Animadversions on a pretended Account of Danmark

ANIMADVERSIONS On the Pretended Account of DANMARK In the Year 1692.

CHAP. I.

Of the Territories belonging to the King of Danmark, and their Scituation.

DAnmark has always had a par∣ticular Interest with England: Our very Ancestors came ori∣ginally from one of its Provinces; it has once been our Master, and we are now govern'd by Princes, whose Great-grand mother was a Daughter of it; nor can there be any dearer Pledge of the Danish Affection to us, than that the only Brother to its King resides amongst us, and has made us happy in a Young Prince, who pro∣mises

one day to equal the great Fa∣milies from which he is descended.

Whilst 7000 Danes are fighting for us in their Majesties Service, it is very ungenerous in the Author of the Account to resl•••• upon them; who if he must have been malicious, should ra∣ther have chosen an Enemies Coun∣try for the subject of his Satyr.

If we consider the frequent Appli∣cations that have been made, both by the Confederates, and the French King, to have the King of Danmark declare in their savour, we shall be apt to look upon him as a Prince that is very considerable, and not a∣gree with this Author, pag. 2. who tells us that if he were put in ballance with the King of Portugal, he would be sound lighter. This is a Compa∣rison no reasonable man would be guilty of making, for the Armies, Navy, and Strength of the former, will certainly very much overpoise the latter; And then Danmark lies so, as to be able to make use of these ad∣vantages, either to the offending of it•• Enemies, or relief of its Friends;

and though Portugal has a good East-India Trade, yet the Commodities of Danmark and Norway, especially those that relate to Shipping, make its Trade necessary to Portugal it self, and most other Countries in Europe.

Besides, the Kingdom of Danmark with all its Provinces is very large, insomuch that the first words of this Authors Book are, p. 1. that if we con∣sider the extent of the King of Dan∣mark's Dominions, he may with justice be reckon'd amongst the greatest Princes of Europe. For though Schone, Hal∣land and Blegind, by Treaty remain to the Swedes, yet I cannot allow this Author what he says pag. 3. that they were the best Provinces belong∣ing to Danmark. Nor do I really think that he has a sufficient know∣ledge, which Provinces are the most considerable; for he seems only to have been in Copenhagen and there∣abouts; the reason is, because what he speaks as to the nature and consti∣tution of Danmark, in relation to the fertility of the Country, or the com∣mon life of the People, can in no man∣ner

be applied to any other part, but to Sealand only, where Copenha∣gen stands, and is not above a fourth part of Danmark. Now this Island lying under the disadvantages of a particular Law, is not in so good a condition as the other Provinces, though that, and a great deal of Jutland, is still better than either Halland or Blegind; though Schone be a fine Province, yet does no way ex∣cel Fun••n, as well as other parts of Danmark. However this Author says. p. 3. that these three Provinces are still looked upon by the Danes with a very envious Eye; and for this reason 'tis reported, that the Windows of Croneborg Castle, whose Prospect lay towards Schone, were walled up, that so hateful an Object might not cause continual Heart-burnings. Very well, Sir, Pray did your own Knowledge, or Experience confirm this to be a truth? (p. 2.) or did some of your sensible grave Persons, p. 2. impose this silly story upon you? For when you was at Croneborg, you might have found, that some Windows were in∣deed walled up for the Advantage of

the Fortress, but not to hinder the sight of Schone; the Situation of Crone∣borg being such, that now th••se Windows are close, yet Schone must be seen from the Apartments of both the other sides; so that to make his suggestion true, all the Rooms must be quite darkned; and then, Sir, it would be a fit place in which you might employ your fancy and inven∣tion in framing more such stories. Nay, this Fable is so ridiculous, that if the King of Danmark should avoid the pretended Heart burnings, occa∣sioned by seeing Schone, p. 3. he must not only forbear coming to Cron••borg, but also leave Copenhagen, and that side of Sea∣land opposite to Schone, and must also chuse his Residence in Jutland, or some other remote place, where he could be free from that hateful Ob∣ject.

Though indeed, were Danmark as he represents it, p. 4. (comprehend∣ing all its Islands) no bigger than two thirds of Ireland; the loss of a Pro∣vince or two would be of a very ten∣der concern to it. But, Sir, where

People have any Knowledge of Geo∣graphy, and understand how to mea∣sure a Map, they will find that Dan∣mark, as it now remains, has much more ground than there is in all Ire∣land. It is indeed a needless trouble that I have given my self to confute this Remark in the Authors fourth Page, because his first hath already contradicted it to my hand.

Poor Norway falls next under his Censure, p. 4. as having a very dange∣rous and unhospitable Shore; we must look for nothing there but Wrecks; for when the Night, or a Storm, over∣takes poor Mariners, the deep Sea and high R••cks, never fail to accomplish their Ruine. And this dismal Rela∣tion may be very true, for any thing this Author knows to the contrary. The Coast of Norway is indeed high and rocky, but all along the same there are Ports very near to one ano∣ther, so that with a very little know∣ledge of that Sea, you may every where find a Harbour behind the Rocks, and Shelter from the greatest Storms: And any Sea-man, who is ac∣quainted

with that Voyage will tell you, that he would ten times rather venture amongst the Rocks of Nor∣way in a Storm, than the Sands of En∣gland: The reason is, because he may there find shelter in every place, but here are not so many entrances be∣tween the Sands. What he says, that there is no Anchorage for Ships, p. 4. is another proof of his exact informa∣tion; for in several places there is Anchorage half a League and more into the Sea: And where there is no such before the Land, there is, (as has been mention'd) a safe entrance between the Rocks to anchor there.

However the Author may have streightned the King of Danmark as to his Dominions in Europe, yet he has given him a prodigious Fort in the East Indies, which he calls Tranquebar; p. 6. and this is another instance of his extraordinary Accuracy; for if it be a Fort, 'tis of a great many Miles ex∣tent. The Coast indeed upon which the Danes have built, is by the Indi∣ans called Tranquebar, but the Fort it self has never had any other name than Daneborg.

But to come to a general character of the King of Danmark's Dominions, according to the Account, p. 6. they all lye under this great inconveniency, that they are mightily disjoyned from each other, and that to this principally the Conquests which the Swedes have gain'd upon them may be ascribed.

First, The Danish Provinces are not so mightily separated, as this Gentleman would persuade us; since a Sound of 4, 5, or 7 Leagues is the greatest distance between any of them; only Norway indeed is further off, but then it can maintain and desend it self.

Secondly, This pretended incon∣venience is a real advantage, espe∣cially against the Incursions of any foreign Enemy: And this truth was demonstrated in the famous War with Sweden; for had not the signal dispo∣sition of Providence frozen up the B••lt, to that degree as was never re∣membred before, nor happen'd since, the Swedes could not have besieged the Capital City of that Kingdom; for the Streams which divide the Pro∣vinces of Danmark, afford them this

security, that so long as the Royal Navy is safe, Copenhagen, which is the main strength of that Country, can fear nothing.

CHAP. II.

Of Denmark in particular, and the Island of Sealand.

BUT to what end have we la∣bour'd hitherto, in the fore∣going Chapter? Let the Country be never so large, if at the same time it be barren, the extent of it signi∣fies little. Sealand is that unhappy Province, whose Fertility cannot be commended by the Author, it having no Bread Corn (p. 8.) except Rye, which he owns to be in good quan∣tity. I hitherto thought that when a Field was sown with Grain, if the Crop answer'd the utmost expectati∣on of its owner, the Field might be commended for its fertility; and if upon the Authors arrival, he did not find Wheat got ready on purpose for him, it was because Rye Bread,

being more acceptable to the Danish Nation, and agreeing better with their health and constitution, the Farmer hoped to make a better Mar∣ket of his Rye amongst his Country∣men•• than he should do of Wheat, to fatten Green Geese or cram Capons for his worship.

And indeed, we shall find as lit∣tle reason, for his being disgusted at the air of the Country, which he says is but indifferent, p. 8. especially in and near Copenhagen, occasion'd by frequent Fogs, and its low Scituation. Any body who has been in Sealand, must allow the air to be very good; Copenhagen has only the inconvenience which all populous Citi••s are subject to, in not having it quite so clear as in the Country; though the wholesomness of it appears by the healthiness of the Inhabitants: And as to Fogs (which they are seldom troubled with) no man ought to complain of them, who may very probably have lived in Dublin.

He is just to the Country for six Lines, in telling us the face of the

Land is pleasant, &c. p. 9. and that there is a most excellent Port belonging to Copenhagen; but he presently comes to himself and says, they have no other Ports in the Kingdom; nor indeed much occasion in Sealand, since they have no Commodities to ship from them.

Notwithstanding this Gentleman's Intelligence, there are very good Sea∣ports throughout all Danmark, of which I shall mention the following only, each of them capable of har∣bouring Vessels of 200 Tun or more; in Sealand; Corsoer, Callundborg, Hol∣beck, Wordingborg, &c. In Funen; Nyborg, Assens, Kierseminde, &c. In Jutland; Aalborg, Aarhus, Horsens, Rinkiobing, &c. In Fal••••er, Laland, &c. Nakskow, Nykiobing, &c. too many here to enumerate. And then from Sealand there is a considerable quantity of Corn sent every year to Norway, and the last year but one, viz. 1692, abundance likewise was carried to Holland; the reason why there may not be so much exported at present, as has been heretofore, is be∣cause, contrary to what he affirms,

p. 10. That the number of the Inhabi∣tants are not encreased, The Inhabi∣tants of Copenhagen are twice as many as they were 20 years ago.

Corn indeed would be much scarcer, if the Kings Game were so arbitrary as he pretends, p. 9. to make them; and those sacred things might range the Fields, and no man dare to touch them. The Countrymen I'll assure you, Sir, are not obliged to you for the Law you have newly made them; since they have in Danmark hitherto had an equal liberty, as in other Countries, to disturb their Enter∣tainment.

Come we now to the business of their Eating, in which the Reflector seems to be extreamly curious. Some one Bur•••••• of Copenhagen has un∣doubtedly d••soblige•• him with an ill Dinner, which was a wonder; for their way of Eating and Drinking is so far above Meanness, that it rather inclines to Luxury; three or four Dishes of several Meats, is but a com∣mon Dinner for the middle People, and generally their Supper equals it.

Nay, the very Boors throughout all Danmark and Norway, will not be satis∣fied, if they have not their three Meals a day, and those commonly of warm Meat; so that when the Coun∣tryman in England is contented with his Bread and Cheese to Supper, the Danish and Norsh Peasants must have their Pot on the fire, or else they will go to their Feather-beds (than which, our Author says, no man can have better, p. 88.) with great uneasi∣ness. 'Tis true Meat and Fish when salted is more acceptable to the Danes, as well as other Northern People, and agrees better with their constitution; and it would be a hardship instead of a deli∣cacy to them, to have so much fresh Meat as is customary in England. But was the Diet of the Burghers even as hard as he describes it, yet, I am credibly informed, that the Servants of a Publick Minister there (who shall be nameless) would have been very glad to partake of it, since their Ma∣sters house-keeping was so far from abounding, that they found too fre∣quent occasions to complain openly.

And whereas the Author of the Ac∣count says, p. 10, 11. that if the Inspectors of the English Markets should come to those of Copenhagen, they would find the Victu∣als had enough to be sent only to the Pri∣sons; those poor Servants would have been infinitely obliged, should they in pity have commanded an Officer to stop, and set his Basket down now and then at his Excellency's.

Their Peasants live as plentifully as in other Countries, they have good Flesh and salt Fish, white Meats, Roots, &c. but what signi∣fies all this (according to our Author, p. 11.) since necessary fresh Fish is wanting? I could heartily condole their condition, if my Tenants in Northampton and Leicestershire would not take exception; for if they found me once so indulgent to the Peasants of another Nation, they would cer∣tainly expect a double barrel of Colchester Oysters by the next Carri∣er; and without a Cods-head, Smelts or Turbet, I might e'ne go to plow my self for Hodge and Sawney.

But what is most admirable to me is, that there can be any thing fit to eat throughout all Danmark, since according to this Author's descripti∣on, p. 11. it seems to be exempted from part of the common promise which God made to Noah, and Man∣kind, that while the Earth remaineth, Seed-time and Harvest, and Cold and Heat, and Summer and Winter, and Day and Night shall not cease, Gen. 8. 22. For he says, p. 11. that at Copen∣hagen, and in all Denmark they never have Spring, and seldom Autumn. This assertion could proceed only from such a one, as in his preface he calls a very Traveller, or at least an ill na∣tur'd and unthinking Person, since so many People are able to confute him, as have ever lived there but a twelve-month. Then for those three months of June, July and August, which he calls Summer, he has provided suffi∣cient Plagues for them; first the in∣terposition of thick vapours, &c. p. 11. which upon examination, will be found to be only Clouds in his own understanding. Secondly, his plague

of Flies, of which he has seen whole Bushels swept together in one Room, p 12. A BushelSir! (if of Winchester measure) will hold a great many Flies: and what makes this seem more incredi∣ble is, that Domitian the Imperial Fly∣killer, though in Italy, (a very hot Country) when he had taken his half peck, thought he had had very plentiful game.

The City of Copenhagen does not more abound in Flies, than it is on the contrary wanting in Fish; for the Author, p. 12. never knew a Sea Town of that consequence worse served with it; the Baltick indeed is not so well sto∣red with Fish, as some other Seas; but yet in Copenhagen there is Sea Fish, asCod, Flounders, &c. brought from o∣ther places, and sold there very cheap; the reason why it is not still cheaper, by being brought thither as it might be in greater plenty, is because their fresh∣water fish is in vast quantities, and as he says, p. 92. makes full amends, there be∣ing the best Carp, Tench, Perch and Craw∣fish, that are to be found any where.

He now leads us to a Description of the City of Copenhagen, p. 12. for (it seems) when he has done that, he shall have little more to say of any other in the King of Danmark's Dominions, there being no other belonging to him, much better than our Town of St. Albans. Per∣haps the Gentleman did not Travel much in the Country, and so speaks on∣ly as to his own Knowledge; but other People who have seen more, are of Opinion, and think that Ribe, Aar∣huus, Aalborg, Odense, &c. besides several Cities in Norway, and other of the Kings Dominions, as Bergen, Trund∣hiem, Christiania, Gluckstadt, Flensborg, Hadersleben, &c. if they were allotted an Impartial Surveyor, would appear to be much better than our Town of St. Al∣bans, which at present stands so fair in this Authors good graces.

But though Copenhagen is the best place belonging to the King as Dan∣mark, Yet it is no Antient City, nor a very Large one, it comes nearest to Bri∣stol, and increases in buildings daily. p. 12. Copenhagen was founded in the twelfth Century, Anno 1168. and as to its

largeness it may most properly be compared with Dublin, which is the second City in the King of England's Dominions. He is just to the Port of Copenhagen, in about a Page and an half, p. 13, 14. but it is, that he may find the greater faults with the other things that belong to it. The Air (he says) is bad, by reason of the stink of the Chan∣nels, which are cut through the City. p. 14. In the 8th Page he attributes the badness of the Air to the Fogs and low Scitua∣tion, but here to the Channels, which are indeed rather an Ornament and Convenience to it, than otherwise: Heretofore there might some small offence proceed from them, when they were in the nature of Fleet-ditch, in London: But now, by the Order of his present Majesty, they are cut quite through the City, the Sea going in on one side, and out at the other; and are so very large, that a stout Man of War may ride cross the City and round the Castle.

The Works of the Town, he says, are only of Earth and Sods, p. 14. So much the better; Stone Walls, we know, are

of no great strength against Cannons: And when he tells us, ib. These Works are in tolerable good repair; he should in common justice have said something of the extraordinary good order they are kept in. The Buildings (as he de∣scribes them) ib. are generally mean, being Cage-work; not considering, that Cage∣work is more in esteem there than Plai∣ster, as being more convenient and durable, and contrived generally so as to appear very handsome; not but that there are abundance of very good Brick Houses, that are built by the Citizens, as well as others more mag∣nificent belonging to the Nobility.

As to the publick Buildings, King Christian the 4th did more than all the succeeding Princes, (says our Author.) It is very strange, that King Christian should do more than all his Successors put together; p. 15. which all (after this bluster)if added together, will amount to but two only, the Father and Son; of which the Son has augmented the Beauty of the City very considerably. The great Objection against them all is, that they have forgot, or delayed

the building of a Pallace, the Kings House of Residence being the worst in the world, p. 15. As for new Buildings, the present King is content with the Garden∣house of Rosenborgh, and with the de∣licious Castle of Friderickborg, till his Affairs will permit him to finish a Pal∣lace, that has been long designed to be built by the Sea side, near the Kings New Market. In the mean time the old Castle is acceptable enough to their Majesties, by reason of that affection which is naturally born to things that have been possest, and are left by se∣veral Ancestors; this Castle being ve∣nerable for its Antiquity, part of it having been the first House that was built in Copenhagen. Certainly this Pallace ought to be preserved, at least, to show the Citizens how much they are at present advanced, and to what height his Majesty has raised them; since Sub∣jects now are not satisfied with such Buildings and Apartments, as have been, and are thought sufficient for the Royal Family and their Predecessors. This signal instance should have been brought by our Author, to prove the

Pride of absolute Monarchs, and the Misery of the Danish Nation, viz. in his own words p. 15. That several of the Noblemen, as his high Excellency Gui∣denlew, the Great Admiral Juel, with others, are infinitely better lodged than the whole Royal Family.

Had the Author been resolved to do Danmark the least favor or justice, he might as well have spoken a little of the Curiosities that were in Copen∣hagen, as without reason, have spent his time in blaming its Air, Buildings and Fortifications. For certainly in Copenhagen a Traveller may find many things worth his observation; the Change is none of the worst; the Arse∣nal one of the best in Europe; the Ca∣nals very fine; the Round Steeple of Tri∣nity Church, built according to the dire∣ctions of Christian Longomontan, the Dis∣ciple of Tycho Brahe, and Professor of Mathematicks in Copenhagen, is without question a most noble piece of Curiosi∣ty, the like is not to be found else∣where; for a Coach and Horses may ascend to the top, and yet the height of it comes very near that of the Monu∣ment

of London. This Steeple consists of Arches, and over the Church, which is all of Brick without any Timber, is the Li∣brary of the University as large as the Church. But as for the University of Copen∣hagen he never so much as takes any no∣tice of it here. Politics and Satyr took up his time so much, that he had no leisure for the Belles Letters, or gentiler Learning, p. 255. so he gives us no Account of the Kings Library, nor of several others be∣longing to the University; which as they are very considerable for other things, so particularly for the preservation of the Antiquities of those Northern Nations: Nor of the admirable Musaeum, be∣longing to the King of Danmark, which is in the same Pallace with the Royal Library, full of all the most ex∣quisite Raritics of Art and Nature; and which, after the learned Olaus Wormius's death, was so considerably augmented with his famous Closet, one of the best in the world, for the many curious Antiquities it contained, which he bequeathed to the King, and of which the Learned World has a printed account in a large Folio.

He speaks nothing of the Beauty, Largeness and Magnificence of the Churches both within and without; nor of the extraordinary height of the two Steeples belonging to the Churches of the Virgin Mary and St. Nicholas; nor of the fine Organs, especially that of St. Mary's Church, lately made by a Danish Master; which for its prodigious largeness is fearcely to be parallell'd any where amongst the Protestants. Neither doth this curious Gentleman mention the Kings New Mar∣ket, a very fine and large place, in the middle of which stands the Kings Statue on Horseback, very artificially cast in Lead; and is surrounded with the finest Palaces of the Town, as Count Guldenlew's, Admiral Juel's, &c. But most of all this Authors neg∣ligence is to be admired, that he dis∣dains to speak a word of the great new work on Christians-haven; which is a new City by it self, lying on the Island of Amack, but joyn'd to Copen∣hagen. This new Work is a vast Fortifica∣tion opposite to the Cittadel of Copen∣hagen, which is situated near the Cu∣stom-house, and Entrance of the Har∣bour;

so that on both sides these two Fortresses command both the Port and almost all the City round about, and render the Fortifications of the City it self so much the stronger, and in a manner impregnable. And in this new work of Christians-haven, two things are very considerable. First, that all the Ground contained in the Fort is, by incredible labour and industry, made out of the midst of the Water; and then, that this Ground is of so considerable an extent, that a Town may be built upon it: And it is said, that his Danish Majesty hath appointed this to be the Dwelling-place of the Jews of Copenhagen.

By these instances, (which yet are not all that are worth a mans curiosity in Copenhagen) the impartial Reader may guess, how unjust the Author has been in his description of this antient and Royal City, and how far he may rely upon the rest of his Relations of these two Northern Kingdoms and annexed Provinces: Seeing when he pretends to describe Copenhagen, he mentions nothing of Christians-haven; just as if he should speak of London, and forget Southwark.

CHAP. III.

Of the Sound.

THe Author says, p. 11. The two Prin∣cipal things in Sealand and indeed of all Danmark are the City of Copenhagen, and the passage of the Sound: Having done with the City He comes to this streight, which lyes between the firm land of Schone: and the Island of Sealand.

The King of Danmark claims a Toll of all Ships that pass through it, except the Swedes, who are exempted from it by Treaty; yet this writer, according to the freedom which Men of his principle generally use with Crowned heads, pretends to question the King of Danmarks title, p. 2••. and says it is slightly grounded.

