Nazianzeni querela et votum justum, The fundamentals of the hierarchy examin'd and disprov'd wherein the choicest arguments and defences of ... A.M. ... the author of An enquiry into the new opinions (chiefly) propagated by the Presbyterians in Scotland, the author of The fundamental charter of presbytry, examin'd & disprov'd, and ... the plea they bring from Ignatius's epistles more narrowly discuss'd.../ by William Jameson.

Section II.

The Aphorism No Bishop No King discuss'd.

A Chief Argument whereby they would prove the necessity of Pre∣lacy they bring from the great Support which they say it affords to Monarchy. Hence with them No Bishop No King is an axioma∣tick Aphorism, which cannot be readily granted, seeing, to name no more, the charges the Hierarchy stood the King and Kingdom made a dear Bargain. Much was spent in their stated Revenues, but more by their clandestine Exactions, and other sinistrous means of draining the Country, and places of their pretended Jurisdictions, throw which there are Incorporations that, even at this day, groan under the Debts they then contracted: And yet more by sustaining Standing-forces to be Janizaries to the Prelates and their Complices, and persecute the sin∣cerer part of Protestants, for else there was then no use of such num∣bers. Yet their Maxime may be thus far granted, that Prelacy may much contribute to the introduction of a Despotick and Arbitrary Go∣vernment: And indeed the great Power they usurped, and manifold Influences they had over both Cities and Country, either to wheedle or menace them to elect such Members of Parliament as pleased them; and

to Cajole or awe these Parliament-men to speak in their own Dialect: And the being of a good number of them prime Lords of the Articles, whereby they had either the mediat or immediat Flection of the rest, made them well nigh able to effect no less: Which kind of Govern∣ment no Wise and Paternal Prince will desire.

§ 2. Moreover that Princes have no great reason to be fond of them is apparent from their great unfitness to manage Politick and State-Affairs.

There are two Ways whereby one may be fitted for being a States∣man; either when Natural induements are extraordinary, which I doubt if many of our Prelats could affirm of themselves: Or else that of Education and continued Industry whereby to be fitted for State-imploy∣ments; but so far were they from any thing of this, that during their greener years, they had quite other Studies and Imployments, being designed for the Ministry; and so were obliged to prosecute hard the Study of Divinity, which, I am sure, will give any Man his handsfull of Work, who makes earnest of it.

From this they are taken to feed some Flock, which, at least, will give them no less exercise. Now, how these Men can be fit for ma∣naging State-affairs, or, how they can be well kept from falling into Solecisms therein, whose skill is so small, is not very discernable. But though they were never so well fore-armed for such high State-imploy∣ments, how find they leisure to exercise them? Is not the Ruling, and Governing so many Ministers and Churches, which they alledge them∣selves to be entrusted with, a Work heavy enough to exercise, if not to bruise any one Man? Or, where have they found Warrant to relin∣quish the Ministry, and turn themselves to Offices of State when offer∣ed, or to undertake both together? Do they not believe that either of them is heavy enough? Know they not that not only the Apostle, but also the ancient Canons, and, to name no others, these which (though not truly) are called the Canons of the Apostles, most clearly condemn this their Practice?

Let neither (say they (a)) Bishop, Presbyter or Deacon taken upon him any secular Business; otherways let him be cast out off his Office: Hence we may learn,b 1.1 if it be out of Conscience that these Men plead for Antiqui∣ty,

when they palpable contemn and trample what themselves count the most venerable Precepts thereof. Moreover it's observable how they, so far as their Interest led them, still studied the ruine of those to whom they owed their Being, as Bishops. Thus the Roman Prelats studied the Ruine of both the Eastern and Western Emperours: Thus the Bishops of Scotland brought no small Vexation to both King and Nobility, in the Reign of Alexander the III. And so Becket of Canter∣••ury, and his Faction handled Henry the II of England. But worse did their Successours treat Richard the II, whom, in his Absence, they de∣prived of his Kingdom. It's vain to repone that these were Papists; seeing the ambition of Prelats is well enough known of whatever Name they be: Yea such also have been the Practices of Prelats who acknow∣ledged no Pope, as divers of the Greek Patriarks, who helped not a little to Dethrone their Emperour. And the English Bishops (as Sir Francis Knols complains in a Letter to Secretary Cicil) encroached not a little upon the Priviledges of the Crown, kept Courts in their own Name, and still give out, that the Complex of their Office, i. e. the civil part of it, as well as the other, without any Distinction, was not from the King but from Jesus Christ. Which Encroachments are real∣ly Imperium in Imperio.

