stole several things of value, and sold them: Mr. Brock found him out, but he thought to have prevented the discovery by Swearing Treason against him, which he did be∣fore Chief Justice Nugent; but the Justice of the Peace who took the Examinations of the Theft, having gotten some of the things into his custody, traced them so clearly to the

Thief, that there was no denying it. The Gentleman upon this, to prevent further Prosecution, was forced to certify un∣der his Hand that he was prejured in what he had Sworn be∣fore the Lord Chief Justice. How heavy these things fell on the Citizens, may be conjectured from this; the Rents of the City were considerable, and many Gentlemens Estates consisted in them: But now they thought themselves hap∣py, if their Tennants would stay in their Houses, and keep them in Repair, though they paid no Rents at all. In the best inhabited Places of the Town, where Houses about Two Years before yielded Sixty Pound apiece, they were well con∣tented if they got Ten Pound, or the Ground-Rent; but it was a chance if they got so much.

2. Thus Estates both in City and Country were rendred Fruitless to Protestants; but yet whilst the Cattle and the great Manufactories and Staple Commodities of the King∣dom were in their Hands; whilst they had the Wool, the Hides, the Tallow and Butter, which bring in all the Mony that is in the Kingdom, all the former Arts would not have undone them, and therefore some means must be used to get their Stocks from them; it seemed not decent for the Go∣vernment to Seize on them, as they Seized on our Horses and Arms; it was not thought fit to give a positive Order for doing it; the truth is, there was no need of it; it was suf∣ficient to connive at the new raised Men, to have it effectual∣ly done; the Priests had made every Man that came to Mass, to get a Skean, and half Pike at least, and they whispered to the People, that it was not for nothing that they were thus Armed. They assured them, that whatever Injury they did their Protestant Neighbours, would be forgiven them, only they advised them not to shed Blood. Sometimes they went along to see it effectually done; and sometimes they imposed it as a Pennance on such as came to them for Absolution, to rob some of their Protestant Neighbours: This may seem im∣probable, but we have had credible Informations of it, and it will not seem so unlikely, if we consider that the Priests often led them out to these Plunders, and stood by whilst they committed them; that all these Robbers are absolved

by them, without restoring one Sheep; which could not be, if the Priests reckoned the taking and keeping them a Sin. And lastly, that some of the greatest of these Robberies were committed in Lent, when they do their Pennances, and eat no Flesh; and therefore they could not be tempted at that time to Steal and Kill in order to eat: For in some places they killed whole Flocks and left them dead on the Place▪ These Robberies began in November, 1688, and by the end of March next after, they left hardly one Protestant in Ireland a Cow or Sheep. Ireland has always been famous for its Pa∣stures, and the Riches of it has always consisted in Cattle, of which many Gentlemen had vast Stocks; for a Man to have Six, Eight, or Ten Thousand Sheep was very common; some had more, even to Twenty Thousand: All these were gone in Three Months, to the value of at least a Million of Mony, which if rightly managed, would with the Cows and Bullocks, of which there were likewise great Herds, have furnished an Army of an Hundred Thousand Men with Flesh enough for Three Years. Those who took them from the Protestants, destroyed them without consideration, they kil∣led them by Fifties and Sixties, and threw them into Bog-pits; they took off their Skins, and left their Carcases to rot, and made all the hovo••k of them imaginable.

3. Nor was the Government at all displeased at this, but on the contrary, did plainly encourage them; no Complaints made against them were minded; none of them were punish∣ed or called to account for it; and there happened two or three remarkable things that plainly discovered it to be their design that the Protestants should lose all: For First, when these Robberies began, some Protestants got together, over∣took the Robbers, rescued the Prey from them, and killed some of them; this being done in two or three places, they were frightened and quiet for some time, but the Lord De∣puty saw that if this were suffered, his design would not take, and therefore ordered our Arms to be Seized; this was the true motive of his taking away so suddenly the Arms of the Protestants. These Arms he put into the Hands of those very Robbers, whom the Protestants in the defence of their Cattle,

had beaten and wounded, and whose Relations they had kil∣led; who now knowing that their Adversaries could make no further Resistence, vowed Revenge, and perfected what they had begun, not leaving them a Beast, and forcing them to flee for their Lives; and then they plundered their Houses as well as their Cattle, and left them nothing that could be found with them: Nay so far did the Government Counte∣nance them, that they had suffered those Men, who had thus defended their Cattle, to be indicted, and Bills were found a∣gainst them, who had killed some of those Robbers in the actual fact of Robbing; to do which they are empowered, and ought to have been rewarded by a particular Statute of Ireland.

4. But Secondly, it appears that the Robbing of the Pro∣testants was designed by the Government, from the Confes∣sion of Chief Justice Nugent, who boasted of it as a piece of Policy, and own'd that they could not have done their work without it; and at the Assizes at Cork, publickly called such Robbers necessary Evils, and from the beginning he took care not to discourage them. The forementioned Proclamation February 21, 1686, acknowledges that the Robberies were oc∣casioned by the carelessness and neglect of the Civil Magistrate.

And Thirdly, That it was a meer design to ruin the Prote∣stants, is manifest from this, that as soon as their Stocks were gone, and those who took them began to rob their Papist Neighbours, the Government put a stop to it, and issued out a Commission to hang them; which accordingly was executed at Wicklow, and the Naas, and several other Places; and that it might be effectually executed, they joined some Protestants in it, which might as well have been done before; and there is no reason that it was not done, but because it would have pre∣vented the ruin of the Protestants, as well as it now preserv'd the Papists. It is manifest what the Government designed, when by a few Robberies committed on Papists, it was alarm'd, and issued out Commissions to hang the Robbers yet could not be pre∣vailed with to take notice of the many Thousand Robberies committed on the Protestants. For the Proof of this, see Albavill's Instructions to the forementioned* 1.19 Commissioners in the Appendix.

SECT. XI. The Methods by which Kings James compleated the ruin of the Protestants Personal Fortunes.

1. THE Protestants by the Deputies taking away their Hor∣ses, and the Army their Cattle, were put out of a pos∣sibility of Living in the Country, or of making any thing of their Farms by Plowing or Grazing, and had saved nothing but their Houshold-Stuff and Mony; only some of them, when they saw the Irish taking away their Cattle, slaughtered part of them, Barrelled them up, and sent them to Dublin, and o∣ther Towns; they preserved likewise their Hides and Tallow of the Year 1688, not having any vent for them; and the Merchants upon the same account were stored with such Com∣modities as used to be sent Yearly into England or Foreign Parts; and many of these went out of the Kingdom for their own Safety, and left their Goods in the Hands of their Ser∣vants or Friends. Their going away, though they had Li∣cense for it, and those Licenses not expired, was made a pre∣tence to Seize their Goods; and in March 1688, the Officers of the Army throughout the Kingdom, without any Law or Legal Authority, by order from the Lord Deputy, Seized all Goods, Houses, Lands, &c. belonging to any who were out of the Kingdom; there was no other reason given for this, but that it was the Deputies Pleasure it should be so; in May, the Commissioners of the Revenue took it out of the Sol∣diers Hands; and that they might be the better able to go through with it, endeavoured to procure from their pretended Parliament, an Act to confirm all they had done till that time, and further to empower them to examin Witnesses upon Oath concerning concealed Goods of Absentees: The Bill as it was drawn by the Commons, added a power to oblige every body to discover upon Oath what they concealed, belonging to their absent

Friends, and to Commit whom they pleased without Bail or Mainprize during pleasure, not excepting the Peers of the Realm; which made the House of Lords correct these Clauses, and several others in the Bill, upon the Motion and earnest Struggling of the Bishop of Meath; though the Commissioners did in a great Measure put the Act in Execution, as the Com∣mons intended it▪ for where-ever they expected any good of Absentees to be, they sent and seized all that was in the place, and then refused to restore any thing to the Owners, but upon Oath that it was their own proper Goods; the rest they supposed to belong to some Absentee, and made it lawful Prize; all such being by the Act vested in the King, though the Owners who were absent without any Fault of their own should have come back and claimed, by which Act all Protestants that had fled for their Refuge into England, or any other place, or were gone upon their lawful Occasions, to the number of many Thousands, were absolutely divested of all their Personal Fortunes, and cut off from all Claim to their Goods and Chattels whatever.

The Condition of those who staid behind, was very little better, so many Contrivances were set on foot to ruin them, and take away the little Goods that were yet left them, that they were as effectually destroy'd as their Neighbours that went for England; they knew that besides Goods, the Protestants had some ready Money and Plate; their chief aim was to come by them, and several ways were thought of to effect it; some∣times they were for setting up a Mint, and for forcing every Body to bring in on Oath to be coined, whatever Plate was in their Possession; sometimes they were for searching Houses, and seizing all they found, but these Methods were looked on as too Violent, and not likely to succeed if they should put them in Practice; they therefore defer'd these for the present, and appli'd themselves to the following Courses, by which they got from us a great part of our Mony, Plate and Goods; and if our Delive∣rance had not been speedy, would ••••fallibly have got the rest.

1. They would pretend for a Summ of Mony to procure License for a Ship to go off, and when they had gotten the Mony, and the People had Ship'd themselves and their Effects, they

then ordered the Ship to be unloaded again, and seized all the Mony and Plate they found, which had been privately con∣veyed on Shipboard, tho' not forfeited by any Law.

2. They would take off the Embargo which was generally laid on Ships, and pretend that they would suffer the Merchants to Trade: and as soon as they had got the Custom-houses full of Goods, and receiv'd vast Rates for Custom, besides Bribes to the Officers that attended the Ships, they would put on the Embargo again, stop the Goods, and not return one Farthing.

3. They promised Licenses for England to all who would pay for them; and when they had gotten vast Summs from the Crowd that press'd to get away, they would then stop the Ships, and make their Licenses useless: There was nothing to be done without a Bribe, at what Rate may be imagined from this, that an ordinary Tide-waiter, one White at Rings-End, was accounted to have gotten in Bribes for conniving at Peo∣ples going off, at least 1000 l. in a few Months.

4. All Protestants that lived in the Country, were forced to take out Protections; these were sold at great Rates, and it was not sufficient to buy them once, they were often voided, either by new Orders, or the Change of Governors; and then they were obliged to take them out a new; some had Protections not only for their Goods, but likewise for some Arms and Horses, and re∣newed them five or six times, paying a good Rate for them every time, and yet at last they lost all their Horses, Arms and Goods, as well as their Neighbors who had no Protections.

5. Where they learnt any Man had Mony, they seiz'd him, on some Pretence or other; and if they found the Mony, it was sufficient Evidence of his Guilt; they sent him to Goal, and con∣verted the Mony to their own use; at the worst, they knew it was only restoring it in Brass: Thus they serv'd Mr. Heuston in Bridg∣street, and Mr. Gabriel King in the County of Roscommon, who could never get any satisfaction for his Silver and Plate thus taken from him; and the case was the same with many others.

6. In several places the Governors went into Mens Houses and Shops, and seiz'd wh•••• they found, without the Formality of a Pretence, and took it away: Cork was used at this rate; their Governor Mounsieur Boiselot, not failing in any Punctilio of his

Country Dragooning; and he is supposed to have sent off for Frame to the value of 30000 l. in Mony, Leather, and other Commodities; the Spoils of the Protestants in that Rich Town.

7. The Parliament granted the King a Tax of 20000 l. per Month for thirteen Months, which the Kingdom could hardly have paid if it had been in its most Flourishing Condition; but they knew it would fall most heavy on the Protestants, who must be forced to pay it out of their ready Mony, having lost their Stocks generally by Plundering, and deprived of their Rents and Incomes.

2. Because the Protestants in and about Dublin had saved some Hides, Tallow, Wooll, &c. King James, by▪ pretence of his Prerogative Royal, laid a Tax of 20000 l. per. Month, for three Months, on Chattels, because the 20000 l. per Month granted by the Parliament was only on Lands.

This way of levying Mony did startle every Body; the pre∣tended Parliament was then in being, and was adjourned till January 12. 1689. which happened to be about the very time when the King and his Council were upon this Project. Some in the Council oppos'd it, and pleaded the no necessity of using extraordinary ways of levying Mony, when the King might have it in the ordinary way; and further, that it would give advantage to his Enemies, and be an Argument of his affecting an Arbitrary Power; but he was very angry with those that oppos'd it, and told them, That they had made him believe it was a Branch of his Prerogative to Levy Mony, and If he could not do it, he could do nothing. Chancellor Fitton appear'd Zeal∣ously for it, and 'twas carried, that the Mony should be raised; but it being a new thing, they were at a loss how to go about it; at last they issued out a Proclamation, dated February 4. 1689. wherein 'tis ordered and declared, That a Contribution of 20000 l. per Month, for the space of three Months, ending the last day of Ja∣nuary last past, shall be forthwith applotted, laid in and levied upon the Personal Estates of all Sorts. And the Applotment is order'd to be made by Commissioners to be nam'd by the King, Who were to proceed according to Instructions forthwith to be published by him: Albaville, the Secretary of State, thought it sufficient to send Letters, signed only by himself; in which he named and

instructed the Commissioners; but the Persons so named for Dublin, judged this Authority insufficient, and demur'd on the Execution till they had their Nomination and Instructions ac∣cording to the Proclamation, from the King himself, under the Great Seal. The King was heartily angry at them for this De∣mur, and was hardly prevailed on to Issue a Commission under the Seal in the usual Forms, as judging his Secretaries Letter a sufficient Warrant: But at last the Commission was issued, in which the Commissioners were named, and impower'd to no∣minate Sub-Commissioners for every Barony in their respective Counties, to make the Applotment; of which Sub-Commissi∣oners the High-Constable was to be one. The Commissioners of Dublin, and other Cities, were not yet satisfied; for their Coun∣ties had neither Baronies nor High-Constables; and therefore the Commission could not be duly executed in them; they therefore applied a new to the Lords of the Treasury, for a more ample Commission, which put the Lords and Attorney-General in as great a Passion as the King was in before; and all the an∣swer return'd to the Commissioners was, That they should go about their Business without such frivolous Scruples, or they should take a course with them: The Commissioners being thus ap∣pointed, were most of them Papists; and the few Protestants that were named, declin'd acting as much as they durst; by which means the Papists had the applotting intirely in their own Hands, and never fail'd to lay the greatest Burden on their Pro∣testant Neighbours, who, in effect, paid all Taxes that King James ever receiv'd in Ireland.

3. The Papists raised a Militia, and inasmuch as Protestants were not qualified to serve in it, by the Proclamation, which did not allow them to bear Arms, they were assess'd at a certain Rate for the Maintenance of the Militia, and sent to Prison if they refused to pay it. The Tax was as great as either of the former, amounting, in the small Parish of St. W••rburghs Dublin▪ in which not above one half of the Protestant-dwellers were left, to 900 l. per Annum.

4. They pretended to make some small Ditches at the several Avenues of the Town, and for these likewise the Protestants must pay; and they tax'd them at what Rate they pleased,

Distraining or committing them to Goal, if they refused to pay what was exacted, or wanted Mony: Before they form'd this Militia business into a Tax, the Officers of the Militia went about Weekly for several Weeks, and demanded and took what they pleased from every House with great Rigor, com∣mitting those who disputed their Demands, which was, for the time it lasted, a Heavy Burthen, and a Prodigious Tax.

5. Towards the middle of Winter 1689. their Forces were dispersed into their Winter-Quarters; very few being left in Dublin, it was most convenient to have such as remain'd in it, quarter'd together; at least it was judged unsafe to have them dispersed in Protestant Houses; therefore they seiz'd on wast Houses, and filled them with the Soldiers; the rest they quar∣ter'd in the Colledge. Nevertheless, that the Protestants might not escape Free, they obliged them to send in Beds to the Sol∣diers; but instead of Beds they took a Composition in Mony, the Rate was from 24 s. to 5 l. for every House: This fell in∣tirely on the Protestants, the Papists being conniv'd at, and the Conditions were not generally made good to them after they paid, for within two or three Months some had Soldiers quar∣tered on them again; tho while it lasted it must be confess'd it was a great Convenience and Ease, to be rid of such Guests at any rate.

6. All these Contrivances to get Mony from Protestants, did indeed Impoverish them; but by their Indu∣stry* 1.20 and Charity to one another, they made a shift to subsist, and to keep something in re∣serve; but the Contrivance of making Brass Mony pass instead of Silver, and at an equal Value with it, was an utter and unavoidable Ruin to them: It is true, the Coining of Mony is a Prerogative of the Crown, and the reason of its being so, is to prevent its being adulte∣rated, the King's Honor and Interest being the Engagement and Security for the Coin that bears his Impression: But sure the meaning was not, that he should give a Value to what has no Value in it self; otherwise the Cauti∣ousness

of our Forefathers was ridiculous, who would not allow the King by his Prerogative to raise Mony either by Loan or Subsidy from the Subject; since if it be allowed, that he may set what value he pleases upon Brass, he may have what he thinks fit from the Kingdom without troubling a Parlia∣ment; but King James's Council used not to stick at the For∣malities of Law or Reason, and therefore vast Quantities of Brass Mony were coined, and made Current by a Proclama∣tion dated June 18. 1689. under severe Penalties. The Metal of which this Mony was made was the worst kind of Brass; old Guns, and the refuse of Metals were melted down to make it; Work-men rated it at Three-pence or a Groat a Pound, which being coined into Six-pence's, Shillings or Half-crowns, one Pound weight made about 5 l. and by another Proclama∣tion dated 1690. the Half-crowns were called in, and being Stamp'd anew, were made to pass for Crowns; so that then 3 d. or 4 d. worth of Metal made 10 l. There was coined in all, from the first setting up of the Mint, to the Rout at the Boyne, being about twelve Months, 965375 l. In this Coin King James paid all his Appointments, and all that received the King's Pay being generally Papists, they forced the Protestants to part with their Goods out of their Shops for this Mony, and to receive their Debts in it▪ but the Protestants having only good Silver or Gold, and Goods bought with these, when they wanted any thing from Papists, they were forced to part with their Gold and Silver, having no means of coming by the Brass Mony out of the King's Hands; so that the Loss by the Brass Mony did in a manner intirely fall on the Protestants, being defrauded (for I can call it no better) of about 60000 l. per Month by this Stratagem, which must in a few Months ut∣terly exhaust them, when the Papists had gotten most of their Saleable Goods from their Protestant Neighbours, and yet great Quantities of Brass Mony remain'd in their Hands, they began to consider how many of them who had Estates, had engaged them to Protestants by Judgments, Statute Staples and Mort∣gages; this was all the reserve of their Fortunes left the Pro∣testants: And to take this likewise from them, they procured a Proclamation dated February 4. 1689. to make the Brass Mony

Current in all Payments whatsoever, whereas at first Judg∣ments, &c. were excepted: Thus they rid themselves of their Brass Mony, and put it on Protestants. The Chancellor Fitton compelling the Trustees for Orphans and Widows, to receive their Mortgages, &c. in this Coin, as well as others, tho they pleaded that they knew not how to dispose of it, nor if they did know, could they legally receive it, or make use of it, being only Trustees. Sometimes it was pleaded, that by the Original Covenants they were to have a certain time of warn∣ing, before they should be obliged to receive their Mony, tho offered them in Silver; but all signified nothing, the Chan∣cellor over-rul'd all their Pleas, and placed the Brass Mony on them, not so much as allowing it to remain in the Court.

7. The Governor of Dublin, the Provost-Marshal, and their Deputies, assumed the same Power, and threatned to hang all that refused the Brass Mony; of which we had many Instances one Mr. Bennet a Tanner owed Mony to one Alderman Smith, and to Mr. Hugh Leeson a Clergy-man; Bennet having some Goods taken from him for which he was paid in Brass Mony, tendered it to them, but upon a Civil refusal he complained to Governor Luttrell, who gave him two Warrants to the Provost-Martial to take them; he shewed them to Alderman Smith, who immediately complied and received his Mony; but Luttrell being informed of it, was angry that Bennet had compounded the business, and therefore directed the Provost to take him; by whom he was kept a Fortnight, and not re∣leased till he paid 20 l. Fees. Leeson was likewise taken and committed with him.

One Chapman a Widow was used yet worse by the Provost-Martial's Deputy one Kerney; a Petition was preferred against her, by the Sollicitor of one who owed her 150 l. by Bond, alledging falsly that she had refused to receive it in Brass: Kerney sent his Troopers for her at Ten a Clock at Night; he told her, with many Oaths and Execrations, that he would have her Burnt next Morning; that he had Power to put to what Death he pleased, any that should refuse or undervalue the Brass Mony, and would exercise it on her. Her Debtor was present, and acknowledged that the Allegation in the

Petition was false, that he had never tendered the Mony, only sent to her House, and received answer that she was not at home, and that his Sollicitor had wronged her in the Petition; yet the Deputy-Provost abated nothing of his Rigour, but made her be thrust into a dark Closet for that Night, without Bed or Candle: Her Sollicitor offered any Security for her till next Morning, but he threatned to Tye him Neck and Heels, send him to Newgate, and Hang him next day at his own Door, for interceding for her. At Nine next Morning he sent a Messenger to her to prepare for Death, for he would have her Burnt immediately. She had often, whilst in Custody, proffered to receive her Mony, and never before refused it, which some represented to him so effectually, that he at last consented to release her, she paying 4 l. Fees, and 10 s. to her Adversary's Sollicitor that prefer'd the False Petition against her, and signing an Ac∣knowledgment to be entered on Record, and a General Re∣lease: She demurr'd a little at the General Release, but the Provost renewing his Threats of Burning her, and Hanging her Sollicitor, obliged her to perfect it.

But where Papists were Creditors, and Protestants Debtors, the Case was otherwise; of which Mr. Rose a Merchant is an Instance; he had received 500 l. from some Roman Catho∣licks, for which he drew a Bill of Exchange into England on his Correspondent; the Seas being shut up, they sued for the Mony, tho it was supposed on all hands to be paid in En∣gland: Whilst they went on with the Suit, the Brass Mony came into Play, and then they would have withdrawn it, but Mr. Rose having great quantities of this Mony put on him for Goods taken away from him, persisted in it; the Declaration against him being filed; however the Judge kept him three Terms, taking occasion from the Sickness of the Attorney, or any other little matter, to adjourn the Cause. At last Mr. Rose brought the Mony and deposited it in Court, which the Judge called an Affront, and the receiving it was demurr'd to, and there the Cause remain'd till the Change of the Government, without any Determination.

8. By these means vast Quantities of Brass Mony were lodged in the Hands of Protestants; and not knowing what else to do with it, they laid it out on the Staple Commodities of the Kingdom, such as Hides, Tallow, Wooll, Corn, &c. these they bought up at any Rate, as supposing they might sometimes turn to account, whereas the Brass Mony could signifie nothing. The Papists were aware of it, and there∣fore put the King upon taking these again out of their Hands, which they contrived thus, They put out a Proclamation, by which they set a Rate upon Commodities, dated February 28. 1689. then the King declared he wanted certain Quan∣tities of these Goods, and that he would have them at the Proclamation Rates. The Lord-Mayor first, then the Com∣missioners of the Revenue, and afterwards Sir Thomas Hackett, and others, were employ'd to search for them and seize them. They first sent out Officers to take an Inventory of all they could find in the Hands of Protestants; some few escaped by giving good Bribes: The Searchers return'd an account of the following Quantities in Dublin, viz. 61105 Stones of Wooll, 7780 hundred Weight of Tallow, 14687 Raw Hides, 18771 Tan'd Hides; what return was made from other places we could not learn; but we find when they came to Seize, that the following Parcels were actually taken up, viz.