I shall not enter upon matters of State, nor pretend to give a particu∣lar account of the Original Records that contain the Immemorial conti∣nuance, and Succession of Claims which the Kings of Danmark have made to this Sea, and right of Toll in it. The

King, who pretends to, and enjoys this Toll, is able enough to give rea∣sons for it, and to maintain his pre∣tensions. However I cannot but re∣mark, that there are several passages in this Chapter, which I cannot well Imagine to have fallen from the Pen of an English man: As where he says, The Title to the Toll is precarious, p. 23. as founded upon a breach of Trust, it being at first only, to provide Lights for Securing the passage of Merchants through the Sound. That it is a kind of servile acknowledg∣ment of the Kings Sovereignty of those Seas: p. 22. That the Title is not so firm as the Danes could wish for; not being masters of the Land on both sides, they may have the right, but not the Power to assert it. p. 17. For an English-man knows that al∣though ••ur King is bound to protect all strangers that pass through his narrow Seas yet his Sovereignty does not arise from thence, but because of his Sovereignty, he is therefore bound to protect them: so the King of Dan∣mark being Lord of the passage of the Sound, ought to provide for the safety of such as should Sail thorough it. His

Dominion, not being founded on that, but that being a necessary Consequence of his Dominion. In the second place, acknowledgment has always been rec∣koned by English men to become due, in Recompence of such Protection and Conveniences afforded; and therefore, our Kings demanded Contribution for the Ships that defended the Fishing of Foreigners. And where is the servility any more in paying a Toll to the King of Danmark, for passing his Sound, than in that acknowledgment which all Ships, according to the Law made by King John to maintain it, must make to those of the King of England by strik∣ing a Flag, when they sail through his narrow Seas, or in the paying Ancho∣rage, or for the Lights to the Trinity house?

Thirdly, as to the Case between Sweden and Danmark, (though Dan∣mark has no reason to imagine there will be such a Pretension from thence, or to fear it if there should,) it is the same with France and the English. For King Edgar and King Knute, who was as great a defender of the sovereignty, as

any of our Princes, had their Domi∣nions many Ages before any of their Successors laid claim to France. And the French, notwithstanding all their Power, have not pretended to the Soveraignty of the narrow Seas, because they live upon one of the Coasts of them.

The Author would Insinuate further, that the English pay this Toll, through the Connivance of King James the Ist. in prejudice of his own Subjects, who favour∣ed the Danes upon Account of his mar∣riage to a Daughter of that Crown, p. 22. If King James favoured them upon his alliance to that Crown, our Author should, on the same account, if he had any manners, have done so too; but setting aside this Reflection on the me∣mory of King James, it is certain, the Kings of England have successively paid this Toll in the Sound, and have been so Wise and Just, not to encroach so far upon a soveraign head, as to pre∣scribe him Laws what to do in such Seas, as are his unquestionable Domi∣nions.

In the other particulars, of the Ac∣count which he gives us concerning the Sound, he seems not to know what kind of passage it is, He says, p. 22. It is very well known, that the passage of the Sound is not the only one to the Baltick Sea, there being two others called the greater and lesser Belts; and that of the greater Belt so commodious and large, that during the late Wars, the whole Dutch Fleet chose to pass through it, and con∣tinue in it for four or five months to∣gether: Whereas in truth the Sound is the only convenient one; the lesser Belt is unpassable for large Ships, and the greater is so full of Rocks and Sands, that nothing can be more dangerous. To be sure had the Dutch found it practi∣cable to use this passage, which is so large that it cannot possibly be stopt with a fortress, they had done it long ago. It is very true the Dutch Fleet did continue there for four or five months together, but it was much against their will, for coming into it they were so endangered by Rocks, and Storms, that they were forced to make so very flow a motion, in order

to their escape with greater safety; neither does the Author tell us what loss and damage they received, which indeed was very considerable.

In the same page we are likewise in∣formed, that the breadth of the Sound in the narrowest part is four English Miles over, and every where of a sufficient depth, so that the King of Danmark's Castles could not command the Channel, when he was master of both sides; much less now he has but one. This Gentleman is resolved never to measure right; for if he had, he would have learnt that the Sound is but three English Miles broad, when it is truly measured; besides had he asked any Skipper that usually passes that way, he would have found, that it is so far from being every where of a sufficient depth, that on the side of Sweden the water is so shallow, that it is impossible for a Ship to pass, unless it be within the reach of the Castle of Croneborg.

What he delivers in the next place, p. 23. that the Spaniards may with as much right lay claim to the Streights of Gibraltar; or, that the Swede who is now

Masier of one of the Coasts of the Sound, demand another Toll of Ships, is al∣together ridiculous. The solemn Trea∣ties of Roschild and Lund, contain formal protestations against any pre∣tensions to a Double Toll; and by them to King of Sweden hath been obliged to demolish the Castle and Fortifications of Helsingborg: Besides, it would be impossible for the Swede effectually to demand it at Helsinborg, since that Town is so scituated that no Ship is able to come within half a League of it. Neither is it easie for any one to imagin, how he will make out his com∣parison, between the Sound and the streights of Gibraltar; since the former being commanded by a strong Castle is very narrow, and passable only within the reach of Cannon-shot; whereas the latter is so broad, that several Ships may pass in the middle of it, without fear of Cannon from either side, and not commanded by any Castles belong∣ing either to the Moors or Spaniards.

He concludes in a great huff, p. 26. that all other petty Princes and States pay this Toll without murmer, whilst we and

the Hollanders do it, but the Danes must have a care left we grow Angry. So it seems France and Poland, whose Ships pass this Sound, are petty Princes and States, and the Author may think he has Authority enough, to make a Crown'd Head stand in awe of him; but to show him the contrary, I shall pro∣ceed with my former freedom to con∣sider, his next Chapter, though he him∣self should chance to grow Angry.

CHAP. IV.

Of the other Islands, and Jutland.

IT would be tedious to the Reader to account all the contradictions that are to be met with, in the description of these Countries. I shall begin with Sealand, where he says, there are few Meadows, and yet no want of good Hay; p. 8. that the air is but indifferent, and yet there are no colds: p. 8, 9. That the Cattle is lean p. 10. because their feeding, when in the

house, is partly Hay, and partly Brewers Grains and Roots, &c. p. 10. So having gi∣ven an Account of the miserable state of Sealand, he proceeds to set forth that of the other Islands in this manner.

Funen has plenty of Corn, Hogs, Woods, &c. p. 27. and yet has nothing for the Merchants to export but a few Horses.

As it is certain and notorious, that abundance of Corn, Bacon, and other Commodities are sent from thence to Holland, Norway, and other places, so it is as certain like wise that these things must go to Holland or Norway from this Island by Land-carriage, unless the Author will give them leave to be exported. What does he think of the Apples, which year∣ly are the sole Lading of several Ships.

Their Cyder, and their Mead, (which is the best in the World) is likewise carry'd abroad; and more especially a sort of Wheat, call'd in Danish, Boghuede, in Latin, Fagopyrus, (of which the Danes make their so much talkt of Grout, that resembles the English Hasty-Pudding) which is in very great plenty throughout the whole Island. Now it cannot possibly en∣ter into my head, that the people who

have Corn, Bacon, Apples, Cyder, Mead, and Boghuede to be exported, should have only a few Horses to be exported.

The chief Town is Odensee, formerly a flourishing little City, but now fallen to decay, p. 27. It is not so flourishing now as when the King resided there, but it is in a very good condition still. He takes no notice of several other good Towns that are in the Island, as Nyborg, Assens, Middlefart, &c. which are all bigger than St. Albans; I suppose that he might make his Reader imagine that nothing but Villages were to be found in Dan∣mark, except those few Towns he men∣tions.

This Island is oblig'd to him for de∣claring the true name of its Stifts-Ampt, or chief Governour, which is Mr. Winterfelt: whereas in Laaland and Jutland he is mistaken in the Names; and has given us none of those in Sealand, whither for want of Information, or other more prevailing Reasons, he can best inform his Reader.

Laaland has met with better quar∣ter from this Author than other places, and is commended for its plen∣ty of Corn; however he has forgot

the great abundance of extraordinary good Pease which grow there, and for which it is famous. I hope it is no reflection upon Copenhagen that it is supply'd with Wheat from thence, p. 28. and it may the rather be excused, be∣cause the Dutch, in the midst of their Plenty and Liberty, come hither for it too. So London is at present sup∣ply'd from the North, as Rome here∣tofore from Sicily and Egypt. He is mistaken in the Governours name, which is Mr. Gior; and this small er∣ror is the more to be taken notice of, because he says he resided a long time in England, in a publick Character, and so probably his name might be the better known there.

Nor is he less mistaken in the name of another person, which if he were any ways inquisitive he might have known; for he places Monsieur Edmund Scheel among the Stifts Ampts of Jutland: this I suppose he does only to let his Coun∣try men see, that they need not go so far as Danmark to find out his errors: For Monsieur Scheel, a Person consider∣able for his Parts, Learning, and the Characters he has sustain'd at home, and

in Foreign Courts besides that of England, where he lately rended at Envoy Ex∣traordinary; in that very Memorial he gave in to the King of England about this Authors account, has wrote his Christian name Magnus, as he doth without any abbreviation upon all oc∣casions. After having named three Stifts Ampts in Jutland, an &c. comes in for the fourth. Which the Author upon the least inquiry, might have found to be Mr. Mejercrone, now the King of Dan∣mark's Envoy at the French Court. The four principal Governments which he has not mentioned, are called Ribe, Aarhus, Wiborg, and Aalborg.

It contradicts it felt that Jutland wants good Sea-ports towards the Ocean, p. 30. and yet the Hollanders transport a great quantity of Cows and Oxen from thence; which makes it unnecessary to repeat the Sea-towns mentioned else∣where, besides which there are several o∣thers by the Western Islands, Silt, ••isler, and Ro••me, near the Cities of Ribe and Tonder, where the Hollander's Smacks and Oxen-Ships (as they call them) enter without difficulty, and so export those Commodities; which though the writer

calls Lean Cow's and Oxen, p. 3••. yet they are not so in themselves, but only in regard of that extraordinary bigness they grow to, when they come into the Dutch Soil. Otherwise the Cattle of Jutland, as of most part of Denmark, is not of the smallest, though it be left in its own Country, Nor need the In∣habitants of this plentiful Province desire any fatter Beef, than what they can have when they please at home.

Jutland also affords Corn, not only in∣sufficient quantity for the use of its own people, p. 30. but in such a superabundance that all the want of Norway in this case is yearly supply'd, in the greatest measure from this Province; neither can this chuse but be a vast quantity, considering the many Populous Sea. Towns lying all along upon the shores of that Country, Nay, in the very Year 1692. in which this Author pretends to describe this Country, there was such a crop reaped there, that it was upon fre∣quent desires allowed to the Hollanders by the King of Danmark, to export no less then 30 thousand barrels of Corn, (each Danish barrel containing four Bushels) besides what privately under

this permission was stolen out, and all besides the necessary provisions for Norway. Let now the Reader judge, if no more can be said of Jutland's fertility, than that it affords Corn in suffi∣cient quantity for the use of its own People.

But what's the reason of this plenty, and fertility? does it proceed from the goodness of the Soil, and the Indu∣stry of the Inhabitants? or from any Natural, Moral, or else some Political Account? why indeed the Reason that they have so many Oxen to sell, is because the King keeps his Court far from thence: Procul a Jove Procul a Fulmine, p. 30. says our Author. Corn, grows in any Country, where the Farmer is careful, and the Soil agreeable: and where the meadows produce good grass, there will be good cattle, and this Na∣ture will do whither it be in Monarchys or Commonwealth.

I have reserved the Island of Amack, or Amager in Danish to conclude with, because it is the Authors darling.

This Island, as he says, p. 28, 29. is very plentiful, and therefore commonly called the Kitchen Garden of Copenhagen, but

the Inhabitant's are not all of them North Hollanders, there is but one Pa••ish and Village, which is called the Hol∣lander's Village; the rest of the people, although they wear a singular dress, to show their primitive Extraction, yet in every thing else they are ••anes, so that their not mixing with that Nation, p. 29. is a meer fable. But hence arises a great consternation in our Author, it is to be fear'd that these North Hollanders by de••rees, will be treated ••e the other Subjects of Danmark. My heart really bleeds, upon the contemplation of these poor North-Hollanders, for they seem perfectly to have been trapan••'d, or as one may say, kidnapt into Den∣mark. I warrant they had Letter upon Letter, Invitation upon Invitation, before they could leave their own Country, and especially considering what they were, persons of fashion and credit; Gardners and Dairy∣Maids.

Now 'tis very hard, that a free people bred in a Commonwealth, as North Holland is, where they lye under no Impositions, have no Excises,

should be betrayed into a Country, where there is a necessity of their pay∣ing Taxes, that they should be re∣duced to powdered Beef, and stubble Geese, like common Danes; whereas at home, in the seat of Liberty, they could have Regaled themselves and Families, with a Red herring one day, White-herring another, and Pickled∣herring a third, for greater change and delicacy.

CHAP. V.

Of the rest of the King of Dan∣mark's Countries.

THE Author, to keep up an old custom, begins this Chapter with a contradiction; for in Sleswick the Commodities for exportation are in no great quantity, and yet it affords Corn, Cattle, Horses, and Wood, to its Neigh∣bours, over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabitants.

When it is his business to describe Danmark, he runs out into an Elabo∣rate

description of the Duke of Hol∣stein's Residence, and sets forth the Romantick situation of his Castle, p. 32.

It is easie to guess at the Authors Reasons for this digression. Gottorp is a very pleasant and magnificent seat, yet in most things it is not to be compared with the King of Danmark's Pallace, Fre∣dericksborg. The Pallace may have run to some decay, by the late troubles in Holstein; but those who told the Author that the Improvements were pull'd down and destroyed, by order, p. 33. were so far from being sensible Informers, that they were false and malicious. Neither does it stand with common sense, that so ge∣nerous a Prince as the King of Dan∣mark, would give so ungenteel an or∣der, or revenge himself upon the Pal∣lace and Gardens, for any injury which the Master of them might have done him. And after all, the Author found a Library, p. 33. at Gottorp, which was more than he was pleased to do at Copenhagen.

The Holsteiners are so much this Gentlemans Friends, that he strains a point in their favour, p. 36. viz. The Danes when they Travel abroad, chuse

to call themselves Holsteiners, thinking it more honourable to be born in the consines of the Empire than otherwise. Which in a rational mans opinion, is more honorable? to be born in a little Dutchy; (as Holstein is) and a Feif holden of the Empire or to be a native of one of the most Antient Kingdoms in Europe? I cannot tell what they may do in o∣ther Countries, but when they travel in England and converse among us, they never dissemble their Country, nor desire to be called any other∣wise than Danes.

It is to be noted, (according to this Account, p. 37.) as a great natural defect, that the King of Danmark has not in all his Dominions one Navigable River, for Vessels of considerable Burden. This can be no great defect in such Islands as Danmark consists of, where there is no need of great Rivers, (as the Thames, Humber, &c.) the Sea being on all sides so near at hand. Yet these Islands have some Rivers proportiona∣ble enough to their bigness, as that in Sealand, which goes up to a Town called Nested, and has formerly been

capable of carrying brave Ships. As for the Continent, Jutland has some pretty good Rivers, but the defect which it may have in them, is abun∣dantly recompenced by nature, with many Friths which the Sea forms, and run far into the Country, as that cal∣led Limesiord by Aalborg; which passes almost into the middle of Jutland.

What he says, p. 37. concerning the design of the Danes during this war, to establish the Toll at Gluckstadt, is rather one of his own suppositions, than any of their real Intentions,

He complains, p. 38. of the Horses of Oldenburg, as not able to last long or en∣dure hard labour, whereas those that have skill in Horses, account them the strongest of any, and they are at pre∣sent generally sought after, to recuit the Cavalry in Flanders.

Come we now to the Kingdom of Norway, of which (if we may believe this Author, p. 38.) little can be said: Or rather in truth he should have turn'd it thus. of Norway I can say but little. For certainly it is more his Ignorance of the Country, than any want of

curiosities in it: Else those Gentle∣men who have written whole Volumes concerning the description of it, have made a great bustle about nothing.

The History of it has been set forth by several eminent Authors, as Albertus Crantzius, and Snorre Sturleson; [whose great History of the succession and acti∣ons of the Norway Kings written first in Islandish, and then Translated into Da∣nish and Swedish, in a large Quarto or Folio, is as valuable a piece of History as any where is to be found.] Saxo Grammaticus, in his Danish Chro∣nicle has a great deal about Norway, as likewise Jonas Arngrim, in his Crymogaea Islandica, and lately one Jonas Ramus a Clergyman in Norway, has put forth an Ingenious Tract called Nor∣wega Antiqua, & Ethnica: Peter Clauston (another of the same Nation and Professi∣on has writ a great Book of their Descri∣ption of that Country in the Danish Tongue, who is followed by several others, that have discours'd of that ei∣ther in general, or some of its Provinces in particular; and most of the Danish and Suedish Historians fill up half their Books with the Transactions and Af∣fairs

of Norway. Olaus Wormius in his Fasti Danici, Literatura Runica & Mo∣numenta Danica, has given us as many Rarities and Antiquities of Norway, as he has done of Danmark. This may show the Reader, that contrary to what this Author affirms, there is e∣nough to be said of this vast Kingdom. Now to show you in that little he has said of Norway, how much a man may be mistaken: this Author has an ex∣cellent faculty at crowding a great many errors in a little room; as for ex∣ample, It is subdivided into four Stifts Ampts, p. 38, 39. or principal Governments, viz. Dronthem, Bergen, Christiania and Larwick. The Governors are young Gul∣denlew, Mr. Stockfleet, &c. So it seems, that Norway has of late lost a Stifts Ampt, or chief Government; for the North themselves hitherto reckon'd that they had five. The names of them are Christiania or Aggershus, Chri∣stiansand, Bergen, Trundhiem and War∣dohus. As for Larwick, which this Author would advance to be a Stifts Ampt, it is but a County, belonging separately to his high Excellency Count

Guldenlew, as Tousborg is another be∣longing to Count Wedel. Truly, Sir, had we taken your Account, Zarwick had been but a small equivalent, for Wardohus; and Christiansand, though a principal Government, had been quite embezel'd. Little indeed may come to be said of a Country, when a Wri∣ters will omit such principal parts of it. When he comes to tell us who are Go∣vernors, he names Guldenlew and Mr. Stockfleet, and passes the rest over with an &c. Sir, I should be glad to know from you a little more of this matter, and whether this &c. be put here for brevity sake, and to spare your Readers trouble, or else to palliate your own ignorance? Had you nam'd us four Governours we should have been content, and not have been so hard as to put you upon assigning a Stifts Ampt to the fifth Province of Norway, which never came to your knowledge.

It is a very barren Country, &c. p. 36. Norway hath never pretended to be so fertile in Corn as Danmark. However it is observable, that where the Ground is fit to be till'd, it yields a greater

Crop than the Soil of the richest Coun∣tries. If Norway had not so many Sea Towns very populous, and full of Stran∣gers, the Corn growing there would be sufficient, without any Importation, to feed its own Inhabitants. There are some districts up in Norway, as Hede∣mar••en, Todten, Gulbrandsdalen, &c. which in Fertility and good Corn, do not yield to any part of Danmark.

It will not be improper here to re∣mark two things, which the Author formerly advanced, in which Norway clearly convinces him to the contrary.

First, p. ••1. There is no other Town or City belonging to the King of Danmark much better than St. Albans; whereas Norway is full of large Sea Towns, such as Bergen, Christiania, Christiansand, Trundhiem, Frideriksstadt, &c.

Secondly, he says, p. 34. That the King of Danmark has not in all his Do∣minions one Navigable River for Vessels: But in Norway are abundance of great Rivers and Friths, running far into the Country, as Sarp near Frederickstadt, ••ramen, Lomen, Aggers-Elf near Chri∣stiania, Nideren near Trundhiem, &c.

One might have expected likewise, that one who treated of Norway should have spoken something of the great fresh Lakes, which are every where in that Country: One of which call'd Mios is a league broad, and near twenty leagues long. And I should the rather have suppos'd, that he would have mentioned these Lakes, because he seems so mightily taken with the places where the Countrymen have good store of fresh Fish; for in these Lakes there is such abundance and variety of Fish, that the Peasants thereabouts have e∣nough not only to salt, dry, and carry down to the Seaside, but likewise to eat fresh as often as they have a mind to it.

He acknowledges there are Silver Mines in Norway, but he questions whether they turn to account, p. 39. He needed not to have questioned it, for he might have been informed, that they have of late years yielded more than they did for∣merly, or could reasonably be expected from them. There is indeed, (p. 36.) an Account of the Commodities from thence exported, but he forgets the

many Furs and Skins of Mart, Zabel, Beavers, &c. which are sent from thence yearly: As also Copper, and small Nuts, of which quantities are shipt out, and come towards the end of Winter to London.

The beginning of the Character he gives the Norsh is very well, viz. p. 39.) that they are a hardy, laborious and honest sort of People, and that they are esteem'd by others; yet for all this, alas! they must have their share of Scandal too, and the vice of self conceitedness is laid to their Charge. Vincit Amor Pa∣triae, it seems, may be their Motto, as well as our Authors; for he says, i••. they esteem themselves much superior to the Danes; whom they call upbraidingly Jutes. Were such a thing true, as that the Norsh thought themselves superior to the Danes, it might be apt to breed some discord between them. On the contrary, no two Sister Nations can love one another better. Any one who has been in those Northern Countries, knows that none is welcomer in Dan∣mark then a Norsh man, or in Norway, than a Dane: So that it is wonder∣ful

to see two Nations not conquer'd one by the other, but joyn'd by the Marriage of Princes, agree so very well together. As for the name of Jutes, it was given the Danes, as a spightful nick-name by the Swedes in the late Wars, but the Norsh, no more call them upbraidingly Jutes, than the Danes when they Travel call them∣selves Holsteiners.