On which account, this their usurped Power, as being dangerous, and of a Romish Original, was abolished in the first Parliament, of Ed∣ward the VI. The Substance of what Dr. Sanderson either insinuats or more clearly expresseth in Answer hereto, is, that this was a Corruption in Edward 's Reformation: And that some other Courts in England, as well as these of the Bishops are not kept in the King's Name. But sure, it's not very credible that this was a Corruption seeing nothing else, since Ed∣ward's Days, hath been done, during the succeeding Reigns, for that Church's further Reformation; but 'tis an odd Paradox if we consider the Author, for it was Mary who Abolished this Act of Edward, and restored their Power when she brought back the rest of Popery: And though other Courts, as he says, be not kept in the King's Name, yet reason teacheth, and former experience proves, how dangerous it was to give Ecclesiasticks ought that looks like an Absolute power, and worldly Grandure, whereby, like the Pope, they may, by his Artifi∣ces arrive, at length, to a real Independency. And indeed B. Laud

made large steps towards it, who, as Roger Coke relates,c 1.2 copt with the King himself, and maugre both his Will and Authority must visit Col∣ledges not as his Commissioner, but by his own Metropolitan right, and plum∣ed (thus saith the Author) in his own Feathers, all black and white, with∣out one borrowed from Caesar whereby the more he assumes to himself the less he leaves to the King, he now soars higher.

And notable here is Dr. Sanderson's disingenuity, who always gives out that the Marian Act, which he still compares with, yea prefers to that of Edward, was never repealed by any succeeding Parliament. But we are informed by the same R. Coke (d) that by the 1. Tac. 25. the Marian Act was repealed and so that of Edward revived. And now to see him, who pretends to be a Minister of the Gospel (whose Office is only Ministerial and spiritual, exercised only in spiritual things, with∣out reaching Men's Bodies, inflicting only Rebukes, and such verbal punishments) to see such I say keeping Courts altogether Civil, and in∣flicting corporal mulcts and Punishments after the manner of Worldly Potentats, but especially when all this is done in their own Name, would really make the indifferent Beholder averre that such imitated, to the Life, his Romish Holiness, and believed much better his Doctrine of his receiving both spiritual and temporal Sword, than that of our Savi∣our, whereby he prohited his Apostles and their Successours all such earthly Grandure and despotick Power, as resembles the Lordship and Dominion of worldly Princes.

§. 3. But their Maxime not only intimats that Prelacy well accord∣eth with Mouarchy; but also, that any other Form of Church-govern∣ment is destructive thereof. Which how they will evince I know not: How they can shew that Presbytrie, with which I am only here concern∣ed, is destructive of, or in the least inconsistent with Monarchy I cannot perceive. They can, I am sure, neither deduce their Inference from the Practice of Presbyterians, nor the Principles of Presbytrie: Not from the first, for though they load them, as if they had been the Cause, of many Civil Broyls and Calamities, and especially of these ensuing the Year 38. We may justly, yea with the allowance of the Hierarchie's greatest Favourers, reject the Charge, and send it home to the Prelats, who, by their attempting to introduce into the Church a Mass of Romish Superstitions, and their Pride and Tyranny exercised on all

sorts, were become unsupportable to both Nobility and People.