	Wooll Stone	Tallow C	Raw Hides	Tan'd Hides C q
In Dublin	10948½	4230	3237	900-2
In the rest of the Kingdom	121339	12619	19100	1832-2
Total	132287½	16849	22337	2732-2

Computing 35 Stones to a Bag of Wooll, 600 Weight to a Cask of Tallow, and four Tan'd Hides to an hundred Weight; which appears to be the Proportions in Dublin, where both the Number and Weight is return'd.

Some Gentlemen had saved their Wooll of the Year 1688. and had placed it in Dublin and the Port-Towns, designing to send it off as soon as the Seas were open; and it was all they had to begin the World with, their Estates being taken from them by Act of Parliament, and their Stocks and House∣hold Goods by Robbers; but now this remainder of their For∣tunes was taken from them by the King himself, and when they press'd the Commissioners of the Revenue to know the reason why they were thus used, it was answered them by Sir Patrick Trant, that he would not give any reason to Such Rogues; but at last, when urged, he told them, It was be∣cause they were Protestants: Some, particularly Mr. Piercy the Merchant, being ask'd by Sir Thomas Hacket, whether he was willing to part with his Goods; answered very calmly, That he was not willing if he could help it. His saying so was reckoned a High Crime, and he was brought before Colonel Luttrell Governour of Dublin, who put the same que∣stion to him, and upon his making the same answer, con∣demned him, in his Passion, to be Hanged, for opposing the King's Will: He sent up and down for the Provo's to execute the Sentence, and Swore many Oaths that he would have it done immediately. Mr. Piercy continued under this Sentence for two Hours, during which time the Provo's could not be found, though diligent Search was made for them▪ at last the Governour, wearied with waiting, and not able to find any to execute his Sentence, was, by some Intercession made to him, content to dismiss Mr. Piercy for that time. Some Protestants offered to Transport their Goods themselves into France, and bring back such things as the King needed; but this was refused them; and the design being to ruin them, such Goods as came to them from France were seiz'd on, and put into the hands of Papists, to be disposed of by them, and the right Owners not suffered so much as to oblige a Friend with a little Salt or a Rundlet of Brandy Thus Mr. Bell, a Protestant Merchant, was served, with a Ship that came to him from France; and without any Crime alledged against him, that he might think no more of Trading, he was confined in close Prison, and no body allowed to speak

to him. As to the Goods thus taken up, King James dispos'd of them to Mr. Labady and other Papists; so that this appear'd to be a meer Contrivance to get the Goods out of the Pro∣testants hands, and enrich the Papists; and not, as was pre∣tended, to supply the King's Necessity.

9. Some Protestants had laid out their Brass Mony in Corn and Malt; of this Commodity Brewers, Maltsters and Bakers had good Quantities, and some private Persons laid in enough for themselves and Families, and perhaps a little to spare. Some likewise had Provisions of Bisket, Barrelled Beef and Bacon, not knowing how the Market might be furnish'd, after such Destruction of Provisions: There was a general Search made for all these, and they were, for the most part, taken away, or seized, for the King's use; it was Criminal to have Barrelled Beef or Bisket in a House, and Alderman Giles Meigh was clap'd up in Prison for the Treason of having some hundred of Bisket: The like happened to several others, they alledging that such as had them, designed them for Schonberg's Army; we were at a loss what the meaning of taking away Corn from Protestant Farmers, House-keepers and Bakers should be, when there was no Scarcity in the Kingdom, and the Markets, if left open, were sufficient to furnish all; but Sir Robert Parker, and some others, blab'd it out in the Coffee-house, That they designed to starve one half of the Protestants, and hang the other, and that it would never be well till this were done. We were very sensible that they were in earnest, by the event; for no Protestant could get a bit of Bread, and hardly a drop of Drink in the whole City; Twenty or Thirty Soldiers stood constantly about every Bake-house, and would not suffer a Protestant to come nigh them; if they sent into the Country, and by Interest and a great Price, got a Barrel of Wheat from a Popish Far∣mer, it was seiz'd as it came to Town; and though there was Plenty of all things, yet several Protestant Families could not get one Loa•• of Bread, sometimes in a Week, sometimes in a Fortnight; there was a general Cry for Bread, and the Protestants could find no way to come by it, but by buying it from the Soldiers, who sold their Two-penny

Loaves for a Shilling or eighteen Pence; it was confidently reported, that the Popish Store-keepers design'd to get all the Corn in the Kingdom into the King's Stores, and then to let the Protestants have none out but for Silver and Gold; which they did in good measure effect; and it is certain before Harvest, they would have starved many, and drained all.

10. Some few Protestants had, under shelter of a good na∣tured Popish Landlord or Neighbour, preserved a few Sheep; as soon as these were Shorn, the Commissioners immediately seiz'd the Wooll, and it was resolv'd to seize their Corn like∣wise, where they had any, as soon as it was cut and made up.

They found it a hard matter to get Copper or Brass to serve the Mint, there were on this account several Searches made in Town; and first the Braziers Shops were pillaged, and then the Citizens Kitchens of their Brass Pots, Skellets, Boylers; and their Houses of other Brass Utensils, even to the Knockers of Doors; hardly one such was left in the whole City: Under the pre∣tence of this they ordered their Emissaries to take a private Inventory of whatever they saw in the Possession of Protestants, of which they made their uses as they had occasion, and in∣tended more if their Power had continued.

11. The Deputy-Mayor of Dublin, Edmund Reily, issued out an Order, dated Sept. 27. 1689. for regulating the Rates of Provi∣sions, Country Goods, and Manufactories, to be sold in the City of Dublin; in which he took care to set a very low Rate on such Goods as were then most in the hands of Protestants, the Rate at which he ordered them to be sold, was not one half of what they generally yielded. When therefore any Papist had a mind to put off his Brass Mony, he went to some Protestant Neigh∣bor, whom he knew to have a quantity of these Goods, offered him the Mayor's Rate in Brass, and carried away the Goods by Force. This was practised even by the Lady Tyrconnel, and seve∣ral of their Grandees: But the case was otherwise with Papists, they sold at what Rate they pleased, not minding the Procla∣mation; of which Alderman Reily, who issued it, was an In∣stance; He had a quantity of Salt in his hands, and sold it at excessive Rates, above what he compelled Protestants to part with theirs; Complaint was made against him, and he was

indicted at the Tholsel, which is the City Court, that very Term in which the Proclamation came out; upon the Traverse the Petty-Jury found him guilty, and the Court Fin'd him in an 100 l. but all this was only a Blind, for the Sheriffs set him at Liberty on his Parole after he was committed to them: He brought his Writ of Error returnable into the King's-Bench, but the Record was never remov'd nor the Fine levied. And the Con∣sequence was, that neither he nor any Papist took notice of the Order, and yet kept it in its full Force against Protestants.

12. They saw therefore that it was resolved to leave them nothing that was easily to be found; for Sir Thomas Hacket had made a Proposal to Seize Feather-Beds, and other Furni∣ture of Houses; alledging that they would be good Commo∣dities in France; upon which the Protestants thought it the best way to exchange what Brass Mony they had, into Silver and Gold, and gave 2 l. 10 s. 3 l. 4 l. and at last 5 l. for a Guiney; but even so 'twas thought too beneficial for them, and to stop it, they procured a Proclamation, dated June 15. 1690. where∣by it is made Death to give above 1 l. 18 s. for a Guiney, or for a Louis d'Or above 1 l. 10 s. &c. The Papists needed not fear a Proclamation, or the Penalty of it; they had Interest enough to avoid it, and therefore still bought up Gold at what rate they pleased; but if any Protestant had been found Transgressing, he must have expected the utmost Severity.

13. And thus the case stood when His Majesty's Victory at the Boyn delivered us; and let any one judge whether we had reason to be pleased with the Success, and gratefully receive him, that came to restore to us, not only our Goods and Fortunes, but the very Necessaries of Life; and what Obligations we could have of Fidelity or Allegiance to King James, who treated us plainly as Prisoners of War, and as Enemies not Subjects, and by design∣ing and endeavoring our Ruin, declared, in effect, he would go∣vern us no longer; but more expresly at his going away, freely allowed us to shift for our selves; and advised those about him, both at the Boyn when he quitted the Field, and the next Morn∣ing in Council at the Castle of Dublin, to make the best Terms they could, and quietly submit to the Conqueror, who, he said, was a Merciful Prince.

SECT. XII. King James destroyed the Real, as well as the Personal, Estates of his Protestant Subjects in Ireland.

1. THere remains yet to be spoken of, a third part of the Property belonging to Protestants; I mean, their Real Estates, and care was effectually taken to divest them of these, as well as of their Personal Fortunes: Their Estates of Inhe∣ritance were either acquir'd before the Year 1641. and were call'd Old Interest, or else since that time, and pass'd by the name of New Interest. The greater part of Estates belonging to Protestants were of this last sort, and they stood on this ground: The Papists of Ireland (as I have noted before)* 1.21 had raised a most Horrid Rebellion against the King, and Barbarously Murthered some Hundred Thousands of Protestants in Cold Blood in 1641. for which most of their Gentry were indicted and outlawed by due course of Law, and consequently their Estates forfeited. The English, after a War of twelve Years, reduced them with vast Expence of Blood and Treasure; and according to an Act of Parliament past 17 Car. I. at Westminster, the forfeited Estates were to be disposed of. When King Charles II. was restored, he restored many of the Papists, and after two years Deliberation, and the full hearing of all Parties before himself and Council in England, he pass'd an Act in a Parliament held at Dublin, commonly call'd, The Act of Settlement, whereby a general Settlement was made of the Kingdom, and Commissioners appointed to hear and de∣termine every Man's Claim. After this, upon some Doubts that arose, another Act pass'd 17 Car. II. commonly call'd, The Act of Explanation; which made a further and final Settle∣ment: Every Protestant made his Claim before the Com∣missioners of Claims, and was forced to prosecute it at vast Ex∣pences: After this, he got a Certificate from those Commissi∣oners, of what appear'd to belong to him for Arrears or De∣bentures; and having retrenched a third of what was actually set out to him, and in his Possession, and paid one Years full

improv'd value of what remain'd, every Man pass'd a Patent for it, a certain considerable yearly Rent, called Quit-rent, being reserved to the King out of every Acre; these two Acts of Parliament at Dublin, with that and other Acts at Westmin∣ster, together with a Certificate from the Court of Claims, and Letters Patents from the King, pursuant to the Certificate from the Commissioners, made up the Title which two thirds of the Protestants in Ireland had to their Estates. Those Papists that had forfeited in 1641. were commonly known by the Name of Old Proprietors, who notwithstanding their Outlawries and Forfeitures, and the Acts of Parliament that were against them, still kept up a kind of Claim to their forfeited Estates; they were still suggesting new Scruples and Doubts; and either di∣sturbing the Protestant Possessors with Suits, in which by Let∣ters from Court they obtained Favour from some of the Judges or else threatning them with an after-reckoning. The Prote∣stants earnestly desired a New Parliament, which might settle things beyond any Doubt, and cut the Papists off from their Hopes and Expectations; but King James, when Duke of York, had so great Interest with his Brother King Charles II. that he kept off a Parliament against all the Sollicitations that could be made for it for Twenty four Years, to the no small Damage of the Kingdom, on other accounts as well as this; and he so encouraged those forfeiting Proprietors, and so kept them in Heart by countenancing them, that they did not doubt some time or other to recover their Estates; and they often told the English, when heated by Drink or Passion, that the time was drawing near, when they would out them of their Estates and Improvements, and send them to Dig or Beg. This Hope kept the Irish Idle, and hindred them from applying themselves to any thing else; and they were so sure of regain∣ing their forfeited Estates, that they disposed of them by Wills and Settlements, as if in Possession; which Wills and Settle∣ments made by them whilst out of Possession, are confirmed by a particular Act made in their late pretended Parliament.

2. When King James came to the Crown, they reckoned they had gained their Point, and did not fail to labour it with all possible Industry; and no doubt but his Majesty designed to

gratifie them in it, but he did not think fit to let the Protestants know his Intentions; on the contrary, he industriously con∣cealed them: He sent over the Lord Clarendon Lord-Lieute∣nant in the Year 1685. who arrived here January 10. he gave him in Charge to declare, That he would preserve the Acts of Settlement and Explanation inviolable: And accordingly the Lord Clarendon made this Declaration in Council, and further gave it in Charge to all the Judges, who solemnly declared on the Bench in their respective Circuits, the Kings firm In∣tentions to preserve those Acts, and in them the Protestant English Interest of Ireland. At the same time Sir Charles Porter was sent over Chancellor of Ireland; and he likewise had a Command from the King, to assure all his Subjects, that he would preserve these Acts as the Magna Charta of Ireland; and Sir Charles, at his entrance on his Office, declared this solemnly on the Bench, (as Chancellor Fitton also after did; and used withall, to term it, The Darling of the Nation) and that it was the King's Pleasure to give his Subjects this Assu∣rance: These kind of Declarations were often repeated, and gain'd Belief from the credulous Protestants, especially that made by Sir Charles, who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office, went a great way to perswade them: But the Papists were nothing daunted at it, they knew that this was only a piece of Policy to ••ull us asleep, till the Army was modelled, and things fitted for repealing these Acts, and then all the Protestations to the contrary would signifie no∣thing. The new Attorney General Nagle, was the first that durst openly propose the Repealing of them, in his Letter from Coventry, dated October 26. 1686. in which he endeavours to shew some Nullities and Invalidities in the Acts; but mainly insists on the Inconveniency it would bring to the Popish Interest, to have those Acts continued. When the Earl of Tyrconnel came to the Government things were Riper, and so King James ventured to discover his Intentions a little further; and therefore in the first Proclamation issued out by the Lord-Deputy Tyrconnel, and dated Feb. 21. 1686. he promised to defend the Laws, Liberties and established Religion; but upon debate at the Council-Board, leaves out

the Preservation of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation. In Spring 1688. he sends over to England Chief Justice Nugent and Baron Rice, to concert the Methods of repealing it. That this was their Errand was publickly known, and is con∣fessed by my Lord Sunderland in his Letter to his Friend in London, dated March 23. 1689. and if we believe him, they bid 40000 l. to gain his Lordship to assist them; but what∣ever his Lordship did with them, it is certain they succeeded in their Design (though perhaps a little delay'd in point of time) and agreed on the several Steps, by which they were to bring it to pass; they knew it was generally discoursed that they went on this Errand, and it would have alarm'd the whole Kingdom if they had own'd their Success; they therefore dissembled it, and contrived to have it given out, that the King had rejected their Proposals, but granted others that were very Beneficial to the Kingdom, the Heads of which they took care to have published. In the mean while they fell on prosecuting their Design according to the Secret Resolutions agreed on, and began immediately to put things in order to have a Parliament that would be sure to answer their Intentions; they proceeded to finish the Regulations of Corporations, against which Quo Warranto's had before been issued, as we have already shewed; and that things might not stick in the House of Lords, by reason of the Numer∣ousness of the Protestant Peers and Bishops, a List was drawn up of such Papists as the King might by Writ call into the House to Out-vote them: The Sons of such Lords as had been Indicted and Out-lawed for the Rebellion in 1641. had brought Writs of Error to reverse their Father's Outlawries, which made them uncapable of Sitting; which was in effect to destroy the Act of Settlement that was founded on those Out-lawries. The Protestants saw the Consequence of the Reversing them, and therefore earnestly opposed it; but Lord Chief Justice Nugent, and his Fellow-Judges over-ruled all Oppositions that could be made, and reversed as many as desired it: Some of them, when they had reversed the Out∣lawries, ask'd the Attorney General whether they might not now Sue▪ for their Estates: He answered, that they should

have a little Patience, perhaps they would come more easily; meaning, that when a Parliament sate, it would (by re∣pealing the Act of Settlement) give them their Estates with∣out a Suit.

3. But many had not Patience to wait the General Resti∣tution; and therefore as soon as they had Judges and Sheriffs to their mind, they set up Counterfeit Deeds, and easily ob∣tained Verdicts; if the Protestants brought a Writ of Error, yet that did not benefit them, nor stop their being outed of Possession; for the Sheriffs, on their own Heads, gave the Old Proprietors Possession, and left the Protestants to re∣cover it, by Injunction out of Chancery, or by Common-Law. Thus Doctor Gorge was outed by Mr. Barnwell of a great Estate, and many others, notwithstanding their Writs of Error. Some Old Proprietors had gotten some Condi∣tional Orders from the Commissioners of the Court of Claims, for Estates; many of which only enabled them to bring their Actions at Common-Law. These had la•••• dormant since the sitting of the Court of Claims, which was above Twenty Years; but now instead of bringing their Actions into the Court, they carried their old Injunctions which they had procured from the Court of Claims, and which they thought not fit in all this time to execute, as know∣ing legally they could not; yet, I say, so long after the Dissolution of the Court which granted them, they carried them to the Sheriffs, and they, without any more ado, put them into Possession; whereby they deprived the Subject of the Benefit of those Laws that make Fines, levied with Non∣claim, a perpetual Bar; and also dispossess'd and put by, all intermediate Purchases and Settlements. This was the Bishop of Meath's Case, whose Father purchased an Estate in 1636. and both he and the Bishop had continued in Peaceable Possessi∣on of it ever since; yet he was now outed of it, by an old In∣junction from the Court of Claims, granted on a pretended Deed of Settlement, made for Portions to the Daughters of the Man that had sold it to the Bishop's Father: This Deed ought to have been proved at Common-Law, before he should have been disturbed; but the Popish Sheriff of the County of Meath,

one Nangle executed the Injunction on the Bishop, and two other Protestants, without any such Formality; some Papists were as deeply concern'd as they, as holding part of the same Estate, but the Sheriff durst not, or would not execute the Injunction on their part, though he did it on that part which was in the Hands of Protestants; at this rate many Protestants were outed of their Estates, and the old Proprietors having gotten Possession, put the Suit and Proof on Protestants to re∣cover them; near a hundred English Gentlemen lost consider∣able Estates in less than a Year, and the Papists were in hopes to do their work by their False Oaths, Forged Deeds, Corrupt Judges, and Partial Juries: No one Suit that I could learn, having been determin'd against them in either the King's-Bench or Exchequer.

4. But this was not the way design'd by the Grandees; they saw it was like to be Tedious, Expensive, and must have been in many cases, Insuccessful; and there∣fore* 1.22 they were intent on a Parliament; and they had in less than nine Months fitted all things for it: So that we should infallibly have had one next Winter, if the Closeted Parliament, design'd to sit at Westminster in November 1688. had succeeded, and the News of the Prince of Orange's intended Descent into England, had not diverted them; but it was not judged convenient to proceed farther in Ireland till the Penal Laws and Test were removed in England.

5. After King James's deserting England, and getting into France, which mightily rejoyced them, their great Care was to get him into their own Hands; and they easily prevailed on him to come into Ireland, where he landed at Kinsale, March 12. 1688. and made his entry into Dublin on Palm-Sunday, March 24. Upon his coming into Dublin, every Body was intent to see what he would do, in relation to the Affairs of Ireland; it was manifestly against his Interest to call a Parliament, and much more unseasonable to pass such Acts in it, as he knew the Papists expected.

For First, The Kingdom was not intirely in Obedience to him, London-derry, Enniskillin, and a great part of the North being

then unreduced; which gave occasion to many, even of his own Party, to ridicule him and his Councils, who, so contrary to his Interest, had call'd a Parliament to spend their time in wrangling about Settling the Kingdom, and disposing Estates, before they had reduced it. But had they, instead of Passing such Acts as made them Odious to all Good Men, applied themselves to the Siege of Derry, it is like it had been reduced before the Succors came, and then all Ireland had been their own, and no Body can tell what might have been the Consequence of it.

6. Secondly, It a little reflected on King James's Sincerity, who in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords for a Parliament in England, presented Nov. 17. 1688.* 1.23 gave it as one Reason why he could not com∣ply, because it was impossible, whilst part of the Kingdom was in the Enemies Hands, to have a Free Parliament▪ The same Impossibility lay on him against holding a Parliament in Ireland, at his coming to Dublin, if that had been the True Reason; and his not acting uniformly to it, plainly discover'd, That the True Reason why he would not hold a Parliament in England, and yet held one in Ireland, under the same Circumstances, was not the pretended Impossibility, but because the English Parliament would have secured the Liberties and Religion of the Kingdom, whereas he was sure the Irish Parliament would Subvert them.

7. Thirdly, His Compliance with all the most Extravagant Pro∣posals of the Papists in Ireland, was unavoidable if he call'd a Parliament; and to comply with them, was to do so palpable and inexcusable Injustice, to the Protestants and English Interest of Ireland, that he could not expect but that he should lose the Hearts of those Protestants in England and Scotland who were indifferent or well affected to him before, as soon as they were fully inform'd of what he had done in Ireland; and to lose their Assistance, was to lose the fairest Hopes he could have of recovering his Crown.

8. Fourthly, By holding a Parliament, he manifesty weakened his Forces in Ireland; for the Papists, whom he was to restore to their Estates, were most of them poor insignificant People, not able or capable to do him Service; for the Richer sort of Papists

were either disoblig'd by it (being losers as well as the Prote∣stants) or else under a necessity to neglect the King's Service, and spend their time to make Interest to secure themselves of Reprizals, for what they lost by the Parliament.

9. Fifthly, He strengthened and united his Enemies, by render∣ing all the Protestants, that were not under his Power, Despe∣rate; and by convincing the rest of the Necessity of joyning with them as fast as they could; since no other Choice was left them, but either to do this or to be ruined.

10. All these Reasons lay before the King against calling a Par∣liament; and made it manifestly unseasonable to do it now, however bent to comply with the long and earnest Sollicitati∣ons of the Irish, as we see in Nagles Coventry Letter, and the two Papers in the Appendix. But contrary to all the Rules of Interest and true Policy, he was resolv'd to gratifie them; for which we were able to give no other reason, but the Resolution ascribed to him in the Liege Letter, either to dye a Martyr, or to establish Po∣pery; and therefore he issued out a Proclamation for a Parlia∣ment, to sit May 7. 1688. at Dublin. The Proclamation was dated March 25. the next day after he came to Dublin, but was not published till April 2. it was said to be antedated four days, but of that I can say nothing.

11. Every Body foresaw what a kind of Parliament this would be, and what was like to be done in it. Our Constitution lodges the Legislative Power in the King, Lords and Commons, and each of these is a Check on the other, that if any one of them at∣tempt a thing prejudicial to the Kingdom, the other may oppose and stop it; but our Enemies had made all these for their purpose, and therefore no Law could signifie any thing to oppose them, it being in their power to remove any Law when they pleased by repealing it. The King was their own, both inclined of himself, and easie to be prevail'd on by them, to do what they would have him: So that we could promise our selves no help from his Negative Vote.