Island and Feroe he says, p. 39. are mi∣serable Islands forCorn will not grow there Misery consists not always in want of Corn; since they may have that from o∣ther places, Fish and Cattle they enjoy in great abundance. We see Holland, which is a most happy place in this Au∣thors opinion, fetches all three of them from Danmark and Norway. The Inhabi∣tants of these Islands, are great player at Chess, and our Author says, p. 40. would be worth some curious mans en∣quiry, how such a Studious and Difficult game should get thus far Northward, and become so generally used. So we see that notwithstanding their misery, they have leisure for their Sports, and have Parts able to surmount that game, which

being difficult must require Study. This curious man need not make very far inquiry about their playing at Chess, it is easily known from reading any of the Northern Antiquities (which the Islandish writers abound with, and have the most plain, simple and un∣corrupted) that Chess has been the proper game of the three Northern Na∣tions. Now the Islanders having pre∣serv'd the old Tongue and Manners of the Goths, old Danes, Norsh and Swedes, it is no wonder they have also kept this Gothick game, and their Ease and Plenty, together with the great Colds in the Winter, inclining them to sedentary lives, make them follow it, and from thence arrive to its Perfection.

As to the Kings Factories in both Guinea and the Indies, they are esteem'd of little consideration, p. 40. yet he has seen several East India Ships return home well laden, but whether the lading were the lawful product of Trade, or acquired by other means, will in time be worth the enquiry of those Kingdoms and States, whose Interest it is to preserve in the In∣dians

and Persians, a good opinion of the ho∣nesty and fair dealing of the Europeans. I shall always think that such Factories as send home ships well laden, are both of good worth and consideration, and I am the more confirm'd in these thoughts, because, p. 40. most of the men of Quality are the Adventurers.

The looking into the fairness of their Traffick and Merchandise may be let alone at present; for I suppose no Europe∣an Prince, will concern himself with the affairs of Asia, so far as to engage in a War with the King of Danmark for that rea∣son. At least, Holland and England will very probably remain quiet, till the world has in some measure, forgot the proceedings with the great Mogul, and the King of Bantam.

At last, the Author comes to sum up what he has been saying, concern∣ing the King of Danmark's Dominions, and from what he himself has deliver'd, p. 41. infers; that they produce but a mode∣rate Plenty of Necessaries for the Inhabi∣tants, but few Commodities for the Mer∣chants: However from the very worst re∣presentation that can be given it, which

is this Authors, I shall endeavour from his own words, to evince the quite contrary.

For Sealand, p. 7, 8. has Rye in good quantity, no want of good Hay, the gra••s short and sweet, great Number of the Lakes sufficiently stor'd with Fish; Beech. wood, which is excellent for the pureness of its firings, much Game, as Stags, Wild∣boars, Roebucks, &c. The face of the land is pleasant, in many places abound∣ing with little Hills, Woods, and ••a••es in a very agreable diversity. For Sea-ports it hath that most excellent one belonging to Copenhagen &c. One of the best in the World, &c. Funen (p. 27.) is se∣cond to Sealand, whether its bigness or goodness of its Soil be consider'd, it has Plenty of Corn, Hogs, Lakes, and Woods, and some few Horses to be exported by the Merchants. Laaland, p. 28. is a small but plentiful Island, producing all sorts of Corn in abundance and particularly Wheat, wherewith it supplies Copen∣hagen, and all other parts of Danmark. The Hollanders buy yearly and ship off great Quantities of Corn from thence. ••astria, Langland and Mune, are fertile

Islands, the two first export yearly some Corn; Arroe and Alsen abound in Anni∣seeds, which are much used, &c. Born∣holm, Sa••nsoe, p. 28. with the other Islands nourish Cattle, and afford ••orn for the use of the Inhabitants. Amack deserves to be particularly remembred: This little Island is, as it were, the R••ehen Garden of Copenhagen, and supplies its Markets plentifully with all sorts of Ro•••••• and Herbs, besides Butter, Milk, great quan∣tities of Corn and some Hay. Jutland (p. 29.) is a Plentiful Country, abounding more especially in Cattle. The Hollan∣ders transport yearly great Quantities of Corn and Oxen from thence, to their more fertile Soil; where in a short time they grow prodigiously. The Horses and Swine of this Country are excellent, and in great numbers: It affords Corn in sufficient quantity for the use of its own People.

The Dutchy of Sleswick (p. 32.) is in general a very good Country, its con∣venient Situation between two Seas, the Ocean and the Baltick, rendring it con∣siderable for Trade: Some Corn, Cattle, Horses, and wood for Fireing it affords

to its Neighbours, over and above a sufficient store of each for its own Inhabi∣tants. Holstein, p. 35. is a Country very Fruit∣ful and Pleasant, excellently well seated, for Trade, between two Seas. Stormar and Ditmarsh, p. 38. are for the most part low and Rich Countries, their Soil being fat and in most places resembling Holland, as well in its fertility as manner of Im∣provement. Oldenburg p. 37. abounds in Cattle, and has a good breed of Horses, which are much sought after for Coaches, Delmenhorst p. 38. is pretty well wooded.

Norway, p. 39. has Silver Mines; the Commodities which it yeilds sit for exportation, are Timber of all kinds especially Firr, Stockfish, Masts for Ships and Iron; of these it has a tolerable store. Island and Feroe, p. 39. have good stocks of Cattle. The King of Danmark, p. 37. hath Factories in Guinea, and the East and West Indies: Several East India Ships return home to Copenhagen well laden with the Merchandise of those Countries.

Thus I have given you from the Authors own words, the Qualities of all the King of Danmark Dominions,

only abating the malicious insinuations of the Describer, and leave the in∣different Reader to judge, which deserves to be thought most contemp∣tible of, such a Country, or such a Writer.

CHAP. VI.

Of their Form of Government.

WE come now to his darling Topick, which is that about Government: In the very beginning of which Chapter, he shows himself very ungrateful, in Reflecting upon the Northern Countries, to whose Antient Inhabitants (he says, p. 42.) we are so much indebted, as to owe the Origi∣nal of Parliaments.

The constitution of a Government by a Parliament is a signal Blessing, but for the most part, those who make the greatest bluster with it, are Men who would leave out the Principal part of it, and commit the greatest errors about it.

The word Parliament is very equivocal, and consequently there must be several differences as to the original of it, in diverse Countries. It is very probable, that the original of Parliaments in general, is not so much owing to any particular Nation, as to Nature it self. And for the due and firm constitution of the Govern∣ment, as I take that to be by King, Lords, and Commons; I look no fur∣ther than the Body natural, (viz.) that of man, the most Divine part of the Creation; and there I find the head dignified with exceeding Power, Command, and Honour; there are other members, which being most useful to the principal part, are ex∣alted to a particular preferency, and a third sort, inferior and less useful, which through their weakness &c. seem liable to contempt and neglect, and consequently to grievances; so it is but meet for them to have re∣course to their Superiors, to set forth their wants, and likewise to declare their willingness, so far as in them lies, to contribute towards

the Support of the whole; and it seems not unreasonable that it should be thus in the State, since we find St. Paul to the Corinthians, most admirably describing it to be so in the Church; where having first made Christ the Head, and secondly constituted Apo∣stles, Prophets, and Teachers, he yet further in the third place, makes eve∣ry particular Christian come in for a share as a member, That there should be no Schism in the body, but the members should have the same care one for the o∣ther, and whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it, or one mem∣ber be honoured, all the members rejoyce with it.

To take the word Parliament in this sense, it may agree to several Nations, but else (as was before said) it is very equivocal, and differs ac∣cording to the several Countries it is found in; so that when the Author joyns the Parliaments of Poland and Great Britain together, the Reader must not imagin, that there is any likeness or resemblance between them; for there the King has so little Power,

the Cities scarce any, and that of the Nobility is so exorbitant, that the great∣est Councils upon the most pressing necessities for their safety against the Turks and Tartars end in nothing, if one Deputy shall think fit to make his Protestation against it: This Parliament•• being no more like ours than the Venetian Senate. And yet he tells us with great pomp, p. 43. that Poland alone has preserved its Parlia∣ment, whereas every one must ac∣knowlege, it would be a happy Coun∣try, if it had the oppertunity to lose it.

As for all other Countries whatsoever, except that, and our own, (he tell us, ib.) they have lost their Parliaments within this last age; This cannot be true, for though Danmark has lost its Diet, yet Sweden retains it still, and such a one was summoned but the last year. Spain and Portugal have the same sort of Government, they have had this several hundred years; how can he then say, that all Kingdoms, in this last age have lost their Parlia∣ments? Besides, as for Bohemia, Hungary,

and the rest of the Emperors Here∣ditary Provinces, although the Go∣vernment is pretty absolute on the Princes side, yet there is every where a Convocation of the States of the Country But I would fain know of him, whether he believes there is such a place as Ratisbone, and whe∣ther he thinks the Germans send their Deputies thither for nothing. En∣gland had indeed been happy if this Gentlemans opinion had been true, that its Parliaments had met with no In∣terruption in th•••• last age; but whate∣ver his thoughts may be, our Parliament was properly lost for several years together; from before the Death of King Charles the first, till the Resto∣ration of his Son; for 'tis impossible in nature to have that assembly in its true perfection, without a King in his full Prerogative and Splendor

Danmark has some years since, up∣on very important considerations, laid aside the Assembly of the States, and given their King a greater extent of Power in that particular, than his Predecessors formerly enjoyed: Not but that the King did be∣fore

enjoy very signal prerogatives; and throughout all the Northern Hi∣stories it is easy to show, that strict Obedience, and an entire Submission to their Prince, hath been reigning there from immemorial times; nor hath it ever so much as been known what a Republick was: There has in∣deed a controversy been started by Historians, whether in remote ages the Kingdom of Danmark has been here∣ditary or elective; there are weigh∣ty Reasons for the Inheritance, at least if custom and prescription be such, seeing Successors of the Royal Family, have come always to the Crown: in∣somuch that if we look back as far as Saxo's fabulous times, we shall al∣ways find the Son succeeding his Father, or if the Son has been wanting, ano∣ther of the same race has been made King. Upon the Death of a Prince, the Estates constantly met together, but it was with their Voices to con∣firm the next Heir, and not to elect ano∣ther, of any other Family whatsoever; for there cannot be one Instance gi∣ven through all the Danish History, where the Royal Family was excluded,

and a private man, though endow∣ed with never so many excellent qualities, exalted to the Throne; the example of Hiarne, recorded by Saxo, does not argue, for those times being fabulous, the story cannot be much relyed on; and it is likewise to be ob∣served, that it was even then sup∣posed, that the Prince and Heir was killed in Russia. Besides it is more impro∣bable, because they say he was made King for his Poetry; Poets being persons that seldom arrive at such Riches and Prefer∣ments. It is not to be denied, but that the Danes sometimes may have renounced their Allegiance to their King, or rebel∣led against him, but those instances are extreamly few, in comparison of such as may be found in the English or other Histories. When these Facts have been committed, they have been so far from being justified afterwards, that the Danes have ever looked upon them as their greatest misfortunes. And nothing can more evidently demon∣strate to an English-man, that Faith which the Danes naturally bear to their Prince, than the Hatred they have expressed against the villanous Act

of the Regicides, who commited the horrid Murther of King Charles the first. The book called Englands Black Tribunal, being translated into their Tongue, has by several editions, gi∣ven them such a sufficient account of it, as makes them universally detest it. In the alliance between the two Crowns, February 13, 1660. It was agreed in the 5th Article, that if any of those Regicides, were found either in Danmark or Norway, they should pre∣sently be delivered up to the King of England. Nay if a Dane would pre∣tend to fix any Crime upon the En∣glish it is th••s, you have killed your King: And as all Nations have some word or other of Reproach, their highest pas∣sion can give an English-man no worse than that of Rump.

But to come yet nigher to our Au∣thot, let us consider what rebellious sort of People he would make the Danes; and in order to this, let us wait upon one of our Danish Kings, from his Election to the Scaffold. It seems when a former Prince was murthered, a King was presently cho∣sen

by the People of all sorts, even the Boors had their voices, p. 43. They were to elect such a Person, as to them ap∣peared personable, valiant, affable, &c. and adorn'd with all other virtues. A very peculiar method! The Boors un∣doubtedly were made Judges of his Civility and Breeding, and the Citi∣zens Wives were brought in to consider his Person: as to his inward qualifica∣tions, it was impossible for the Mob to look into them on the sudden, and if the former were admitted, these were thrown into the bargain: Re∣gard was generally had to the family of the preceeding Kings, and sometimes they pleased to choose the Eldest Son, because the greatness of his Paternal Estate might enable him, in some degree to sup∣port his Office. So that if the Father dyed in debt, the Son was sure to be disinherited, but if we had kept his Estate together, then the young man might possibly get into the Throne, and having a tolerable fortune of his own, with that, together with some few perquisites of the Crown, he might pay his Tradesmen, and as this

Author says of the King, p. 46. might live like one of our Modern Noblemen, upon the Revenues of his own Estate.

After the good fortune of his Pro∣motion, if they found themselves mistaken in their choice, and that they had advanced a cruel, vicious, tyrannical, covetuous or wastful Person: they frequently deposed him, oftentimes banished, sometimes destroyed him; and this either formally, by making him answer before the representative body of the People; or if by ill practices, levying of Souldiers, contracting of Al∣liances to support himself, in oppo••••tion to the Peoples Rights, he was grown too powerful to be legally contended with, they dispatched him without any more Ceremony, the best way they could, p. 44, 45. We see here that there were five Crimes, for which the Kings of Dan∣mark•• by this Authors Laws, were to stand corrected; deposing being but a slight punishment, that was made use of frequently; therefore we will suppose ten or a dozen gone that way: Banishment he puts in the next degree, and that he says they were

Sentenced to oftentimes; from whence we may rationally conclude, the Ba∣nisht will amount to very near the forementioned number; the more In∣corrigible were sometimes destroyed: There's five or six sent that way I warrant you; others were either for∣mally E••ecuted by the sentence of a high Court of Justice, or dispatched without any more Ceremony the best way, for Endeavouring to secure themselves against the Insults of their own Sub∣jects. A very moderate computation! And here how few Kings are left to end their days in Peace? One would think a succession would not be much contended for, where a Crown is ten∣dred upon such ••icklish conditions, yet he tells us, p. 45. they always elected a better man in his Room•• sometimes the next of Kin, sometimes the Valiant man that had exposed himself so far, as to under∣take the Expulsion, or the Killing of the Tyrant; at other times a private Person of good Reputation, who possibly least dream't of such an advancement. I suppose the next of Kin were seldom so desperate as to venture, and there∣fore

they oftener threw their voices away upon some private Person, who according to this Authors description, might possibly be some honest drunk∣en sleepy fellow, that had a Crown dropt into his mouth as he lay yawn∣ing. But generally the Murtherer was likewise the Thief, and the Villain, who had dispatched his Prince succeeded him; hence there arose a well ordered Government, and all men became ambitious of Imitating their new King; the meanest Sub∣jects duly weighing the faults of their Superiors in their own breasts (the pro∣per Tribunal) the Servant soon stabs his cruel Master; the Tenant shoots his wasteful Lord, and the Son poi∣sons his covetous old Father, that having so done, they may by the com∣mon Law and Justice of the Kingdom succeed in their respective Inheri∣tances.

Having done with that Govern∣ment, the loss of which he so much complains of; we enter upon his ac∣count of the present State, and find him telling us, p. 46, 47. that about thirty two

years ago, at one Instant the face of affairs was changed, so that the Kings have ever since been absolute and arbi∣trary, not the least Remnant of Liber∣ty remaining to the Subject; the first and principal Article in the Danish law being, that the King has the Priviledge reserved to himself to explain the Law, nay to alter and change it as he shall find good. The consequences of this are, excessive Taxes in times of peace, little regard being had to the occasion of them; Poverty in the Gentry, Misery in the Peasants, and Partiality in the di∣stribution of Justice.

The occasion of the Change of Go∣vernment shall be declared in the next Paragraph, in the mean time, any one that knows Danmark must confess, that the King is absolute, but no further so than a Christian King of o••r own Pro∣testant Religion may be; wherefore amongst other of the obligations which he lies under, are the Holy Scriptures, and the Confession of A••gsburg, as is declared in the beginning of the Danish Law: A•• for that Law which the Author ••••livers, it is declaratory of the

Kings Authority; and since it is ne∣cessary, that a legislative Power should be lodged somewhere, shows that it is placed in him. Pursuant to this, the present King has compiled a Book of Laws, the Character of which is given by our Author, p. 232, 233. That for Ju∣stice, Brevity, and Perspicuity, they exceed all in the world. That they are grounded upon Equity, and are all contain'd in one Quarto Volume, written in the Language of the Country with so much plainness, that no man who can write and read, is so ignorant, but he may presently under∣stand his own Case, and plead it too if he pleases without the assistance of Councilor Attorney. Being thus constituted, they are so agreeable and adapted to the Danish Nation, that they continue still the same, the King having never yet changed nor altered, much less explain∣ed any part to the Prejudice of any par∣ticular Person whatsoever; the executi∣on of them throughout the whole King∣dom is with great equality and more eminently in the High Court of Justice in Copenhagen, where the King himself is President, and sits frequently; where,

Causes are often decided in favour of the meanest Peasant, against the great∣est Favorites, who for wrongs done, have been condemned to vast Mulcts and Penalties, as might be shown by several instances, if it were needful, or proper to insert them.

By this Law, every man possesses his own Real, or Personal Estate, with∣out the least E••croachment from the King; 'tis true that the Subject pays Taxes, but they are such only as Ne∣cessity requires; for Danmark being surrounded with many potent Neigh∣bours, who are all in Arms, it must, for its own preservation, support a Fleet and Army, unless it could perswade them to disband their Forces.

The Taxes being for the common good, are laid equally upon all: and the Kings Moderation in his Expences, both as to himself and the Royal Family, being so conspicuous, the Subject has the great∣er satisfaction to see what he contri∣butes, laid out only for his own Pre∣servation. Notwithstanding these Taxes the People live in Plenty,

wanting nothing either for Conveni∣ency or Pleasure.

All this they enjoy, although the Government is indeed absolute; and they with all willingness and due obe∣dience submit themselves to this Go∣vernment, because they are sufficient∣ly satisfied, that this absolute Power was not given to his Majesty of Dan∣mark, till the necessity for it was un∣avoidable. The Nobility was that part of the Danish Constitution, which first broke in upon the Symmetry of the whole; in several Ages, and by insensible degrees, they encroached upon the Kings Prerogative, but all along made larger progresses towards the enslaving of the Commonalty; insomuch that all burthens and publick Taxes, were imposed upon them alone. After the War with Swe∣den, the Commons found themselves unable longer to live under such op∣pressions; they had bravely defended their Country, with the hazard of their Lives, and would have done so with their Fortunes, if they had had any remaining; but these were wholly

swallowed up by the Nobility, who yet would contribute nothing toward the maintaining of a just War against foreign Enemy and Invader. Dan∣mark being upon the brink of Ruine, the Commons in these circumstances, as the weaker and more oppres••ed part, fly to their Head for succour. Neither the King alone, nor the Com∣mons alone, nor both King and Com∣mons joyntly, could controul the No∣bility so far, as to make them pay Taxes; therefore it was necessary that all three should consent to a new Go∣vernment, so the Commons proposed it to the Lords, and both Lords and Commons offer the King to make him absolute; which offer, if he had not accepted of, neither himself nor the Commons could have supported the State: Supplies were of necessity to be raised, the Commonalty could not raise them without assistance, and there was no other way but this, to make the Nobility in some equal mea∣sure bear their proportion.

After this alteration in the Govern∣ment, the present Author would make

us believe that strange Miseries hap∣pened, and as a very astonishing one, says, p. 47. That the value of Estates, in most parts of the Kingdom is fallen three fourths 'Tis true, the value of Estates did fall, but nothing near the proportion he speaks of, the true reason was the want of Money in the Commonalty, which had been exhausted by the War; for the Commons if they had had wherewithal, would have been glad to buy Estates, which they were not permitted to do before this alte∣ration.

Then it must be considered, that before this the price of Estates was extravagant, and far beyond the in∣trinsick value; for then none but a Nobleman could purchase Lands, and if by a Mortgage, or any other occasion, Lands happened to fall into the hands of other People, they were obliged to proffer them to sale to the Nobility, who still purchased in Envy and Emulation of one another. Trade and Commerce being little at that time, the Money was chiefly laid out in buying of Estates; but since the

Nobles have not the former eager∣ness for buying up the Land as before; and Shipping is so much en∣creased of late, every one rather chuses to employ his Money that way, than to purchase Lands at such an ex∣travagant rate as formerly. And yet it is to be observed, according to the Relation of a Gentleman, lately arri∣ved out of Danmark, the value of Land is now raised considerably; so that in a little time, it will come to be very near equal to what it has been heretofore. For it is to be considered, that Danmark and Norway, being since the alteration, become Masters of a very great Trade, their Money must encrease likewise. In other Reigns it was a rarity to see some few Ships from Copenhagen. and the most considerable Cities, go to France and Spain. Now Copenhagen alone has above 50 large Ships that trade to France, &c. and other parts have 'em proportionably, besides those bound for Spain, the Streights, Guinea, and the East and West-Indies, &c. And in Norway lit∣tle Sea Towns that formerly had ei∣ther

one, or two, or no Ships at all, but sold their Timber to the English and Dutch that came thither (the Dutch especially, being as it were their Fa∣ctors, carrying out their Goods, and supplying them with all sorts of French and Spanish Wares, which the Inhabi∣tants never fetched themselves.) These very Towns, which are not one, or two, but most Sea-towns in Norway, being in abundance all along the Sea-coasts, now send yearly to England, France and Holland, 10, 20, 30, or 40 large Fly-boats, and Ships of other Building, as can be testified by the Merchants who trade to those parts. With this encrease of Trade, the reputation of Danmark, in respect of its interest with other Princes of Europe, is of late years so far advanced, as that Crown never yet made so great a figure in Christendom, as it does at present, not even in the time of Canutus; when we may suppose it in its greatest prosperity.