B. Laud, Montegue and such Papaturients were then earnestly labour∣ing the reintroduction of a Mass of Romish Leaven into England, though there were but too much there already which had never been cast ••ut. Take one Instance or two in the words of R. Coke a high Church-of-Eng∣land-man, and no Lover of Presbyterians, I'm sure. The Bishops (saith hee 1.3) of the Province of Canterbury in their own Names, enjoin the removal of the Communion-table in the Paroch Churches & Vniversities, from the bo∣dy of the Church or Chancel to the east of the Chancel, & cause Rails to be set a∣bout the Table, and refuse to administer the Sacrament to such as shall not come up to the Rails, & receive it Kneeling: that the book of Sports, on Sundays, be read in Churches, and enjoin Adoration. I do not find that Adoration was ever enjoin∣ed before, nor any of the forenamed Injunctions in any Canon of the Church. Our Bishops were of the same mettal with these Innovatours in England, and their most docile Schollars: Laud therefore and his Faction apprehending that we would make but a small resistance against them to whom England was likely to yeeld, prepared for us all her Cup with some other additional Drugs more Romish, than what was obtruded on the English. Witness the Form in the Administration of the Sacrament which (as R. Coked 1.4 acknowledges) was the same in the Mass. But seeing, the knowledge of the state we were in, when the Nation entred into a Covenant, and opposed that Stream of Romish Abomina∣tions, contributes not a little to repell their fierce charges of Rebellion and Sedition; the Reader will pardon me though at some length I tran∣scribe a Passage from one who is beyond suspicion of being partial in favours of Presbytrie, Covenant, or ought of that nature: I mean Dr. Burnetf 1.5 The Bishops (saith he) therefore were cherished by him (the King viz.) with all imaginable expressions of kindness and confidence; but they lost all their Esteem with the People, and that upon divers Accounts. The People of Scotland had drunk in a deep prejudice against every thing that sa∣voured of Popery. This the Bishops judged was too high, and therefore took all means possible to lessen it, both in Sermons and Discourses, mollifying their O∣pinions and commending their Persons, not without some reflections on the Refor∣mers. But this was so far from gaining their Design, that it abated nothing of the Zeal was against Popery, but very much hightned the rage against them∣selves, as favouring it too much.

There were also subtile Questions started some Years before in Holland a∣bout Predestination and Grace; and Arminius his Opinion, as it was condemn∣ed in a Synod at Dort, so was generally ill reported of in all reformed Churches, and no-where worse than in Scotland: but most of the Bishops, and their Ad∣herents, undertook openly and zealously the Defence of these Tenets. Likewise the Scotish Ministers and People had ever a great respect to the Lord's-day, and generally the Morality of it is reckoned an Article of Faith among them: but the Bishops not only undertook to beat down this Opinion, but by their Pra∣ctices expressed their neglect of that Day; and after all this they declared them∣selves avowed Zealots for the Liturgy and Ceremonies of England, which were held by the Zealous of Scotland all one with Popery. Vpon these Accounts it was, that they lost all their Esteem with the People. Neither stood they in bet∣ter Terms with the Nobility, who at that time were as considerable as ever Scot∣land saw them; and so proved both more sensible of Injuries, and more capable of resenting them. They were offended with them, because they seemed to have more interest with the King than themselves had, so that Favours were mainly distributed by their Recommendation; they were also upon all Affairs, nine of of them were Privy Counsellers, divers of them were of the Exehequer, Spots∣wood Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews, was made Chancellour, and Maxwell Bishop of Ross was fair for the Treasury, and engaged in a high rivalry with the Earl of Traquair, then Treasourer, which tended not a little to help foreward their Ruine. And besides this, they began to pretend highly to the Titles and Impropriations, and had gotten one Learnmonth a Minister presented Abbot of Lindoris, and seemed confident to get that state of Abbots, with all the Revenue and Power belonging to it, again restored into the hands of Churchmen; designing also, that according to the first Institution of the Colledge of Justice, the half of them should be Churchmen. This could not but touch many of the No∣bility in the quick, who were too large sharers in the Patrimony of the Church, not to be very seusible of it. They were no less hatefull to the Ministry, because of their Pride, which was cried out upon as unsupportable. Great Complaints were also generally made qf Simoniacal Pactions with their Servants, which was imputed to the Masters, as if it had been for their advantage, at least by their allowance.

They also exacted a new Oath of Intrants, (besides what was in the Act of Parliament for obedience to their ordinary) in which they were obliged to obey the Articles of Perth, and submit to the Liturgy and Canons. They were also dayly making Inroads upon their Juris∣diction,