13. The House of Lords, if regularly assembled, had consisted for the most part of Protestants, and might have been a Check to the King's Intentions of taking away our Laws in a legal Method, there being, if we reckon the Bishops, about Ninety Pro∣testant

Lords to Forty five Papists, taking in the new Creations and attainted Lords. But first, to remove this Obstacle, care had been taken to reverse the Outlawries of the Popish Lords, in or∣der to capacitate them to sit in the House. 2. New Creations were made, Sir Alexander Fitton, the Chancellor, was made Baron of Gosworth; Thomas Nugent, the Chief Justice, Baron of Riverston; Justin M'Carty Viscount Mountcashell; Sir Valentine Brown Vis∣count Kenmare: A List was made of more to be call'd into the House, if there were occasion. 3. They had several Popish Titular Bishops in the Kingdom, and it was not doubted, but if necessity required, those would be call'd by Writs into the House. 4. It was easie to call the eldest Sons of Noble-men into the Parliament by Writ, which would not augment the Nobility, and yet fill the House. But there were already sufficient to over-vote the Prote∣stants, for there remain'd of about Sixty nine Protestant Tem∣poral Lords, only four or five in Ireland to sit in the House; and of Twenty two Spiritual Lords, only seven left in the Kingdom, of which Dr. Michael Boyle, Arch-bishop of Ardmah, Dr. Hugh Gore Bishop of Waterford, Dr. Roan Bishop of Killal••o, were ex∣cused, on the account of Age and Sickness. The other four were Dr. Anthony Dopping, Bishop of Meath; Dr. Thomas Otway, Bishop of Ossory; Dr. Simon Digby, Bishop of Lymerick; and Dr. Edward Wettenhall, Bishop of Cork and Ross; these were oblig'd to appear upon their Writs directed to them, and King James was forced sometimes to make use of them to moderate▪ by way of Coun∣terpoise, the Madness of his own Party, when their Votes dis∣pleas'd him: But in the general, they protested against most of the Acts▪ and entered their Dissent. It is observable, that all these Acts of this pretended Parliament, are said to be by the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, whereas not one Spiritual Lord consented to many of them, but on the con∣trary, unanimously protested against them; and at passing the Act of Attainder, of which more hereafter, they were not so much as present. They complain'd of this, but were refus'd re∣dress, and the express mention of their consent continued: Of Thirty seven Papist Lords, there appear'd, besides the new cre∣ated Lords, Twenty four at times; of which Fifteen were under Attainders by Indictments and Outlawries; two or three were

under Age▪ and there remain'd only Six or Seven capable of Sit∣ting and Acting. Chancellor Fitton, now Baron of Gosworth, was Speaker of the House of Lords. King James was present constant∣ly in the House, and directed them not only in their Debates, but likewise in their Forms and Ceremonies; hardly one in either House having ever sate in a Parliament before.

14. The House of Commons makes the Third Estate in Par∣liament, and 'tis by them that the People have a more imme∣diate Interest in the Legislative Power; the Members of this House being such as are return'd by the Peoples Free Election; which is look'd on as the Fundamental Security of the Lives, Liberties and Properties of the Subject. These Members of the House of Commons are elected either by the Free-holders of Counties, or the Free-men of Corporations: And I have already shew'd, how King James wrested these out of the Hands of Pro∣testants, and put them into Popish Hands, in the new Constituti∣on of Corporations, by which the Free-men and Free-holders of Cities or Boroughs, to whom the Election of Burgesses origi∣nally belongs, are excluded, and the Election put into the Hands of a small number of Men named by the King, and removable at his pleasure. The Protestant Free-holders, if they had been in the Kingdom, were much more than the Papist Free-holders, but now being gone, tho many Counties could not make a Jury, as appear'd at the intended Tryal of Mr. Price, and other Prote∣stants at Wicklow, who could not be tried for want of Free-holders yet notwithstanding the Paucity of these, they made a shift to return Knights of the Shire. The common way of Election was thus, The Earl of Tyrconnel, together with the Writ for Election, commonly sent a Letter, recommending the Persons he design'd should be chosen; the Sheriff or Mayor being his Creature, on re∣ceipt of this, call'd so many of the Free-holders of a County, or Burgesses of a Corporation, together, as he thought fit, and, without any noise, made the return: It was easie to do this in Boroughs, because, by their new Charters, the Electors were not above Twelve or Thirteen, and in the greatest Cities but 24; and commonly not half of these on the place. The Method of the Sheriffs proceeding was the same; the number of Popish Free∣holders being very small, sometimes not a Dozen in a County, it

was easie to give notice to them to appear, so that the Protestants either did not know of the Election, or durst not appear at it. By these means the pretended Parliament consisted of the most Bigotted Papists, and of such as were most deeply Interested to destroy the Protestant Religion and Protestants of Ireland. One Gerrard Dillon Serjeant at Law, a most furious Papist, was Recorder of Dublin, and he stood to be chosen one of the Bur∣gesses for the City, but could not prevail, because he had pur∣chased a considerable Estate under the Act of Settlement, and they fear'd lest this might engage him to defend it. Several Corporations had no Representatives, either because they were in the Enemies hands, or else because the Persons, named by the Charter for Electors, were so far remote, that they could not come in such Numbers, as to secure the Elections for Papists, against the few Protestants that were left still in the Charters, and who lived generally on the place. I have mark'd the Bo∣roughs and Counties that had no Representatives, in* 1.24 number about Twenty nine, few Protestants could be prevail'd with to stand, tho they might have been chosen, be∣cause they foresaw no possibility of doing good, and thought it unsafe to sit in a Parliament, which they judged in their Con∣science Illegal, and purposely design'd for Mischief to them and their Religion; however it was thought convenient that some should be in it, to observe how things went; and with much perswasion and Intreaty, Sir John Mead and Mr. Joseph Coghlan Counsellors at Law, were prevail'd on to stand for the Univer∣sity of Dublin; the University must chuse, and it could not stand with their Honor to chuse Papists, and therefore they pitch'd on these two Gentlemen, who were hardly brought to accept of it, as thinking it Scandalous to be in so ill Company; and they could not prevail with themselves to sit out the whole Session, but withdrew before the Act of Attainder came to be concluded, not enduring to be present at the passing of that and some other Barbarous Acts, against which they found their Votes signified nothing while they staid. There were four more Protestants return'd, of whose Behaviour I can give no account, or how they came to be return'd: The generality of the Houses consisted of the Sons and Descendents of the Forfeiting Persons

in 1641. Men that had no Freeholds or Estates in the King∣dom, but were purposely elected to make themselves Estates by taking them away from Protestants.

15. Now whilst the power of making and repealing Laws was in such hands, what Security could Protestants promise them∣selves from any Laws, or what probability was there that any Laws already made in their Favour would be continued?

Especially if we consider further, that this Parliament openly profess'd it self a Slave to the King's Will, and he was look'd on as Factiously and Rebelliously inclin'd, that would dare to move any thing after any Favorite in the House had affirm'd that it was contrary to the King's pleasure. Several Bills were begun in the House of Commons; one for erecting an Inns of Court; ano∣ther for repealing an Act commonly call'd Poinings Act; which requires that all Acts should be perused by the King and Coun∣cil of England before they be offered to be pass'd by the Parlia∣ment in Ireland; but King James signified his Dissatisfaction to these Bills, and for that reason they and several others were let fall; tho the Irish had talk'd much, and earnestly desir'd the Re∣peal of Poinings Act, it being the greatest Sign and means of their Subjection to England: There was a doubt made in the House, concerning the Earl of Strafford, whether he should be attainted for Estate and Life; several moved in his behalf, but it was carried against him upon this Evidence; Colonel Simon Lutterell affirmed in the House, That he had heard the King say some hard things of him: The King's pleasure therefore was the Law, to which we were to trust for our Lives and Fortunes, our Enemies having entirely engross'd the power of making and repealing Laws, and devolved it on the King's pleasure; the very Protestant Lords and Bishops being denied their Priviledge of entering their Protestations against such Votes as they con∣ceiv'd Destructive to the Kingdom: The King told them, That Protestations against Votes were only used in Rebellious times, and with much ado they were allowed to enter their Dissent; tho after that was allowed them, the Clerk of the Parliament, one Polewheele, a Nephew of Chancellor Fitton's, shifted them off and did not enter their Dissent to some Votes▪ tho often sollicited and press'd to do it, according to the Orders of the House.

16. When King James had labour'd as much as in him lay, to get a Parliament that would repeal the Penal Laws and Test in England, and open the Houses to Papists, he found at last that the great Obstacle that rendered the Kingdom so averse to this, was the general Fear and Apprehension, that the Legislative Autho∣rity would be engross'd by them, and turn'd against Protestants; this was so obvious and reasonable a Surmise, that he knew there was no hopes that the People would side with him against their present Majesties, if something were not done to satisfie them; and therefore to remove this fear, he published his Proclamation dated Sept. 20. 1688. wherein he declares himself willing that Ro∣man Catholicks should remain incapable to be Members of the House of Commons; if the Protestants of England had reason to apprehend, that Papists would engross the Legislative Authority in England, and from the Example of Queen Mary's House of Commons, to dread such Law givers, how much more reason had the Protestants of Ireland to dread that power, when entirely engrossed by their most inveterate Popish Enemies, whose In∣terest, as well as Religion, oblig'd them to divest all those that profess'd the Reform'd Religion, not only of the Favour, but likewise of the Benefits of Law?

17. They sate from the Seventh of May, till the Twentieth of July following, and in that short time entirely destroy'd the Settlement of Ireland, and outed both the Protestant Clergy and Laity of their Freeholds and Inheritances. It is not to be ex∣spected I should give an account of all their Acts; that which concerns this present Section, is to shew how they destroy'd the Protestants real Estates.

1. And that was first by an Act of Repeal, whereby they took away the Acts of Settlement and Explanation; by virtue of which (as I have already shew'd) two thirds of the Protestants of the Kingdom held their Estates, that is, all that which is call'd New Interest, was lost by this Repeal; there is no consideration had in it, how any Man came to his Estate; but tho he purchased it at ever so dear a rate, he must lose it, and it is to be restor'd (with∣out Exception) to the Proprietor or his Descendent that had it before, October 22. 1641. upon what account soever he lost it; tho they themselves did not deny but many deserv'd to lose

their Estates; even Sir Phelim O Neal's Son, the great Mur∣therer and Rebel, was restor'd.

2. In order to make a final Extirpation of Protestants, they con∣trive and pass an Act of Attainder, by which all Protestants, whose Names they could find, of all Ages, Sexes and Degrees, are attainted of High Treason, and their Estates vested in the King; the pretence of this Attainder, was their being out of the King∣dom at the time of passing the Act, as shall be shewn in the next Section.

3. Least some should be forgotten of those that were absent, and not put into the Bill of Attainder, they contriv'd a general Clause in the Act of Repeal, whereby the real Estates of all who Dwelt or staid in any place of the three Kingdoms, which did not own King Jame's Power, or corresponded with any such as they term Rebels, or were any ways aiding, abetting or assisting to them from the First day of August 1688. are declared to be forfeited and vested in his Majesty, and that without any Office or Inquisition found thereof: By which Clause almost every Protestant that could Write in the Kingdom, had forfeited his Estate; for the Packets went from London to Dublin, and back again, constantly from August to March 1688. and few had Friends in England, or in the North, but corresponded with them by Letters, and every such Letter is made by this clause a Forfeiture of Estate. They had intercepted and search'd every Packet that went or came, the later part of this time, and kept vast Heaps of Letters, which were of no Con∣sequence at all to the Government; we wondered what the mean∣ing of their doing so should be, but by this Parliament we came to understand it, for now these Letters were produced as Evi∣dences in the House of Commons, against those that appear'd in behalf of their absent Friends, or oppos'd the attainting of such Protestants as they had some kindness for; and they were fur∣ther reserv'd to prove a Correspondence against the few Estated Men that were in the Kingdom. Lastly, It was the end of Sept. 1688. before we heard any thing of the Prince of Orange's design to make a Descent into England, and yet to have been in England or Scotland any time in the Month before, or to have corres∣ponded with any there, is made Forfeiture of Estate by the Letter of this Statute.

4. Least the Children and Descendents of the Protestants thus attainted, who had Estates before 1641. should come in and claim them after the Death of the attainted Persons, by virtue of Settle∣ments made on valuable Considerations, and upon Marriages, all such Remainders and Reversions are cut off; for there is an ex∣press Exception to all Remainders on such as are commonly call'd Plantation-lands, and likewise to such Lands, &c. as are held by Grants from the Crown, or upon Grants by Commissioners upon defective Titles: It were too tedious to explain these several kinds of Tenures; it is sufficient to let the Reader know, that they comprehend all those Estates which were acquir'd by Protestants before the year 1641. Thus then the case stood with the Prote∣stants; if they purchased or acquired their Estates since the year 1641. out of any of the Lands then forfeited, they were to lose them, whether Guilty or Innocent, by the Act of Repeal; if their Estates were such as belong'd to Protestants before 1641. and consequently were what we call Old Interest, then to have been in England or Scotland, or to have corresponded with any of their Friends there, or in the North since August 1. 1688. was a For∣feiture of Estate, and a Bar for their Remainders for ever, tho the Heirs had done nothing to divest themselves of the Estates de∣rived to them by legal Settlements on valuable Considerations. And here the Partiality of this Parliament is visible, for there is a saving in the Act for all such Remainders as they thought might relate to any Papist; whereas all the Remainders in which they did imagine Protestants could be concern'd, are bar'd.

5. There is indeed a promise of reprizing Purchasers in the Act of Repeal, which was put in to qualifie the manifest Injustice of it, and to satisfie the Clamors of several amongst themselves, who were to lose their Estates by it, as having purchased new inter∣ested Land: But least any Protestant, who staid in the Kingdom, should hope for Benefit by this Clause, or be repriz'd for the Lands he had purchased, perhaps from a Papist, they contrive a Clause in the latter end of the Act—Whereby the King is ena∣bled to gratifie Meriting Persons, and to order the Commissioners to set forth Reprizals, and likewise to appoint and ascertain where and what Lands should be set out to them: By which the Protestants were excluded from all hopes of Reprizals; for to be sure where

any of them put in for a piece of Land, there would never want a Meriting Papist to put in for the same; and when it was left in∣tirely to K. James, which he would prefer of those two, let the World judge what hope any Protestant could have of a Reprizal. Thus when Sir Thomas Newcomen put in Proposals for a Custodiam in order to a Reprizal, Mr. Robert Longfield a Convert, and Clerk of the Quit-rents and Absentees Goods, is said to have put his own Name to Sir Thomas's Proposal, and to have got the Custo∣diam for himself.

6. Lastly, Some might think, that tho near 3000 Protestants were attainted, and the Estates of all the rest in a manner vested in the King, yet this was only done in terrorem, and that K. James never meant to take the Forfeiture. To this I answer, That it was not left in his power to pardon any that was attainted, or whose Estate was vested in him by this Act; this was (if we believe his Majesty) more than he knew when he pass'd it, and was one reason why the Act of Attainder was made so great a Secret, that no Copy could be gotten of it by any Protestant, till the Easter after it was pass'd, and then it was gotten by a meer accident. We had from the beginning labor'd to get it, and offer'd largely for a Copy, but could not by any means prevail; Chancellor Fit∣ton keeping the Rolls lock'd up in his Closet, till at last a Gentle∣man procur'd it by a Stratagem, which was thus, Sir Thomas Southwell had been condemned for High-Treason against King James, amongst other Gentlemen at Gallway, in March 1688. and attainted in the Act of Attainder also, he continued a Prisoner till my Lord Seaforth became acquainted with him; my Lord un∣dertook to reconcile him to the King, and to get his Pardon; K. James promis'd it on the Earl's Application, and order was given to draw up a Warrant for it. The Gentleman I mentioned being a Lawyer, and an Acquaintance of Sir Thomas's, was employ'd to draw it up; he immediately apprehended this to be a good op∣portunity to get a Copy of the Act of Attainder, which he had labor'd for in vain before, and which was kept from us by so much Injustice: He told the Earl therefore, and Sir Thomas (what was the real Truth) that he could not draw up an effectual Par∣don, except he saw the Act that attainted him. Hereupon the Earl obtain'd an express order from the King, to have a Copy deli∣ver'd

to him. Thus I believe was the only Copy taken of it after it was inrolled; it was taken for the use of a Papist, and was lent to the Earl, who was permitted to shew it to his Lawyer; and accordingly left it with him only for one day, who immediately imploy'd several Persons to Copy it, and the Copy was sent by the first Opportunity into England. The List of the Names of those that were attainted, had been obtained the January before, with difficulty; the Commissioners in the Custom-house, who seiz'd Absentees Goods, and set their Estates, could not do their Work without such a List; and that which was Printed in En∣gland, with some of the Acts of our Irish Parliament, was cop∣pied from thence, but the Act it self could not then be procured, and therefore was not Printed with them. When the Lawyer had drawn up the Warrant for Sir Thomas's Pardon, with a full Non obstante to the Act of Attainder, the Earl brought it to the Attorney General, Sir Richard Nagle, to have a Fiant drawn; the Attorney read it, and with Indignation threw it aside; the Earl began to expostulate with him for using the King's War∣rant at that rate. The Attorney told him, That the King did not know what he had done, that he had attempted to do a thing that was not in his power to do, that if the Earl understood our Laws, or had seen the Act of Attainder, he would be satisfied that the King could not dispense with it: My Lord answered, That he understood Sense and Reason, and that he was not a Stranger to the Act of Attainder. Sir Richard would not believe him till he shewed the Copy, which much surpriz'd Sir Richard; he began to enquire how his Lordship came by it, and intimated that the Keepers of the Rolls were Treacherous, in letting any one see it, much more in letting a Copy of it go abroad. His Lordship, with good reason, express'd his Admiration, that an Act of Parliament should be made a Secret; and the Laws, upon the Observation of which, the Lives and Fortunes of so many Men depended, should be conceal'd with so much care from them: At last the Attorny told him, That he himself would draw up a Warrant for Sir Thomas Southwell's Pardon, that should do his Business, and get the King to Sign it: But the Earl refused to accept his offer, unless his Lawyer might first peruse it; which being granted, the Lawyer, upon perusal, found it to

be such as would not hold in Law, and intended only to delude him. The Earl made new Application to King James, and Sir Richard being sent for, the King ask'd him why he did not prepare a Fiant for Sir Thomas Southwell's Pardon, according to the Warrant sent to him: He answered, That his Majesty could not grant such a Pardon; That his Majesty was only a Trustee for Forfeited Estates, and could not Dispense with the Act; that by an express Clause in it, all Pardons that should be granted were declar'd void. The King in some Passion told him, That he hoped they did not intend to retrench his Prerogative: Sir Ri∣chard replied, That his Majesty had read the Act before he pass'd it: The King answered, He had betray'd him; that he de∣pended on him for drawing the Act, and if he had drawn it so that there was no room for Dispensing and Pardoning, he had been false to him, or words to that effect. Thus the Matter ended, and Sir Thomas went into Scotland with my Lord Seaforth, with∣out being able to obtain his Pardon for Estate or Life, the Act voiding any Pardon granted to any attainted by it after Nov. 1. 1689. or not enrolled before the last day of that Month.

18. And now I doubt not but the Reader, from this Story which is literally true, will observe first the Juggling of the Po∣pish Lawyers with King James, and will pity a Prince who gave himself up to such False and Double-dealing Counsellors, when an Act of Parliament is made against a Papist, then it is no less than Treason to question the King's Pardoning and Dispensing Power; but when an Act bears hard on a Protestant, and the King has a mind to ease him, then the King has no power to Dis∣pense, he cannot grant a Pardon tho he earnestly desire it: From whence we may see, that the Dispensing Power was only set up to shelter Papists from the Law, and ruin Protestants; and that Papists, in their Hearts, are as much against it as Protestants.

2. We may observe what fair Justice was design'd for Prote∣stants; a Law was made to turn near 3000 out of their Estates, and to take away their Lives if they did not come in against a certain day; and yet the Law that subjected them to this Penalty was made a Secret, and they not suffer'd to know one word of it, till the time allow'd them to come in was past at least three Months; but there was an Intrigue in this, they knew they had a

Party in England, who were to face down the World, that there were no such Acts made; a Party that were to represent it as a Sham and Contrivance of King James's Enemies to make him Odious; and the great Argument they were to urge to prove it, must be to alledge, Where is the Act? Why doth it not appear? If there were any such Act, would not the People that came so often from Ireland, and tell such Frightful Stories, have brought it with them? This is the part the Favourers of King James were to act in England and Scotland, and this is the reason the Act was so long kept Secret.

3. We may observe the Folly of those Men who were attainted in this Act themselves, and yet Flatter themselves with the hopes of living Happily and enjoying their Estates, nay, and getting Preferment under K. James when restor'd to his Kingdoms: these Men do not consider that this Act would be restor'd, together with him, and that then it is not in his power to do this for them; that if they expect any such thing, they must be oblig'd to an Irish Popish Parliament for it; and he is much a Stranger to Ireland, that knows not what Mercy an English-man and a Protestant is to exspect from them, especially when they can give him nothing but what is taken from one of themselves. Till therefore the Pa∣pists of Ireland become so good natur'd as to give away, by their own voluntary act, their Estates (of which they were in actual Possession) to Protestants, it is the greatest Folly in the World, for any Protestant to think of enjoying any Estate in Ireland.

4. For 'tis observable that the Protestants Estates were not only given away by this Act of Attainder, but the Papists were like∣wise in Possession of them by the following means; The Act of Repeal was to be executed by Commissioners appointed by the King, who were to determine the Claims of the Proprietors, or Heirs to the Proprietors of the respective Estates, October 22. 1641. and give Injunctions to the Sheriff to put them in Possession. In the mean time the Protestants were to keep their Possessions till the First of May 1690. and to pay Rent to the Popish Proprietors. The same Commissioners were to set out Reprizals to reprizable Persons: But notwithstanding this, no such Commissioners ever sate; the Protestants were generally outed, and the Papists possess'd both of their old Estates,

and likewise of the Estates of Protestants; they compass'd this by several Stratagems.