So that, although an absolute Mo∣narchy, with the additional term of arbitrary Power, sounds harsher in the Ears of an Englishman, than most

other Nations: His present Majesty of Danmark shows us, that even in an ab∣solute Monarchy, which in its own nature may be under several inconve∣niencies in respect of the People, and temptations of encroachment as to the Prince; yet a wise and good King may so order his conduct, as to make his Subjects easy, and himself glorious.

To conclude, I take this Chapter to be our Authors Masterpiece, particu∣larly his character of an old Danish King; it gives us the very image of the De∣scribers own thoughts and inclinations, and shows us what sort of King, a Commonwealths man may perhaps con∣descend to make, and then how many particular ways and means, he can find out to dispatch him.

CHAP. VII.

The Manner how the Kingdom of Dan∣mark became Hereditary and Abso∣lute.

IT is astonishing to consider (says our Author, p. 48.) how a free and rich people, (for so the Danes were formerly) should be perswaded intirely to part with their Liberties. It is more astonishing to me, to see a man write without considering: For in what did these former Riches consist? In a Country exhausted by the Taxes (p. 50.) or in the want of Money to discharge the Arrears due to the Army, (p. 49.) or in the miseries attending the War, (ibid.) which had in a manner ruined the Peo∣ple? In the next place, where was their Freedom? when the Senator Ot∣to Craeg tells the Commons•• p. 52. they were no other than Slaves: and these very words made them deliberate how to get rid of such an odious Name and Character? Lastly, how

were they perswaded intirely to part with their Liberty? when they gave this power to the King, on express purpose to gain it. For the King upon the first News of the Resolution of the Commons, did often openly promise that he would in gratitude and recompence, declare them all free assoon as it lay in his power, by the Gift they were about to make him, p. 58. Which promise he perform'd accordingly, and put the Commons of Danmark into the State they are at present, which is far from Slavery.

It will be necessary here to show how all sorts of people stood in Dan∣mark before the alteration, which will easily make the true grounds of it appear, and how it came to be effect∣ed with a consent so general and with so little trouble. The King had his power curb'd by the Nobility to a great measure, p. 54. and as the Kings found these encroachments, they did endea∣vour to prevent them: to secure their Pre∣rogative therefore (in the latter ages) they often made their Sons be elected and sworn (whence they were in Da∣nish called Hylded:) during their

life time, and have Homage done them both in Danmark and Norway. Frederick the third, who was King at this conjun∣cture, had done so by Prince Christian the present King; he was then admir'd by his Subjects for his conduct and va∣lour, p. 54. they had seen him with an admirable Patience and Constancy bear all his Calamities: he had often exposed his person for the sake of his Subject; and they therefore thought they could ne∣ver do enough to show their gratitude to∣wards him.

The Nobility were very numerous and diffusive: all the lands were in their sole possession; their estates re∣sembled our Mannors, of which they were Lords, and took their Titles from thence, and as they increased in Wealth, and consequently in Lands, they had additional titles from thence, and these accrued either by Purchase, (which as has been said before, none could make but themselves) or else by Marriages, which they always contracted among one another; for when a Nobleman died, his pedigree was declared to the eighth Generation upwards, both by

Fathers and Mothers side to have been noble. To them alone belong'd (and does belong) the honour of a Coat of Arm's; others may make use of Cyphers and Rebus's for distinction, but they do not deliver them down to poste∣rity; nor have they any farther mark of honour in them. Among these Nobles there were twenty four persons of the chiefest Families, who composed a standing Council, call'd Rigens Raad, or the Council of the Kingdom; up∣on the death of one of these Councel∣lors, his Successor had a Patent from the King to constitute him so, but he was always approved, if not first chosen by the Nobility. This Council had by degrees so enlarged their Authority, as to interpose in most of the great Affairs of the King∣dom. The entire body of the Nobi∣lity, though standing possest of the Lands, look'd upon it (p. 50.) as their Ancient Prerogative, to pay nothing by way of Taxes.

The rest of the people of Dan∣mark consisted of the Clergy, the Burghers, or Citizens, and the Peasants,

who were either in the nature of ou••-Farmers, or else the Vornede, who re¦sembled the Villains in our Law, who were so called quasi Villae adscripti, and so were these.

When a Diet was to meet (which it did not do of course, or at certain periods, but upon great occasions (as doing Homage, or to raise Taxes) the Nobility assembled together in the Palace, and sate by themselves, the King seldom coming among them; all were summon'd, and as many appear'd as could with their convenience: The Clergy and Burghers, who were sent in proportion by their several Districts, sate in the Brewers Hall; and the Pea∣sants, who had their Representatives likewise, sate in some other Hall, be∣longing to some of the Companies. When the Nobility had deliberated concerning a Tax, the Clergy, Burgh∣ers and Peasants were sent for to their House, to hear what was to be laid upon them, and not to debate the matter, or to pretend to controul+'em.

This was the condition of the King∣dom, and the Danish Parliament, when the War with Sweden was ended: And it was this Prerogative of the No∣bility, that made the other States so willing to devolve a Power upon the King, by which he could make the Nobility pay their proportion, and either Clergyman or Citizen be able to purchase; and so the Peasant, who before could be a Farmer only, if he could get Money, might have li∣cence to become a Free-holder: And the Soldier was, no doubt, likewise desirous of it, because he had a pro∣spect then, that his Arrears should be paid him. There being so many ad∣vantages likely to accrue to the King, whom they acknowledged by his Valor and Conduct to deserve them; to the whole Royal Family, and indeed to all the rest of the Danes; and no da∣mage toany, except that which the Nobles received in contributing to∣wards the defence of the Lands, which they possest. It is not so very strange, that an alteration should be perfected in so few days, all things not

only being ripe for, but necessity itself requiring it.

The Speech of Otto Craeg made the Commons eager to obtain this altera∣tion, especially being headed by their President Nauson, who was a man of Vigor. The Superintendent Swan was at the Head of the Clergy, who were no less desirous of it. Sestede was Prime Minister, and concurred to their intention; and several of the Nobles themselves, who were in Court, were not displeased at it; and the Queen, being a Woman of Spirit, thought her self bound to her Posterity to ad∣vance it. It was night when the Com∣mons parted from the Nobles, and that gave them time the better to con∣cert their resolutions. The next day they come again, and declare their fixt design, concerning the Power which they intended to place in his Majesty's Hands. The Nobility desired farther time to deliberate concerning it, and to do it with greater caution and so∣lemnity. Finding a delay in the No∣bles, and that they would not come up to equal resolutions with them, the

Commons go the same morning to the Palace, where being introduc'd to the King, they tender him an Hereditary and Soveraign Dominion. His Maje∣sty in answer tells them of the necessity there was for the concurrence of the Nobility, before he should be willing to accept the Power they design'd him, assuring them of his Protection, and ••ase of Grievances; dismissing them with advice to continue their Sessions, till matters might be brought to greater perfection. The same day Monsieur Scheel, a Senator, was to be buried with much magnificence, and all the Nobility invited to a great Entertainment, as is usual there upon such occasions: In the mean time the Gates of the City were shut and whereas two or three of the Nobility had gone out the night before, there was no opportunity left for the rest to do so. Now being altogether upon the forementioned occasion, they be∣gan to deliberate more seriously upon the assair, and to send news to the Court of their compliance with the Commons, and their unanimous agree∣ment

with them; three days were thought requisite for an intermediate space, before the Consummation of this Ceremony, which was perform'd before the Castle, the King and Royal Family being plac'd there in Chairs of State, and receiving the Homage of all the Senators, Nobility, Clergy and Commons; so an affair of this conse∣quence was dispatched in four days, without any farther trouble than what has been related.

We must allow our Author in his Description of these proceedings to use some of his own Ornaments, and particularly that instance of his subtle Genius to dive into the hearts of men, which he gives us when he speaks (p. 56.) about the Kings seeming Re∣luctancy, through doubt of the event, or sense of the dishonesty, and crime of the action. Whereas the King was all along willing to receive the profer of the Commons, but declared that he thought, the concurrence of the Nobility necessary, that the consent might be universal. He is very particular, as to the Summs of Money that were given,

p. 74. Hannibal Sestled had two hundred thousand Crowns: Swan the Bishop had 30000, and was made Archbishop: The President Nauson had 20000. One might think he spoke with the person that paid the Bills. This is a piece of secret history, which may perhaps be revealed to Foreigners, but the Danes know nothing of it; and it seems to carry the less probability, because Swan has an Archbishoprick, and ten thou∣sand Crowns more than Nauson, who appears all along to have done equal service.

Besides these three persons, the Clergy who always make sure bargains, were the only gainers in this point, p. 74. What are their Revenues enlarged? Do they pay no Taxes? Or what have they gained more than the Burghers? Why e'en just nothing. There are no Taxes rais'd upon the Burghers, to which the Clergy must not pay their Quota: And whereas before the alteration, the Clergyman paid, as it were, no Taxes, through the connivance of the Nobility, now h••bears an equal share with any man

of any other Profession in the King∣dom.

The Commons have since experienced, that the little ••inger of an absolute Prince, can be heavier than the loins of many Nobles. All the Citizens of Copenha∣gen have by it obtained the insignificant Priviledge of wearing Swords; so that at this day, not a Cobler or Barber stirs a∣broad without a Tilter by his side, let his Purse be never so empty.

The Priviledge of wearing Swords was granted to the Citizens before the change, to encourage them to a vigo∣rous defence of Copenhagen, when the Clergy not only adher'd to the interest of their Country, but the Burghers likewise valiantly defended it, (p. 51.) Before that time none might wear them but the Nobility, unless they were Sol∣diers, and among them a Commoner, very seldom rose higher than a Cap∣tain. In the publick calamity of their Country, all appeared zealous for the defence of it. The Works of the Town were as good as none, but they were raised in a little time by an incredible industry: Not only the Students of

the University appeared in Arms, and the Citizens of condition did the same, but the meanest of the People got Scythes, and such other instruments, to perform what was in their power, upon an occasion so absolutely necessa∣ry. Indeed all sorts of People shewed, that they were worthy to wear their Swords, since they knew so well how to use them. After the alteration, the Priviledges granted them were far from insignificant. Several for the be∣nefit of Trade, &c. are fixt by a large Charter, besides the liberty to pur∣chase any Lands and Lordships what∣soever. They are to be burthened with no impositions, but such as the Nobles bear; and they have the com∣fort (which before they had not) to see their Children admitted to all ho∣nours, and publick offices, to employ∣ments civil and military according as they can deserve them) equally as well as the Sons of the greatest Noblemen.

Barbers indeed in Copenhagen wear Swords, as being principal Citizens; for they are at the same time very skilful and able Surgeons, and much respect∣ed;

but Coblers stalking about with Tilters by their sides, are as rare a sight there as roasted Green Geese.

When he told me (p. 74.) the Peo∣ple had the Glory of forging their own Chains. I took the Danes to be like his Savage Indians, and that they wore Fetters and Manacles instead of other Ornaments, and that all their cold Iron was rather employ'd that way, than for Tilters: For by the by, a Sword is the foolishest instrument in the world, for a Prince to put into the hands of such Subjects, as he designs to make absolute Slaves of.

CHAP. VIII.

The Conditions, Customs, and Temper of the People.

THis Authors Book would be very plausible, if People would oblige themselves in the reading of one Chap∣ter, not to remember what may have been said in another. His eighth Chap∣ter

is long enough of it self to require the same dispensation; for the Reader will be at a loss if he makes use of his memory, or if he hopes, that the mid∣dle should be agreeable to the begin∣ning, or the end not be contradictory to them both. As he has hitherto been partial, in representing the nature and change of the Danish Government, so it is no wonder, if he be mistaken in the consequences he draws from thence: The condition, customs and temper of the People, he says, are in∣fluenced by the change of Government. Whatever alteration that may have undergone, and whatever new Fashi∣ons may by chance, or humour be brought in, as to Cloaths; yet still the customs of the People are the same they were before: And more especi∣ally they continue their free and merry way of living, their Hospitaliay, and their Liberality, all which the Danes and Norsh have always look'd upon as their native qualities; these make the condition of People of all ranks to be very far from deplorable. (p. 75.) For they know, that what he

calls habitual slavery, (ibid.) in them is nothing but a due obedience to su∣pream powers, not interrupted by any Mutiny or Rebellion: His Laziness (ibid.) is in them a contented mind, his setting them beyond hopes and fears; is their desiring not to intrench upon the power lodg'd in their Prince; nor creating needless Jealousies and Mi∣strusts, lest he should misuse it. For it seems, ib. the Danes have mortified am∣bition, emulation, and other troublesome qualities, which freedom begets, and which ill men may indeed admire, but common morality has set forth to them as vices. From hence they are so far from finding themselves in a sickly constitution, that on the contrary, they have evident and sensible proofs, that their obedience makes the con∣stitution of the Danish. Government strong and vigorous; so as to be able to fling off any ill humours that may be bred within, and to repulse any acci∣dent from without. Nay they see it not only healthy, but gay and florid, proceeding on from strength to strength in greater degrees, than it

has done heretofore, either within their own Memories, or the Records of their Ancestors.

And indeed the Government is so much the stronger, because the No∣bility now assist to the support of it. It is easily imagined, that the Nobles were in some greater power before the alteration; and that they were richer, when they contributed nothing toward the publick necessities of their Country, than they are now. How∣ever they are not diminisht, or grown so low (p. 75.) as this Author would insinuate; that proportion which they pay to the publick Taxes for the de∣fence of their Country, being only deducted, they are in the same con∣dition which they were before, and live very great and nobly on their seats in the Country, some of which, tho ancient, are very decent, others built after the modern Architecture: and they delighting much in Gardens, have them in very good perfection. This is the utmost difference, that whereas formerly only the ancient Families call'd Adelen, or the Nobility lived so;

(because then no others could purchase Lands) now any one of the Burgher state that can afford it, may keep his Country Seat as well as the Nobility. What the Nobles pay in Taxes is suffi∣ciently repaid to several of them by the profitable Imployments, which they have in Civil Affairs; and as they help towards the maintaining of an Army, so they reap the benefit, by being general Officers in it.

These Employments our Author complains of, as grievous, p. 78. to the Nobility; whereas it seems much bet∣ter than living at home uselessly, and 'tis no more than what they do in all other Courts of Europe. Nor are the Civil Employments so few, or of so small value, as he would make them, p 78. For though the Long Robe has not places of such vast profit as elsewhere; yet every Government having its Go∣vernour, and several Officers subordi∣nate, there must be abundance of Employments, whose names cannot be so properly exprest in the En∣glish.

Our Author has given us a very odd account of the Nobility, and begins with affirming, that Antient Riches and Valour were the only Titles to Nobi∣lity formerly in this Country: whereas not he that was Rich and Valiant, therefore consequently became a No∣bleman: but the Nobility having got all the Lands to themselves, might easily engross the Reputation of being brave and valiant. None, it seems, then took their Degree or Patents of Honour from the King. First, If this were true, it could not be for the good of any Nation, where for an encouragement to glorious Actions, there ought to be some fountain of Honour, and the King certainly is the most proper one: but in the second place, 'tis evident that as well before as after the altera∣tion, the King of Danmark made No∣blemen, and gave Patents of Honour to them that deserved well, as can be proved by several instances, in the Reign of Christian the IV. and Frede∣rick the III. (before he was made ab∣solute) as also in the Reigns of their Predecessors. Of late years, he says,

p. 79. some few Titles of Baron and Count and nothing higher, have been given to Favorites, who enjoy not the same pri∣viledges by those Titles, which our Lords in England do, but content themselves with a few airy insignificant ones. There is no necessity that the Nobili∣ty of another Country, should in eve∣ry thing correspond with that of En∣gland; suppose the Counts and Barons in Danmark not to be just the same, are therefore their Titles airy and in∣significant? On the quite contrary, there's no Country in Europe, where Counts and Barons have such a Pre∣eminence, as in Danmark. When the King there gives Sheild and Helm (as they c••ll it) that is a Noblemans Coat of Arms with a Patent of Nobility to him; then such a man is distinguished from the common people: (and such as these only were made before the Alteration, except some few Counts created by foreign Monarchs and Princes. But when the King will pro∣mote a person to a degree higher, which he never does, unless he has so great an Estate as is requisite to sustain

his Honour and Character, then he gives the Titles of Baron or Count (for Dukes there are none in Dan∣mark, that Title of old time, properly belonging to the Royal Family) this Honour is far greater, and has several Priviledges above the rest of the No∣bility, as may be seen in the Danish Law. And yet it may more easily be imagin'd, that that honour must be so much the greater, by reason of the rarity of such Titles, there not being twenty in the whole Kingdom.

The following paragraph, that 'tis only this kind of Nobility with Titles, that have liberty to make a Will, and thereby to dispose of any Estate, otherwise than as the Law has determined, unless such Will, in the Life of the Testator, be approved of, and signed by the King; has more than one mistake in it, for not only this kind, but all the Nobility, have Titles from the Lands they pos∣sess and are Lords of; these indeed have the highest Titles of Count and Baron, and then not only they, but all the Nobility, nay any one among the Clergy and Citizens can make a Will;

only it is to be observed, that it is re∣quired to every such Testament from whomsoever it comes, that it be ap∣prov'd and sign'd by the King, to render it of force and valid, that the Estate may go otherwise than the Law hath determined. Neither is it true, that the King (p. 81.) assumes to him∣self the power of disposing all Heirs and Heiresses of any consideration. Some∣times the King may interpose his Me∣diation for the Marriage of some of the chief Nobility, but it is far from being his usual custom, much less does he assume any power to constrain them, or cause them, who do not hearken to his Recommendation, to lye under the pain of his displeasure, p. 81. which is too weighty to be born.

The Nobility being forc'd to endure the forementioned hardships, It is possi∣ble, p. 81. most of the present Possessors would quit the Country, the first opportunity, if there were not such a severe Law against aliena∣tions: That if any one would transport himself, the third part of his Purchase Money shall accrue to the King. This Law is not more hard, than it is un∣necessary,

for there being no buying and selling of Land in Danmark, (p. 80.) the Kings third part of Purchase Money will amount to but little; and where Estates are a charge, (ibid.) and the Proprietors can scarce obtain the favour of the King to be so gracious as to take their Estates from them, (p. 77.) one would fancy, that all landed men would lay the Key under the door, and be scampering: now to mend their condition, and to get free from Mo∣narchy and Taxes: I would advise them to hasten to a neighbouring Commonwealth, the Seat of Liberty, where the chief Minister of their State has not above 5001. salary, and where their Excise and Taxes laid on their Estates, amount often to above their yearly income. After all, the Law, a•• it is reasonable to prevent the Subject from following his own humour to the prejudice of his native Country, so i•• does require but a sixth part to the King, and a tenth part of the rest to the Magistrate of the place, both which, according to my Arithmetick will not amount to a third part, a••

is reported by our Author with his Geometrical Exactness.

Land being worth nothing, how must the Counts and Barons do to live? Why they are obliged by all manner of ways to keep in with the Court, as indeed all are, who have a mind to live, and eat bread, p. 79. What then will become of the rest of the Adelen, or native Gentry? Why military employments are mightily covered by them, p. 81. almost as much as the civil, and for the same reason, that the Priest's Office was among the Jews, viz. That they may eat a piece of Bread. Bread! Bread! is the universal Cry, and our Author seems to have bor∣rowed his Images not from the Jews, but rather from the Egyptians, calling upon Pharoah towards the latter end of the seven years of Famine.

