Archaioskopia, or, A view of antiquity presented in a short but sufficient account of some of the fathers, men famous in their generations who lived within, or near the first three hundred years after Christ : serving as a light to the studious, that they may peruse with better judgment and improve to greater advantage the venerable monuments of those eminent worthies / by J.H.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; OR, A VIEW of Antiquity.

1. Ignatius Antiochenus.

§1.AS touching Ignatius,* 1.1 (sur∣named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) that Anci∣ent and Eminent Bishop and Martyr, what Coun∣try-man he was, how brought up and Educated, in what manner and by what means converted unto the Chri∣stian Faith, and advanced unto the weightier functions in the Church, is no where extant nor recorded in history.* 1.2 The relation of Nice∣phorus seems fabulous, and inconsistent with what is to be found in the Epistles attributed by some unto Ignatius himself, wherein 'tis said, that he never saw Christ corporally or in the flesh. He therefore could not be (as

the above-named Author reports him to have been) that little Child that Christ cal∣led unto him and set in the midst of his Di∣sciples, commending simplicity unto them, and saying,* 1.3 Except ye be converted, and be∣come as little children, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven.

But though he so saw not the Lord Jesus, yet did he live, and familiarly converse with them,* 1.4 that had so seen him; being (as is generally received) the Disciple of the Apostle Iobn, as were also his contempora∣ries, Papias Bishop of Hierap••lis, and Poly∣carp ordained by the said Apostle Bishop of Smyrna, as was our Ignatius Bishop of An∣tioch by the Apostle Peter,* 1.5 of whose right hand (saith Theodoret) he received 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; of which Church he was the third Pastor or Bishop,* 1.6 the Apostle Peter be∣ing the first, to whom next succeeded Evo∣dius, one of the seventy Disciples, as saith Dorotheus. Eusebius makes Ev••dius the first, and our Ignatius the second Pastor there; which is true indeed of the fixed Bishops of that City: for Peter stayed but a while there, and then departed unto Ierusalem and other Eastern Regions. If therefore the Apostle Peter begin the Catalogue (as some make him to do) then is he the third; but if Evodint (as others) then the second Bishop of that place.

His zeal toward the house of God was ex∣ceeding great,* 1.7 even burning hot; for which he was had in as great esteem, and most ac∣ceptable unto those of chiefest note, especially Polycarp and the rest of the Asian Bishops:

whereof they gave an ample testimony by their flocking to him as the most famous man of all the East,* 1.8 when they heard that he was lead bound toward Rome. For in his way, being at Smyrna, the neighboring Churches having notice thereof, sent each of them their messengers to salute and visit him in their be∣half; among whom were the Bishops of some of those places, accompanied by the Elders and Deacons; the like also was performed by the Bishop of Philadelphia,* 1.9 upon his coming to Troas; An evident demonstration of the high and more then ordinary respect which they bare unto him; and his answerable worth who (as they deemed) deserved it from them.

§ 2. He was accounted the first and chief of the Oriental Bishops,* 1.10 as excelling them all, both in the holiness of his life, and his power∣fulness in Preaching the Gospel; as well as in the prerogative of his seat: yea among the Fathers of the Primitive Church he holds the first place:* 1.11 A Doctor in every regard blessed;* 1.12 whom Bernard stiles by the name of the great Ignatius, our Martyr, with whose precious reliques (saith he) our poverty is inriched: a most holy Man, and altogether the most Ancient of all now extant; one truly Divine, and even unto our memory fa∣mous and in the mouthes of many:* 1.13 a clear evidence of his admirable worth, and that variety of the gifts of the holy Ghost where∣with he was choicely adorned, a man of emi∣nent Sanctity, as also a singular and ••ervent lover of our Lord Jesus Christ; in publishing the word of God very zealous and no less

Learned; in so much as his Learning, as well as his vertues were celebrated of old;* 1.14 amongst which, the magnanimity of his spirit in the cause of Christ, happily conjoyned with sweet humility and holy simplicity, did add not the least lustre to this accomplish'd Martyr.* 1.15

§ 3. The remains of his Learning and la∣bors are only some few Epistles, written by him unto several Churches and Persons not long before his death;* 1.16 which as a certain well drawn picture do excellently represent and give us a lively image of him: for therein are notably discovered his vigorous and sin∣gular love to Christ, his fervent zeal for God and his glory, his admirable and undaunted courage and magnanimity in his cause, ac∣companied with such sweet humility and ex∣emplary meekness of Spirit, that as in all he shewed himself to be a true Disciple and fol∣lower of Christ, so may he well serve as a pattern for the imitation of succeeding gene∣ration.* 1.17 Talis erat sublimis illius animi sub∣missio, & è contra, ejusdem submissi animi sub∣limitas, ut mirâ quadam connexione summis ima conjungat, quae admiratione & delectatione animum simul afficiant. Such was the sub∣mission of that sublime soul, and on the other side, such the sublimity of that sub∣misse soul, that with a certain admirable connexion he joyned together the low∣est with the highest, both which may well affect the mind with wonderment and delight.