19. Wherever the Protestants had set their Lands to Papist Tenants, those Tenants forsook their Protestant Landlords, and became Tenants to the pretended Popish Proprietors: Several Protestants complained in Chancery of this, as contrary to the Act, which allowed them to keep Possession till May 1690. which not being yet come, nor any Commissioners being yet appointed to execute the Act, they mov'd for an Injunction to quite their Possessions; but the Chancellor answer'd, That this did not concern Landlords, that set their Lands, but only such as occupied Farms themselves; and that the Parliament had granted that indulgence to them, only that they might have time to dispose of their Stocks, which not being their Case who had Tenants, they must go to Common Law, and try their Titles; by this means most of the old Popish Proprietors got into their Estates. Nay, they not only outed the Land∣lords of their Estates, but even the Protestant Tenants of their Leases, made in consideration of a valuable reserv'd Rent, though this was positively against the intent of the Act, which confirm'd such Leases, and only gave the reserved Rent to the restor'd Proprietor. 2. But they found a way to elude this by another Clause in the same Act, which orders the Man∣sion House and Demeasnes of the Proprietor or his Assignee in 1641. to be restor'd, and the Leases made of such to be void. Now they never wanted an Affidavit to prove any beneficial Farm or good House, they found in the Hands of a Prote∣stant, to have been Demeasnes, and a Mansion House; and then the Leiutenants of the Counties put them in Possession. 3. The same Lieutenants had an Order from Albiville, Secre∣tary of State, to turn all Protestants out of their Houses, if they judged them to be Houses of any strength, and to gar∣rison them with Papists: We could never procure any Copy of this Order from the Office, though they own'd there was such an Order, and we found the Effects of it; the Reasons of con∣cealing it I suppose were the same with concealing the Act of At∣tainder. The design of the Order was to turn out the few Protestant Gentlemen that liv'd on their ancient Estates, and

had neither forfeited them by the Act of Attainder, nor lost them by the Act of Repeal; it was left to the discretion of the Lieutenant of the County whom they would turn out; and they acted according to their Inclinations, and turn'd out almost every body; and 'twas with great difficulty and interest, that any procured to be eased of this trouble. I have* 1.25 given a Copy of some of their Orders in the Ap∣pendix. In short, the Soldiers or Militia took Pos∣sessions of such Gentlemens Houses as durst venture to live in the Country, and they themselves were sent to Jail; and had K. James got the better, they must never have expected to have gotten possession of their Houses, or been releas'd of their confinement, till they had gone to execution; for though they had been very cautious how they convers'd, yet there would not have wanted Witnesses to prove they had correspon∣ded with some body in England or Scotland, since the First of August, 1688. and then their Estates were forfeited. The Gentle∣men thus used were very sensible of one inconveniency that befel them on this Account; it troubled them, more than their confinement, to see their Houses and Improvements destroy'd: for when the Soldiers got into the Houses, under pretence of garrisoning them, they sometimes burnt them, and always spoil'd the Improvements.

As for the Estates of Absentees, the Commissioners of the Revenue dispos'd of them, and hardly one Estate in Ireland but was already promis'd to some Favourite Papist or other, who by Leases from the Commissioners were in actual possession of them through the whole Kingdoms, as far as King James's Authority was owned.

20. It may be imagined by some, that King James did not know that the Repealing the Acts of Settlement and Explanation was of such mischievous Consequence to Protestants, and that the Protestants were wanting to themselves and him in not giving him due Information. But these Persons will find themselves mistaken in their surmises, if they consider.

1. That King James, when Duke of York, was present at all the Debates concerning the Settlement of Ireland at the Coun∣cil Board in England, and was one of the Council, when those

Acts of Settlement and Explanation past it; he had heard every Clause in them debated for near Two years; and from time to time he had perfect information, and was continually sollicited about them, having a fair Estate in Ireland settled on him by them, containing by estimation 108000 Acres, to the value of 10m. Pounds per Annum; and perhaps there was not any thing he understood better relating to the Affairs of his Kingdoms, then the Consequence of these Acts. We have seen before, how many Promises and Assurances King James had given for maintaining them; as well knowing the importance of them to this Kingdom. But notwithstanding this, he of his own accord was the first that motioned the Repealing of them, in his Speech at the opening the Parliament in Dublin.

2. The Protestants prest, and earnestly sollicited to be heard at the Bar of the Lords House upon the Subject of those Acts, that they might shew the reasonableness of them, and demon∣strate the injustice and mischief of repealing them, but were deny'd to be heard; and an Order made, that nothing should be offered in their favour. If therefore King James wanted information, it was because he would not receive it.

3. The Bishop of Meath, so far as was allow'd him,* 1.26 laid open the Consequences of repealing these Acts so fully, in his Speech which he made in the House of Lords, when he voted against the Act of Repeal, that no Man who heard him, as his Majesty did, could pretend to want information.

4. The Protestants were so far from being silent, or letting things pass without opposition, that they laboured every Point with all imaginable industry, and used all the industry they could with King James, to inform and perswade him; and when they could not gain one Point, they stuck at the next, and endeavour'd to gain it, till he had deliberately over-rul'd all their Reasons and Pleas from Point to Point; and this they did to make his De∣signs against them the more undeniably plain; not out of any hope of success, or expectation to prevail with him; for they knew their appearing for a thing in the Parliament was enough to damn it, of which they had many Experiments. One was so remarkable, that I shall mention it▪ Mr. Coghlan had a mind to

procure a favour for a Friend from the House of Commons, whereof he was a Member; he knew if he mentioned it, it would miscarry, and therefore he got a Papist to propose it; the House seem'd averse to it, and he, for Experiments sake, rose up, and with some seeming warmness oppos'd it; immedi∣ately the House took the Alarm, and, in opposition to him, voted it. They knew likewise, that it was determined to de∣stroy them, and gratifie their Enemies; and that the reason why they were not allow'd to debate the main Point, the justice and reasonableness of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, was because that could not be done, without shewing what Trai∣tors and Murtherers the Papists had been, whom King James was then about to gratifie; a thing which he would by no means en∣dure to hear.

5. The Reason therefore why the Protestants made so vigorous an opposition, and plyed the King and his pretended Parliament with so many Petitions, Representations and Intercessions, was to stop the Mouths of those that they foresaw would be apt to impute their Misfortunes to their sullenness or negligence, that would not be at the pains of an Application to save them∣selves, and to demonstrate to the World▪ that the Destruction brought on them was not a thing of chance, but that it pro∣ceeded from a formed and unalterable design of their Enemies to destroy them, insomuch that they never could have expected to enjoy one Foot of Estate or quiet hour in the Kingdom, if King James had continued his Government over them.

6. The Case of the Purchasers and Improvers in Ireland seem'd the hardest: the Land forfeited by the Rebellion in 1641. was set out to those that had been Adventurers and Soldiers in that War; and many of these had sold them at Twelve or Fifteen years Purchase; the Purchasers had built fair Houses and Villa∣ges on them, inclos'd Deer-Parks, planted Orchards and Gar∣dens, and laid out vast Sums in these and other Improvements; it seem'd hard to turn them out without consideration; to try therefore whether any thing would make King James relent, they endeavour'd to see what he would do for these poor Men: how their Case was prest and represented to King James, may be judged by a Paper given him by the Lord Granard, and drawn

up by the Chief Justice Keating, with the Approba∣tion* 1.27 of other Protestants; 'tis in the Appendix. King James read it, and made no other answer to it, but, That he would not do evil that good might come of it; the mean∣ing of which Words, as then apply'd, is not easily understood.

It has been a common Question put to the Gentlemen of Ireland, by some that neither know them nor their Affairs, What have you lost? But sure whosoever knows the extent of Ire∣land, and the value of Land in it, will see that the Interest of the English Protestants ruined by King James, since he came to the Crown, is of greater value than the Estates of all that favour his Cause in England and Scotland; and I suppose it would put them out of conceit with him, or any other King, that should take away but one half of their Estates from them.

SECT. XIII. Eighthly, King James brought the Lives of his Protestant Subjects in Ireland into imminent danger.

1. I Suppose from the former Sections, it is sufficiently appa∣rent, what Invasions King James made on the Liberties and Fortunes of his Protestant Subjects; there remained to them only their Lives, and these, as will appear from this Secti∣on, were put in imminent danger by him; many were lost, and the rest escap'd with the greatest hazard. When King James came into Ireland, it was certainly his Interest to exercise his Clemency towards his Protestant Subjects; and he knew it to be so; and therefore in his Declaration which he sent privately into England, he made large Professions of his tenderness to∣wards them, and boasted how much their safety had been his care; every body expected a Proclamation for a General Par∣don and Indemnity should have been sent before him; and that ••e would have put an effectual stop to the illegal Prosecutions against their Lives, and to the Robberies of their Fortunes, that every where were going on at his coming; but on the con∣trary, he rather pusht on both; and not content with the

Laws that already were in force, which Partial Judges and Ju∣ries wr••sted to destroy them, he made new snares for them by Acts of his pretended Parliament, and by several private decla∣rations; whereby not only he, but his inferior Officers, took on them to dispose of the Lives of Protestants.

2. It is not reasonable to charge his Majesty with the pri∣vate Murther committed on Men in their Houses, which were many up and down the Kingdom; several even in the City of Dublin. Only thus far in some degree he may be thought responsible for them: he knew very well with what barbarous Murthers the Papists of Ireland had been charg'd in the Rebel∣lion of 1641; he knew what inveterate hatred they carried to∣wards the Protestants, and how many Tories and Robbers con∣stantly disturbed the Peace of the Kingdom; and yet without any necessity at all, he threw himself upon these People, he en∣couraged them, he Armed them, he gave Commissions even to those that had been Tories, and guilty of Murthers, and there∣fore cannot altogether be excused from the Irregularities com∣mitted by them; especially when there was no search made af∣ter, or Prosecution of the Murthers; as it happened in the case of Colonel Murry of Westmeath, Brother in law to my Lord Granard, an old Gentleman who had serv'd King Charles the first and second, and suffered considerably for his Loyalty; he was way-laid and shot dead as he rode to his own House under King James's Protection, and with some marks as he ima∣gined of his Favour. Yet no enquiry was made after it. There were many such private Murthers but I do not think it necessa∣ry to insist on them: I shall confine my self to such as are of a more publick Nature, which gave us just reasons to fear that the Government had a design upon our Lives.

3. Such were first encouraging Witnesses to swear us into feigned Plots and Conspiracies; of these there were many set up in the Kingdom; almost every County had one set up in it, and many were put into Prison and indicted for high Treason, as Captain Phillips, and Mr. Bowen in the County o•• Westmeath, and several others in other places, some of which I have before mentioned; and when the perjuries of the Wit∣nesses came to be plainly discovered, they yet were encoura∣ged

and protected from any Legal prosecution. Of this nature a Conspiracy was framing against one Mr. William Spike, and if it had taken effect it would have reached to a great many more. The contrivance was thus; one Dennis Connor had a mind to a small Employment which Mr Spike held in the Ca∣stle; he had petitioned for it, but Spike, by the Interest of my Lord Powis, tho a Protestant, kept his place, being found diligent in it. Connor resolv'd to try another experiment to get him removed: he framed a Letter as from one in Innis∣killing, directed to Spike, in which the writer thanks him for his Intelligence, and refers to a method agreed on for seizing the Castle of Dublin on a certain Day. The Letter (to make the thing more credible) abuses▪ King James in very ill terms: Connor drops this Letter in the Castle, where Spike came e∣very Day, knowing that as soon as it was found, Spike would be seized, and then he might manage the Plot as he pleased; but his Contrivance was spoiled, for the Sentinel saw him drop the Paper, and procured him immediately to be seized: he was examined before the Chief Justice, and I think before King James also, why he wrote such a wicked Letter: he said it was for the Kings service to remove Spike, whom he believ∣ed to be a Rogue, and who being a Protestant would be∣tray the King. Spike Prosecuted him in the Kings-Bench; but after all that could be done, the Jury brought Connor in not Guilty, pretending that it did not appear that this was the very Letter dropt by Connor, tho he had confest it before the King and the Lord Cheif Justice, and tho it was proved and owned to be his hand, and a rough draft of it found with him, and the Sentinel swore he dropt a Letter, which he delivered to the Officer; and the Officer swore that was the Letter, deli∣vered by the Sentinel to him, tho he did not see it dropt.

About the same time a Fryer was brought up to Town, who pretended to be dumb and maimed; the Popish Clergy gave out that Duke Schomberg had cut out his Tongue and thus maimed him, and declared that he would serve all the Priests and Fryers after the same manner, and they made proposals to revenge it on the Protestant Clergy. King James caused the Fryer to be examined, and discovered

the deceit; which falling immediately on Mr Spikes busi∣ness, made the King say in great Anger, that for ought he saw the Protestants were wronged, and misrepresented unto him, and that there were some as great Rogues among the Roman Catholicks, as amongst them. The Fryers to acquit themselves of the Cheat, got their Brother Fryer severely lasht; pretending that he was a Spy and none of their Fraternity; upon which he was carryed naked through the Town on a Cart in a Savage manner, to execution as was suppos'd, but was brought back and put into Prison, from which after some∣time he was dismissed and his Habit restor'd him. Many such contrivances there were against the Lives of Protestants, and they could not look on themselves as safe while such wicked Men were unpunished; the Courts also declaring that the Witnesses, though perjur'd, could not be punisht, because they Swore for the King.

2 No Protestant was secure of his Life, because the Courts wrested such facts to Treason as were not declared so by any Law. Thus Cheif Justice Nugent declared it was Trea∣son for any Protestant to keep Arms, or wear a Sword after the King had forbidden it by his Proclamation, and declared them Rebels that did so; several Gentlemen in the Country had kept their Horses and Arm'd their Servants, to watch them against the Robbers, commonly call'd Rapparies that plunde∣red them; this was construed a Levying War against the King; and the pretended Parliament Attainted them of High Treason. In the County of Cork, one Mr Brown had appear'd in a com∣pany of Men who endeavoured to make their escape from those that came to plunder them of their Arms and Horses; but misliking the design, went home to his own Houfe: He was brought before Judg Dally for this at Limerick, who upon examination of the matter, dismist him, judging him innocent of any crime that would bear an Indictment; but he was taken up again for the same Fact at Cork, and brought before Judg Nugent, at the time when King James came first thi∣ther: Judg Nugent seem'd at first to be of the same opinion with Judg Dally; but after he had discours'd his Majesty, he proceeded vigourously against the Gentleman, and procured

him to be found guilty by a partial Jury. Every body lookt on this only as an occasion sought for the King to shew his Clemency; Mrs. Brown the convicted Gentlemans Wife with five or six Children, presented him a Petition begging her Husbands Life at his Feet, as the first Act of Grace on his coming into the Kingdom; but he rejected her Petition; and notwithstanding she reinforc't it with all the Friends and in∣terest she could make, the Gentleman was hanged, drawn and quartered. This awakened all the Protestants in Ireland; it made them remember the bloody Executions in the West of England on the account of Monmouth's Rebellion, and how small a matter serv'd to take away Mens Lives there; they suspected that Judg Nugent would act the same part in Ireland, that Chief Justice Jeffreys had done in England; and they knew that if the King did not interpose, neither Juryes nor Witnesses would be wanting to destroy them; in short they became very sensible that their Lives were in imminent danger, when they saw a Gentleman of some Estate and Credit in his Country, hang'd for being but in the Company for a little time (without acting any thing) of some others who endea∣voured to make their escape from a Crew of Robbers that without Order or Commission came to Plunder them of their Horses and Arms; they had the more reason to be Apprehen∣sive of their Lives, when they found that no Advantage was let slip against them, nor any Articles or Promises, however solemnly made to them for their safety and indemnity, were regarded: of which there were many Examples.

3. At the time of the disarming, February 24. the Town of Bandon near Cork, being frightned and surpriz'd with such an unjust and sudden thing, and not knowing where it would end, shut up their Gates, and turn'd out some Dragoons who were ap∣pointed to disarm them. General Mac Carty went to reduce them, and they believing him to be a Man of Honour, yielded to him upon Articles, for which they paid him 1000 l. ster. by the Articles they were to be indemnified for what was past, and a Pardon to be granted them. Notwithstanding which Articles the Grand Jury at Cork, by direction of Chief Justice Nugent, found Bills against them, resolving to serve them as he had ser∣ved

Mr. Browne: and it was suppos'd that he was encouraged to do it by King James himself. The time allowed him for the As∣sizes would not permit him to try them then; and for this rea∣son and on the Importunity and Menaces of General Mac Carty; who being on the place thought himself obliged to make good his Articles, he put off their Tryal till the next Assizes. These Bills lay over their Heads, no pardon was granted them, and some of them were condemned in the Act of Attainder.

The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry Boyle had put themselves under General Mac Carty's Protection, and he enga∣ged to secure them and their Houses, but he did not perform his Promise; for Castle-martyr, belonging to Captain Henry Boyle, with all the Improvements and Furniture, to the value of some Thousands of Pounds, were destroyed and plundered by his Soldiers, assisted with the Rabble, and he with the Earl were glad to provide for their safety by leaving all and flying into England. In Connaught some Protestants got into Headford Castle, belonging to Sir Oliver St. George, to avoid the violence of the Rabble: They were besieged by the Lord Gallway, and surrendred on Articles of Pardon and Safety. But at the next Assizes a Bill was prepared against them, and presented the Grand Jury at Gallway: the Jury, tho Papists, considered, as they said, that it might be their own Case another day, and some stickled so earnestly against the Bill, that there were not enough to find it. However no body knew whether every Jury would be of that humour; and no care was taken to discountenance such Proceedings. Sir Thomas Southwell, with some Gentlemen of Munster, were unwilling to part with their Horses and Arms, many of them having been robbed and plun∣der'd of their Stocks before, and justly suspecting that as soon as their Arms were gone, neither their Lives, nor the remainder of their Substance could be safe. They got together therefore with their Servants, to the number of near Two hundred, and re∣solved to march to Sligoe to joyn the Lord Kingston, for their common defence, but were met in the way by a small Party of King James his Dragoons, to whom* 1.28 they surrendred themselves on Articles of Safety and Liberty. Notwithstanding which they were robb'd

and made Prisoners; and tho many of them had plentiful E∣states, yet these were seized by King James's Commissioners, and nothing allowed them to preserve their Lives, except the chari∣table Contributions of their fellow Protestants from several parts of the Kingdom: They were brought to Tryal before Judge Martin, who perswaded them to plead guilty, assuring them of the Kings Mercy, who was just then landed. They were over perswaded by him, tho they had not been guilty of any overt Act that could be construed Treason, or proved against them, as their Lawyers informed them. The Judge as soon as he had prevailed with them to confess themselves guilty, past Sentence of Death on them; and with much ado, and a Sum of Money, they procured a Reprieve; which they were forced to renew from time to time. They continued under the Sentence of death in close Im∣prisonment, being removed from Jail to Jail, till the general Deli∣verance by his Majesty's Victory: all which time they were not on∣ly in a starving condition, but likewise had once a Summons sent them, either in jest or earnest, to prepare for Execution by the Earl of Clanrickard; who came to Gallway about the be∣ginning of November 1689. and sent them word that they must prepare for death on the sixth of the same Month; for it was his Majesty's pleasure that they should then be executed: and accordingly the Sheriff appear'd with all necessary Preparation for their Execution on the day appointed. There was indeed no such Order; but his Lordship being a new Convert, thought it allowable to put this Jest on them, as a Testimony of his Zeal against Hereticks: and there was no other reason but this given why he put so many Gentlemen into that terri∣ble fright. But all Protestants who heard it were very ill pleased, that the Lives of so many of them should be thought a proper Subject for a Jest, and no notice taken of those who made it; and considering the Solemnity and Circumstances with which he carried on this Jest, the very Roman Catholicks judged it unseasonable.

4. The Protestants had reason to fear their Lives, when they saw that they were in the Hands of such, as not only broke all Articles and Conditions with them, but likewise violated the Kings Protections granted to poor innocent People that had

no ways offended him. This was the case of many in the County of Down, tho they had Protections granted them, and lived quietly; yet not only their Goods were taken from them, but likewise their Wives and Daughters were ravished by the Soldiers. They were most sensible and impatient of this Injury, and yet proceeded no further than to complain of it to the chief Officers, and to de∣mand redress from them. The Answer they had was, That these Robbers and Ravishers had no Authority from the King for what they did; and therefore they advised the Complain∣ants to fall on them and oppose them if they made any fur∣ther attempts on the Country. The poor People were satisfied with the answer, and resolv'd to do as they were directed; and accordingly fell upon the next Party of Soldiers they found plundering and committing Outrages on the Country People, and they killed some of them. This instead of be∣ing approved, as they were made to believe it would be, was counted a Rebellion: and immediately Major Gen. Bohan was sent among them with a Party, who massacred about Five or six hundred of them in cold Blood for several days together. Many of those who were killed were poor, old, impotent People; many were killed at their Work, and while they were busie about their own Affairs and suspected no such matter. King James was so far from resenting the barbarous usage of these poor People, that he rail'd on this occasion against Protestants in general, representing them as false and perfidious; for, said he, many were killed with my Protestions in their Pockets; not considering the Reflection was on his own Party, against whom his Protection, as appear'd by his own Confession, was no Secu∣rity. And when Men were thus slaughtered with his Appro∣bation, notwithstanding his Protections in their Pockets, it was but reasonable for such as survived to think of some other way of protecting their Lives. If he had design'd in earnest to have secured his Subjects Lives, or to prevent their destruction, he would have made Examples of those who robb'd or kill'd such as had been at the Charges of taking out Four or Five Pro∣tections, and yet were never the safer or securer of their For∣tunes or Lives.

The violation of Protections in the County of Derry and Donnegall was yet more barbarous, and satisfied all Protestants, that they ought not to expect any Security of their Lives, whilst under the power of such Men. The noise of the Siege of Derry has fill'd the World, and such an Account is given of it as su∣persedes my insisting on it. The City is neither well scituated, nor well fortified; it has no More about it, nor Counterscarp, and the Bastions are so small, that they are not capable of so many men as are requisite to defend the Curtains against a vi∣gorous Attack, and so ill placed that their Guns do hardly clear it. Yet the whole strength of King James's Army, assisted with his French Engineers, could never come so near it as to dismount one Cannon on the Walls, or make a Breach in them: this proceeded from the Cowardize of the Besiegers; who, accord∣ing to the nature of Cowards, stuck at no Cruelty to gain their purpose. They considered that the besieged had many Rela∣tions in the neighbouring Country, and that they had a general kindness for all the Inhabitants thereabout, being, if not their Re∣lations and Acquaintance, at least their Countrymen, and Prote∣stants. The Besiegers therefore hop'd to take advantage of this ten∣derness and good Nature of the besieged to reduce the Town; and in order to it made use of this Stratagem, which I think was of their own Invention; for I do not remember to have met any thing like it in History; nor do I believe it was ever practis'd by any Nation, unless the French have used it in their late Wars. Thus it was; General Rosen issued out Orders to bring together all the Protestants, Men,* 1.29 Women and Children, protected, and not protected, and to set th•••• before the Walls, there to receive the shot of the Besieged, whilst the Besiegers made their Approaches under their Covert, and in the mean time to starve and famish them, if their Friends in the Town would not, out of compas∣sion to them, yield up themselves and City into the Hands of these Murtherers. The Dragoons and Soldiers executed this Order with the utmost rigour; they first stript, and then drove the whole Country for Thirty Miles about before them, not sparing Nurses with their sucking Children, Women big with Child, nor old decrepit Creatures; some Women in Labour,

some that were just brought to Bed, were driven amongst the rest; the very Papist Officers that executed the thing, confest that it was the most dismal sight they had ever seen, and that the cries of the poor People seem'd to be still in their Ears: They owned that they gathered above 4000. others say 7000. and that they kept many of them without Meat or Drink for a whole Week; that several hundreds dyed in the Place before they were dismist, and many more on the way as they went home again to their Houses; nor were they better when they came there, for the stragling Soldiers, Raparies and Pilferers that follow'd the Army, had left them neither Meat, Drink, Houshold-Stuff nor Cattel, but had taken away all in their absence; so that the ge∣nerality of them afterwards perish'd for want, and many were knockt on the head by the Soldiers. I need not trouble the Reader with the success of this cruel* 1.30 and foolish Stratagem; it was the same which any thinking Man would have expected; it confirm'd the besieg'd in their Resolutions, never to yield to such bar∣barous People, and it made them set up Gallows, and threaten to hang all the Prisoners they had in their hands, if their Friends were not immediately dismist; with which the Besiegers being startled (and finding that it did not answer their design to keep them still under the Walls) did at last comply, after they had kept them there three days without Meat; this was the security Men had of their Lives by King James's Protecti∣ons; the news of this Order came to Dublin before it was executed, and the Bishop of Meath went immediately to King James to see if he could prevail with him to prevent such a barbarous proceeding: His Majesty very calmly told the Bishop, That he had heard of it before, and that he had sent Orders to stop it; that General Rosen was a Forreigner, and us'd to such Proceedings as were strange to us, though common in other places; and that if he had been his own Subject he would have call'd him to account for it: Yet he continued him still in his Employ∣ment. 'Twas he burnt the Country about Derry, when he was forced to raise the Siege, and l••••t, after the French Custom, the Gentlemens Houses and Villages, that lay in his way towards Dublin, in Ashes. It was commonly said, that he and Mámmo,

who was kill'd before Derry, were the Persons employ'd to Dragoon the Protestants of Languedock, and that committed so many Barbarities on those poor People: If so, it is not strange that they should commit the like on the Protestants of Ireland: but it is strange that King James should employ such Men, and not at all punish such monstrous violation of Faith, as well as of Humanity, and yet expect that we should depend on him for our Protection.