Want of Bread is not the only mis∣fortune, for it comes attended with other miseries; for he says, that the King of Danmark (p. 81.) imitates the French practice in this particular, to make the Gentry poor, and render Traf∣fick unprofitable and dishonourable: Men of birth must live, and one half of the

Nation, by giving themselves up to Sla∣very, will contribute their assistance after∣wards to put Chains upon the other: Yet in Danmark Natives are considered less than Strangers, and all sorts of places civil and military are fill'd more by Fo∣reigners, than Gentlemen of the Country, &c. Were all these things true, they would be very great evidences of a corrupt Government: But I shall beg leave to set the Reader right as to these particulars, and the condition of the people. The Plenty of the whole Country has been sufficiently described, and in the midst of this, the chief Nobility enjoy the Governments of the several Provinces, and the chief Offices of the Kingdom; the rest of the Adelen, or Nobility, have subor∣dinate Governments and Offices, some at Court, and others in the Countries where they have their Seats of Resi∣dence; some Germans are in the Court, but the native Subjects are in greater number, as the Counts Guldenlew, Rant∣zow, Reventlaw, Ahlefelt, Frits; Baron Juel, Messieurs Hogh, Moth, Harboe, Scholier, Luxdorf, and a great many

more, too numerous to be here insert∣ed: And Natives likewise are in all the Governments throughout the Pro∣vinces. Men of Birth breed up their Sons to several Employments, some to civil Affairs, some to Studies, and some to Trade and Traffick, which is as profitable and honourable there as Merchants can desire; it has all encou∣ragement from the King, and many of the highest rank interest themselves in it continually. Some Gentlemen apply themselves to Arms, and endea∣vour that way to be serviceable to their Country; there are abundance of these in Commission: Foreigners there are indeed in some number, but it must be considered, that they came thither in the late War, and took pay in Danmark, either of their own ac∣cord, or hired out by their Princes: These are by birth Germans, French, Scotch, Poles, Prussians, &c. Yet these very men are naturalized, married, and settled in Danmark, and so are now to be accounted Danes. The Inhabi∣tants do not pay the Souldiers, nor are constantly plagu'd with insolent Inmates,

who Lord it where they dwell, p. 87. For the ••ane lying under a necessity from his Neighbourhood to maintain an Army at home, does it after the manner that may be most easy to the People, which is this: Souldiers are scattered univer∣sally all round about the Countries. The Officers there often take Houses, and live with their Families, their Com∣panies quartering round about them. The Souldiers are quartered upon the Inhabitants, who are to find them Bed, Salt, and Sour, or Vinegar. If the Landlord finds his Souldiers disagree∣able, he may hire them a Lodging elsewhere for a small matter: But the Souldier is generally desirous to oblige his Landlord which he does by seve∣ral offices and labours that he per∣forms for him, and is rewarded with his Diet, which otherwise he must find for himself, so that by that means he may have the Kings Pay clear for his Pocket. And hence it proceeds, that a Souldier comes to be as desirous in a Family as a Servant; their Arrears are small, the Pay being as constant, and the Discipline as exact and severe, as

any where can be, both for Officers and Souldiers. Strangers find them∣selves so well entertain'd in Danmark and Norway, that it is no wonder they flock thither: Great Civility, Cour∣tesies and Hospitality are shown to∣wards them, which if our Author will have to be a fault, is certainly one upon the best natur'd side. A man would hardly have thought to have found any People in Danmark, accord∣ing to our Author's Description) that could get out of it: Much less to have found Strangers there, and that per∣sons, honoured by being born within the Confines of the Empire, or Poles who have Parliaments, would vent••re thi∣ther. But I see at last, that there is in Danmark something worth getting, and leaving one's own Country to be∣come Master of.

Come we now to an unexpected pa∣ragraph, and which is beyond all cre∣dibility; by what has been said before, one would have thought the Danes went on foot at least, if they did not go bare-foot, when on a sudden (p. 83.) he acquaints us with their Expensiveness

in Retinue, Cloaths, &c. and of a prodi∣gality not only in the Gentry, whose con∣dition is more easy, but likewise in the Burgher and Peasant. It is not deny'd, but that the Danes have always been, and are now inclin'd to a handsome way of living, and to the free enjoy∣ment of what they are lawfully possest of. It is the generousness, p. 83. of their temper and nature which makes them do it, and not our Author's reasons, viz. the difficulty of procuring a comfortable subsistence, and the little security of en∣joying what shall be acquired through in∣dustry; the sense, that they live but from hand to mouth, making them live to day, as the Poet advises, not knowing but what they now have, may be taken from them to morrow. They all know the quite contrary; and whatever the Po∣et may say, they are certain the Law says, that what they have to day, shall not be taken from them to morrow: As for their spending prodigally, because they come by it difficultly, Sancho may teach him, that 'tis rather, lightly come, lightly go; and I look upon this Pro∣verb to be as true as his Assertion: Be∣ing

in a merry humour, and in with his Poets, he gives us a bit of Latin,

Torva Leaena Lupum sequitur, Lupus ipse Capellam, Florentem Cytisum sequitur lasciva Capella.

The admirable application, and the use he makes of his Learning, (accord∣ing to his modern Education) as he gives it us is this: p. 84. That the Gentleman spends presently on himself, and pleasures all that he can get, for fear his Money be taken from him by Taxes, before he has eaten or drank for it: The Peasant assoon as he gets a Rixdoller lays it out in Bran∣dy, lest his Landlord should hear of it, and take it from him. Thus

Torva Leaena, &c.

Little could Virgil imagine when he wrote those Verses, that future ages would make Florentem Cytisum be by interpretation a Brandy Bottle. Pray•• Sir, to be serious, do they in Danmark first search for what a man has by him, and then lay on the Taxes? or rather as in other Countries, proportion them to his way of living, his estate and

employments? What man in England would set up his Coach to avoid the Poll Tax, by which he is to pay five pound more for keeping it?

Come we now to the Merchant and Burgher, these he says, p. 84. subsist purely upon credit, there being very few that can be called rich, or worth a hundred thou∣sand Rixdollars. Less than a hundred thousand Rixdollars by far•• will give a man the denomination o•• ••ich in Dan∣mark or Norway; an Esta••e of 10, ••0, or 50 thousand will be called Riches there, for we must consider, that a Rixdollar will go every way farther there, than a pound sterling in En∣gland. Nay the Author himself, p. 103. when he is to show the grievous••••ss of the Taxes affirms, that a Rixdollar, con∣sidering the scarcity of Money, ought to be computed to go farther than three Crowns with us. And at this rate there are not so few wealthy men as he would perswade us. Th••t Trade should be managed by Credit is no wonder, it is punctual Payment which maintains it, and their Credit would soon be lost, if they had not wherewithal to pay their Creditors.

Manufactures have been endeavour'd to be introduced, not so much with a design of benefitting the publick, p. 85. as private Courtiers and great men, who were the Undertakers; but in a little time all came to nothing. For 'tis a sure Rule, Trade will not be forc'd, where proper••y is not secur'd. It is apparent from h••nce, that Trade is not discou∣raged in Danmark, p. 81. since by his Confes••••••on, Courtier•• and great men be∣come Undertakers: It is certain, likewise that in Danmark several Manufactures have succeeded very well, others indeed have no•• had the same success, not be∣cause property is not secur'd, but be∣cause they can have the same Commo∣dities cheaper from Holland, Spain or England. The making Silks, and Drink∣ing Glasses, (though these latter are made in great perfection in Copenhagen) did not turn to account, because there is no property in Danmark! Should you, Sir, take Sir Robert Viners House in Lombardstreet, and set up a Manufa∣cture for the making Tacks at three pence a thousand, and employ about 500 Smiths to furnish London with 'em,

and this project should not turn to one per cent. must I attribute this misfortune to the unsecureness of the English pro∣perty, or rather to the discretion of the Ironmongers, who can have them about II d. in the Shilling cheaper, if they will but send to Brumigham. Who thinks his Estate to have the worse title, because he sees People daily fling their Money away in Stock-job∣bing?

There being an impossibility of ha∣ving Manufactures introduc'd into Danmark, p. 84. trading Towns and Villages are all fallen to decay. Kioge once a flourishing little Sea-Port Town, lent Christian IV. two hundred thousand Rix∣dollars, but upon occasion of the late Poll Tax the Collectors were forced to take Featherbeds, Brass, Pewter, &c. in lieu of Money. That trading Towns should fall to decay, when Trade encreases will scarce gain belief. As for Kioge, that Town lying within four Leagues of Copenhagen, 'tis no wonder if the Trade is in some measure decreased, since the flourishing of that City: We have this Authors word for it, that

Kioge raised so much money in four and twenty hours time. Two hundred thousand Rixdollars (and those (as was said before) equivalent to English pounds) is a good round summ for a little Town to lend in a days time; they lent so much then, that it is no great wonder they have no great plen∣ty now: However it was no such great sight in England (even in King Charles's time) to see a sturdy fray, between a Collector of Chimney-money, and an Old Woman in behalf of her Porridge Pot, and batter'd Pewter Dish, the only Ornament of her Cupboard. And yet I suppose, the Author does not take us to have been undone then, though such an instance (which he has only by hear-say, p. 85.) is enough to prove all the Danes to be ruin'd.

If this be the Case of the Gentleman and Burgher, what can be expected to be that of the poor Peasant? p. 86. What indeed? In Sealand they are all as absolute Slaves, as the Negroes are in Barbadoes, but with this difference, that their fare is not so good. For indeed every body knows, that there is great care taken by the

Planter, throughout all the West In∣dies, to provide dainties for their Ne∣groes, which consist of Pork very sel∣dom, and Potato's always. The Au∣thor is to b•• excused for his mistakes in this paragraph, because they cannot so easily be rectified without the Danish Law, which I suppose he never consult∣ed. It must be known that from imme∣morial time in Sealand, there has been a Law about Vornede, as they are called in Danmark, that is Vassals; the •••••• whereof is, that a Boor born upon a Landlord's Land, is obliged to stay there, and not to leave his Service, ex∣cept he is freed by his Landlord. But first, what he says, that neither they, nor their Posterity to all Generations, can leave the Land to which they belong, p. 86. is far from being true: for the Land∣lord may make them free when he pleases, which is often practised: Or they may obtain their freedom for a small summ of money, which is done commonly. Or if it happens, that a Vassal comes away, and stays ten years in a City, or twenty in the Country any where, without his Landlords ground,

he is free from his claim. Secondly, That Gentlemen count their Riches by their stocks of Boors, as here with us byour stocks of Cattle, p. 86. is of the same stamp: As we say, such a Gentleman has so many Tenants, by which we mean so many Farms; so throughout all Dan∣mark they say, he has so many Boors, not that he has many head of Boors, as we would say of Cattle. Thirdly, That in case of Purchase, they are sold as belonging to the Freehold, just as Timber Trees. In England, when a Mannor is sold, all the services due to the Man∣nor are sold with it; and it is no other∣wise in Danmark. Further the Land∣lord cannot go, for the Law says, the Landlord may make his Vassal free, but he must by no means sell him to ano∣ther; if the Vassal be sold, then he's free, both from him that sold and bought him. Neither, fourthly, Do the Boors with all that belongs to them, appertain to the Proprietor of the Land. For such a Vassal owes nothing more to his Landlord, than that he shall stay on his Land, till his Ground, and pay him his Rent; which when it is done,

reasonably the Landlord can require nothing more of him; so that this Law of Vassals in Sealand, was princi∣pally introduc'd, that the Landlords might not want Tenants. These Vas∣sals may be transplanted from one Farm to another. The Vornede are only in Sealand, and the King would have given them freedom there, since the Alteration, but that he was shewed there would have been several inconve∣niencies attending it. As to the conditi∣on of the Country People throughout the rest of Danmark and Norway, it is just like that of the Farmers in England, paying their Rent and Due to the Landlord, or leaving his Farm when they cannot agree together. They do indeed ••••arter Souldiers, but it is in the manner before described. And they are bound to furnish Horses and Waggons for the Kings Baggage and Retinue when he travels. These are provided by an Officer in the nature of our Constable, who takes care, that there shall be an equal share for every Peasant through∣out Sealand and other Provinces, where the King of Danmark travels;

so that it does not come to the same Boors turn above once a year; for not only they that live near the Road, but those likewise who lye farther off, must attend in their order. This seem∣ed to our Author to be the greatest hard∣ship imposed on these poor Peasants. He has seen 'em so beaten and abus'd by Lacqueys, that it has often mov'd his pity and indignation to see it, p. 90. Tender hearted Gentleman! There was no Provocation on the Boors side I war∣rant you! They are generally better bred than to give ill language! If you were so touched with this, how would your Pity, Sir, have been mov'd, had you seen a Dane's head broke in a vio∣lent Passion, because he could not leta Draw-bride down soon ••nough, or had you seen one of the Kings Huntsmen cut over the pate by a Footman? Men may talk of Barbadoes and Negroes, but the Danes are never us'd so much like Slaves, as when they meet with some sort of Envoys.

According to the account hitherto of People in all stations, one would imagine the Beggars to be innumera∣ble;

but it seems, that you will scarce see a Beggar in the streets of Copenha∣gen, except before some Burghers door, who that day gives Alms to the poor of his Parish. For all the poor People of a Parish go about one day to one, another to another Citi∣zen, ••ho knows his day when he is to give them M••at or Money, both for Di••ner and Supper. If any other Beg∣gar is seen in the street, an Officer carries him immediately to Prison or Punishment.

After what has been said, concern∣ing the state of all sorts of persons, even to the mean••st, who do not ap∣pear to want acomfortable subsistence; what man will not presently agree with the Author, when he says, Dan∣mark at present is but competently peo∣pled, p. 88. Vexation of Spirit, ill Diet and Poverty being great obstructions to Pro∣crea••ion; and the Peasants, who before used to have a large piece of Plate or two, Gold Rings, Silver Spoons, &c. not ha∣ving them now, or indeed any other uten∣sil of value, unless it be Featherbeds, whereof there are better, and in greater

plenty than in any place he ever saw. I should have imagin'd Featherbeds to have been as proli••ick a piece of Furni∣ture, as Gold Rings and Silver Por∣ringers.

However the People have continued much about the same number for these two or three hundred years: As to the Multitudes that have been there here∣tofore, this may be observed, that since from all the three Northern Kingdoms, Danmark, Norway and Sweden, and the adjacent Provinces, near the Elbe and Weser, so many swarms went out so often to conquer and inhabit other more fertile and Southern Countries, it is probable at last so great deducti∣ons might exhaust the number; as Saxo Grammaticus in his eighth Book, in the Life of King S••io says, that when the Lombards went out of Dan∣mark, in the great famine and dearth that reigned then, the Kingdom was so deserted, that great Woods and Forests grew up in ma••y places, where before had been fertile ground; and to this day, the signs of the Plough are to be seen among the Trees. Ano∣ther

great reason is attributed to the Plague, called the Black Death, that ravaged all the Northern Kingdoms, in the year 1348. when so many died, that scarce the tenth man was left to till the ground.

Our Author gives another reason, why they are not so numerous as for∣merly, for discontent kills 'em, and 'tis usual to have them die of a Slatch, which is an Apoplexy proceeding from trouble of mind. The Falling Sickness is more common in the Northern King∣doms than with us, but not to that degree that our Author talks of, (p. 90.) And their Apoplexies are not half so ••atal, as they have been in England, within these few years. 'Tis scarce reconcileable, that people should die in such number for discontent, whom in the beginning of the Chapter, he de∣scribes, p. 75. as taken up with a dull pleasure of being careless and insen∣sible.

Let us proceed to the description of their Diet, in which the Reader may e••p••ct exactness, seeing our Author all along seems to have been a good

Trencher-man; Their Tables are usu∣ally well furnished with Dishes, yet he cannot commend their cheer, p 92. Other English-men have mightily commended their Cheer, and never complained of the Leanness of their Meat: The truth is, the Danes like it the better for not being very fat; the greatest fault which they and other strangers find with the English Meat is, that it is too fat, which disagrees with most of 'em. This may be one reason, and perhaps a better than that of Properly not be∣ing secure, why they have not been over diligent to Introduce the Fa••ning of Tame Fowl, it being an Art not known to above two or three in Copen∣hagen. And yet Fat Capons were in Danmark and Norway long before any English-man brought in the Cramming Manufacture, p. 92. Beef and Veal, p. 42. he allows them: Wether Mutton is scarce, and seldom good; not so scarce or bad, though not in such plenty, or so fat as in England; Wild Ducks taste as well as in England; Plovers they have, but do not care for, but Snipes and other Sea Fowl in abundance, through all Dan∣mark.

According to him here are no wild Pheasants, Woodcocks, Rabbits, or Fallow Deer, Red Deer being the Kings game, not to be bought for mony. What game is permitted by Law to be sold in our English Markets? Wild Pheasants are not there as yet, but the Prince Royal having a Nursery of tame ones near Copenhagen, and they increasing prodigiously, it is thought they will soon grow wild and common. Their Woodcocks call'd Agerhons are most delicious in Danmark. They have all sorts of Venison in plenty and per∣fection, nor is it kept so strictly for the Kings own use, but that it is ve∣ry often to be had among any peo∣ple of Fashion: For the King's Hunts∣men have great priviledges in this case: and most of the Nobility and Gentry having their Game in the Country, can communicate enough of all sorts to their ••riends. Rabbits the Danes have, but they do not care for them, they not being so good as in En∣gland; but Hares are plenty, and the Author says good, p. 92. As likewise their Bacon excellent. As to their Fish I

have spoke before. Their Butter is very good, and they have Melons, Grapes, Peaches, and all sorts of Sallads in great perfection. However in general, their way of Cookery would hardly be pleasing to an Englishman, p92, 93. The ••anes generally roast and boil their Meat more than the English. If you call their's over-roasted, they would say yours was raw; but this might easily be adjusted: Their Broaths and Soops are extraordinary, I fancy, together with them, a man might contrive a Good Dinner, and a Desert out of what has been menti∣oned.

To Consumate the Entertainment, The Liquors are Rhenish-wine, Cherry-Brandy, and all sorts of French Wine, p. 93. The Fair Sex do not refuse them; in such a quantity as is agreable to their health, and becoming their Sex and Modesty. The men are fond of them, p. 93. more addicted to drinking per∣haps than is necessary: But for these Twenty years last past that Humor has declined, and does in some mea∣sure continue to do so daily.

There are some few other Customs of the Danish Nation, which He re∣presents after his fashion, and so con∣cludes.

Their Marriages are usually preceeded by Contracts, p 94. and there is some Inter∣val between that and the Wedding, according to the conditions of the Persons: What he says concerning three, four, or more years, before they pro∣ceed to a Publick Wedding by the Minister, p. 94. is to introduce his following Scandal upon the young People: That often the young Couple grow better ac∣quainted, before such formalities are dis∣patched. There are no such long Intervals, or very seldom at least: Besides there is such a strictness in Danmark, about marrying, that no Minister dare mar∣ry any that is not of his own Parish, which prevents several Inconvenien∣ces: And there can be no greater shame than it is in Danmark for a New married Woman to be brought to bed before her time.

If we will believe him the Gentry give Portions with their Daughters, p. 94. I must confess, I had rather believe the

Danes themselves, who assure me that no body in Danmark, gives any por∣tion in Money with his Daughter, ex∣cept the Wedding Dinner, Cloaths, and Houshold-Stuff. But in requital for this the Daughters have a share of the Estate, when their Parents die. For it is to be remarkt that every Brother hath an equal share of the Patrimony, the youngest as well as the eldest, and each Sister has half as much as any Brother. When a Parent would dispose of his Estate otherwise by Will, it must (as has been said before) be signed by the King in his Life time, which, in truth is no other, than that he must have a new Law to disinherit any of his Children.

Sumptuous Burials and Monuments, (he says) are much in request with the Nobility, p. 94. The King has some years since by a particular Law, retrenched much of the former Luxury and Mag∣nificence of the great Peoples Burials; so that they now are moderate, and yet very proper and decent. The common People are mean spirited, p. 94. yet in the foregoing page, they were

proud and vain; which two sorts of qualities seldom meet together. If they have any fault it is a quite con∣trary one, which is that of being too much inclined to sight upon the least word, and too slight provocations: Besides, they must always be acknow∣ledged to be desirous, rather to con∣fer than receive obligations, which a mean Spirit never does. The Swedes, who are as brave a Nation, as any in the world, have sufficiently try'd their courage: and in all their Engagements, that they have had in the present King and Queens of England's Service, they have behav'd themselves like men. The defence, which the common People made for their Country, and Amack in particular, deserves not only to be encouraged with Privileges, but to have so excellent a Poem, as that of Amagria vindicata, written by Borri∣chius, to continue the memory of their valour down to posterity.

What Tradesmen he may have met with, it is impossible to know; and what notion he may have of being cheated: But whereas he says, p. 95.

the common people are inclin'd to gross Cheating; they have the general reputation with other men of being fair Dealers. First, An Old supersti∣tious woman would not sell him any Green Geese. This silly story (as he relates it, p. 95, 96.) gives him a more lively Idea of the temper of the common peo∣ple, than any description he could make; and in mine it raises a much brighter Image of the Author: Especially when he proceeds to tell me, that in their Markets they will ask the same Price for stinking meat as for fresh; for lean as for fat, if it be of a Kind, p, 97. We'll suppose the Butchers so mad as to do so: But how came he to know this cu∣riosity? did he cheapen lean meat, and stinking meat? Some frugal peo∣ple go towards the latter end of a Market to buy the refuse cheap, per∣haps our Author did so too, and makes his Complaint in Print, because he was disappointed of a penny worth.

Where he lays it down, as a sure way not to obtain, to seem to value, and to ask importunately, p, 90. It is that way which I would advise no man to fol∣low,

for certainly the Danes are not such Fools as to keep their Wares, when they find the Buyer so forward as to overvalue them.

No Lodgings in Copenhagen for stran∣gers. In Taverns one must be content to Eat and Drink in a publick Room, p. 97. It is so in all Germany; but in Copenha∣gen persons may have Tables or Rooms to themselves when bespoke, and no stranger need, or does want conve∣nient Lodgings, both in publick and private houses.

Their Seasons of Jollity are very scarce, p. 97. Persons of Fashion have their Diversions at seasonable Times, as Mu∣sick, Comedies, Retreats into the Coun∣try in Summer, as well as their Sleds in the Winter. Whereas he says, they content themselves with running at the Goose on Shrove tuesday, p. 97. One would think that Men of Quality ran at this Goose, but it is only a pastime of his beloved Boors of Amack, and performed by them: only sometimes, because of the odd frolicks of these Peasants, persons of better Character condescend to be their Spectators.

Perhaps it may be thought too nice for him to remark, That no body pre∣sumes to go in a Sled till the King and Court has begun, that the King passes over a new Bridge the first; and that the Clocks of Copenhagen strike the hours after the Court Clock, p. 97. If these Remarks were but as True, as they are Nice, they would be admirable; but as soon as the Snow comes every one Presumes to use his Sled, the Di∣version of it indeed is become more fashionable, when the King and Court have done it one night through Co∣penhagen. As for new Bridges, some of them might drop down again with∣out any Passage over them, if no one were to go till the King had done it: In the mean time our Au••hor must provide Ferries for the Passengers; the Clocks of Copenhag••n must be the most complaisant in the world; otherwise if some traiterous Clocks should chance to go to fast, they might make an exception to a rule so universal. I like this Account our Author gives us of Precedency in such ridiculous matters most extreamly, because ha∣ving

been searching according to his advice among the Barbarians, I find something like it at the Savage Court of Monomotapa, where the Emperor having Dined, Commands a Trumpet to be sounded, to give notice to the rest of the Princes of the World, that they may go to Dinner.