of which the Ministers were very sensible; and universally their great rigour against any that favoured of Puritanism, together with their medling in all Secular-affairs, and relinquishing their Dio∣ceses to wait on the Court and Council, made them the Object of all Men's fury. But that which heightned all to a Crisis was, their advising the King to introduce some Innovations in the Church by his own Authority; things had prospered so ill in general Assemblies, that they thought of these no more. And in the Parliament 1633. that small addition to the prerogative, that the King might appoint what habits he pleased to the Clergy, met with vigorous opposition, not∣withstanding the King seemed much concerned for it; those who op∣posed it being sharply taken up, and much neglected by his Majesty, which stuck deep in their Hearts, the Bishops bearing all the blame of it. At this time a Liturgy was drawn for Scotland, or rather the English reprinted with that Title, save that it had some Alterations which rendred it more invidious and less satisfactory; and after long consulting about it and another Book of Canons, they were at length agreed to, that the one should be the Form of the Scotish-worship, and the other the model of their Government, which did totally vary from their former Practices and Constitutions: and as if all things had con∣spired to carry on their Ruine, the Bishops not satisfied with the Ge∣neral High-commission-court, produced Warrants from the King for setting up such Commissions in their several Diocesses, in which with other Assessors, Ministers, and Gentlemen, all of their own Nomina∣tion, they might punish Offenders. That was put in practice only by the Bishop of Galloway, who though he was a pious and learned Man, yet was fiery and passionate, and went so roundly to work, that it was cryed out upon as a Yoke and Bondage which the Nation was not able to bear. And after all this the King (advised by the Bishops) com∣manded the Service-book to be received through Scotland, and to be read according to the New Book at Edinburgh on Easter-day in the year 1637.

Thus Dr. Burnet, of which kind much more might be taken from his, and the Writings of other Adversaries themselves, and yet far more from these of the Disinterested. And now judge under how wofull a Burden we then groaned, and if it was not high time for the Nation to curb such Tyranny over Bodies and Consciences, and stemm the tide of these

hatefull Corruptions, which not softly and by a stelth, but by violence, like a mighty torrent, were bearing all before them, and at once ready to sweep away both Religion and Property: Should they not by sit∣ting still and quietly yeelding both Sacred and Civil Rights, have prov∣ed in the highest degree treacherous to their God, Countrey and Poste∣rity? And seeing the Prelats were either the Authors, or great Promo∣ters of all this Mischief. and the Office it self asserted only upon human-right, and so as a thing indifferent, by its ablest Advocats; and by the King himselfh 1.6 yeelded to be contrary to the constitution of the Church of Scotland; And, finally, by the body of the Nation held to be unlaw∣full, Tyrannical and Antichristian: Were they not then highly obliged, not only, to cashire the Officers, but also to abolish the Office it self? In the mean while, though their Supplications were both most humble and reasonable, yet so had B. Laud and his Faction mislead and abused the King's Majesty, who otherwise was both Vertuous and Laudable, that the Suppliants were at first answered with terrible Menaces, then with dilatory and ambiguous Speeches, which were seconded with earnest Preparations for a most destructive War, and vengeance on the supposed Delinquents. Nor was ever ought granted but by inches as the urgency of the Courts Affairs compelled them, resolving in the mean while only to gain time, and practise such Artifices untill strength being recovered, the Suppliants, either broken among themselves, or lul∣led into security, might be overwhelmed at unawars, and with the more ease sacrificed to the fury of the Canterburians. As for the black and criminal Actions imputed, during these Times, to the Covenanters (i. e. to the body of the Nation, seeing not only the Bulk of the Com∣monalty, and Gentry, but also the Nobility well nigh to a man, save the Papists, as is acknowledged on all hands, joined in opposing these E∣normities) as I shall ever most frankly condemn them when the charge is proved, and doubt not (which falls out in the best of Actions) but that divers who joined them might drive sinistrous Ends; so I averre that all the impartial will distinguish between Scelus and Error, and ascribe any Escapes or Solecims, any way chargeable on others, not to their want of Conscience and Loyalty, but at worst to their want of fore-sight: to which byass the odd dealings of the Court, and their want of Experience of these with whom they after∣ward

joined, doubtless contributed not a little to incline them. They were not ignorant that King James who (as Dr. Burneti 1.7 intimats) opposed Presbytry, not out of Conscience, but Policy, rarely minded to keep what he promised; and, at every innovation he introduc'd, a∣verr'd that it should be the last, while he only designed to make it a pre∣parative for more. And indeed, to name no others, King James his pre∣varicating, temporizing, promising, and consenting to what he ne∣ver mean'd to stand longer than untill by force, he should be able to undoe them, is not altogether conceal'd even by his own Spotswoodk 1.8 himself, though rarely, I acknowledge, guilty of so much ingenuity. Neither made he any bones to obtrude on this Kingdom inquisition∣like High-commission-courts, without any Lawl 1.9 or Acts of Parlia∣ment.