His Protections were in every Place alike insignificant; many Protestants lost the value of Three, many of Four, and some of 10^m. Pounds Sterling, notwithstanding their repeated Pro∣tections, and their approv'd and peaceable demeaning them∣selves; of which Captain Barton, in the County of Monaghan, was a signal Example; he had a Protection for his House, at Carrick Mac Ross, and Arms, and had left his Servants in his House, to preserve it and his Goods, he himself staying in Dublin, as a Hostage to the Government, that they might not suspect him to have any design to withdraw to the North, or join with such Protestants as were in Arms there; yet in his absence, a Party of Colonel Mac Mahon's Regiment, about February 1688. came and demanded the House; the Servants shew'd their Pro∣tection, and told him who commanded the Soldiers, that they had Orders from the Government to keep the House; the Com∣mander assur'd them that he would not disturb them, and that he only design'd to lodge some of his Men in it, to secure it more effectually for the King and the Owner; upon which promise the Servants let him and his Soldiers into the House; they no sooner had obtain'd entrance, but they fell a plundring, de∣stroying and defacing; and in a few hours, by ruining his Im∣provements, and robbing his Goods, Stock and Furniture, they damnified him to near the value of 10^m. Pounds: He com∣plain'd of this false and injurious dealing to the Government, but could never obtain any redress, or procure the Actors of it to be brought to any Account or Punishment; instead of obtaining any thing of that nature, they added new Injuries to their former, and at last burnt his House to the Ground.

And here it will not be amiss, by the way, to give some further Instances of their violation of Articles, as well as of

Protections. About Thirty Soldiers, January 1688. deserted from Dublin, and endeavour'd to make their escape to Inniskilling: they were pursued by one Captain Nugent with a Party of Horse, and overtaken near Navan, within Twenty Miles of Dublin; they put themselves in a posture to fight, and were ready to fire at him; but he by fair Promises and good Words▪ perswaded them to Capitulate, and at last upon Articles to yield: He Covenanted with them that they should be safe and free, and should suffer no other injury but the loss of their Arms; not∣withstanding which, as soon as they gave up their Arms, he stript and pinion'd them, and with much interest they escaped▪ present death; this Mercy was due to the circumstances of the time, which obliged the Government to reserve them in Jail till a more proper season, though in a condition more grievous than if they had been hang'd immediately.

The Fort of Culmore near Derry yielded on Articles to King James, by which the Gentlemen that surrendred it were to be indemnified, and liberty allow'd them either to live secure and quietly in the Kingdom, or else go to any other place where they thought fit; but notwithstanding these Articles, they were were disarm'd and stript, and several of them seiz'd and put into Prison, nay attainted in their pretended Act of Parliament.

The Garrison of Londonderry, after the Forces which came under Colonel Cuningham and Colonel Richards to succour it, had resolved to return for England, sent one Captain White to King James, to receive Proposals from him, it being the Opini∣on of many of those that remain'd in the Town that they must surrender it; the Conditions were not difficult to concert; in the mean time it was agreed, as a Preliminary Article; that the Army should not march within Four Miles of the Town; but before the Terms could be adjusted, or any answer be re∣turn'd from the City, the King himself marched his Army to∣wards it, and was in view almost as soon as the Commissioners that came with the Proposals: This being against his Engage∣ment, and an absolute breach of the Preliminary Article al∣ready agreed on, put a stop to the Treaty, and contributed to the Resolution of the Besieged; who durst never trust any Articles after this, but rather than depend on the

Faith of King James or his Party, chose to suffer the utmost Extremity.

The Breach of Articles by my Lord Galmoy to Mr. Dixey a Young Gentleman, (Son to the Dean of Kilmore) and Mr. Charlton was yet more barbarous; the Lord Galmoy went down in March 168▪ to the County of Cavan and surpriz'd these two Gentlemen; he had a Party of the Army with him, and took up his Quarters at Belturbet. His two Prisoners were to be ex∣changed for one Captain Mac Gwire, then Prisoner at Crum, a small Castle, and the only place that stood out against King James in that County; the owner of the Castle was one Cap∣tain Creighton, who permitted Captain Mac Gwire to go to Belturbet on his parol to be a true Prisoner; Mac Gwire so negotiated the matter, that he return'd with a Summons and proposals as well for Inniskilling as the Castle of Crum; and he suppos'd them not averse to a Surrender on good terms; but the Lord Galmoy immagined that these Proposals would make the People of Crum secure, and therefore that very Night, without waiting for any answer, he march'd to the Castle be∣fore they were aware, and had almost surpriz'd them; but the resolution of those within prevented the success of his perfi∣dious design, and forc'd him back without being able to do any other mischeif than the venting his Anger on his two Prisoners, whom after his return to Belturbet, he, contrary to his Faith and Engagement, hang'd on a Sign-Post, and suffer'd their Bo∣dies to lie unburied, and be barbarously abused. This was Captain Mac Gwires own account of the matter; the conse∣quence of which falshood was, that those People would never hear of any terms afterwards; and upon trial found much more safety in their Arms, than in the Promises of King James, or of any of his Party; having baffled and cut off several conside∣rable Bodies of his Forces sent against them, and taken many and considerable prisoners, whom yet they used with all Hu∣manity, as it were to reproach the barbarous and perfidious usage which their Prisoners met with; but it was avowed and profest by the generality of King James's Men, that they did not look on themselves to be obliged to treat the Rebels of the North, as they call'd them▪ as fair Enemies, but as Traitors

and infamous Persons, whom they might destroy at any rate.

In the County of Longford some Protestants got into the Castle of Kenaught, belonging to Sir Thomas Newcomen; his Lady, and those with her, surrendred it on Articles January 13. 1689, to Brigadier Nugent, (slain afterwards by the Inniskil∣lin Men at Cavan) one of the Articles was for the Goods be∣longing to those in the House, and their Friends; notwith∣standing which, Nugent seiz'd and took away several parcels of Goods; and several that were in the House, as soon as they came out, were plundered and stript naked. Another Article was, that the House of Kenaught should not be Burnt nor Injured, notwithstanding which it was burnt to the Ground by Colonel Cohannaught Mac Gwire. In short it was observ'd that amongst all the Articles into which King James, or his Officers entred, they never kept any to Protestants.

5 A fifth Invasion on our Lives was, that both King James and his inferiour Officers, took on them to dispose of them by private Orders and Proclamations, the penalty of violating which was often present Death: thus the Proclamation that required us to bring in our Arms, was on the Penalty of being left to the discretion of the Soldiers; which was to expose our Lives and Fortunes to the Mercy of our greatest Enemies. By a Proclamation dated July 20th 1689, all Protestants are requi∣red to bring in their Swords and other Arms, on penalty of being dealt with as Rebels and Traitors. The Proclamation dated June 15. 1690, forbad any to change a Guiney &c. for more than 36 s. in Brass, under pain of death; and Colonel Lutterel published a Declaration, forbidding more than five Protestants to assemble together, or to be out of their Lodgings after Ten of the Clock at Night, on the same Penalty; the Declaration was of his own Penning, and to grati∣fie the Curious, I have put it in the Appendix; the* 1.31 order to the Ministers to number the Protestants, was likewise Penned by him; and in it he declared that every one who did not enter in their Names by a certain Day, should be treated as a Spy or Enemy; nay sometimes he took on him to make Death the penalty of his verbal orders, without a De∣claration

published: Thus he commanded the Fellows and Scho∣lars of the Colledge of Dublin, upon pain of Death, not to meet together, or converse above Two or Three at a time; and he would needs hang Mr. Piercy the Merchant, as I shewed be∣fore, without any notice given, for saying that he was unwil∣ling to part with his Goods.

In April 1690. The Quarter-Sessions for the County of Dub∣lin were held at Kilmainham, near Dublin; Colonel Lutterel Governour of Dublin, was on the Bench, and in a Speech de∣clared that King James wanted Wheat and other Grain for his Horses, and that he had given the Countrey Farmers Three Weeks to bring in their Corn, and had waited for their com∣plyance during that time; that he resolv'd to wait further til the Saturday after, and if they did not bring it in by that time he would compel them; that it was the King's will they should do it, and he the King's Servant, who would see his Masters Commands Executed; and with a grear Oath swore, he would hang that Man before his own Door that did not obey and bring in his Corn according to order. Of this Speech the whole Bench and Country were Witnesses.

May the 7. 1690. the Lord Mayor thought fit to reinforce a former Proclamation about the rate of Goods in the Market, but Colonel Lutterell did not think the Mayors Order sufficient, and therefore published an Order of his own by beat of Drum, de∣claring that whoever transgrest the Lord Mayors Order either by buying or selling, should be hanged before their own doors.

About the same time Brigadier Sarsfield Published an Order requiring all Protestants on the borders, to leave their Houses, and retire Ten Miles from the Frontiers on pain of Death.

These were the Laws King James's Council and Ministers prescribed us by their Proclamations and Orders; and these were the Acts of his Generals and Governours, whom he made Guardians of the Lives and Fortunes of Protestants, and yet they all came short of the inhumanity of his Par∣liament.

6. It has been usual in Parliaments to attaint notorious Re∣bels and Traitors, who were too strong for the Law, or who being kill'd in their Rebellion, could not be tryed or condemned

by the ordinary course of it; and when one or two in a King's Reign were thus attainted upon the most evident Proof, and notoriety of the Fact, it was counted a great matter; even in the late Irish Rebellion, none were attainted but by the legal course of Juries. But King James and his Parliament intended to do the work of Protestants speedily and effectually, and not to wait the slow methods of proceeding at the Common Law: They resolv'd therefore on a Bill of Attainder; and in order to it, every Member of the House of Commons return'd the Names of such Protestant Gentlemen as liv'd near him, or in the County or Burrough for which he serv'd; and if he was a stranger to it, he sent into the County or Place for information; they were in great haste, and many escaped them; on the other hand, some that were actually in King James's Service, and fighting for him at Derry, (of which Cornet Edmund Keating, Nephew to my Lord Chief Justice Keating, was one,) were return'd as absent, and attainted in the Act. When they had made a Collection of Names, they cast them into several Forms, and attainted them under several Qualifications, and accordingly allow'd them time to come in, and put themselves on Tryal; the Qualifica∣tions and Numbers were as follow.

1. Persons Attainted of Rebellion, who had time given them till till the Tenth of August to surrender themselves and be tryed, provided they were in the Kingdom and amenable to the Law at the time of making the Act, otherwise were abso∣lutely Attainted.

• One Archbishop.
• One Duke.
• Fourteen Earls.
• Seventeen Viscounts, and one Viscountess.
• Two Bishops.
• Twelve Barons.
• Twenty six Baronets.
• Twenty two Knights.
• Fifty six Clergymen.
• Eleven hundred fifty three Esquires, Gentlemen, &c.

2. Persons who were absentees before the Fifth of Novem. 1688▪ not returning according to the Proclamation of the

Twenty fifth of March, attainted if they do not appear by the First of September, 1689.

• One Lord.
• Seven Knights.
• Eight Clergymen.
• Sixty five Esquires, Gentlemen, &c.

3. Persons who were Absentees before the Fifth of November 1688. not returning according to the Proclamation of the Twenty fifth of March, attainted if they do not appear by the First day of October 1689.

• One Archbishop.
• One Earl.
• One Viscount.
• Five Bishops.
• Seven Baronets.
• Eight Knights.
• Nineteen Clergymen.
• Four hunder'd thirteen Esquires, Gentlemen, &c.

4. Persons usually resident in England, who are to signifie their Loyalty, in case the King goes there the First of October 1689. and on His Majesties Certificate to the Chief Governour here, they to be discharged, otherwise to stand attainted.

• One Earl.
• Fifteen Viscounts and Lords.
• Fourteen Knights.
• Four hunder'd ninety two Esquires, Gentlemen, &c.

5. Absentees by reason of sickness and noneage, on proving their Loyalty before the last day of the first Term after their return, to be acquitted and restor'd; in the mean time their Estates Real and Personal are vested in His Majesty.

• One Earl.
• Seven Countesses.
• One Viscountess.
• Thirteen Ladies.
• One Baronet.
• Fifty nine Gentlemen and Gentlewomen.

6. They vest all Lands, &c. belonging to Minors, Ladies, Gentlewomen, in the King till they return; and then upon

Proof of their Loyalty and Faithfulness to King James, they are allow'd to sue for their Estates before the Commissioners for exe∣cuting the Acts of Repeal and Attainder, if sitting, or in the High Court of Chancery, or Court of Exchequer; and upon a Decree obtain'd for them there, the Sheriffs are to put them in possession of so much, as by the Decree of one of those Courts shall be adjudged them. The Clauses in the Act are so many and so considerable that it never having been printed in∣tire, I thought it convenient to put it into the Ap∣pendix.* 1.32 Perhaps it was never equall'd in any Na∣tion since the time of the Proscription in Rome; and not then neither, for here is more than half as many Con∣demned in the small Kingdom of Ireland, as was at that time proscribed in the greatest part of the then known World; yet that was esteemed an unparallel'd Cruelty. When Sir Richard Nagle, Speaker of the House of Commons, presented the Bill to King James for his Royal Assent, he told him that many were attainted in that Act by the House of Commons, upon such Evidence as fully satisfied the House; the rest of them were attainted, he said, upon common Fame. A Speech so ve∣ry brutish, that I can hardly perswade my self that I shall gain credit to the Relation; but it is certainly true, the Houses of Lords and Commons, of their pretended Parliament, are Witnesses of it; and let the World judge what security Pro∣testants could have of their Lives, when so considerable a Lawyer as Sir Richard Nagle declares in so solemn an occasion, and King James with his Parliament approves, that common Fame is a sufficient Evidence to deprive, without hearing, so many of the Gentry, Nobility and Clergy, of their Lives and Fortunes, without possibility of pardon; and not not only cut off them, but their Children and Posterity likewise. By a particular Clause from advantages, of which the former Laws of the Kingdom would not have deprived them, though their Fathers had been found guilty of the worst of Treasons in particular Tryals.

7. I shall only add a few Observations on this Act, and leave the Reader to make others, as he shall find occasion.

1. Then this Act leaves no room for the King to pardon

after the last day of November 1689. if the Pardon be not En∣roll'd before that time, the Act declares it absolutely void and null.

2. The Act was conceal'd, and no Protestant for any Money permitted to see it, much less take a Copy of it, till the time limited for Pardons was past at least Four Months: So that the State of the Persons here attainted is desperate and irrecoverable, except an Irish Popish Parliament will relieve them; for King James took care to put it out of the power of any English Par∣liament (as well as out of his own Power) to help them, by consenting to another Act of this pretended Parliament, In∣tituled, An Act declaring that the Parliaments of England can∣not bind Ireland, and against Writs of Errors and Repeals out of Ireland into England.

3. It is observable, with what hast and confusion this Act was drawn up and past; perhaps no man ever heard of such a crude imperfect thing, so ill digested and compos'd▪ past on the World for a Law. We find the same Person brought in under different Qualifications; in one Place he is expresly al∣low'd till the First of October to come and submit to Tryal••; and yet in another Place he is attainted if he do not come in by the First of September; many are attainted by wrong Names; many have their Christian Names left out; and many whose Names and Sirnames are both put in, are not distinguish∣ed by any Character, whereby they may be known from others of the same Names.

4. Many considerable Persons are left out, which certainly had been put in, if they could have gotten their Names; which is a further proof of their hast and confusion in passing the Bill. It is observable, the Provost, Fellow••, and Scholars of the Colledge by Dublin, are all omitted; the Reason was this, Mr. Coghlan served as one of the Burgesses for the Col∣ledge; the House of Commons requir'd him to come into the House (for he had withdrawn himself from it, as we observed before, at the passing this Act) and to give in the Names of the absent Members of the Colledge, that they might be put into the Bill: he demurr'd at first, but was over-rul'd; then up∣on Consultation with Doctor Acton, the Vice Provost, he mo∣ved the House to send for the Colledge Buttler, alledging that

he had the Buttery Book, wherein the Names of the Col∣legians were in order, and without this he could not get them: the House hereupon ordered a Serjeant at Arms to be sent for the Butler, but he on Mr. Coghlans intimati∣on absconded for some days. The House was in haste to pass the Bill, and by this means the Collegians escaped an Attainder.

5. It was observable that any Application made in be∣half of Absentees by their Friends who staid, or were in the House, constantly made their Condition worse: The Application of Mr. Henry Temple, in behalf of his Brother Sir John Temple, removed him upwards into the first Rank of Attainted Persons; the like Petition had the same ef∣fect as as to Mr. Richard Warburton, and so upon several others. The Papists did this to rid themselves of trouble and importunity, and to let the Protestants know that all their endeavours for themselves and Friends should do them no Service, and that their ruin was absolutely resol∣ved on.

6. That their allowing Persons a certain time to come in and submit to Tryal to prove their Innocency, was a meer nothing: for they very well knew, that it was impossible any body should certainly know, what time was given each man to come in; and it had been a foolish venture for such as were absent, to come into a Place where, for ought they knew, they were already condemned, and should be immediately hang'd without a Tryal. 2. No body knew what they could call Innocency; perhaps writing to, or pe∣titioning any one that had King William's Commission, nay, conversing with such, might be reckoned corresponding with Rebels, and sufficient Evidence of their Guilt; and indeed Judge Nugent had in a manner determin'd this Case: for he interpreted one Mr. Desminiers answering a Bill of Exchange for Sir Thomas Southwell, who was Prisoner at Galloway, a cor∣responding with Rebels, and committed him to Jail for it: he likewise put one Mr. Ginnery in Jail for High Treason, because being Agent for the Prisoners at Galloway, to procure them a Reprieve and other Affairs, he received Letters from them,

though Mr. Ginnery's Father and Brother were amongst them. 3. When this pretended Parliament past this Act, they were very well aware that the Embargo here was so exceedingly strict, that from the time of passing the Act, till the First of Octo∣ber, nay of November following, which was the longest time allowed any one to come in, not one Ship or Boat was suffe∣red to pass from hence into England; so that it was absolute∣ly impossible the Persons concern'd in this Law, should have had any knowledge of it before they were Condemned by it, to the loss of Life and Estate, beyond the power of the King to Pardon them. 4. King James and his Parliament knew perfectly well, that the Embargo was so strict on the other side, that if the Gentlemen could have had Information, yet it was im∣possible for them to have gotten out of England, to tender themselves to Justice, within the time wherein the Act required they should do it, on no less Penalty than the irrecoverable Forfei∣ture of Life and Estate: which is a plain demonstration that the allowing time for the Attainted Persons to come in, and prove their Innocency, was a meer colour and had nothing of sincerity in it, since they themselves that made the Law were fully informed and satisfied that this was an impossible condi∣tion. 5. Suppose it had been possible, yet it had been a very un∣wise part for such Protestants as were safe in England, to have left it, and to have come into Ireland, a ruinous Kingdom, the actual seat of a War, where all the goods and moveables they had left behind them, were Imbezell'd by Robbers, or by those that had seiz'd them for King James; and their real Estates given away to such as were Descendents of their Fathers Mur∣therers, or at least had been in that Rebellion; where they must abide a Tryal before Judges and Juryes of profest Enemies; whether their Lives should be their own; and after all, if ac∣quitted, could have no other prospect of supporting them∣selves, but Begging amongst a People that had reduced them to this condition. These considerations were of such weight with all People, that they who were absent, were so far from thinking of a return, that on the contrary, Men of the best Estates, who had stayed here, wished themselves away, and many were content to leave all, and venture their Lives in

little Boats to the Mercy of the Seas, in the depth of Winter; reckoning any thing safer and easier, than to stay under a Go∣vernment, which had effectually destroyed all the Measures of right and wrong, and Condemned so many Gentlemen to the loss of all, without allowing them either the favour of being Tryed, or so much as Heard.

4. I know it will be objected that very few Protestants lost their Lives in Ireland under King James, notwithstanding all the severe Proclamations and Laws, and the apprehensions un∣der which they lay of danger. But to this I answer; First, that when a full enquiry comes to be made concerning those that were Kill'd by the Soldiers, Murthered in their Houses, Executed by Martial Law, Starv'd and Famish'd in Jails, and that Perished by other Violences, the number will not be so small as is imagined. 2. It is to be considered that the Irish Papists lay under the strictest obligations not to begin Acts of Cruelty; for the Murthers they had committed in the last Re∣bellion, were chiefly objected against them; they were sensi∣ble they had gained nothing by them, and that the Cruelty exercised in them, was the thing that especially rendred them Odious, and lost them their Estates; and therefore they thought it the best way not to be too forward in the like pra∣ctises, till they were sure not to be call'd to an after-reckon∣ing. They further considered that many of their own Friends were Prisoners in the North, and that if they began with Ex∣amples of Cruelty on the Protestants who were in their Po∣wer, their Friends must expect the like from the Enemy in whose Hands they were. 'Twas this made them dismiss the Poor People they had resolv'd to starve before Derry. And they were made believe that not only the Prisoners would Suffer, but that the Cruelties they exercised on the Prote∣stants, would be Revenged on all the Roman Catholicks in Eng∣land. This was given out by some who understood King James's true interest, and that he depended on some Prote∣stants in England for succour and assistance, rather more than on the Roman Catholicks; now they knew very well that Murther is so hateful a thing, that if they once fell a Massa∣cring, it would shock many of their Friends in England and

Scotland, from whom they expected great matters; and there∣fore they thought it their interest to be as tender of Lives as they could; and even the Priests, when they encouraged them to Rob their Protestant Neighbours, charg'd them not to kill them, assuring them that every thing else would be forgiven them. 3. The Protestants were extreamly cau∣tious not to give the least offence; they walked so warily and prudently, that it was hardly possible to find any occasion a∣gainst them; and they were so true to one another, and con∣versed so little with any of King James's Party, that it was as difficult to fix any thing on them, or to get any Information against them, though several designs were laid against them, and several false Witnesses produc'd, as has been shewn; yet their Stories still destroyed themselves by their Improbabilities, incon∣sistency, and the notorious infamy of the Witnesses. 4. We had no experiment of what would have been done with the attainted Absentees; for none of them run the hazard of a Tryal, but we are sure no good could have been done them, for they could neither have been pardoned for Estate nor Life; and the best they could have expected, was to have been sent to some other Kingdom, as Sir Thomas Southwell was sent to Scotland, for there could have been no living for them in Ireland. 5. When any Protestant found himself obnoxious to the Government, or but fancyed they had any thing to object against him, he got out of the Kingdom, or made his escape to the North as well as he could, and in the mean time ab∣sconded; many escaped hanging by these means, which other∣wise in all probability had been executed.