The Language he says, is very un∣grateful, and like the Irish in its whi∣ning complaining tone, p. 98. He may be as free with the Irish as he pleases; But the Danes and Norsh speak more like the English in their accent than any other People, and therefore these two Nations most easily learn, to read, speak and understand one anothers Languages upon occasion. There is a great agreement between their Monosylla∣bles, (p. 98.) which being generally the particles, and strength, or sinews of a Language, show that the English has not only incorporated the old Saxon but the Danish likewise, to bring it to its present perfection. At Court High Dutch and French are much used, and also Italian: Though Conversa∣tion often passes in these, yet if any

should boast that he could not speak Da∣nish, p. 98. he would render himself ridi∣culous: and an Englishman might think him not worthy to eat Danish Bread: and indeed with reason, for among the living Tongues, there is none that for its abundance, the propriety of the Expression, the fitness and agree∣ableness to Poetry and Numbers, can pretend to surpass it.

I shall finish the Remarks upon this Chapter with a recapitulation of what the Author has delivered in it. Was ever any man so Planet-struck as this Writer, to pronounce a People the most miserable in one Page, and to sill the next with the Grandeur and Equipage (p. 83.) of the Gentry, the plen∣ty of their Tables (p. 92.) Their retreats for pleasure in fruitful and delightsom Gardens, (p. 92.) at the same time declaring that the Burghers, Servants, and even Peasants have change of Lining and are neat and cleanly (93.) What Country can boast of more than Plen∣ty and Neatness?

He begins with telling us, that in former times when the Nobility and Gen∣try

were the same thing (p. 76.) That is, during the times that the Nobles had an excess of Power (p. 76.) in their hands, they liv'd in great Affluence and Prosperity, ibid. which he takes much pains to describe, and every body will easily be induced to believe. Then the Commons were willing in a great measure to be directed by them. (ibid.) that is, because they depended on them (ibid.) were forced like Slaves (p. 52.) to truckle to them whither they would or no. But in process of time the Li∣berties of the whole Country were lost, p. 76. By which alteration the Nobles were reduced to some bounds, and the Commons delivered from a Ty∣rannical Aristocracy, p. 73. This change forsooth creates in them all a kind of laziness and idle d••spondency, setting them beyond hopes and fears; insomuch that even the Nobility are now desirous (p. 78.) to procure Employments Civil, (Strange!) and Military (Wonderful!) Civil, I suppose, without hopes, and Mi∣litary without fears.

Under these Circumstances 'tis easi∣ly imagin'd the present condition of such

a People in all ranks is most deplorable, (p. 75.) Their Nobility and Gentry sunk very low, and diminishing daily both in number and credit, (p. 76.) they are forced to live meanly and obscurely in some corner of their ruinous Palaces; and patiently endure their Poverty at home; their Spirits (for there was not so much as a Song or Tune made in three years, p. 96.) as well as Estates, grown so mean, that you would scarce believe 'em to be Gentlemen by their Discourse and Garb.

The truth of all which foregoing Assertions, is seen in nothing more plainly than in what he fully delivers to us, concerning the extravagant expences which the Danes are at in Coaches, Retinue, ••loaths, &c. p. 83. They ride abroad, it seems, poor Gen∣tlemen! in their Coaches with great E••••ipage, to show how patiently they endure their Poverty in some obscure corner of their ruinous Palaces. They go so very sine in their Dress, after the French Mode, (p. 93.) and are so pro∣digal in their Cloaths, p. 83. that, you would scarce believe 'em to be Gentle∣men

by their Garb. Their Tables are so well furnished with Dishes, p. 92. and their Gardens afford them Fruit in so great perfection, that they are forced to seek Employments•• that they may eat a piece of bread, p 81. p. 79. But if they have a mind to carouse, or be excessive in their Drinking, they have Rhenish, and French Wines, p. 93. to do it with; and upon a merry bout, even a Boor can drop a Rix∣dollar, for a chirupping dose of Brandy, p. 84. And though he has neither Plate nor Silver Spoon in his Cottage. (p. 88.) yet can be as merry as a Prince, and has clean Linnen, (p. 93. poor Slave, p. 86. and a good F••ather-bed, (p. 88.) poor Negro! p. 86. to go home and lye down on.

To conclude, When any of the Gentry dye, they leave such Estates behind them, as that their Children think themselves oblig'd to make Cost∣ly Burials, and raise Sumptuous Mo∣numents, p. 94 to their Memory.

Such is their Misery when Living, such their Ignominy when Dead.

CHAP. IX.

Of the Revenue.

LEt us in this Chapter follow the Authors advice, p. 102. and Measure Hercules by his Foot. If what has gone before does not suffice, let us at least from hence take the height of his fancy, and the level of his un∣derstanding.

He does indeed throughout the whole persue his first design, which is to multiply the Taxes, and yet af∣terwards to lessen the Revenue; with what Art he does it, and with what respect to Truth, the follow∣ing Instances may convince the Rea∣der.

Consumption, or Excise upon things consumable, is the first Tax he mentions, p. 100. The Danes perhaps took their pattern for this from Holland. But here the Author to multiply the Taxes makes three of one; for the says (ibid.) There are

besides smaller Ta••es, as thirdly upon Marriages, where every couple marrying pay so much for their ••icence, according to their Qualities; this is pretty ••••gh, and comes in some Cases to 30 or 40 Rixdollars. This is only a branch of the consumption, where it is de∣creed, that every couple that mar∣ries shall pay a small matter to the King; no•• is this pretty high, for i•• seldom amounts among the Commo•• People higher than from half a Rix∣dollar to a whole one; but paying for Licences for Marriage is quite ano∣ther thing. People of Quality that will not have the publick Banes thrice proclaimed in the Churches, and be∣sides desire to be married at home in their Houses privately, buy Li∣cences and commonly pay 10 Rix∣dollars for them. That Tax for Brewing, Grinding, &c. is nothing else but the Consumption paid by Brewers or Millers.

Poll Money, he says, p 101. is some∣times raised twice a year. This is more than the Danes know of (or if it might have happened is extreamly

rare) and in raising this Tax more proportion is observed in Danmark•• between the substance of one and ano∣ther, than any wh••re else, where∣fore it is very far from truth, that it is only guess'd at.

Fortification Tax, or Money raised for, or upon pretence of ma••ing Forti••••∣cations, p. 101. was never raised but once, which was three years ago; nor was it done then upon pretence, but expended upon the Fortifications of Croneborg, Rensborg, &c. and then to ease the Subject, the Pole Tax was not gathered that Year. Marriage Tax for a Daughter of Danmark is raised upon occasion•• (as in ••th••r places•• but that under this Name, oc∣casion is taken to raise more than the Portion, is more than any one can pre∣tend to demonstrate.

Trade-Money, p. 101. where every Tradesman is taxed for the exercising his Trade, and moreover obliged to quar∣ter Soldiers, is a Tax never heard of, except what a Tradesman pays to his Company in the Cities, where he begins to exercise his Trade, and

this is very unjustly called a Tax to the King; and then he is obliged to quar∣ter Souldiers, not as a Tradesman, but a Burgher.

Ground Rent, he says, p. 102. is paid for all Houses in Copenhagen, or any other Towns in Danmark; which are taxed by the King when he pleases. This is called Byskat, or Town-Tax, and is contributed towards the City Stock, and is a very small matter, nothing near 4 per Cent. as he afterwards (p. 103.) would perswade us. In the o••her Cities of Danmark, this Tax was never known to be paid to the King, but in Copenhagen such a thing may have happened once, instead of another Tax which then ceased.

We come next to six very edifying Pages, viz. p. 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108. where any one that is cu∣rious may know the Excise upon Mustard seed, Eggs, Tripe and Cole∣worts; also upon Eels, Soap and Herrings; which sheet of his Book can be no where more acceptable, nor of greater use, than for the more careful Preservation of those Commo∣dities,

when they are to be carried from Leaden-hall, or Newgate Mar∣ket.

Publick Mills, it seems there are, (p. 109.) where all the Inhabitants of Copenhagen are bound to grind, and to pay the Summs above-mentioned for grinding. There are such Mills, but they cause no new Tax; and what is paid for grinding there, is as cheap, as it would be done any where else, they being appointed only, that so the Consumption Tax may not be avoided.

Having gone a second time over his Taxes, and given an account o•• some that had never been, and others that have seldom been, he comes at last, p. 113. to one that had like to have been: For if the Kings only ••augh∣ter had been married to the Elector of Saxony, as she was about ••o be, a Tax had certainly been levy'd. Perhaps there might! in the mean time what does this Tax do here? Especially when (in the very next words) ••e supposes that by this, an English Rea∣der, has taken a Sur••eit of his account

of Taxes: For if he must have sur∣feited us, it might have been with something to the purpose. I confess no Tax the Danes lye under, surfeits me half so much, as the having paid three Shillings for such a Narrative.

After all that he has said, it is ea∣sily imagined, that a Fleet and Army cannot be maintained without Taxes, which are raised either upon Land, by Poll-money or Excise. His present Ma∣jesty has with great Wisdom, caused a v••luation of all Houses in Cities, and an admeasurement of all ••ands in the Country, p. 110. from whence every man pays in proportion to his Estate, and each Farm is tax'd higher or lower, according to the Fertility of the Land. Seasonableness of the Year, or Ability of the Landlord, p••101. so there is an e••uality of the Taxes, and the manner of Taxing, p. 247. This makes the People both willing and able to bear them; and as the contrary, (viz.) unequal Taxation, was the cause of the Alteration of the Government, so this is the Preservation of it.

Were Danmark in a profound Peace, as the Author imagins (p. 114. then he might have cried out with some reason, Pax servientibus gravior est, quam liberis bellum. But when the greatest Princes of Europe are in Arms, during the Noise and Tumult of War, the Peace of Danmark cannot be so profound. And I believe that it is no ill Maxim for a Neuter Prince, to take care, whilst his Neighbours are in War, that the Conqueror shall not be able to hurt him. Danmark endeavours to do this, and accord∣ingly keeps up a Fleet and Army; so that if a War should happen, he need not be in suspence, whether his Subjects could possibly bear a greater Burthen, p. 110. for there would not be a necessity for much more to∣wards maintaining them; and then besides the disciplining of the men, there would be all that charge s••ved, which attends upon the Levying of new Souldiers.

From this account of Taxes, the Author brings us to a Catalogue of other Miseries, The number of trading

Ships is decreased, and does not come up to what it did within these 30 years, p. 116. and the foreign Trade of Norway is considerably diminisht, s••nce their late Quarrel with the Dutch, p. 115. whereas in truth, the Trade never was greater than it is now, and the Dutch can so little be supplied with their Wooden Commodities from Sweden, that they are glad to refix their Commerce with Norway again.

He gives us, p. 117. his computa∣tion of the Ships that Trade thither, and that pass the Sound yearly, but I never lik'd his computations, because I have before found him wrong in his Arithmetick; and at present there is a difference that I cannot easily re∣concile: In his Chapter of the Sound (p. 23, 24, 25.) he recites a Letter from a very Understanding Person, March 31st, 1691. which gives him to understand, that since the Peace with Sweden, the Sound has not yeilded above 80000 Rixdollars per annum, and the last Year past, it did not reach to full 7••000. Now if I should have believed his understanding Friend,

what a mistake I might have run into: For when the Author himself comes to give us his opinion of it, p. 115. he says, that in the years 1690 and 1691, it amounted not to much more than 65000 Rixdollars, at which rate we may judge it likely to continue. See∣ing this disagreement between him and his understanding Friend, what credit can we Strangers give to the Letter of Advice, when there are at Least 4000 Rixdollars in the account between'em; which he will not take his Friends word for.

There is another branch of the Kings Revenue, p 117. which is least consi∣derable, and arises from the Rents of the Crown Lands, and confiseated Estates. The latter are in the Kings hands, either upon account of Forfeiture for Treason and other crimes, or by rea∣son of Debt, and Non-payment of Taxes; but notwithstanding this addi∣tion of Lands, the King is so far from being the richer, that he is the poorer for it. And were the thing true, that Estates fell into the Crown rather than pay Taxes, it would be great pity

that the King should receive no ad∣vantage by them; but such Surren∣ders are as imaginary, as his Con∣fiscations for Treason and other crimes: For Danmark is that happy Country, where, according to his own words, p. 139. You never hear of any Person guilty of the crime of Trea∣son against the King; there are no Clip∣pers and Coyners, no Robbers upon the High-way, nor House-breakers. So that if he, being an exact Arithme∣tician, will put together the Rents of Estates given to the King, rather than pay Taxes; the Rents of Estates confiscated for Treason, Rents of Estates forfeited for Coyning, Rob∣bing and House breaking, to the Money arising to his Majesty, from the Tax which might have been, p. 113. the Summ total will probably be just no∣thing.

But farther, as for this sort of Land, it generally turns to Forest, and contributes to his Diversion, though little to his Purse, p. 113. It is a sign his Purse needs no supply, when he can afford so much ground for his Diversion. And

then the Royal Palaces run to decay, ib. And so they do in all Countries, when the Prince is better pleased with ano∣ther Scituation. As for several of the King of Danmark's Palaces, they are old uncouth Buildings, used by for∣mer Kings, disused now, and there∣fore not kept in so good order as Fredericksborg, Jagersborg, and others, where the King passes some part of the Year

The Author it seems has met with another understanding Person, p. 119. who has informed him in several things, as first, that it is very difficult to make any rational computation of the running Cash of these Kingdoms, ib. or in∣deed of any Kingdom besides these; and so his Labour might have been superseded; certainly it is but very l••ttle, and not near the hundredth part of that of England, ib. When he is able to give a Rational Computation of the Running Cash of England, then it will be time enough to guess what proportion that of Danmark may bear to it; but till I find that under∣standing Persons agree in the com∣putation

of that of my own Coun∣try, I shall despair of finding them exact, as to that of another. If they have no Cash by them, and are indebted over head and ears to their Creditors at Amsterdam and Hamborough, ib. how comes it to pass, that the Danish Mer∣chants have so good Credit in both those Cities, and how come they to have it in London? But the Officers of the Army transport their Money to other Countries: This may be true in some very few instances; but for the most part these Officers are Danes, or married and settled in Danmark as has before been intimated. That few, or none of the Ministers of State purchase any Lands, p. 118. is as true as other of his Remarks, for there is no pub∣lick Minister, be he Dane, or not, that has not one, two, or more Seats, with Lands appertaining to them in the Country. That these Kingdoms consume more of Foreign Commodities, than their own Product can countervail, ib. cannot certainly be said of Nor∣way, nor of several Provinces of Dan∣mark, as Jutland, Laaland, &c. and

any person who has the least know∣ledge of their Traffick, will easily confute this Aslertion. As for the running of Brass Money amongst the common People, it is as Farthings a∣mongst us: Their Silver Coin is very good, in respect of several other Na∣tions, although not equal to Sterling; but whether the goodness of Coin be a way to preserve Running Cash in a Kingdom, may perhaps hereafter come to be considered by the English.

Under these circumstances, I can∣not think this understanding Person a competent Judge of the Running Cash of Danmark, any more than I take the Author to be of the King of Danmark's Revenue, though he is so very particular as to make it, Two Millions, two hundred twenty two thou∣sand Rixdollars, p. 122. and I am the more confirmed in this opinion, be∣cause the Taxes not being every year the same, the Revenue received by several Officers, and no account given but to the King himself, the calcu∣lation of the Revenue can hardly be made by those, who are most em∣ployed

in these Affairs at the Court, much less by a Foreigner.

To conclude with Norway, the Re∣venue of the Southern part amounts to between five and six hundred thousand Rixdollars, and of the Northern to be∣tween two and three hundred thousand, and so the Total may be communibus annis 800000 Rixdollars, so says the Author, p. 117. But when he comes to sum up the whole Revenue, p. 121•• there all the Revenue of Norway•• comes but to 700000 Rixdollars. Were their Losses in Danmark to be so great, the Natives, p. 120. might well think that it was impossible for the Taxes to conti∣nue, and wish for an Invader, since they have little or no property to lose. For you were pleased, Sir, to drop four thousand Rixdollars in the Customs of the Sound; and here you defalk a hundred thousand Rixdollars more: Might I advise, whatever Foreigners may be preferr'd in the Danish Court, you should never come into the Trea∣sury, if you can make up your Ac∣counts no better.

CHAP. X.

Of the Army, Fleet and Fortresses.

THE Author begins this Chap∣ter with bewailing the Misery of Danmark, that the Revenue is expended upon a standing Army, and upon the maintaining of a Fleet and Fortresses: And if Danmark had not sufficient reasons for the maintenance of all these, they would have just cause to complain.

But it seems it is the King of France, that Great Master of the Art of Reign∣ing, that has instructed the Court of Danmark, p. 123. and the King is his Pupil, p. 124. and in pursuance to such a character he has taught him, the pernicious secret of making one part of the People both the Bridle and Scourge to the other. This is not so great a secret, but that it has been known and practised in all Ages and Coun∣tries; that when one part of a Na∣tion is factious and mutinous, the

more honest and sober part should bridle them, and if part of a Nation rebel, the other that is for quietness should endeavour to scourge and cor∣rect them. But God be thanked, Danmark has no occasion for an Ar∣my upon these accounts, nor neces∣sity of going to France for such a Ma••im. In the next place, France has taught him to raise more Men than his Country can maintain, p. 124. Ve∣ry well! And then his own Prudence teaches him to disband such as he thinks unnecessary or burthensome to him, as he has done several times. But the great thing that he has taught him is, that Souldiers are the only true Riches, p. 125, 126, 127. The thing that the Author would here reflect upon is, that the German Princes of∣ten receive Money, before they will send their Troops into a Foreign Ser∣vice; and hence he would infer, that at present Souldiers are grown as saleable Ware, as Sheep and Oxen, p. 125. What a strange Country this must be, where the Souldiers are Sheep and Oxen! and the Peasants Timber Trees, p. 86. But the

King of Danmark esteems his Soul∣diers to be his Wealth, only as he can make them serviceable to his Al∣lies, or as they preserve his Subjects from any foreign attempts, and so are the causes of Quiet, and consequently of true Riches.

Yet, whatever the matter is, it happens, p. 127. that the Pupil im∣proves but ill upon the example which the French King has set him. The Toad may emulate the Ox and swell, but he shall sooner burst than equal him, p. 127. Truly a very decent simili∣tude for a couple of Crown'd Heads: I find the Author mightily taken with these kind of Animals, for, p. 232. speaking with reference to, and com∣mendation of the Laws of Danmark, p. 232. he says, there is no Plant or Insect how venemous or mean soever, but is good for something; upon which a Friend of mine observed, that there may be a creature in the world, that has as much Venom and Malice as any Ver∣min, and yet be good for nothing.

It were to be wisht, that there could be a Remedy found for keep∣ing

up so great a number of Souldiers, as are at present in Europe. But his own words (p. 126.) That none of the Kings or Princes, though endowed with a more peaceable spirit and better judgment than the rest, dares lead the Dance and disarm, for fear of his armed Neighbours: E••cuse not only the King of Danmark, but those other Kings, whom he obliquely would blame upon this occasion.

To give a List of the Danish Offi∣cers would be too nice, and is conti∣nually variable; however the King of Danmark may be said to have above twenty thousand men in pay, besides those that are in the Emperor and the King of Englands Service. I have before given an account of the Soul∣diery, only I must add this farther, that when he says, the Troopers are maintained by their Peasants, p. 135. The Reader must know, that there are particular Peasants living on Lands in the Country, that are appropri∣ated to this use; so that such a Pea∣sant as contributes to the maintaining of th••se Troopers pays the less, both

Rent and Taxes. That these Troopers are none of the best Souldiers, p. 135. is reported by this Author because he confesses, they are generally Natives, ibid. Yet King William has judged far better of the three Regiments of Horse that he had from Danmark, the half part of which behaved them∣selves so well in the Battle of ••anden (for the other half was with the Duke of Wirtemberg) that his Majesty was pleased to compliment their Colonels particularly, upon the Bravery and Valour of their Troops.

The Author gives us a reason (p. 135.) why there are not more Natives in the Army; because the Landlords, whose Slaves they are, can hinder them from entring into the Kings Service, and remand them if any should offer so to do. This is true only of the Vornede, whose condition has heretofore been described: But it is an apparent proof, that the King of Danmark is not so arbitrary as he would make him, and that the Danes have not entirely lost their Property; since they have such an

Authority, as to be able to deny their King the taking men from their Farms, though they are to be em∣ployed in the Service of their Coun∣try.

As for the French Officers, which he says are in the Army, the most part of them are such as have been forc'd to leave their Country for the sake of Religion; and Danmark thinks it a Duty and Honour to be able to grant them Protection.

In his Account of the Fortifications, p. 143. instead of saying that Naxkew is of no defence, he might have said, that Nakskow is a good Fortress, which it shewed in the War with Sweden, when it longer resisted the Enemy than most of the other Towns: He speaks as slightly of the Fortifica∣tions of Copenhagen in this place, p. 144. as he did before; although that, and not Rensburg, p. 144. is the most con∣siderable place for strength, that the King of Danmark has. Neither is Nyborg so much out of repair; nor Fridericks-hall, which is the strongest place in Norway by natural scituation,

so much commanded by the neigh∣bouring Hill as he would insinuate.