These his steps were troaden by his Successour, who, being Prepos∣sessed by the Canterburians, with all imaginable severity, urged and in∣creased these lawless Innovations, and yet stuck not to averre that he took Arms only to surpress Rebellion, and not to impose Noveltiesm 1.10. And that all Concessions then given were only to gain time, till sufficient strength to overwhelm this Kingdom, might be recovered, is not only colligible from the more impartial Accounts of these Times, but also from Nalson himself. The King (saith hen 1.11) was prevail'd with, by this reason offered by Traquair to sign the following Instructions. That his Majesty notwithstanding whatever the Parliament could do, might, whenever he was in a better Capacity, introduce Episcopacy, because the Bishops being by all the Laws of Scotland, one of the three Estates of Parliament, no Act that passed without them would be of force, much less an Act for their Abolition, especial∣ly they not appearing or consenting to it, but protesting against it. Now, as the same Nalson relates, In these Instructions the King allows his Commissi∣oner to cousent in his Name to the abolishing of Episcopacy when it should be enacted by the General Assembly. And now judge what strange Policy this was, which left the King at Liberty to null all Acts of Parlia∣ment wherein Bishops had not a Vote, even tho' himself had ratified the Abolition of Episcopacy, and added never so positive a Sanction to these Acts made without Bishops, which presuppos'd his Ratification of their Exclusion from voting in Parliament. Now I say, such strange

dealings as these, and thereupon the dreadfull Effects of the Court's fu∣ry, so soon as it could gather strength to exercise them, might promp Men to an extream sheiness of believing any of its Promises, and incline them to a closser Conjunction with these of whose Arts they had less Ex∣perience. And doubtless when they made the League with the Eng∣lish Parliament, they were far from believing that some of them drove such Ends as afterwards appeared, and far from foreseeing (as certain∣ly were many of the then English Parliament) the dismal Alterations which ensued; otherwise certainly they had never join'd with the Eng∣lish or done ought of that kind. And indeed, as to their second entry into England, Dr. Burneti 1.12 ingenuously demonstrats that it was well nigh impossible for them at that time to do otherways. Moreover that the Crime of Selling his Majesty is falsly imputed to the State or Church of this Nation, and that they abhorr'd and detested so wicked a Parricide as was committed on his Royal Person, may be attested even by the greatest of Royalists themselves; whereof, their Reception of, and standing for King Charles the II, and that in opposition to Antimo∣narchicks, untill they together with him were broken by the prevail∣ing Enemy, is a sufficient evidence.

And as I shall not defend the separate actings of some call'd the Asso∣ciats, so I say that every just Estimator of these Affairs will, after seri∣ous reflection, be ready, at least, to excuse and pity them; seeing they not only had fresh memory of the scarce paralell'd dealing of the pre∣ceeding Reign, but also perceived evident Specimens of a strange Ge∣nius in the Successor; whence they might collect how sad and terrible things might be feared from him, should he be permitted to give the reins of Affairs to the Popish and other Incendiaries, whom even at that time he was observed most to favour; and if his subsequent Actions have not given these too much to say for themselves, I leave to the judge∣ment of the unbyass'd. However things be, seeing these were but a handfull never approv'd by the body of the Nation, or the most part of Presbyterians therein, their doings cannot in the least infringe the instance. Another instance is that of the Presbyterians their assisting and preserving of King James the VI in his Minority.

But now put case many foul and unjustifiable things might be object∣ed, and these their Actions accompanied with many Circumstances and