Lastly, It was so much the Interest of King James in his Circumstances, to have been kind to the Protestan••s of Ire∣land, that we might rather have expected to have been courted than ill used by him; the whole support and maintenance of his Army in Ireland depended on them; they clothed, fed, armed, and quartered them, (which they could not avoid do∣ing with any safety to themselves, or indeed possibility of li∣ving,) and the Officers of the Army were so sensible of this, that when it was propos'd to turn all the Protestants out of the City of Dublin, one of them answered, that whenever they

were turned out, the Army must go with them; for they could not be furnished with what they wanted, by others. And as it was King James's Interest to use them well upon the account of their being necessary to him in Ireland, so his Af∣fairs in England and Scotland did more particularly require it; and he was forced to employ his Emissaries there to give it out that he did so. Sir Daniel Mac Daniel, who came out of the Isles of Scotland to Dublin in Winter 1689. and several Gentle∣men of the Highlands with him, declared that their Ministers in the Pulpit had assured them, that the Protestants in Ire∣land lived under King James in the greatest freedom, quiet, and security, both as to their Properties and Religion; and that if their Countrymen knew the truth of the matter, as they then found it here, they would never fight one stroak for him: and they seemed to stand amazed at what they saw, and could hardly believe their own Eyes. It is certain that King James had the like Instruments in England, as I have noted before, who forced down the World in Coffee-Houses and publick places, that the Protestants in Ireland lived easie and happy under his Govern∣ment; however this shews how much it was really his In∣terest to have given his Protestant Subjects here no just cause of complaint; and that it must proceed from a strange eagerness to destroy them, that King James and his Party ventured in their Circumstances to go so far in it as they did: their own imminent danger disswaded them from severity, and their In∣terest manifestly obliged them to mildness: and if notwith∣standing these, they condemned near Three thousand of the most Eminent Gentlemen, Citizens, Clergymen, and Nobility of the Kingdom to death, and loss of Estates; we may ea∣sily guess what they would have done when their fear and interest were removed, and they left to the swing of their own natural Inclinations, and the tendency of their Prin∣ciples. Whosoever considers all Circumstances, will conclude, that no less was designed by them, than the execution of the third Chapter of the Lateran Council, the utter extirpation of the Hereticks of these Kingdoms.

SECT. XIV. Ninthly, Shewing King James's Methods for destroying the Pro∣testant Religion.

1. THE design against the Lives and Fortunes of the Pro∣testants is so apparent from the execution thereof, especially by the Acts of the late pretended Parliament, that they themselves can hardly deny it; nay some were apt to glory in it: and to let us know that it was not a late design, taken up since the revolt of England (as they call it) from King James, they thought fit to settle on the Duke of Tir∣connel above 20^m. Pounds per Annum in value, out of the E∣states of some Protestant Gentlemen attainted by them, as a∣foresaid, in consideration of his signal Service of* 1.33 Twenty Years, which he spent in contriving this Work, and bringing it to pass, as one of their most eminent Members exprest it in his Speech in Parliament, and the particular Act which vests this Estate in him shews.

2. But it may be thought that King James was more tender in the matter of Religion; and that he who gloried so much in his resolution to settle Liberty of Conscience wherever he had Power, as he told his pretended Parliament, and set forth al∣most in every Proclamation, would never have made any o∣pen Invasion on the Consciences of his Protestant Subjects. But they found by experience that a Papist, whatever he profes∣ses, is but an ill Guardian of Liberty of Conscience: and that the same Religion that obliged the King of Spain to set up an Inquisition, could not long endure the King of England to maintain Liberty. If indeed King James had prevailed with Italy or Spain to have tolerated the open exercise of the Protestant Religion, it had been, I believe, a convincing Ar∣gument to England to have granted Roman Catholicks Liber∣ty in these Dominions; but whilst the Inquisition is kept up to the height in those Countries, and worse than an In∣quisition in France, against the publick Edicts and Laws of the

Kingdom, and against the solemn Oath and Faith of the King, it is too gross to go about to perswade us, that we might expect a free exercise of our Religion, any other way than the Protestants enjoy it in France, (that is under the Discipline of Dragoons,) after the Papists had gotten the Arms, the Offices, the Estates, and Courts of Judicature into their Hands.

3. The Protestant Religion and Clergy were established in Ireland by as firm Laws as the Properties of the Laity: The King by his Coronation Oath was obliged to maintain them: Their Tithes and Benefices were their Free-holds; and their Priviledges and Jurisdiction were settled and confirmed to them by the known and current Laws of the Kingdom; accord∣ing to which the King was obliged to govern them, and whereof he was the Guardian. The Clergy had beside all this, peculiar Obligations on him, and a Title to his Protection; for they had espous'd his Interest most cordially. Whilst Duke of York, they used their utmost diligence to perswade the People to submit to Gods Providence, and be content with his Succession to the Crown, in case his Brother dyed before him: and they prest that point so far, that many of their People were dissatisfied with them, and told them often with heat and concern, what reward they must expect for their pains if ever he came to the Throne: they saw their danger, but could not imagine any man would be so unpolitick and ungrateful as to destroy such as had brought him to the Throne, and could only keep him safe in it; and therefore they ventured all to serve him; and many of them by their Zeal for him, lost the Affections of their People, and their Interest with them. It was chiefly due to their diligence and care, that his Title, from the beginning, met not the least opposition in Ireland, tho the Army in it were intirely Protestant. Had they and the rest of the Protestants in this Kingdom been in any measure disloyally principled in the time of Monmouth and Argile's Rebellion, they might easily have made an Insurrection more dangerous than both those; and the least Mutiny or revolt a∣mongst them, could hardly have failed to have ruined King James's Affairs at that critical time: but they were so far from

attempting any such thing, that they were as ready and as zealous to assist him, as his very Guards at Whitehall; which he himself could not but acknowledge: how he rewarded them I have already shewn; and how grateful he was to the Clergy that thus principled them, will appear by the Sequel.

4. First therefore when his Majesty came to the Crown he declared that he would protect the Church of England in her Government and Priviledges; under which we suppos'd the Church of Ireland to be concluded: And accordingly the Cler∣gy and People of this Kingdom return'd his Majesty their Ad∣dress of Thanks; though they very well knew that this was no more than was due to them by the Laws, and by the King's Coronation Oath in particular: But they were soon told by the Roman Catholicks, that his Majesty did not intend to in∣clude Ireland in that Declaration; and that it must be a Catholick Kingdom, as they term'd it. Every discerning Protestant soon found by the method they saw his Majesty take, that he in earnest intended to settle Popery in England, as well as Ireland; but he thought himself so sure of effecting it suddenly in Ireland, that his Instruments made no scruple to declare their intentions; nay, they were so hasty to ruin our Religion, that they did not so much as consult their own Safety; but even before it was either seasonable or safe, in the opinion of the wiser sort amongst themselves; they began openly to apply all their Arts and Engines to effect it. 1. By hindring the Succession and Supplies of Clergy-men. 2. By taking away their mainte∣nance. 3. By weakning, and then invading their Jurisdicti∣on. 4. By seizing on their Churches, and hindring their Religi∣ous Assemblies. 5. By violence against their Persons. And 6. By slandering and misrepresenting them and their Prin∣ciples.

SECT. XV. 1. King James, in order to destroy the Protestant Religion, hin∣dred the Education and Succession of Clergy-men.

1. THE Good and Support of Religion doth very much depend on the educating and principling Youth in Schools and Universities; and the Law had taken special care, that these should be in the hands of English men and Prote∣stants; and the better to secure them, the Nomination of the Schoolmasters in every Diocess, except four, is by a* 1.34 particular Act of Parliament lodged in the Lord Lieutenant, or Chief Governour for the time being. The Clergy of each Diocess, by the Act, are obliged to main∣tain a Schoolmaster; and his Qualifications are described in the Act. But when the Earl of Tyrconnel came to the Govern∣ment, he took no notice of those Laws; but when any School became void, he either left it unsupplyed, or put a Papist in∣to it. And in the mean time great care was taken to discourage such Protestant Schoolmasters as remain'd, and to set up Po∣pish Schools in opposition to them. Thus they dealt with the School of Killkenny, founded and endowed by the chari∣table Piety of the late Duke of Ormond; they set up a Je∣suits School in the Town, and procured them a Charter for a Colledge there; they drove away the Protestant School∣master, Doctor Hinton, who had officiated in it with great industry and success, and seiz'd on the School-house, common∣ly call'd the Colledge, and converted it to an Hospital for their Soldiers. Thus in a few years they would not have left one publick School in the hands of a Protestant for the Edu∣cation of their Youth.

2. There is but one University in Ireland, and there is a Clause in the Statutes thereof that gives the King Power to dispense with the said Statutes; it was founded by Queen Elizabeth; and certainly never designed by her, or her Successors, to be converted against the fundamental Design of

its Institution, into a Seminary of Popery: yet advantage was taken of this Clause (though we had reason to believe it would have been done if there had been no such Clause) to put in Popish Fellows, as soon as the Fellowships be∣came vacant; one Doyle a Convert was the first who was named; a Person of so exceedingly lewd and vicious a Con∣versation, (as was fully prov'd before the Lord Tyrconnell) and of so little Sence or Learning, that it seemed impossible that any Government should have countenanc'd such a Man; yet this did not much weigh with his Excellency; and therefore the Colledge insisted upon another Point; the Dis∣pensation that Doyle had gotten, through his ignorance, was not for his purpose; for it required in express Terms, that he should take the Oath of a Fellow, and that Oath includes in it the Oath of Supremacy; the Provost ten∣dered it to him, but he durst not take it, for fear of dis∣obliging his own Party; upon this they refused to admit him; he insists on his Claim, and complains to the Lord Deputy: upon a hearing, Justice Nugent, Baron Rice, and the Attorny General, supplyed the Place of Advocates for him; but the Case was so plain, that even Justice Nugent had not the confidence to deny the insufficiency of his Dis∣pensation; and therefore they ordered him to get another. But to be even with the Colledge for demurring on the King's Mandate, they stopt the Money due to it out of the Exchequer.

3. The Foundation consists of a Provost, Seven Senior, and Nine Junior Fellows, and Seventy two Scholars; these are partly maintain'd by a Pension out of the Exchequer of 388. l. per Annum; this Pension the Earl of Tyrconnel stopt from Easter 1688. and could not be prevail'd with by any intercession or intreaties to grant his Warrant after that time for it; by which means he in effect dissolv'd the Foun∣dation, and stopt the Fountains of Learning and of Religi∣on; this appeared to have been his design more plainly af∣terwards; for King James and his Party not content to take their maintenance from them, proceeded and turn'd out the

Vice Provost, Fellows and Scholars; seiz'd upon the Furni∣ture, Books, and publick Library, together with the Chap∣pel, Communion Plate, and all things belonging to the Col∣ledge, or to the private Fellows or Scholars; notwithstanding that when they waited on him upon his first arrival in Dublin, he promis'd, That he would preserve them in their Liberties and Properties, and rather augment than diminish the Priviledges and Immunities granted to them by his Predecessors. In the House they placed a Popish Garrison, turn'd the Chappel into a Magazin, and many of the Chambers into Prisons for Pro∣testants; the Garrison destroy'd the Doors, Wainscots, Closets and Floors, and damnified it in the Building and Furniture of private Rooms, to at least the value of 2000. l. One Do∣ctor Moore, a Popish Priest, was nominated Provost; one Macarty Library Keeper, and the whole designed for them and others of their Fraternity.

4. It is observable, that there was not the least Colour or Pretence of Law for this violence, nor could they give the least Reason in Law or Equity for their proceeding, except the necessity of destroying of the Protestant Seminaries of Learning, in order to destroy their Religion: This made them so eager against the Collegians, that they were not content to turn them, without Process or Colour of Law, out of their Free-holds, but they sent a Guard after them to sieze and apprehend their Persons; and it cost the Bishop of Meath, their Vice-Chancellor, all his Cunning and Interest, with the Governour Lutterell, to prevent their Imprisonment. With much ado he was prevailed on to let them enjoy their Liberties; but with this Condition, that on pain of Death no Three of them should meet together. So sollicitous were they to prevent the Education of Protestants under Persons of the same Profession, and that there might be none to succeed the present Clergy.

5. With the same design they hindred the succession, of Bishops and inferiour Clergy-men, into the room of those that dyed or were removed; the Support of Religion (as is well known) depends very much on the choice and set∣tling

of able and fit Persons in Vacancies; and it so hap∣pened, that partly by the uncertainty of Estates, partly by frequent Forfeitures to the King, partly by the grasping of the Prerogative and other Accidents, most of the conside∣rable Preferments and Benefices of the Church were in the disposal of the Crown; there are very few Livings in Ire∣land in the Presentation of Lay Patrons, but they either belong to the King, or the Bishops. The Bishopricks are all in the King; and all the Livings in the Bishops Patro∣nage, are in the Vacancy of the Bishoprick, likewise the Kings. This is a great Trust, and the King is bound to dispose of it for the good of the Church: But King James plainly design'd, by the means of his Trust, to destroy the Church that had intrusted him: for instead of giving the Preferments, as they fell, to good and able men, who might preserve and maintain the Interest of their Religion, he seiz'd them into his own hand, had the Profits of them returned into the Exchequer, and let the Cures lye neg∣lected. The Archbishoprick of Cashell, the Bishopricks of Clogher, of Elphin, and of Clonfert, were thus seiz'd, with many Inferiour Livings, and the Money received out of them dispos'd to the maintenance of Popish Bishops and Priests, directly against the Laws and Constitution of the Kingdom.

6. At this rate in a few years all the Preferments and Li∣vings of the Kingdom of any value must have fallen into the King's hands, and we must have expected to have seen them thus dispos'd of; for as many as fell after King James's time, were put to this use; and we were assured by the Popish Priests, that all the rest as they became va∣cant* 1.35 were design'd to the same Purpose; and they were so unreasonable, that though both Law and Justice allow a competency for serving the Cure, whilst a Living upon any Account whatsoever is in the King's Hand, yet the Commissioners of the Revenue, and Barons of the Exchequer, would allow nothing; the Bishop of Meath made an Experiment of this: Some Livings in his Dio∣cess,

upon the Death of one Mr. Duddle the Incumbent, were seiz'd by the Commissioners of the Revenue, being in the King's Presentation; the Bishop did what was in his Power to∣wards supplying the Cure, and, according to his Duty, ap∣pointed a Curate, assigning him a Salary according to the Canons, but the Commissioners would not allow him any thing; and though the Bishop endeavoured it, and petition'd both▪ the Commissioners and Barons of the Exchequer, yet he could never get any thing for the Curate. This was a Prece∣dent, and the same was practis'd in all other Cases: all the Ab∣sentees Cures were in the same Condition, and though they yielded plentifully to King James, yet the Curates had no other maintenance, than the voluntary Contributions of the poor plunder'd Protestant Parishioners, who were forced to pay their Tythes either to King James's Commissioners, or to Popish Priests, who had Grants of them.

7. This was an effectual, though a slow way, of putting an end to the Ministry; at least to deprive them of all legal Title to Preferments; for the Bishops being most of them old, would soon have dropt off; and King James was resolved to have named no more, and so the legal Successi∣ons of Bishops must in a short time have ceas'd, and all the Livings depending on them, must likewise have gone in course to maintain Popish Priests; that is all the Deanries, Dignitaries, and most other Benefices.

8. The Papists upbraided us with out want of Power, and seem'd to laugh at the Snare into which we were fallen by means of our Popish King; not considering that this pro∣ceeded from a manifest Breach of Trust and Faith in him; and that the Case is the same in all Trusts, if the Tru∣stees prove faithless; and even in all Popish Countries the Kings have the nomination of Bishops, as well as in Eng∣land, and that the Succession of Bishops had almost lately failed in Portugal, upon some difference between the King and Pope; and the Advocate General of France, Mr. Dennis Tallon, tells us in 1688. that Thirty five Bishop∣ricks (being about a third part of the whole Number)

were vacant in that Kingdom on the same ac∣count:* 1.36 and 'tis like more are vacant since. It is true, the Church has power to nominate Bishops, without the consent of the Civil Magistrate; but then they must not expect the Temporalities, which are the Gifts or Grants of Kings, and such Bishops and Clergy must intirely depend on the voluntary Contributions of their People for their mainte∣nance, and on their voluntary submission for their Juisdi∣ction: And here the Protestant Clergy had the greatest reason in the world to complain of King James; to set him on the Throne, the Clergy disobliged many of their People, and he in requital deprived them of all other Worldly Support or Power, besides what must depend on the free choice of those very People, whom for his sake they had not only disobliged, but likewise help'd to bring un∣der many Inconveniencies.

SECT. XVI. 2. King James took away the maintenance of the present Pro∣testant Clergy.

1. BUT King James did not only endeavour to hinder the Education and Succession of the Protestant Cler∣gy, but he likewise took away all their present mainte∣nance. Immediately upon his coming to the Crown, their Popish Parishioners began to deny the payment of Book-moneies, which is a considerable part of the Ecclesiastical Revenue of Ire∣land? a great part of the Tithes of Ireland are impropriate; in some Places the whole Tythes, in many Two third Parts, and in most the one half; and there is little left for the Vicar that serves the Cure, except it be the Third part of the Tythes, or the small Fees due out of Burials, Marria∣ges, or Easter Offerings; these Dues are call'd commonly Book-moneys; and though very inconsiderable in them∣selves, yet make a great part, and in some Places the

whole of what falls to the Vicar's portion; against these the Popish Judges declar'd in their Circuits; and by their encouragement most People, and the Papists universally deny'd to pay them.

2. The Priests began to declare that the Tythes belong'd to them, and forbad their People to pay them to the Protestant Clergy; with this the People complied willingly; and for Two years before the late Revolution in England, hardly any Tythes were recovered by the Clergy; or if any were recovered, it was with so much difficulty and cost, that they turn'd to very little account.

3. They past an Act in their pretended Parliament, where∣by they took away all Tythes that were payable by Pa∣pists; and gave them to their own Popish Priests; and al∣low'd them to bring an Action for them at the Common Law, to make the recovery of them more easie; and yet denyed this to the Protestant Clergy; alleadging that they allow'd them still their old means of recovering their Tythes; and therefore did them no injury. But this was as good as nothing; for they had so weaken'd the Ecclesiasti∣cal Power and Jurisdiction, that it was incapable of com∣pelling the People to obedience; and it being necessary to sue out a Writ de excommunicato capiendo, in order to force such as were refractory, the Popish Chancellor either direct∣ly refused to grant the Writ, or else laid so many impedi∣ments and delays in the way, that it cost double the Value of the Tythes sued for, to take it out.

4. Though they rendered the Protestant Clergy uncapable of enjoying the Tythes of Roman Catholicks, yet the Popish Clergy were made capable of enjoying the Protestant Tythes: The Case then was thus; if a Protestant had a Bishoprick, Dignity, or other Living, by the new Act, he must not de∣mand any Tythes or Ecclesiastical Dues from any Roman Catholick; and as soon as his Preferment became void by his death, cession, or absence, a Popish Bishop, &c. was put into the Place; and by their Act, there needed no more to oblige all Men, To repute, take, and deem, a Man to be a Roman Catholick Bishop or Dean of any Place, than the King's

signifying him to be so, under his Privy Signet and Sign Manual; a Power that the Protestants, how much soever they magnified the King's Authority, never trusted any King with, nor other Mortal man whatsoever. But as soon as any one became thus Entitled to a Bishoprick, &c. immediately all the Tythes, as well of Protestants as of Papists, became due to him, with all the Glebes and Ecclesiastical Dues; and for the recovery of them he had an Action at Common Law.

5. Notwithstanding the Glebes and Protestants Tythes were not given to the Popish Clergy, during the incum∣bency of the present Protestant Incumbents, yet the Popish Priests by violence entred on the Glebes where there were any, pretending that the King had nothing to do with them, and that neither he or his Parliament could hinder the Church of her Rights; and this Pretence was so far countenan∣ced, that no endeavours whatsoever could get any of these Priests out, when once he had gotten possession. The Truth is, hardly one Parish in ten in the Provinces of Leinster, Munster, or Connaught, have any Glebe left them; for either they were never endowed, or if they had been at any time en∣dowed with Glebes, the many Confusions and new Dispo∣sitions of Lands have made them to be forgotten, or swal∣lowed up in the Hands of some powerful Parishoners. The pretence therefore of the Parliament, that they had been kind to the Protestant Clergy, in leaving them the Glebes, was a meer piece of Hypocrisie: since they knew that gene∣rally Parishes had no Glebes; and that where they had Glebes, the Priests would make a shift to get into possession of them, without being given to them by the Parliament.

6. The same may be said of their leaving some of the Tythes belonging to Protestants, for the present, to their own Clergy. They had so robb'd and plundered the Pro∣testants of the Country, that few liv'd or had any thing Tithable in it; being forced for their own safety to flee to the Towns, and leave their Farms wast; if any had Tythes, they might pay them if they pleas'd, or let it alone, for they had left the Protestant Clergy, as I shew'd before, no

way of recovering their Dues. Many times the Priests came with a Company of the next quarter'd Dragoons, and took the Tythes away by force; and this past for a Pos∣session of the Livings; and the Protestant Ministers must bring their Leases of Ejectment, if they would recover their Possessions, or pretend any more to Tythes in those Livings. There is a Custom in Ireland whereby some Farmers do agree with their Neighbours to plow their Lands for them, on Condition that they afford them a certain quantity of Corn, suppose an Half, one Third, or one Fourth, after it is reaped. Now Protestants that had Farms in the Country, being in no capacity to plow them after their Horses were taken away, and their Houses robb'd, agreed with their Po∣pish Neighbours to plow their Lands for them, according to the Custom of the Country; this was enough to Entitle Priests to the Tythes of Lands so plowed; and accord∣ingly they seiz'd upon them by force; though both the Land and Corn belong'd to Protestants; by these and other such Contrivances, from the year 1686. till King James's Power was put to an end by the Victory at the Boyn, hardly any Protestant enjoy'd any Tythes in the Country; all which was represented to the Government, but to no pur∣pose.