In the Account of the Fleet, which he makes to consist of but two and thirty Ships, p. 141. he has omitted several; and as to what he says, that it was never set to Sea thus equipt, (p. 142.) The late Wars with Sweden may sufficiently confute him, and yet the King of Danmark had much fewer Ships then, than he has at present. The Danes and Norsh are very good Seamen: The Dutch are mightily desi∣rous of them, and consequently have several in their Service; yet not so but that they would return upon oc∣casion; and indeed all the ••eamen are so ready to be employed in the Kings Service, that there is no need of pressing to man the Fleet: To make this the more easy, the Sea Offi∣cers are kept in pay during a Peace, as well as in time of War; and so are the Seamen, who have a Salary, and are employed in the Bremer Holm, in working upon all Materials necessary for the Naval Service. As for the Sea Provision of the Danes, which he says

is very bad; the contrary will easily be evinc'd, by any that have expe∣rience of it. The Mutiny of the Sea∣men, p. 38. and the besieging the King in his Palace, p. 139. is a meer story, for in Danmark are no Muti∣neers, p. 246. But it may have hap∣pened, that the Seamens Wives may have had Complaints to the Lords of the Admiralty; now the Admiralty being opposite to the Castle, their flocking thither, perhaps to this over∣curious Gentleman, who is troubled with several active qualities which Li∣berty and Freedom beget p. 75. and has his Head always full of Commo∣••ions, may have seemed to have been a Mutiny.

CHAP. XI.

Of the Court.

TO give Characters of living Princes, and publick Ministers of State, must be a thing very diffi∣cult: It is not easy for the man, who would make 'em to set aside passion or partiality, and mens tempers, hu∣mours, inclinations and interests dai∣ly, nay hourly varying, it is hard to fix a lasting character upon a man, till we see the whole Thred and Tenor of his Life and Actions: This is one reason why I don't defer so much to the characters which the Author gives in this Chapter; besides when I have found him mistaken in his Ac∣count and Description of things, which are sensible and permanent, I shall be much more cautious how I trust him as to his notions of men, who are mu∣table and various especially when he would make his search into the recesses of their mind, and there discover their

very thoughts and sincerity, p. 168. For if the Authors Conversation be like his Writing, a man might be ve∣ry free and open in his temper, and yet appear reserv'd to him; for it is the opinion taken of the Man which makes one disclose himself to him: And I am the more confirm'd in not relying upon these characters, because in the same Chapter, when he is to give us an account of so considerable a Court, he tells us things so very ridiculous: As that I must go for an Idea of the Danish Court to some En∣glish Nobleman, p. 159. methinks the Horse and Foot Guards, and Trabands, the Kettle Drums the Trumpets, which are in perfection, and being rang'd in a large place before the Palace, proclaim aloud the very minute when he sits down to Table, declare to me that there is some difference. That few or no Gen∣tlemen that have no Employments come to Court, p. 159. I can't imagine whi∣ther men should go, or where they should sooner pay their attendance, for the obtaining Preferment, if they have any hopes, or merits to deserve

it. That the Kings Children, Dome∣stick and Foreign Ministers, Officers of the Army and Houshold, who appear in the Anti-chamber and Bed-chamber, seldom amount to above the number of twenty or thirty, p. 159. I cannot think the number seldom to exceed thirty, when the Royal Family is so numerous as to make seven of them; and methinks Courtesy, Duty or In∣terest at least, might bring four and twenty more to make above thirty. That there is a plentiful Table, but the Meat is drest after their own manner, p. 158. Ridiculous! Is not the King of Spain's drest after his own manner? There are abundance more of the like particulars, which I shall omit, only this one, where he says, That King Frederick had once the thoughts of making the present Count Guldenlew, King of Norway, which has been re∣membred to his Prejudice, p. 155. For it is what was never heard of in Dan∣mark; nor could that thought have been consistent with such a Kings great Wisdom. I must for these rea∣sons, beg the Authors pardon, if I do

not give an entire belief to his cha∣racters; and the Readers, for my not giving any of the same persons my self: But with a very short de∣scription of the Court conclude this Chapter.

The King of Danmark's great and royal Qualities make him be univer∣sally belov'd by his People; and the Queen by her goodness, obliges them to the same affection, and makes her difference in opinion from them scarce discernable. Frederick, the Prince Royal, in his late Travels, where-ever he came appeared accomplished and very gracious; and at home he is ad∣mir'd, for having such a temper as will follow his Father's example, and pursue his designs for the Ease and Prosperity of his Subjects. Prince Christian has all the Vigor and Gayety of Youth; and the two younger Princes Charles and William, give great hopes, agreeable to their re∣spective Ages: And the Princess So∣phia Hederig, has all that Beauty and Sweetness, which will one day ren∣der some young Prince happy. The

Ministers of State who compose the Council, as Guldenlew, Reventlaw, &c. are Persons of Honour and Fidelity to their Master, by whose advice affairs are so manag'd, that he has Love at home, and Honour abroad. Though the Court has not all that Luxury, which may be in some more Southern Climates, yet there is De∣cency and a sufficient Grandeur: Nor is it strange, that a warlike Prince and Nation should express their Magnificence by things suitable, as the Attendance of Horse and Foot Guards, Kettle-drums and Trumpets; and consequently that the Kings Di∣version should be the reviewing of his Troops, or Hunting in its proper season, as an exercise becoming a Sol∣dier. These occasion frequent re∣movals of the Court; which can go no where to a finer place than Frede∣ricksborg, which, tho it be not built after the modern Architecture, yet may be esteemed one of the plea∣santest Pallaces in Europe. The La∣dies likewise have their Diversions, not only in the Hunting of Deer and

Swans, but the nicer ones of their Sleds, Musick, Masquerades and Co∣medies. To encrease the Grandeur of the Court, the King has two Or∣ders of Knighthood: The first being that of the Elephant, is given only to Foreign Princes, or Subjects of the highest Deserts and Qualities. The other, which is the Order of Dane∣burg, was instituted long ago, but not as our Author says, by one King Dan, who saw a White Cross with Red Edges descend from Heaven, and thereupon instituted the Order, p. 178. For King Waldemar II. fighting against the Li∣standers in the Year 1219, saw, or pretended to see, this Banner descend from Heaven, which was followed by a great Victory; and in remem∣brance of this, the Order of Dane∣borg was instituted. This was laid aside a great while, but revived by his present Majesty. The Knights are in∣ferior to those of the Elephant; yet they are both fewer in number, p. 179. and greater in Honour by far than the Baronets in England.

As to the Rank and Precedency of all great Officers and other persons, the Author has given us an Ordon∣nance in French concerning it, which was published in 1680. It is true that his Account is to represent Danmark, as it stood in 1692. However it is strange, that so curious and exact a man should have no correspondence there from 92 till 94, when his Book was published; for then he might have known, that by a new Ordon∣nance dated 11th of February, 1693. this old Ordonnance of our Authors is altered in abundance of particulars, so that he has nine whole Pages of his Book, that, by his negligence, are entirely good for nothing.

CHAP. XII.

The Disposition and Inclinations of the King of Danmark towards his Neigh∣bours.

THis Chapter seems to labour un∣der the same difficulties with the former, for as we see the Interests of Princes are changeable, so are their Inclinations; upon which rea∣son I shall leave him to dive into the Hearts of Men, and the Cabinets of Princes, and only see whither his Matter of Fact be absolutely true: For that being the Foundation, ac∣cording as that appears, we shall be able to give our opinion of his Super∣structure.

First, As this Author is a mighty Lover of Seditions within a Kingdom, so he is of Animosities and Quarrels without: Therefore his Presage is very common and often repeated, That there will be a fresh War be∣tween Danmark and Sweden: But on

the contrary, they rather grow great∣er Friends every day than other, nor has there been a stricter Alliance be∣tween those Crowns than is at pre∣sent, which has been lately renewed by solemn Treaties.

Secondly, Whenever (says he) we please to caress the one at the expence of the other, this seeming Knot will dis∣cover the weakness of the contexture, and probably dissolve of it self, p. 192. These two Princes are not to be suppos'd to break solemn Oaths and Treaties for a little interest, that may be proffered them by England and Holland: And we saw this last year, when the Danes stopt the Dutch Ships in the Sound the Swede, although never so much ca∣rest, could not be prevail'd with to go off from the King of Danmark's In∣terest, or take any other party, but contributed what he could, to pro∣cure a satisfaction for his Confede∣rate.

Thirdly, That the Alliance by the King of Sweden's having married the others Sister, is not of any moment towards a good Corresp ••ndence, p. 192.

is not altogether so certain, for this Queen whilst she lived, was the greatest Tye between these two Nati∣ons: She was the delight of them both, and that not without reason, for she had all the Accomplishments of Piety, Wisdom, Goodness, and all other Virtues: So that Sweden loves Dan∣mark for nothing more than the having received from thence a Queen, for whom they had so great a Veneration.

Fourthly, He wrongs the King of Sweden when he says, p. 193. That he showed coldness and indifference enough t•• his Queen: He a vertuous Prince, ibid. and she an accomplished Princess, ibid. and yet coldness and indifference! What is this but a Con∣tradiction? But the matter of fact is this, that never a greater Love and Esteem could be had for a Queen, than this King had for his; which was manifest y enough shewn by the deep Afiliation her Death threw him into, so that he would scarce admit of Consolation; and Sweden never heard of such a Sumptuousness and

Magnificence, as that wherewith her Burial was accompanied.

Fifthly, Whatever he ominates concerning the Swedes avoiding a fur∣ther Matrimonial Tye with Danmark, p. 193. Yet it is true, that the ge∣neral report of the World is, con∣cerning a double Marriage between the Prince Royal of Danmark, and the Princess of Sweden; as also be∣tween the Prince Royal of Sweden, and the Princess of Danmark: If so, where is this Gentlemans assurance of the impossibility of a further Matri∣monial Tye; or the certainty of the Prince of Holstein's being contract∣ed to the Princess of Sweden, whom he falsly cal's, p. 193. the only Daugh∣ter of the King of Sweden; this King having two Princesses living, by the lately deceased Queen.

Sixthly, As the Author is pretty near in guessing, that the King of Danmark would not sit down with the Duke of Zell's thrusting himself into the Dutchy of Saxe Lawenburg; so he is out of the way, when he says, that the King of Sweden would up∣hold

the Lunenburg Family, though se∣cretly: For the Swede was one of the chief Mediators that made the Duke of Zell demolish Ra••eburg last year, and give the King of Danmark the satisfaction which he desired.

Seventhly, When he says, that the Duke of Holstein has, by the Sister of the King of Danmark, issue a very hopeful Prince; one should think he has no more issue than this only Son; whereas the Duke of Holstein has se∣veral Children of both Sexes.

CHAP. XIII.

The Manner of Dispossessing and Re∣storing the Duke of Holstein Got∣torp.

ANY one who reads this, and the foregoing Chapter will see, the Authors partiality for the Duke of Holstein: He seems to have un∣dertaken his Cause, and to display it in all its best Colours and Bright∣ness.

It were an easy thing, in an∣swer to all this, to transcribe the King of Danmark's Manifesto upon this occasion, which those who are curious may consult if they please, it having been spread about all Germa∣ny. But I shall avoid meddling with any Justification of the King of Dan∣mark upon this Account: The rea∣son is, because there is at present an intire Reconciliation between the King and his Brother-in law the Duke; and last year they met to∣gether with great Friendship in Hol∣stein. Now Reconciliation clears up a thousand things, which Distru••••, Jealousy, or Misunderstanding may have cast before one: What here••o∣fore may have seem'd unkind or un∣just, then will appear to have been necessary; but especially upon th•• renewing of Friendship, there should be no Justification of former Pro∣ceedings made by either Party; for such Justification shows as if the breach were not thoroughly repair'd, and will give a handle for future di∣sputes and difficulties: Since no re∣concilement

will be perfect, but such as carries along with it an entire ob∣livion of past differences, and all their circumstances.

CHAP. XIV.

The Interests of Danmark in Relation to other Princes.

I Shall be very short in relation to this Chapter, because it is of the same nature with the former.

What he says of Danmark, that it resembles a Monster that is all Head and no Body, all Soldiers and no Subjects, p. 224. has been sufficiently confuted. However, if I were to have a Mon∣ster, I would rather have one that is all Head and no Body, than such a one as he would make, which is all Body and no Head.

Neither am I of opinion, that Danmark bears no greater propor∣tion to France, than the little Repub∣lick of St. Marino does to Venice;

and that Danmark is the least and poorest Kingdom in Europe, p. 225. for as to its poverty I have given him an account, and as to the Little∣ness of this Kingdom, I must a second time make bold with the first words of his Book against him; That if we consider the Extent of the King of Danmark's Dominions, he may with Justice be reckon'd among the greatest Princes in Europe.

CHAP. XIV.

Of the Laws, Courts of Justice, &c.

THE Danes are sprung from the Goths, who have always been a most warlike Nation; they have left no Northern People free from their Incursions at least, if not their Con∣quests; and extended them from Island to the warmer Climates of Spain and Italy, and the burning Shores of Africa. [Krantzius in Dani••. Lib. 1. &c. Meursius Hist. Dan. Lib. 2, 3.

Isaac Pontanus Rer. Dan.] And have the honour never to have submitted to the Roman Empire, nor to have any just pretences made from thence of Superiority or Dominion over them Their Historians affirm, that they have had a continued Succession of Princes from a thousand and forty Years before Christ; who have con∣tinually governed them They have always been ruled by their own Laws, without foreign impositions. These Laws and Customs were so agreeable to the Northern People, that Roger Hoveden, in his Annals of Hen. 2d. of England says, that when William the Conqueror was to give Laws to the English, he made the greatest use of the Danish Laws to that purpose from the Love he bore to the Danes, from whom the Nor∣mans took their Original. Under the forementioned Laws and Customs the Danes lived: which they might possibly explain or improve by the Civil or Roman Law (that Ponta∣nus Lib 6. says they made use of and which the Governors of their Mona∣steries

understood and studied, ha∣ving learnt them in the Universities of France and Italy, Georg. Lorich. in addit. ad cons. poster. n. 92. Helmold. Lib. 3. Chron. Slavorum. c. 5. King Wal∣demar in the Year of Christ one thou∣sand two hundred thirty two, col∣lected the Statutes of his Predeces∣sors, wh••ch with the ancient Cu∣stoms of the Danes and Cimbers, he reduc'd into writing; and adding several others together, with the Consent of the States, he made an entire Body of the Danish Law [Pon∣tanus Lib 6. Duck de Authoritate juris civilis.] Yet this was but for one Province, for formerly each Province, Jutland, Sealand, &c. had their own particular Laws differing from one another. And indeed, since his pre∣sent Majesties Collection and Refor∣mation of the Laws, the Danish and Norsh Law is still distinguished, so that there is just such another Volume comprehending the Norsh Law, as that of the Danish; but there is no difference, except in such things where the nature and situation of

Norway require another Regulation than Danmark. In Norway likewise is another high Court of Justice, where the Viceroy is resident, to which all Causes may come by Appeal. But if the Parties be not contented with the Decision of that Court, they have a further Appeal to the highest Court in Copenhagen.

Holstein is ruled by the Imperial Law, as a Fier of the Empire, and there is at Copenhagen two Chance∣ries; the Danish for Danmark and Norway, the German for Holstein, and the other German Provinces belong∣ing to the King of Danmark.

He has said nothing of the Eccle∣siastical Courts in Danmark, which are in every Diocess, where the Bi∣shop is Resident, and several of the chief of the Clergy are his Assistants, and the Governor of the Province always present on the Kings behalf.

These Ecclesiastical Courts are pro∣per for all the Clergy, but if the Cases are of little importance, they are first judged by the Praepositus (who is like our Rural Deans) and

some of the eldest Ministers in his District, which may be called an In∣feriour Court; but in both these no∣thing is judged but things of Ecclesi∣astical Nature.

In Copenhagen there is a Consistory, where the Rector Magnisicus (chosen every year out of the Professors, and like the Vice-chancellors at Oxford and Cambridge) is President, and most of the Professors his Assistants; in this Court all things relating to the University are debated.

As for his politick comparison of the Trap to kill Vermin in Dovc-houses, p. 239. and his nice Description of the Headsman and Kennel-raker, I shall only tell the Reader that they are false, and so leave them to our Authors further Reflection.

CHAP. XVI.

The State of Religion, of the Clergy, and Learning, &c.

WE must not expect great Ac∣curacy in what he says of the Reformation of Danmark, neither as to the Time, nor the King that then reigned. For not only Frede∣rick the First, p. 249. but his Cousin Chrisliern the Second, favoured Lu∣thers Doctrine; and both he and his Queen, who was Sister to Charles V. died in that Profession. Frederick, who succeeded his Nephew, in the year 1524. by a Publick Edict en∣joyned, that no body in his King∣doms or Provinces, under the For∣feiture of Life and Goods, should do the other any hurt, either Papist or Lutheran; but every one should so behave himself in his Religion as he would answer it before God Almigh∣ty with a good Conscience: At the

same time seriously commanding, that the People should be well informed in the Doctrine of the Gospel, that the Romish Abuses might be the sooner extirpated. This he repeated in the Diet of Odensee, A. D. 1527. and more was not done by this King till his death, which happen'd, A.D. 1533. saving that he himself adhered to the Protestant Religion, and favoured both that and its Preachers, where∣ever he could in his whole Domini∣ons. But Popery was tolerated however, nay as yet carried the Sway, by the great Oppositions and Power of the Bishops. This appeared in the Diet which was called upon the Death of Frederick, in which Diet one of the chief Lutheran Preachers, Mr. John Tousson, had been oppressed by the Power of the Bishops, if the Citizens of Copenhagen, who adhered firmly to the Protestant Religion, had not rescued him with force of Arms; from whence we see, that though Frederick the First brought it in, yet he did not establish so gene∣rally Luthers Doctrine in his Dominions,

as we are told by this Author, p. 249.

Afterwards King Christian III. finding great opposition from the Popish Party, with much trouble, and not without effusion of blood, having besieged Copenhagen a whole year, and at last forced it to surrender by Fa∣mine, began to establish the Refor∣mation with vigor; for the seven Popish Bishops were suddenly sur∣prized and imprisoned by the King, and after having been publickly be∣fore the Diet of the Kingdom, accused and convicted of many enormous crimes, were all deposed, and seven other Superintendants, or Protestant Bishops, afterwards consecrated in their places The King was crowned by Dr. John Bugenhagen, who had been a Fellow-Labourer with Luther in the work of the Reformation; and in the year 1539. in the Diet of Odensee, the last hand was set to the Reformation, and it was wholly and universally introduced and settled in Danmark, as it is at this day.

Now I leave the Reader to judge of the great Accuracy of our Author,

when he says, that Frederick the First established Luther's Doctrine about 150 years ago, (p. 235.) First, 150 years ago, Frederick the First had been dead for above nine years, and next it was his Son Christian the Third, who established the Protestant Re∣ligion, in the year 1539.

There is a Union and Harmony of Religion throughout the whole King∣dom, and this our Author says, p. 251. Cuts off occasion of Rebellion and Mu∣tiny. 'Tis very reasonable it should! and a sign that the Clergy do their duty in preaching such due obedience as the Gospel enjoyns; and the Peo∣ple show their sence of Religion in being directed by them: not that the Priests depend entirely upon the Crown, as this Author intimates, p. 251. any more than the rest of the King of Danmark's Subjects; nor the People abso∣lutely governed by the Priests, ibid. with a blind obedience, any further than Scripture and Reason obliges them.

The Clergy have full Scope given them to be as bigotted as they please, ib. I know not what he means by their

being bigotted, unless it is, that they are zealous in teaching their People the Doctrines of Salvation, and resist∣ing Vice and Scandal in their pecu∣liar Churches, as they ought to be; perhaps this Author would not have them trouble their heads much about Religion, nor be zealous for any one in particular; but content themselves with an idle Despondency, and scepti∣cism concerning all.

That the Clergy have no common Charity for any that differ from them in opinion, except the Church of England, (p. 251.) is a proposition very boldly advanced, against a body of men, in whom Charity ought always to be conspicuous; and for a Defence a∣gainst this Charge, they appeal to those numerous French Protestants who have fled to them for Relief, to whom at present they allow a Church for their publick Worship, though there has been no example before, since the Reformation, and the Law is directly against it. They confess that they cannot joyn in Com∣munion with them, because they dif∣fer

as to the real Presence in the Sacrament, and in the point of ab∣solute Predestination, which they take to be essential; for 'tis the Do∣ctrine of Reprobation, which has been the greatest stumbling block be∣tween them and the Calvinists; but the Lutherans, seeing the great Mo∣deration of the Church of England, both in that particular, and in the other of the Real Presence, they have always had a great veneration for it, and could be very desirous, that their Doctrines, especially that con∣cerning the Sacrament, were but rightly understood, so as to come to a Union with it; for 'tis a general mistake in England, to call the no∣tion of the Lutheran Protestants concerning the Sacrament, Consub∣stantiation, p. 252. for no such word is used amongst them; their notion amounts to this, that they believe stedfastly a real and true Presence of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Sacrament, in a manner ineffable, which our Saviour himself is best able both to know and do; whereas

Consubst antiation would imply some∣thing more natural and material.

Did Princes think it worth their while to promote this Union, our Author is confident, p. 252. that the business of Consubstantiation would make no difference. It would be of wonderful consequence, if Princes should really promote this Union between Churches so considerable; and no better work could be performed in this turbulent and divided State of the Church of Christ: For who knows but this Uni∣on might draw another of more con∣sequence after it, between all the rest who call themselves Protestants, and those more strictly so, viz. of the Confession of Ansburg, who first gave us that name, which we so much glory in; and what a fatal blow this would be to Popery, any rational man will easily imagine.