Concomitants not to be defended; yet how levels this at the core of the Controversie? Jam dic Posthume de tribus capellis? Let them either speak to the purpose, or acknowledge their extravagancies: It's evident, and we prove, yea even from their own most approved Writers, that then, Liberty, Religion, and all morality was struck at and well nigh over∣whelmed; the Body of the Nation jointly oppos'd themselves, that they might stop the Torrent. Now the Question is, if this was Lawfull and well done? and with this they rarely dar medle, or if they do, it must be on presupposition of pure passive obedience, without any ex∣ception, and of other such Hypotheses as not only equally level at the Reformation of most of the Churches from Popery, but also transform regular Monarchy into an absolute Tyranny, ruine all Subjects, and at length prove really destructive of what they pretend to advance: either I say they must use these or the like Hypotheses, and so give what is well nigh nothing to the purpose, or else adduce what is wholly forraign thereto, and only load our stout and worthy Opposers of that Mass of Romish Superstition, Irreligion, and Prophanity, with most heavy Ac∣cusations, as false and perfidious, acting from bad and base Motives, u∣sing unworthy Methods, driving sinistrous Ends, and thus only endea∣vour to bespatre and blacken their Adversaries, not to handle the Con∣troversie: And this minds me of what I have observ'd in some of the Popish Historians, and others of their Declaimers against our first Re∣formers, for their bad cause permitting them to speak little or nothing directly to the Purpose, and their Malice allowing them as little to be silent; they spend most of their Harangues in decrying and reproaching all who were active in that Reformation as guilty of many foul personal Blemishes, acting nothing sincerely but out of base Principles, and to as ill Designs: and amongst other things is chiefly objected the Crime of Rebellion, whereon the Romanists most commonly expatiat: and some of them add much about Conspiracies between these Rèformers and the Turk against the Catholicks as if He had been at the bottom of most was then done: just as our Adversaries make Cardinal Richlieu, and the French, the Authors and chief Promoters of our opposing Laud's Popish Innovations: surely the former is less ridiculous and carries more colour of possibility than the latter. In the mean while it will make their Calumnies of less Credit with all true Protestants, that they load Knox and the rest of our first Reformers with no less black detra∣ction

and slander, than they do these of the 38, accusing and condem∣ning them of an anarchick and ungovernable Temper, hatred against all Kings, Faction and Rebellion: and on this false pretence they breath out their malice and bitterness against them, and that no less fiercely than they do against the Opposers of the Canterburian Incendi∣aries. And thus much of the Practice of Presbyterians.

Neither have they any more reason to alledge the second, that the Principles of Presbytry are contrary to Monarchy, none of them yeeld∣ing any such Inference. Their peculiar Hypothesis wherein they op∣pose Prelacy is, that no Pastor ought to usurp a Dominion or Superiority over his Brethren: And how this Principle can induce any to at∣tempt the eversion of Monarchy, is not easily conjectured.

They have yet another Principle, that whosoever is call'd to the Mi∣nistry ought not to intangle himself in any Civil Affairs, but to lay out himself wholly for the Souls of Men, and to this end be instant in season and out of sea∣son: Which is consonant enough to the former, but opposite to the Principles of Prelats; who assert that Civil and Ecclesiastick Offices are compatible, and may be lodged in the same Subject: and according∣ly they grasp and inhance whatsoever Places of State they can come by, both of higher and lower degree. Now, whether that Government which is only Ministerial, not, if they hold to their Principles, con∣cern'd with Politicks, or Civil Government, but only with the Souls of Men, for the Edification of whom all their Studies are directed; or that which is pompous and despotick, allowing Church-men to climb unto the highest Places of State, be most opposite to Monarchy, let any Man judge. And although the Prelats acknowledge dependance upon their Prince, they but only do what the Popes did, who for a long time acknowledged their dependance upon the Emperour, and sought•• their Election or the Confirmation thereof from him, untill by little and little they got to stand upon their own Legs to, almost, the overthrow and ruine of their Soveraign and Benefactor. Now Prelacy and Popery being really one and the same Government, Princes ought to fear no less Mischief from the one than from the other.

Notes

• b 1.1

  Canon 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c 1.2

  Detection of the Court and State of England. Vol. 1. Page 361.
• e 1.3

  Vol. 1. Pag. 361.
• d 1.4

  Pag. 368.
• f 1.5

  Memoires of the D. of Hamiltoun. Pag. 29. 30.
• h 1.6

  Nalson's Collections Vol. 1. Page 247.
• i 1.7

  Memoires Page 29.
• k 1.8

  Hist. Page 447, 453.
• l 1.9

  Memoires Page 47. & alibi
• m 1.10

  Memoires Page 60.
• n 1.11

  Collections Vol. 1. Page 245.
• i 1.12

  Memoires Page 235, 236.