7. In Corporate Towns and Cities, there was a peculiar Provision made for Ministers by Act of Parliament, in King Charles the Second's time; by which Act, the Houses in those Places were to be valued by Commissioners at a moderate value; and the Lord Lieutenant or chief Gover∣nour, for the time being, did assign a certain Proportion for the Ministers maintenance, not greater than the Twentieth part of the yearly value, return'd by the Commissioners. That therefore the City Protestant Clergy might not be in a better condition than those in the Country, an Act was past in their pretended Parliament, to take away this altogether; the Clergy of Dublin desir'd to be heard concerning this Act at the Bar of the House of Lords before it past, and their Council were admitted to speak to it, who shew'd the unrea∣sonableness and unjustice of it so evidently, and insisted so

boldly on King James's Promise to the Protestant Clergy, at his first arrival in this Kingdom, when he gave them the greatest assurances of maintaining them in their Rights and Priviledges; and further, bid them, if aggriev'd in any thing, to make their Complaints immediately to him, and engaged to see them redrest, that he seemed to be satisfied, and the House of Lords with him; yet the design to ruin them, was so fixt, that without offering any thing by way of Answer to the Reasons urged against it, the Act past; and thereby left the Clergy of the Cities and Corporate Towns, without any pretence to a maintenance, except they could get it from the voluntary Contributions of their People; nay, so malicious were they against the Protestant Clergy, that they cut off the Arrears due to them, as well as the growing Rent; having left no means to recover them, as appear'd upon Tryal at the Council-board afterward, when some of the Clergy petitioned for relief therein.

8. Upon the Plantation of Ulster 1625. there was a Ta∣ble of Tythes agreed on by the King and Council; and the Planters, to whom the Grants were made by the King, obliged to pay Tythes according to that Table; the pre∣tended Parliament took away this Table also; for no other Reason that we could learn, but because most of the Inhabi∣tants of Ulster were Protestants, and consequently the Prote∣stant Clergy would pretend to them.

9. The Livings of Ireland were valued by Commissions in Henry the Eight and Queen Elizabeths time; and paid First Fruits and Twentieth Parts, according to that valuation; other Livings were held in Farm from the Crown, and paid year∣ly a considerable reserved Rent, commonly call'd Crown Rents; others appertain'd to the Lord Lieutenant, and other Officers of State, and paid a certain rate of Corn for their use, commonly call'd Port Corn. Now all these Payments were exacted from the Protestant Clergy, notwithstanding the greatest part of their Tythes were taken from them: The re∣maining part, (where any remained) was seiz'd in many Pla∣ces, by the Commissioners of the Revenue, and a Custodiam granted of it for the King's use, for the payment of the Du∣ties

which accru'd out of the whole, and not one Farthing allow'd for the Incumbent, or the Curate: nay, in some Pla∣ces, they seiz'd the Incumbents Person, and laid him in Jail till he paid these Duties, though at the same time they had seiz'd his Livings, and found that they were not sufficient to answer what they exacted; and because the Clerk of the First Fruits, Leiutenant Colonel Roger Moore, being a Prote∣stant himself, would not be severe with the Clergy, and seize their Livings and Persons, to force them to pay what he knew they were not in a capacity to do, they found pretence to seize his Person, and sent him with Three Files of Musque∣tiers Prisoner to the Castle of Dublin, where he and two Gentlemen more lay in a cold nasty Garret for some Months. By these Contrivances, the few Benefices yet in the hands of the Protestants, instead of a support, became a burthen to them; and they were forced to cast themselves for a mainte∣nance on the kindness of their People, who were themselves undone and beggar'd.

SECT. XVII. 3. King James took away the Jurisdiction of the Church from Protestants.

1. IT is impossible any society should subsist without a power of rewarding and punishing its Members; now Christ left no other power to his Church, but what is pure∣ly Spiritual; nor can the Governours of the Church any other way punish their Refractory Subjects, but by refu∣sing them the Benefits of their society, the Administration of the Word and Sacraments, and the other Spiritual Offi∣ces annexed by Christ to the Ministerial Function. But Kings and Estates have become Nursing Fathers to the Church, and lent their Temporal power to second her Spiritual Censures. The Jurisdiction therefore of the Cler∣gy, so far as it has any Temporal effect on the Bodies or Estates of Men, is intirely derived from the Favour of

States and Princes, and acknowledged to be so in the Oath of Supremacy. However this is now become a right of the Clergy, by ancient Laws through all Christendom; and to take it away, after so long continuance, must needs be a great blow to Religion, and of worse Consequence than if the Church had never possessed it; yet this was actually done by King James to the Protestant Clergy; and is a plain sign that he intended to destroy their Religion, when he depriv'd them of their support.

2. For first he past an Act of Parliament, whereby he ex∣empted all that dissented from our Chruch, from the Juris∣diction thereof: and a Man needed no more to free him from all punishment for his Misdemeanors, though only cogni∣zable and punishable in the Ecclesiastical Courts, than to pro∣fess himself a Dissenter, or that it was against his Conscience to submit to the Jurisdiction of our Church: nay, at the first, the Act was so drawn, and past the House of Com∣mons, that no Protestant Bishop could pretend to any Juris∣diction even over his own Clergy; but that, and several o∣ther passages in the Commons Bills, were so little pleasing to some who understood the King's Interest, that Sir Edward Herbert was employed by King James to amend the Act for the House of Lords; which he did in the form it is now in; nothing of the Commons Bill being left in it, but the word, Whereas; tho after all it effectually destroyed the Ju∣risdiction of the Church.

3. But second, in most places there was no Protestant Bi∣shop left; and consequently the Popish Bishop was to suc∣ceed to the Jurisdiction; they being by another Act invest∣ed in Bishopricks, as soon as they could procure King Jame's Certificate under his privy Signet, that they were Archbishops or Bishops; all incapacities, by reason of their religion, by any Statute or Law whatsoever, being taken off. There were already vacant in Ireland, one Archbishoprick and three Bishopricks; they had Attainted Two of the surviving Arch∣bishops, and Seven Bishops, so that they had already the Ju∣risdiction of ¾ of the Kingdom by a Law of their own ma∣king, secured into the Hands of Papists; and the rest were quickly to follow.

4. But Third, where any shadow of Jurisdiction remain'd with the Protestant Clergy, they rendered it insignificant, by encouraging the most Obstinate and Perverse Sectaries, and by shewing them Favour according as they were most op∣posite and refractory to all Ecclesiastical Discipline, and pay∣ing their Dues to the Clergy: this may be suppos'd one reason of their peculiar Fondness of Quakers; and that it was upon this account chiefly they made them Burgesses or Aldermen in their new Corporations, and reckoned them as most useful Tools to pull down the Discipline of the Church; tho their Tythes were not given away to the Popish Priests, yet there was no way left for the Protestant Clergy to re∣cover them; they being exempted from their Jurisdiction; and from the very beginning of King James's Reign, they so ordered the matter, that Quakers were generally exempt∣ed from paying Tythes; which at last became a more sen∣sible loss to the Protestant Clergy, because these were the only People that call'd themselves Protestants, who had any thing left them out of which Tythes were due.

5. 'Twas on the same account that lewd and debauch't Converts were encouraged amongst them; and a Man need∣ed no more to escape the Censures and punishments due to his Crimes, but to profess himself reconcil'd; upon which all proceedings against him must immediately cease. Thus many lewd▪ Women turn'd Converts, and continued their Wicked∣ness without fear of the Ecclesiastical Judg.

6. If at any time a Bishop went about to correct a Scan∣dalous Clergy-man, the Kings Courts immediately interpos'd and granted prohibitions, tho the matter did not bear one. They knew it must put the Bishop to much pains and costs to have it removed, and they were in hopes to weary him out before he could get a Consultation: and so zealous were the, Popish Lawyers to protect a Scandalous Minister against his Bishop, that they would of their own accord, gratis, plead his Cause; they thought it Fee enough to weaken the Jurisdiction of a Protestant Bishop, and to do a mischief to our Religion, by keeping in a wicked scandalous Clergy-man to be a reproach to it. One Mr. Ross was prosecuted by his

Bishop for very leud and notorious Crimes; but the King's Judges interpos'd, and Serjeant Dillon, then Prime Serjeant▪ pleaded his Cause gratis against the Bishop of Kilmore, who prosecuted him. If any Clergy-man turn'd Papist, as we have reason to thank God that very few did, whatever his Mo∣tives of Conversion were, he was sure to keep his Livings by a Dispensation, and to be exempted from the Power of his Bishop.

7. King James, by an order under his Privy Signet, took on him to appoint Chancellors to exercise jurisdiction over Prote∣stants. Thus he appointed one Gordon, who called himself Bishop of Galloway in Scotland, to be Chancellor in the Dio∣cess of Dublin; this Gordon was a very ignorant lewd Man, and a profest Papist; yet he took on him by Vertue of King James's Mandate, to exercise Ecelesiastical Jurisdiction over the Protestants of the Diocess, to grant Licenses for Marriages, Administrations of Wills, and to Cite and Excommunicate whom he pleas'd. But the Clergy refus'd to submit to him, or to denounce his Excommunications; which obliged him to let that part of his Jurisdiction fall; but as to the other part that concern'd Wills, he made his advantage of it, he cited the Widow or Relation of any deceased Person; and if they refused to appear, he granted Administrations to some of his own Creatures, and they came by force and took away the Goods of the Defunct. It is incredible what wicked brutish things, he, with a parcel of ill Men he got to act with him, did on this pretence; and how he oppress'd and squeez'd the Widows and Orphans, the poor People not being strong e∣nough to oppose him and the Crew he employed; for force was all the Right he could pretend; it being notorious that in the vacancy of the Archbishoprick, or in his absence, when he cannot have intercourse with his Diocess, the Jurisdiction de∣volveth to the Dean and Chapter, as Guardians of the Spiri∣tualities; and they, notwithstanding the difficulty of the times, and danger they were in, chose the Right Reverend the Bi∣shop of Meath to administer the Jurisdiction; which he did with all the meekness, modesty, and diligence that is peculiar to him; though he could not hinder the forementioned Gordons En∣croachments,

as to Administrations of Wills and Testaments. In short, King James, by Vertue of his Supremacy, claim'd a despotick Power over the Church, and pretended that he might do what he pleas'd as to matter of Jurisdiction; tho his Ecclesiastical Supremacy no more entitled him to encroach on the Liberties and Priviledges of the Church, than his Civil entitled him to dispose of the Civil Rights of the Subjects of his Kingdoms. He had indeed taken away the Oath of Supremacy by an Act of his pretended Parliament; but yet he would not disown the Power vested in him by it; tho the Papists would have had him renounce it expresly; but he answered, that he did not claim any Ecclesiastical Authority over his Roman Catholick Subjects, nor pretended to be Su∣pream in their Church in his Dominions, but only over the Protestants; the Mystery of which was plainly this; he fore∣saw that the Ecclesiastical Authority, which is settled by the Laws, and trusted in the Crown, as he could abuse it, might be a means to destroy the Protestant Religion, and to hinder the exercise of Ecclesiastical Discipline▪ and therefore was re∣solved not to part with it; not considering that such a ma∣nifest and designed abuse of a Trust, in direct opposition to, and destruction of the end for which it was granted to him, was a provoking Temptation to his People, on the first opportunity that offered, to think of transferring it to some other Person, that would administer it with more faithfulness, ac∣cording to the design for which it was granted.

8. I might add as a Fifth means of destroying the Protestant Religion, and slackening Discipline; the universal Corruption of Manners that was encouraged at Court; I do not charge King James with this in his own Person, nor will I insinuate that he design'd it, though he took no care to redress it; but it lookt like a design in some; and whether design'd or no, it serv'd the Ends of Popery more than easily can be imagined, and opened a wide Door for it: That Kingdom that is very corrupt in Morals and debaucht, is in a very fair way to em∣brace that Perswasion; and generally their Proselites were such as had renounced Christianity in their Practice, before they re∣nounced the Principles thereof as taught in the Reformed

Churches; and many Roman Catholicks declar'd, that they would rather have had us profess no Religion at all than the Protestant. In short, whether it was from the loosness of the Principles of their Religion, or from a design to gain on Pro∣testants, Impiety, Prophaness and Libertinism were highly en∣couraged and favoured; and it was observable, that very few came with King James into Ireland, that were remarkable for any strictness or severity of Life; but rather on the other hand, they were generally signal for their viciousness and loose∣ness of their Morals: Sir Thomas Hacket confess'd, that in the whole year 1688. wherein he was Mayor of Dublin, there was not one Protestant brought before him for The••••, and hardly one for any other immorality; whereas he was crouded with Popish Criminals of all sorts: The Perjuries in the Courts, the Robberies in the Country; the lewd Practices in the Stews; the Oaths, Blasphemies, and Curses in the Armies and Streets; the drinking of Confusions and Damnations in the Taverns, were all of them generally the acts of Papists, or of those who own'd themselves ready to become such, if that Party continu∣ed uppermost. But more peculiarly they were remarkable for their Swearing and Blaspheming and Prophanation of the Lord's Day; if they had any signal Ball or Entertainment to make, any Journey or weighty Business to begin, they commonly chose that day for it, and lookt on it as a kind of conquest over a Protestant, and a step to his Conversion, if they could engage him to prophane it with them. This universal vicious∣ness made Discipline impossible▪ and whatever Protestants were infected with it, were intirely lost to the Church and their Re∣ligion; for the stress of Salvation, according to the Principles of the Reformed Religion, depends on Virtue and Holiness of Life, without which neither sorrow for Sin nor Devotion will do a Man any Service; whereas he that hears Mass daily in the Roman Church, kneels often before a Crucifix, and believes firmly that the Roman Church is the Catholick, and that all out of her Communion are damned, makes not the least doubt of Salvation, though he be guilty of habitual Swearing Drun∣kenness, and many other Vices; and the observation of this Indulgence gained them most of those Proselites that went over

to them, of the Lewd Women and Corrupted Gentry; and many amongst themselves had so great a sense of this advan∣tage, that it made them very favourable to debauchery, and openly profess, that they had a much better opinion of the lewdest Persons that dyed in their own Communion, than of the strictest and most devout Protestant; and they would of∣ten laugh at our scrupling a Sin, and our constancy at Pray∣ers, since, as they would assure us with many Oaths, we must only be damned the deeper for our diligence; and they could not endure to find us go about to punish Vice in our own Members, since, said they, it is to no purpose to trouble your selves about Vice or Virtue, that are out of the Church, and will all be damned.

SECT. XVIII. 4. King James and his Party, in order to destroy the Pro∣testant Religion, took away the Protestants Churches, and hin∣dred their Religious Assemblies.

1. TOwards the beginning of these Troubles the Pa∣pists boasted much of their kindness to the Prote∣stant Clergy, in leaving them their Churches. They thought us very unreasonable, to complain of our being robb'd or plunder'd, or of the loss of our Estates, whilst our Churches were left us; and they would not own that they had done any injury to our Ministers, whilst they had not turn'd them out of those. This was urged upon all Occasions, as an unanswerable Argument that King James intended in ear∣nest to preserve inviolably that Liberty of Conscience he had promis'd; but this was, as all their other Promises, a meer pretence; the Priests told us from the beginning, that they would have our Churches, and that they would have Mass in Christ Church, the chief Cathedral in Dublin, in a very little time; we knew well enough that this was in∣tended, whatever King James and his Ministers averr'd to the contrary; for the same Act of Parliament that they

had past to make their Priests and Bishops capable of Preferments, and Benefices, did also give them a Legal Ti∣tle to the Churches belonging to those Preferments; as they who drew the Act very well knew: in the mean time their Affairs were not in such a forward Posture, as to encourage them to seize on those Churches to which they could pretend no right, tho some had been seized be∣fore the Act passed.

2. But immediately upon the passing of the Act, Duke Schon∣berg's landing alarm'd them; and they were in so great fear of him, that they rather thought of running into Munster, or leaving the Kingdom, than of possessing Churches. And therefore they contented themselves with their former Me∣thods for some time, which was to let the Rabble break into them and deface them, with barbarous and contumelious Circumstances, breaking the Windows; pulling up the Seats, and throwing down the Pulpit, Communion-Table, and Rails, and stealing what was portable out of them: An instance of this sort, and a remarkable Accident upon it, of undoubted credit, I have put in the Appendix. In* 1.37 some Churches in the Diocess of Dublin they hung up a black Sheep in the Pulpit, and put some part of the Bible before it. In some places the Creaghs, a sort of wild Irish, that chose to fly out of the North at Duke Schonberg's landing, rather than stay to give an account of the Robberies and Insolencies that they had commit∣ted there, turn'd the Protestants Churches into lodging places; defacing and burning whatever was combustible in them.

3. And in Dublin the Government ordered the Churches several times to be seiz'd. First the Earl of Tyrconnel fill'd them with Soldiers, February 24. 1688. in order to receive the Arms of Protestants; and they were kept, some for a longer, some for a shorter time upon this pretence: Then they ordered them to be seiz'd anew, September 6. 1689. pre∣tending that the Protestants had hid their Arms in them; and I doubt not but that they had Affidavits, as they pre∣tended, to this purpose, sufficient to induce them to search,

but not to justifie their committing such rudeness and bar∣barity as they did in them; for the Soldiers not only broke open the Monuments and Graves, but likewise the Coffins of the dead, and tumbled out the dead Bodies, and so left them expos'd, till they were pleased to let the Protestants come into the Churche•• again to bury them; though after all they found no Arms, nor indeed were there any hid. Thus far they proceeded whilst their fear was upon them; resolving, since they could not hopo to▪ enjoy them them∣selves, that they would make them. as useless as they could to Protestants: But when they found that Duke Schon∣berg stopt at Dundalk, and they understood the State of his Ar∣my, the Priests took Courage and in the Months of October and November, they seized on most of the Churches in the Kingdom.

4. The manner of their doing it was thus: The Mayor, or Governour in the Towns, with the Priests, went to the Churches, sent for the Keys to the Sextons, and if they were found, forced them from them; if not, they broke o∣pen the Doors, pull'd up the Seats and Reading Desk, and having said Mass in them lookt upon them as their own, and said the King himself had then nothing to do with them, being consecrated places; and to alienate them, or give them back to Hereticks, was Sacriledge. In the Country, the Militia Captains, or Officers of the Army that chanced to be quartered in the several places, performed the same part that the Mayors or Governors did in Corporations; thus Christ's Church in Dublin was seized by Luttrel the Governour, and about Twenty six Churches and Chappels in the Diocess of Dublin.

5. Of this, Protestants complained to King James as a great violation of his own Act for Liberty of Conscience, in which it is expresly provided, that they should have Liberty to meet in such Churches, Chappels, and other places as they shall have for that purpose: they further represented to him, That all the Churches of Ireland were in a manner ruined in the late War in 1641. That it was with great difficulty and cost that the Prote∣stants had new built or repaired them; That many were

built by private Persons on their own Costs; and that the Roman Catholicks had no Pretence or Title to them: but his Majesty answered, That they were seiz'd in his absence at the Camp, without his knowledge or consent; That ne∣vertheless he was so much obliged to his Roman Catholick Clergy, that he must not dispossess them; that they alledg∣ed a Title to the Churches that they had seiz'd; and if the Protestants thought their Title was better, they must bring their Action and endeavour to recover their Possessi∣ons by Law.

6. This Answer was what the Attorney General had sug∣gested to him; and the Reader will perceive that the whole was a piece of deceit; that the pretence of the Churches being seiz'd whilst his Majesty was absent, was a meer Collusion, and that there could not be a more false Sugge∣stion, than that the Papists had any Right to the Churches, or a more unjust thing, than to put the Protestants on re∣covering a Possession, by a Suit at Law, which was gotten from them by so open violence; but this was the Justice we lookt for, and constantly met with from him; and there∣fore there being no Remedy to be expected, we were forced to acquiesce.

7. Only to colour the matter a little, and lest this should make too great a noise in England and Scotland, where King James at this time had very encouraging hopes, he issued out a Proclamation, December 13. 1689. in which he ac∣knowledges, that the seizing of Churches was a violation of the Act for Liberty of Conscience, yet doth not order any restitution, only forbids them to seize any more. They had in many places notice of this Proclamation before it came out, and therefore were more diligent to get into the re∣maining Churches; for they look't on the Proclamation as a confirmation of their Possessions which they had before the publishing of it; and in some places the Popish Officers kept it from being published till they had done their Work; the Protestants not being allowed to go out of their Pa∣rishes, could not come by it, till it pleas'd their Popish Neighbours to produce it; and so it prov'd, like other Pro∣clamations

of his Majesty in favour of his Protestant Subjects, it was not published till the inconveniency it pretended to prevent was brought upon them, and the mischief actually executed; and it made their Enemies more hasty and diligent to do it, than otherwise they would have been, lest they should slip the time; and lose the opportunity.

8. But after all, some were too late, and the Protestants got sight of the Proclamation before their Churches were seiz'd; but here the Priests put off their Vizors, and acted bare-faced; they told the People, the King had nothing to do with them or their Churches; that they were immediately under the Pope, and that they would neither regard him nor his Proclama∣tions or Laws made to the damage of Holy Church.

9. The Protestants had a mind to make an Experiment how far this would go, and whether the Priests or King would get the better; in order therefore to make the Tryal, they chose out some Instances, in which the violence and injustice of turning them out of their Churches were most undenyable, and laid their Case before His Majesty and his Council by their Petitions; and that the Petitions might not be laid aside or lost, as was the common Custom to deal with Petitions and Affidavits, to which they were ashamed to return a flat de∣nial, they engaged some of the Privy Council to espouse their Cause; and had the luck to gain several of the Popish Nobi∣lity to favour their Suits, especially of such as had Estates in England, and knew King James's true Interest and their own.

10. The Petitions of Waterford and Wexford were the most favourably received, and in spite of all the opposition that the Attorny General Nagle, or the Sollicitor General, one Butler, who concern'd himself with singular impudence a∣gainst the Petitions, could make, they obtained an Order for restitution of these two Churches; the Wexford Petition sets forth the Loyalty of the Minister, the* 1.38 peaceableness of the People; their having contri∣buted to the building of several Popish Chappels within and without the Walls of that Town, and that the Roman Catholiks had no occasion for the Church; the reasonableness of this Petition was so manifest, that King

James and his Council made an Order for the restitution of the Church: but he now found how precariously he reign'd in Ireland (notwithstanding their mighty professions of Loy∣alty and absolute Subjection upon all occasions, and more par∣ticularly in their Act of Recognition) for the Mayors and Of∣ficers refused to obey his Order.

11. Upon which he was importuned by the Protestants with new Complaints; but being ashamed to own his want of power to make good his former Order, he referr'd the Waterford Petition to the then Governour of that place, the Earl of Tyrone, who reported that the Church of Waterford was a Place of strength, and consequently not fit to be trust∣ed into the Hands of Protestants; and so all they obtain'd by their Petition, Attendance and Charges, was to have their Church turn'd into a Garrison, instead of a Mass-house: this pretence could not be made for the Church of Wexford, it having no appearance of strength; and therefore the Order for restoring it was renewed, and the disobedient Mayor sent for and turn'd out, for which the Popish Clergy made him ample satisfaction: but notwithstanding that King James ap∣pear'd most zealous to have the Church restored, and express'd himself with more passion than was usual, that he would be obeyed; and though the Protestants concerned sollicited it with the utmost eagerness and diligence, even to the hazard of their Lives, yet they could never procure the King and Coun∣cils Order, for the restitution of their Church, to be executed or obeyed; and so they continued out of it till His present Majesties success restor'd them and their fellow Protestants to their Churches, as well as to their other just Rights.