For the Church of Danmark is far from deserving the Character this Author gives it, p. 252. That the Cal∣vinist is ••••••ed by them as much as the Papist, and the reason they give is, be∣cause he is against absolute Monarchy, and has a resisting Principle. They will

confess they do not like his resisting Principle, and this makes a greater di∣stance between them. However, they think it not agreeable to common Charity, to hate either Calvinist or Papist: As to their Errors, they think the Papists to have several that are fundamental, and more in number than the Calvinist whom they have a respect for, as having jointly pro∣tested against the Antichrist of Rome. The Church of Danmark think themselves likewise wrong'd, when he says, p. 253. That they keep the Mob in awe by Confession, which they retain of the Romish Church, as well as Crucifixes and other Ceremonies. For their Confession is far from the Auricular Confession, and Enumeration of all sins made by the Papists: For they retain only that Confession us'd in the Primitive Church, and which other Protestants wish for: For by that, the Minister can excite and ex∣hort the Communicants to a right Pe∣nitence; and there, as our Exhortati∣on to the Communion tells us of the Church of England, The Penitent

may open his grief to a discreet and so∣ber Minister of God's word, that he may receive the benefit of Absolution to∣gether with Ghostly Councel and advice, to the quieting of his Conscience, and avoiding of all scruple and doubtful∣ness. In like manner the Danes have Crucifixes, and other Historical Pi∣ctures out of the Bible in their Churches, but they are far from ma∣king any idol ••••••ous or superstitious use of them. They use them as Or∣naments and Remembrances only; nor do they think, because a Papist adores a Crucifix, that a Lutheran must con∣sequently be so afraid of one as not to endure to look upon it. So likewise is it to be understood of the other Ceremonies, which they have kept, not from the Romish Church, but in∣nocent Ceremonies which the Romish Church have abused, they have made a right use of, and are here in the same case with the Church of En∣gland.

He says, that the Splendor and Re∣venues of the Church of England, are the principal Virtues they admire in us,

p. 252. The Church of England has lost so much of its Revenues, as that it is not at present to be envied for them. Besides, I never found Splendor or Revenues recounted as Virtues in Aristotle's Ethicks. But I have found Prudence, Fortitude, &c. among the Virtues, and for these the Danish Church may admire it; but more especially for its purity in Do∣ctrine, and its well ordered Govern∣ment and Discipline.

It is true that the Church of Eng∣land has better Revenues than that of Danmark, for at the Reformati∣on, the King and States laid almost all the Ecclesiastical Revenues to the Crown, which at that very time Lu∣ther complain'd of to King Christian the Third. However, the Ecclesiasticks in Danmark are in no low condition, for they live very well, and honou∣rably as any Gentleman can define. Every Minister lives in his Pa••ish, and has one, two, three or more neigh∣bouring Churches under his Care, which if he cannot take care of alone, he does it by one, or more Assistants,

call'd Chaplains, which resemble our English Deacons. He tells us, p. 251. That the Clergy are entirely dependant upon the Crown, as if their Salary was wholly given them by the King. But afterwards it seems, p. 252 and 253. The best subsistance of the Priests, is the voluntary Benevolence of the Mob. So that their flattery of the Court, p. 252. ought, if this were true, to be turned into a Flattery of the Mob, whose Vices notwithstanding, as well as those of Persons of the highest Qua∣lity, they reprehend with great freedom; Ibid. And yet their Churches are much frequented, p. 91. As to the subsi∣stance of the Ministers in Danmark, it is partly certain, as Tithes, &c. as in England, partly uncertain, as Offerings at the three great Festivals in the Year; Marriages, Burials, &c. and they are very liberally provided for, without cultivating the Mobs good Opinion, p. 253.

As the Inferior Clergy are thus provided for, so are the Superior, such as the Bishops, Professors of Divinity, &c. to a greater degree.

Concerning these he tells us, p 153. That there are Six Superintendants in Danmark, who take it very kindly to be call'd Bishops, and my Lord, viz. One in Sealand, One in Funen, Four in Jutland, and Four in Norway. These have no Temporalities, keep no Ecclesiastical Courts, have no Cathe∣drals with Prebends, &c. but are only Primi inter pares; having the rank above the inferior Clergy of the Pro∣vince. 1. When he enumerated the Bishops, he might have mentioned those two more who were in ••••••nd. 2. That the Danish Bishops should take it kindly to be called My Lord, is a very curious remark, they have not so often occasion to converse with Englishmen, and the Danish Tongue has no word that properly answers to the English words, My Lord. Then they have no reason to refuse being called Bishops, since the King calls them so in the Danish Law, and they have all Episcopal Jurisdi∣ction. It is true that in Danmark at the Reformation, none of the P••pish Bishops (as many in Sweden did)

would embrace it; but all, because of their errors, were deposed, and then the new Superintendents, ac∣cording to Luthers institution in Germany, were ordained by Dr. Bu∣genhagen, from Wittenberg. And they did, as their Successors at present do, use and exercise in ecclesiastical things the same Power and Jurisdiction, that any Bishop does in England or Sweden. 3. If by Temporalities he means Baronies, the Danish Bishops have none of them. But that they have Ec∣clesiastical Courts is certain, and an ac∣count has before been given of them. 4. Though Canons, Prebends and Sub∣deans, are not as in England, yet in each Cathedral Church (for such there is in every Diocese) the Bishop has four, five, or more of the chief Clergy for his Assi∣stants in the Chapter, and they are called Canonici, or Capitulares. 5. In Honour the Bishops may be only Primi inter pares, but in Jurisdiction there is a very great Subordination, so far as to suspend and depose, which sets them far beyond an Equality. 6. That most of these understand En∣glish, and draw the very best of their

Divinity out of English Books; and those who have studied in Oxford are more valued than others, p. 254. are ex∣pressions that savour a little of vanity. They do indeed esteem our Divines, and especially their Sermons; but the way to be respected more by them, is not to value our selves too much.

As to their Learning he says, at pre∣sent it is there at a very low ebb. But to show the contrary, I shall name some of those great men in all Sciences, which have been eminent for their Learning, and name some of those who preserve the succession. In Divi∣nity, who in the learned world does not know Hemmingius, Resenius both Father and Son, Brochmand, Winstrup, Swaningius, Wandalinus the Elder, Bage∣rus, Noldius, Bircherodius, &c. In Phy∣sick, who are more famous than Tho∣mas Bartholinus, Joh. Rhodius so re∣nowned in Italy, Nic. Stenonius the great Anatomist, Simon Paulli no less an Herbalist, Olaus and Wilhelmus Wor∣mius, and Borrichius, who was excel∣lent for his Chymistry. In the Law, there have been eminent men, as Petrus Re∣senius, Cosmus Bornemand, Claudius Plu∣mius,

&c. As to the Mathematicks, Ty∣cho Brahe was followed very success∣fully by his Scholar Longomontanus and Geo. Hilarius, &c. In Philosophy and Philology, few have excell'd the great Borrichius, and besides him Bartholus Bartholinus, Arnoldus Rhumannus and others; nor does Danmark want Hi∣storians, as Wormius, Petrus Resenius, Vi∣tus Beringius, Claudius, Lyscander, and the lately deceased young Gentleman Thomas Bartholinus. As for Poetry, it began in the Danish Language with the Proverbial Rhimes of Lollius, and the Satyrs of Scanus, and the Eclogues of Virgil, turn'd into the Danish Language by Petrus Parous Ripensis, and by the Translation of the Psalms of Du Bartas by Christianus Arreboe; but its perfe∣ction encreased with the Rules given by Corvinus in his Heptachordum, and his Rythmologia Danica; by Severinus Pauli Gothlandus in his Prosodia Ver∣nacula, and several other Authors. Se∣verinus Torchillius with the beauty and sweetness of his stile, advanced this improvement; whereas Bording did the same by his strength and majesty,

and Johannes Wilhelmus as much with his Hexameron, in which there appeared a decent and becoming gravity: These were followed by Kingo, Sehested, Matthias Wormius, Andreas Claudianus, Lundius, Gernerus and others, whose works may promise them Fame and Immortality. The Ladies come in likewise for their share in this glory, Tycho Brahe's Sister, and especially Do∣rothea Engelbrechtia, may contend with the famous Poetresses of the Ancients. The Lady Brigitta Tot has translated Seneca the Philosopher into the Danish Tongue, with all the Elegancy any Language is capable of; to show, that the ruggidest Philosophy of the Stoicks must submit, when the Fair Sex is pleased to conquer. It would be too tedious to enumerate all the Danish Poets, who have writ from Hiarne and Saxo Grammaticus, down to this time. Borrichius has done it, and given their Characters in a very pretty dissertati∣on; and Fredericus Rostgaard, an inge∣nious young Gentleman, has made a Collection of six of them, printed in 2 Duodecimo Volumes in Leyden, in 1693.

Albertius Hopnerus, and Aagardus, have their beauties, but Vitus Beringius has a peculiar easiness, and his Masque of the Rape of the Sabins, writ in seve∣ral sorts of Latin Verse, has much vari∣ety, and must have given great diver∣sion in the representation of it. Har∣derus at writing Epigrams has a great Quickness of Wit; and the English, a∣mong whom he liv'd some years, are particularly oblig'd to him for his in∣genious Verses, made in commendati∣on of their Language. As for Borri∣chius it is enough to say, that his Poetry equals his other performances.

There are still living and flourish∣ing in Danmark Wandalinus the Son, Masius, Caspar Bartholinus, Oligerus and Janus Jacobaeus, Olaus Romerus, Paul Vindingius, John Brunsmannus, and many others, who deserve no less praise than the deceased if their Modesty would permit it to be gi∣ven them.

Their Learning is preserved and cultivated among them, by their Publick Examinations, Disputations and Lectures in all Arts and Sci∣ences:

And their want of Printed Translations, shows their very great improvement, for the Danes gene∣rally understanding Latin, English, French, Italian, and German Lan∣guages, have no occasion for them, and yet in the publick Library there are abundance of Translations of all sorts, of both Antient and Modern Authors. Printing is indeed much dearer than in Holland and Germany, which is the reason why the Atlas Da∣nicus of Petrus Resenius lies fairly written in the Library; the Nobility and Gentry have likewise their Li∣baries in very good order, and there is nothing that I can find wanting, but Satyrical Pamphlets, and Seditious Libels.

The Author says, there is no invention here, or tolerable imitation of what is brought in to them by Strangers, p. 255. But I cannot believe it, when I hear that Thom. Bartholinus has found the Vasa Lymphatica, as his Son Caspar still living, has done one Ductus Salivalis, and Borrichius, found several new ways in Chymistry: That the round Steeple of Longomontanus, is a great

piece of Ingenuity and Architecture, as likewise the Bremer Holm, and the great work on Christians-haven. We have several Ornaments of the City of London, carv'd by a Danish Master. And whosoever will not believe their skill in Musick, may be convinc'd of the contrary by the Harp of Signior Arnoldo.

But what need I speak far ther of the Danes, the very Islanders, whose Country was the Thule of the Ancients, are not without their Learn∣ing. Their Law-Book in their own Language, has several things conform∣able to the great wisdom of the Impe∣rial Laws, as Angrimus tells us, Ko∣nung: Sagurne contains their History. Edda and Scalda gives an account of their antient Philosophy and Poetry, shows the Art and Fable of the one, and the Misery of the other. They have likewise Chronology from 740 to 1295. Nor are they wanting in the more refin'd Arts of Poetry and Comedy, as may appear by the Dra∣ma Eroticam, and the Verses made in the Islandish Tongue, about the be∣ginning of this Century, upon Christi∣an

Friis the Chancellor of Danmark. Runolphus Jonas having studied the Islandish Language, found it so full, proper, and expressive of the Latin, especially the Thoughts and Beau∣ties of Virgil and Horace, that he thought himself bound in justice to compose a Grammar for the more easy attaining of it, which he print∣ed, and has been since reprinted at Oxford, with Dr Hicks's Saxon Gram∣mar. But to go yet farther, even Greenland has its Annals; and the parts which are farthest North are not without some pretensions to the Belles Lettres.

When he comes to the Univer∣sity of Copenhagen, he compares it, p. 253. with these of England, which may exceed it; however in respect of other foreign Universities it yields to few, either for its Buildings, Reve∣nues or Students. The Auditories, Col∣ledges and other Edifices belonging to this University, are as good and substantial as any Houses, except the Palaces in Copenhagen; and the Pro∣fessors have fine and convenient Houses allotted for their Residence.

The Revenues likewise are considera∣ble both for the maintaining of Scholars that study at home, or travel abroad. There are several Colleges as that call'd Collegium Regium built by King Christi∣an IV. where a hundred Students have their Lodgings, to which belongs ano∣ther house call'd Communitas Regia, where as many have their diet, and du∣ring their meals have frequent exer∣cises.

There is also Collegium Walkendorp••i∣anum founded by a Danish Nobleman, and Collegium Medicaeum founded by Dr. Borrichius, splendidly endowed for sixteen Fellows in each of them. There are several Exhibitions like∣wise for Scholars, some to reside and some to travel, which they call Sti∣pendia, as Stipendium Frisianum, Scheeli∣anum, Winstrupianum, Hopnerianum, &c.

With these Assistances the Univer∣sity flourishes, and it receives encou∣ragement from his Majesty, who was particularly pleased to be present at an Act performed upon his Birth day, in the year, (91) when the Rector, Dr Oli∣gerus Jacobaeus, made him a Speech to

thank him; for some favours conferr'd upon the University. For since Pliny and Pacatus his time Panegyricks have been thought due to good Princes, and if a King will do great things, he must pardon his Subjects when gratitude makes them eloquent in the relation of them.

There was formerly another Univer∣sity at Sora; but, p. 256. The King had occasion for its Revenues, and in its stead there is only a small Grammar School erected. It was ruined by the Swedes in the late Wars, and pillaged of its Li∣braries, and all things else that be∣longed to it; so that the King of Danmark has thought fit to let it be a School only, and in its room has erect∣ed an Academy in Copenhagen, where young Gentlemen and Persons of Quality learn Riding and several Ex∣ercises, as well as other Sciences. This has its Professors, and was solemnly in∣augurated upon the Kings Birth day, in 1692.

The Provisions for the poor are regular and considerable. Hospitals there are in every City very good and sufficient; nor shall he show many

examples of such as have been divert∣ed to other Uses, p. 257. and especially not publick ones.

The Author concludes this Chapter with a very great Encomium of the Danish People, p. 257 where every one keeps the ordinary beaten road of sence, and you see no Madmen, natural Fools, fanciful Folks or Enthusiasts; for these are the People that generally create uneasiness and disturbances; and I will assure the Author, that ever since I first read his Book, when I have been trou∣bled with a fanciful Fool, that I could not in good manners get rid of, I have often wish'd my self in Danmark.

The Conclusion.

THe Authors Conclusion is a Pane∣gyrick upon Popery, France and Turky.

Popery has this to say for it self, That it is not the only Religion that in∣tr••••••ces Slavery; for he is perswaded that other Religions, and particularly the Lutheran, succeed as effectually in this ••••••••••. p. 25••. Besides Popery has a farther

Plea, That King James's attempt to bring it into England was the principal thing, which rescued our Liberties from being swallowed up, p. 259. But the third thing excellent in it is, because the dependance which the Romish Clergy have on the Church of Rome causes often a clashing of Inte∣rests, and derogates from the entire Obedi∣ence the Subject owes to the Prince, p. 260. So that whereas he says, p. 136. Popery has been the Darling of many Monarchs, upon the account of introducing Slavery: It is this Authors Darling because it raises Wars and Tumults.

France is put next into the Scale with Danmark, and made to outweigh it, because that Kings Subjects are better treated, and there is a Name of a Parli∣ament at Paris, and a formal demand of a Benevolence, which they have not the power to deny, p. 261. But the true reason is, because the King of France, having quar∣relled with the Court of Rome, his Clergy (if he were reduced to a lower Ebb) might produce divisions and disturbances, ib. So in this Authors opinion, France is hap∣pier than Danmark, because there is greater probability that it may lie

under the misfortunes of a Civil War.

Then comes Turky, which has suffer'd by some Writers, but he says, will scarce seem to deserve it, if compared with Danmark; for the Turks have con••uered the Christians, and have a sort of barbarous right to use them ill: Yet they never persecute them upon Ac∣count of ••onscience: They suffer them for the most part to inhabit their own Lands; it is true the propriety of all Lands is in the Grand Seignior, but whether it be not better to be only a Far∣mer at an ea••e Rent, than to have the name of a Proprietor without a comforta∣able subsistance, he leaves the Reader to judge, p. 262. The Alcoran or Turkish Law declares the barbarous right which our Author mentions in these words: When you meet with Infidels cut off their heads, kill them, take them Prisoners, bind them, till either you think fit to give them Liberty, or they pay their Ransom. Sir Paul Rycaut is an Author of credit, who describes to us that sort of toleration which the Turks give the Christian Religion: They know they

cannot force Mens Wills and Consci∣ences, nor captivate their Minds as well as Bodies: But what means may be used to render them contemptible, to make 'em poor, their Lives uncomfort∣able, and the Interest of their Religion weak and despicable, are practised with divers Arts and Tyranny; their tolera∣tion of Christianity is rather to afflict and persecute it, than any grant of fa∣vour and dispensation. The Grand Seignior may take their Estates from them if he pleases whilst they live; and all People know, there is no such thing, as Inheritance of Land in Turky, at their Death. Let there∣fore the Reader judge, what Chri∣stian would not rather live in Turky, than enjoy the free use of the Pro∣testant Religion, and have his pro∣perty secur••d inviolably to himself and Heirs, as he may do in Danmark.

Children are indeed in Turky forced away from their poor Christian Parents, but says the Author, it is for their worldly profit, and so bating the point of Religion, it is a far less mischief, to deprive Parents of their Children,

than to leave a charge upon their hands, after having taken away the possibility of nourishing and educating them, p. 263. I profess upon reading this Paragraph, I enquired how many Children were starved every week in Copenhagen; and whither there were not greater quantities that died for want throughout all Sealand; I ask'd whither there were not abundance of famish'd Infants, that their Parents would be glad to part with for Ske∣letons, upon reasonable terms: But being resolv'd, that there was Pap and Milk-porridge, and the like, in those places; and that the Children when they cried, had as much Bread and Butter as is usual in other Coun∣tries. I resolv'd with my self, that my Children should rather go to Danmark, with all its inconveniencies, than be circumcised or made Eu∣nuchs, upon the hopes of coming one day to be Caimacan, or Grand Visier. I wonder most, how our Author ever came to like Turky, since I do not find, that he has any hopes or assu∣rances from the Mufti, that any Re∣bellion

shall be raised there spee∣dily.

Come we now to the grand Query, Whither matters are like to last at the same rate they are now at, in Danmark? p. 264. Our Author would wil∣lingly have it resolv'd in the Nega∣tive; and gives important reasons why it should be so: And more im∣portant why it should not be so. Let us see his self-encounter at pro and con, and the mighty tumults and bustles raised in our Authors fallacious Judgment, p. 264.

First, That natural Love of Liberty, eminent in the antient Goths and Van∣dals, perswade, him to think of a change, ib. But alas the Love of Liberty [which was that of Knight ••rrantry, and Rambling to seek their Fortunes in foreign Countries] being now quite extinct in the North, they find suffi∣cient conveniencies at home, where Obedience to their Prince secures their Ease, and is preferr'd by them, before those brisk Traverses (as he calls them) which commotions would oc∣casion, p. 267. So Love of Liberty might

do something, but that Duty pre∣vails. Well, but again, may not the freshness and newness of this alteration of their condition, produce an alteration in the Government? p. 265. Why, truly no, because he finds it to have little or no influence upon the peo∣ple, who are wonderfully well pleas'd both with one and t'other. So that if the Father should propose any me∣thods of change to his Son, he would not be heard by him with patience, p•• 268. Bu•••• however to try again: What should hinder the Swedes, who have their Eye upon Danmark from introdu∣cing Liberty? p. 266. Why truly they use their own Subjects so ill, and there is such a ••••••t hatred betwixt these two Na∣tions, that the Danes are resolv'd to keep them out as long as they are able, p. 2••8. The last hope then is in the nu∣merousness of the Royal Family, for there being four Princes it will be rare if Con∣cord be maintained among them all, p. 266. And thence something in favour of Liberty might arise. 'Tis a thousand pities that matters should not be brought to this pass: But such is the

Wickedness of this cursed Soil, that those Jealousies, which use to reign in the Families of Princes, are not so common nor fatal in these parts, as elsewhere, p. 270. Besides there is a terrible thing, call'd Unity of Religion, p. 268. which spoils all manner of hopes, and cuts away the very root of Sedition. So then the sum of the grand con∣troversy amounts to this, That the Government of Danmark might be shaken, were it not supported by a firm security from foreign attempts, by a mutual concord in the Royal Family; by the Ease, Content, Loy∣alty and Religion of the Subject; in a word, by all the Blessings and Ce∣ments which make Governments hap∣py, and consequently will render this of Danmark fixt and durable. Since nothing hitherto will do the work, what if this Author could get his Account translated into the Danish Tongue, might not that, when pub∣lisht, have so blessed an effect, as to occasion a change, not only in their Condition, but also in their Masters? Why truly whatever his aim may have been

nearer home, and though it has been printed in English, yet he has not perswaded his Countrymen to en∣deavour an alteration in either of theirs. So that if the present State of both Kingdoms be fixt and durable, then his Book (poor Gentleman!) has lost its design, and he his labour.

FINIS.