12. Now here we had a full demonstration, what the Li∣berty of Conscience would come to, with which King James thought to have amused Protestants, and of which he boasted so unmeasurably, if once Popery had gotten the upper hand. He and his Parliament might have made Acts for it, if they pleas'd, but we see here, that the Clergy would have told them, that they medled with what did not concern them, and that they had no power to make Acts about Religious Matters, or dispose of the Rights of Holy Church; and we

see from this Experiment who would have been obeyed. We found here upon tryal, that when King James would have kept his word to us, it was not in his power to do it; and that his frequently repeated Promises, and his Act of Parlia∣ment for Liberty of Conscience, could not prevent the demo∣lishing, defacing, or seizing Nine Churches in Ten through the Kingdom; and discovered to us, That the Act for Liber∣ty of Conscience was only design'd to destroy the Establish'd Church, and not that Protestants should have the Benefit of it.

13. Having taken away our Churches and publick Places of meeting, the next thing was to hinder our Religious Assem∣blies. It is observable, that the Act of their pretended Par∣liament for Liberty of Conscience promises full and free exer∣cise of their respective Religions, to all that profess Christianity within the Kingdom, without any molestation, loss, or penalty whatsoever; but assigns no punishment to such as shall di∣sturb any in their Religious Exercises; and there was good reason for that omission; for by this means they had left their Officers and Soldiers at liberty to disturb the Religious Assemblies of Protestants, without fear of being call'd to any account.

14. By the Act, an open, free, and uninterrupted access was to be left into every Assembly; and they commonly had their Emissaries in every Church, to see if they could find any thing to object against the Preacher: But the Ministers did not fear any thing could be objected even by malice on this Account; and therefore when they found they were not like to make much of this, they let it fall; and the Officers and Sol∣diers came into the Churches in time of Divine Service, or in time of Sermons, and made a noise; sometimes threatning the Ministers; sometimes cursing, sometimes swearing, and some∣times affronting or assaulting Women, and picking occasions of quarrels with the Men, and comitting many disorders; it vex'd and grieved them to see the Churches full, contrary to their ex∣pectation; that neither their Liberty of Conscience, nor multi∣plying their Mass-houses, nor their driving away several thou∣sands of Protestants into England, had in the least emptied them; that their Liberty of Conscience, instead of dividing, had rather

united Protestants; and that the zeal and frequency of Devotion, amongst those that remained, supplyed the absence of those that were gone, and crowded the Churches rather more than formerly; it grieved them much to see those things; and they on all occasions vented their spleen against the Assemblies of Protestants.

15. In the Country, where Churches were taken from the Protestants, they met in private Houses; and where their Ministers were gone, and their maintenance seiz'd; others undertook the Cures either gratis, or were maintain'd by the voluntary Contributions of the People: So that there ap∣pear'd no probability, that Protestantism would be destroy'd without violence. The Papists saw this, and therefore watch∣ed an opportunity to begin it. On the Sixth of Septem. 1689. upon pretence of a Case of Pistols and a Sword found in some out part of Christ Church in Dublin, they lockt it up for a Fortnight, and suffered no Service to be in it. On the Twenty seventh of October they took it to themselves, and hindred Protestants to officiate any more in it. On the Thirteenth of September, on pretence of some Ships seen in the Bay of Dub∣lin, they forbad all Protestants to go to Church, or assemble in any Place for Divine Service. July 13. 1689. there issued out a Proclamation, forbidding Protestants to go out of their Parishes; one design of this was to hinder their Assemblies at Religious Duties; for in Ireland generally Two or Three Pa∣rishes have but one Church, and consequently by this, one half were confined from the Service of God through the Kingdom: June 1690. Colonel Lutterel, Gover∣nour of Dublin, issued his Order, forbidding more* 1.39 than Five Protestants to meet together on pain of Death: he was askt whether this was designed to hinder meeting at Churches; it was answered, that it was design'd to hinder their meeting there as well as in other places; and in execution of this, all the Churches were shut up, and all Religious Assemblies through the Kingdom forbidden under pain of Death; and we were assured, that if King James had return'd Victorious from the Boyn, it was resolved that they should never have been opened any more for us; and

the same excuse would have served for his permitting this that serv'd him the former year, for not restoring the Churches taken away in his absence at the former Camp, even that he must not disoblige his Roman Catholick Clergy. Thus God gave them opportunity to shew what they intended against our Religion, even to take away all our Churches, and hinder all our Religious Assemblies; and when they had brought their Liberty of Conscience to this, and we had been obliged upon pain of Death to forbear all publick Worship for a Fortnight, then he sent us deliveranc••, by means of his present Majesties Victory at the Boyn, which restor'd us the Liberty of worship∣ing God together, as well as the use of our Churches.

SECT. XIX. 5. The violences used by King James's Party to make Converts, and to discourage the Protestant Ministers.

1. BUT all these methods of ruining the Protestant Religi∣on seem'd tedious to the Priests; and therefore they could not be prevail'd with to abstain from violence; wherever they had a fair opportunity to use it they applyed it with all diligence. Several Protestant Women were married to Pa∣pists; many of these used unmerciful Severities to their Wives, and endeavoured by hardships and unkindness to wea∣ry the poor Women out of their Religion; some stript them of their Clothes, kept them some days without Meat or Drink, beat them grievously, and at last, when they could not prevail, turn'd them out of their Houses, and refus'd to let them live with them: Some sold off all that they had, turn'd it into Money, and left their Wives and Children to beg, for no o∣ther Reason, but because they would not forsake their Reli∣gion: And this carriage was encouraged by the Priests, which came to be discovered on this occasion: Some Women that were thus used, were advis'd by their Friends to make their Application to their Husbands Confessors, and they imagined the Confessors would lay their Commands on the Men to be more civil, and to do the Duty of Husbands to their Wives.

But the Priests told the Women that it was their own faults that their Husbands used them ill, that they deserved it, and must expect no better whilst they continued disobedient to them, and refused to comply in the matter of Religion; and when the poor Women replied that in Conscience they could not change their Religion, being perswaded of the truth of it, the Priests railed at them and abused them almost as much as their own Husbands. Servants were used the same way by their Popish Masters, and Tenants by their Land∣lords; every Office, or Profit, or Trust was made a Temp∣tation; and a Man, whatever his circumstances were, must either part with it or his Religion. We were told that the King would have all that did eat his Bread, of his own Religion; the meaning of which was, that he expected that all who were employ'd by him should turn Papists.

2. I reckon all the Robberies and Plunderings committed on the Countrey Gentlemen, to be on the same account; a Man might have saved his Horses, his Cows, his Sheep, and Houshold Goods, if he would have changed his Religion; if not, he must expect to be ruined by Thieves and Robbers, set on by the Priests, and encouraged by his Popish Neigh∣bours; which was no way to be prevented but by going to Mass: some few were so weak as to do it, and escaped; tho the generality rather chose to beg, than to save their For∣tunes by so base a Complyance.

3. When it fared thus with the Laity, we may imagine the Clergy were in ill Circumstances: whoever escap'd, they were sure to be Robbed and Plundered; they were often affronted and assaulted. The very Protestant Bishops could not escape Violence: The Bishop of Laughlin's House was broke open and Plundered before he left the Kingdom: The Bishop of Waterford's House was rifled, and the Bishop, an old Man about Fourscore years of Age, desperately woun∣ded in his Bed. Several of the Inferiour Clergy were beaten and abused, way-laid as they travelled the High-way, shot at and wounded, and with difficulty escaped with their Lives; some were so beaten that they died upon it; some had their Houses set on fire; and in general the Protestant Parishio∣ners

were so apprehensive of the danger in which may of their Ministers were, that they besought them to withdraw themselves out of it; they had threatning Messages often sent to them; the Robbers of the Country would send them word that at such a time or such a Night, they would be with them, and sometime they would be very punctual to their assignation, and strip the Poor Men and their Families of their very Cloathes.

4. Those that staid amongst their Parishioners in the Coun∣try, were forc'd to walk from House to House to perform their Offices; their Horses being all taken from them: at last they were generally put into Prison with the other Gen∣tlemen of the Country, and some kept in for Twelve or Thirteen Months, not being releas'd till the General delive∣rance; some were Tried for their Lives, and some condem∣ned to death, even in the City of Dublin under the Eye of the Government; hardly one escaped affronts and abuses, or could walk the Street with quiet; the Soldiers, especially the French, rail'd at them, calling them, Diables desministres Heretiques, un Protestant, un Diable, with many other con∣tumelious expressions.

5. It were infinite to reckon up all the Violences they suffer'd; Doctor King, Doctor Foy, Mr. Bunbury, Mr. King, Mr. Delany, Mr. Fitz Simons, Mr. Read, Mr Carolane, Mr. Rosselle, Mr. Tucker, Mr. Buckhurst, and many others were Imprisoned: Dr. Foy, and Mr. More were assaulted by Sol∣diers whilst performing their Office at a Burial in the Church∣yard; the same Dr. Foy was hindred from Preaching seve∣ral Sundays, by the Menaces of some of King James's Guard; who surrounded the Church with their Fusees, and swore they would shoot him if he went into the Pulpit; and this only because he had taken notice the Sunday before▪ that one Hall in a Sermon preached before King James in Christ-Church, and Printed afterwards, had corrupted his Text, Acts 17. 30. by rendring it instead of Repent, Repent and do Pen∣nance. Dr. King was assaulted in the Street, and a Mus∣quet with a light Match levelled at him; the publick Ser∣vice in his Church was disturbed several times, particularly

on Candlemas Day 1689, by seven Officers, who swore a∣loud they would cut his Throat; Dean Glendy was knockt down, and wounded in the Street; Mr. Delany assaulted and pusht at with a naked Sword several times, and carried, after they had sufficiently abus'd him, to Jail; Mr. Knight was abused in his Church yard by commonly known by the name of the Mayor of Scarborough, who threatned to beat him; Mr. Sergeant was cudgeled through the Street and carried to Prison; Mr. Price had a Musquet twice snapt at him, and with great difficulty got to his House: Mr. Bur∣ridge was assaulted by Three or Four on the High-way, and wounded in Four places: These were but a few of their suf∣ferings; they went every Moment in hazard of their Lives; and had it not been that King James flattered himself, that a strong Party of the Clergy in England espoused his interest, it had been impossible for the Clergy of Ireland to have subsisted.

6. Nevertheless great hardships were daily put upon them, and new Arts invented to defame and vex them: in some places a new invented Oath was offered to them, for which there was no pretence or Law: They answered that they had taken the Oath of Supremacy and Allegiance at their Institution, and that they were not oblig'd to take any other Oath; but that excuse would not serve, and on their refusal they were sent to Jail; the Priests were very busie about sick Protestants; they with great impudence thrust into their Rooms, and if they were past speaking, they gave out that they were Converts: if the infirm person had any Popish Relati∣ons, they besieged the House, and hindred▪ the Protestant Clergy from coming to their Parishioners; the Priests pre∣tended that they had King James's command to visit the Sick and attempt their Conversion, and therefore would not be hindred nor be perswaded to withdraw, tho frequently de∣sired by the sick Men: the Protestant Clergy were often af∣fronted and threatned on this account, and the ill will they procured on particular occasions of this nature, was the ground of some of their Confinement afterwards; for the Priest that lost his Prey (as they reckoned every sick Man)

by the vigorous opposition and diligence of a Minister, was sure to contrive a Revenge one way or other: As Dr. Foy found for his having received one Smith (who had for some Years lived a Papist) again into our communion at his death; and that with such remarkable circumstances of repentance and sorrow, that King James heard of it, and blam'd his Physician Dr. Constable for his neglect in not giving notice to the Priest.

7. They endeavoured to bring the Ministers of Dublin under all the Contempt they could; and at last put on them the drudgery that belonged to the Office of Constables and De∣puty Aldermen; it belonged to those Officers on all occasi∣ons to return the names of the several Inhabitants and In∣mates of their Wards: the Government desired to know the names of Protestants in each Parish and their num∣bers, and they took them several times; but Col∣onel* 1.40 Lutterel the Governour of Dublin, would not be satisfied till the Ministers went about in Person and returned every Man his respective. Parishioners names: it was in vain for them to plead the unreasonableness of this imposition; they aleadged the pains, the charges, and the meanness of the thing, which was done more effectually already than could be done by them by the proper Officers; but all in vain, they must comply or go to Jail. This return made by the Ministers was of no real use to the Govern∣ment, for they had an exact account given about a Fort∣night before, by their own Officers, and took another a∣bout a Week after; the design therefore was either to lay a Snare for the Ministers, or else to render them contemp∣tible to their People; but instead of doing that, it only in∣censed the People against their unreasonable Governours who thus affronted their Clergy.

SECT. XX. 6. King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion, by misrepresenting the Persons and Princi∣ples of Protestants.

1. THe violences used to out us of our Churches, and to discourage our Clergy, had no great success in making Converts; but there was another way set on foot, which did seduce some; and it was by making a Monster of the Prote∣stant Religion and Protestants; insomuch that young People who liv'd remote from Conversation, and had not opportuni∣ty to inform themselves of the Truth, conceiv'd strange Ideas of both, by the insinuation of the Priests.

2. It was one of the first steps of the Reformation to re∣nounce the usurped power of the Pope, and to restore to the Crown the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, which originally be∣longs to the Civil Magistrate; that is, the power of punish∣ing Offenders with the Temporal Sword, whatever their Crime be, whether Ecclesiastical or Civil: Now the Priests represented this Doctrine after a strange manner; they per∣swaded those that would lend them their attention, that the Protestants believed all Spiritual power to be in the King; that he could Consecrate whom he pleas'd Bishops; set up what Religion he had a mind to, and oblige all his Subjects to be of his Faith; and they railed most grievously at the Protestants for not turning Papists, in complyance to their King; calling them Traitors and perjur'd Persons from their own Principles.

3. 'Twas another Principle amongst Protestants, that pri∣vate Men should not take up the Sword, or resist the King up∣on any pretence, such resistance being against Law; by which no more was understood, than that Subjects should, accord∣ing to the Laws and Gospel, behave themselves peaceably and submissively towards their Superiors, and not upon any pretence of private injury or wrong done to them in particu∣lar, enter into Conspiracie and Combinations against their Governours; but by it was never intended to give up the

Constitution of the Government, or to part with the Liber∣ties and Priviledges of the Kingdom; yet the Priests would needs perswade the World that by this Principle, the Protestants were obliged to part with all at the King's command; that he might use them if he pleased, as the Grand Signior or the French King use their Subjects, and their Lives, their Liberties, and Estates, were all at his Mercy, and they Devils, and Traitors, and Perjur'd Villains (I use their words) if they demur'd at his Command: There was hardly any Principle peculiar to the reform'd Religion, but they thus misrepresented it.

4. Nor did the persons of Protestants escape better than their Principles. They loaded them with the most odious Calumnies and Misrepresentations; they aleadged that the Protestants had no Religion at all; that they only preten∣ded to it, but were Atheists and Traitors in their Hearts; they were more especially malicious against the Clergy; King James himself contributing to it, as appear'd on this occa∣sion; two young Gentlemen, Brothers to the Earl of Salis∣bury, followed King James out of France; they profest them∣selves Protestants and associated with such; the Bishops of Meath and Limerick had an Eye on the Gentlemen, and en∣deavoured to secure them against any attempts which might be made to pervert them; but King James called the young Men to him, forbad them the company of Protestants; nay even of one Mr. Cham a Gentleman that came over with them; but above all he forbad them conversing with the Bi∣shops and Clergy-men; for said he, they are all false to me, and will pervert you to disloyalty and Treason; this was the common saying of them all, even of the Chancellour on the Bench; and tho they would on occasion magnifie the loyalty of some of the Protestant Clergy in England and Scotland, yet at other times they would profess that they believed them all treacherous, and would never trust any of them.

5. In order to abuse the Protestants, and especially the Clergy, they set up one Yalden a Convert, Councellor at Law, to write a weekly Paper, which he called an Abhorrence, in which he endeavoured to rake together all the little Stories that might reflect on Protestants, and all the arguments his

Wit could furnish him with for his Cause; he made it his business to invent false stories and lies concerning the Clergy, and began with Dr. King and Dr. Foy. He had published a Collection of passages out of the Bishop of Ely's Sermon, and some Sixteen others for Passive Obedience; whether this was his own work, or only, as I have been informed, a Peice compos'd by some others which he assumed to him∣self, I cannot say, but it met with very slender reception in Ireland, and lay on the Booksellers hand. To vent it there∣fore, as some thought, or rather to abuse the Clergy, he published an Advertisement in his Abhorrence, declaring that Dr. King and Dr. Foy had approv'd this Book, by their Certificate under their hand; by this he thought to intrap them: for either they (as he imagin∣ed)* 1.41 must have let this pass; and then the Pro∣testants must think them, if not ill, at least very imprudent Men; or else they must disown it; and then he knew how to improve their refuting his calumny so as to render them odious to the Government: and the Papists did a little please themselves with the contrivance; But Dr. Foy and Dr. King found means without concerning themselves much in the matter, to let all Dublin know that they never read Mr. Yal∣den's Collection; that no body ever askt their opinion of it, much less had they given any certificate concerning it, and that they could give no censure of it, having neither read it, or the Sermons out of which it is pretended to be taken. This discovery would have da••ht any other out of Counte∣nance; but Mr. Yalden went on his way, and became every Day more and more abusive till he and his Abhorrences were routed together. His work was to magnifie the Party that adhered to King James in England, to represent their pre∣sent▪ Majesties interest as sinking, to black••n and abuse all Protestants, and to vent his Spite in a more peculiar manner against the Clergy, whom he endeavoured to redicule and make odious to the Government, and if possible, to sow dissention between them and their People. We have reason to thank God that he had no success; but yet the Counte∣nance he and his Papers met with from the Government,

his Abhorrences being Licensed either by Sir Richard Nagle or Alb••ville, Setretaries of State, plainly discover what in∣clinations they had towards the Protestant Religion and Clergy.

6. And now upon the whole I suppose it is manifest, by what has been said in this and the former Section, that King James not only designed to destroy us, but also made a con∣siderable progress in it, and 'twould have been inexcusable ingratitude to God and to their present Majesties if we should have refused to close heartily with a Government that rescu∣ed us from so great misery and apparent danger; nor can any reasonable Man blame those amongst us that desired or assisted in this deliverance, and to their utmost power la∣boured to procure it.

7. If a Christian Army should go at this time into Greece to redeem the Christians there from the slavery of the Turks, I would enquire of any indifferent Casuist, whether it were lawful for the oppressed Grecians to accept of that delive∣rance, and to join heartily with and recognize their Re∣deemers; and I am well assured there is not one argument could be produced to justifie such a defection in them, but it may be urged with greater force in our vindi∣cation. The usage we have met with being full as inhu∣mane as any thing they suffer, and with this aggravation, that every Act of violence exercised against us, is likewise against the Laws, and against the nature and Constitution of our Government; whereas their Laws vest their Emperour with an absolute power, and they have no other title to any thing but his will; every Act therefore of oppression from our King, was so much more intolerable and provo∣king to us, than the like from the Grand Signior▪ is to his Subjects, as an illegal violence is more insupportable than a legal

Notes

• * 1.1

  Lord Clarendon's Speech at giving up the Sword to the Earl of Tirconnel, and the Abstract of the Revenue for 1685. Appendix, N. 5. & 6.
• * 1.2

  By what Interest and for what Design he came to be em∣ployed, and at last to be made Deputy, will appear from the Copy of a Letter▪ found amongst Bi∣shop Tyrrel's Pa∣pers, his Secretary. 'Tis in the Appen∣dix. N. 3.
• * 1.3

  Vide Ch. 2. Sect. 6. N. 2.
• * 1.4

  Felix ô Neal was removed in 1689. and made a Collo∣nel.
• * 1.5

  Sanders. de oblig. conscien. praelect. 9. 12. 19. (Ubi tam gravis premit necessitas, ut vir pius & prudens non possit dubitare legislatorem ipsum, si praesens esset, legit sibi gratiam & re∣laxationem conces∣surum) liceat sub∣ditis, communis uti∣litatis, (quae supre∣ma lex est, & omni∣um legum finis) ra∣tionem habere ma∣gis, quam legum particula••••••m.
• * 1.6

  Salus populi suprema Lex: The Equity of which Maxim, as it leaveth in the Law∣giver a power of di∣spensing with the Law, as he shall see it expedient to the publick Good; so it leaveth in the Subject a Liberty upon just Oc∣casions to do otherwise than the Law requires. Dr. Sanderson's Judgment concerning Submission to Usurpers, pag. 17. Edit. Lond. 1678.
• * 1.7

  Appendix N. 10.
• * 1.8

  N. 7.
• * 1.9

  See the Appen∣dix for the List of Privy-Counsel∣lors. N. 9.
• a 1.10

  See Appendix, N^o 14.
• * 1.11

  Appendix, N^o 14.
• * 1.12

  Appendix N^o 11.
• * 1.13

  See Appendix.
• * 1.14

  Appendix.
• * 1.15

  See Appendix, N^o 15.
• * 1.16

  Appendix, N^o 18.
• * 1.17

  See the First Proclamation by the Earl of Tyrconnel, Feb. 21. 1686.
• * 1.18

  WHereas a late Proclamation is∣sued forth by the Lord Lieu∣tenant and Council of this Kingdom in December last for the Suppressing of Tories, Robbers, and their Harbour∣ers in these Words following, Where∣as there have been of late many Bur∣glaries and Robberies committed in several parts of this Kingdom, to the ruin of some of his Majesties good Subjects, and to the great disquiet of many others; and it is found by ex∣perience, that his Majesties Mercy that hath been heretofore extended to some Persons that have been attainted of such Crimes, hath been an encou∣ragement to others to commit the like, &c. Which Proclamation hath not yet met with the full effect, &c.
• * 1.19

  See Appendix. N^o. 25.
• * 1.20

  'Twas an ancient Law of England, some say, as Old as King Alfred, That no King should change his Mony, nor impair, nor inhanse, nor make any Mony, but of Silver, without the Assent of the Lords and all the Commons. See Power of Parlia∣ments asserted by Sir Robert Atkins, p. 17. And Lord Cook Expo∣sition of Stat. Artic▪ super Chart. Cap. 2••▪ 2 I••st▪ 577.
• * 1.21

  Chap. II. Sect. 4.
• * 1.22

  See the Copy of a Letter to King James, and Ma∣lony's Letter in the Appendix. N. 4. & 17.
• * 1.23

  How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Cir∣cumstances, whilst an Enemy is in the Kingdom.
• * 1.24

  Append. N. 21.
• * 1.25

  Appendix N. 24.
• * 1.26

  See Appendix N. 23.
• * 1.27

  Appendix, N. 22.
• * 1.28

  See the Arti∣cles in the Ap∣pendix. n. 1••.
• * 1.29

  See Appen∣dix, n. 28.
• * 1.30

  See Dr. Wal∣kers Siege of Derry.
• * 1.31

  See Appendix N. 31.
• * 1.32

  See Appen∣dix.
• * 1.33

  See Appen∣dix, N. 3, 4. & 17.
• * 1.34

  12 Eliz. Chap. 1st.
• * 1.35

  See the Ap∣pendix, Mo∣lony's Scheme in his Letter, N. 17.
• * 1.36

  See the Pro∣ceedings of the Parliament of Paris, upon the Pope's Bull, Printed at London, 1688. P. 5.
• * 1.37

  Appendix. N. 27.
• * 1.38

  See the Peti∣tion in the Ap∣pendix, N. 26.
• * 1.39

  See Appendix N. 31.
• * 1.40

  See Appen∣dix N. 30.
• * 1.41

  See Appen∣dix N. 29.