These Epistles do amount (as now ex∣tant) unto the number of fifteen, and may be divided or ranked in three sorts. 1. Such as are Genuine, and for the main and bulk of them by most apprehended and granted to be his;* 1.18 of which Casaubon thus▪ For the Epistles of Ignatius, to deny them to be (those) of that most ancient Martyr, and Bi∣shop of Antioch, would be Heresie at this day; and verily as for some of them, we shall else where (if it shall please the Lord) defend their antiquity by new reasons.

These are six in number, though common∣ly thought to be seven, because so many are said to have been collected by Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna, and so many are contained in the catalogues both of Eusebius and Ierom.* 1.19 But that skillful Antiquary the Reverend Vsher conceives, that the Epistle to Polycarp (which is reckoned among, and makes up the seven) is none of his; Ignatius writing no peculiar Epistle unto him, but that unto the Church of Smyrna only, directed both unto them, and also unto him joyntly, as their Bishop or Pa∣stour: And this (saith that learned Author) I do not at all doubt to have been in the mind of Ierom; whose words, (Et propriè ad Po∣lycarpum commendans illi Antiochensem Eccle∣siam) are to be read as in a Parenthesis,* 1.20 not as denoting a distinct Epistle from that to those of Smyrna, but as relating to the same. For (as the quick eyed Casanbon observes) those words of Ignatius mentioned by Ierom immediately after,* 1.21 (in quâ arte) are not ta∣ken out of the Epistle to Polycarp, (as Baroni∣us imagined) but out of that unto the Church

of Smyrna, where only to this day they are to be read,* 1.22 and not in the other. And Eusebi∣us produceth the same words out of the E∣pistle to the Smyrncans: Thus, Hic Ignatius cum Smyrnaeis scriberet, &c. Hence Honorius Augustodunensis, in his Book de luminaribus Ecclesiae, (being an Epitome of Ierome, Ben∣nadius,* 1.23 Isodore Hispalensis, Beda and others) enumerating the Epistles of Ignatius, altoge∣ther omits that unto Polycarpus, which there∣fore ought to be (and is by Vsher according∣ly) ranked among the second sort of his E∣pistles.

The six Genuine Epistles then are these,

• His Epistle
  • 1. To the Ephe∣sians, wherein he mentions Onesimus their Pastour.
  • 2. To the Church of Magnesia, lying on the River Me∣ander, whose Bi∣shop was Dama.
  • 3. To the Church of Trallis, whose Overseer was Poly∣bius.
  • 4. To the Church of Rome.
    • All these were writ∣ten at Smyr∣na in his journey from Syria to Rome.

• His Epistle
  • 5. To the Church of Philadelphia.
  • 6. To the Church of Smyrna.
    • Written from Tro∣as.

Which yet the Centurists leave to the con∣sideration of the diligent Reader,* 1.24 how un¦likely it is that they who conducted him should go so much out of the direct way and Road leading to Rome, and fetch so great a compass about in their journey.

Though these (and these only) are judg∣ed to be genuine, yet have they not escaped the hands of those who have offered no small injury unto them; having most unworthily corrupted these ancient Reliques, partly by addition and interpolation of what never fell from the pen of Ignatius, and partly by dimi∣nution and substraction of that which they saw would prove of disadvantage and preju∣dicial unto them. These Epistles (saith Chemnitius) have in them many sentences not to be contemned,* 1.25 especially as they are read in the Greek, but withal there are ming∣led other things, not a few, which verily have not in them Apostolical Gravity: It's most certain therefore (saith Cook) that his Epistles are either supposititious,* 1.26 or at least fil∣thily corrupted;* 1.27 so mangled and changed by insertion or resection. That (saith Rivet) they are of little or no credit, but only in those things wherein they do agree with the wri∣tings of the Apostles, from whose Doctrine that Ignatius did not recede, both his Piety and Learning do perswade us. So that even those six Genuine Epistles, through the foul abuse that hath been offered unto them, have clearly lost much of that authority which they they had of old.

For the discovery of this fraud, take a few instances:* 1.28 In Epist. ad Philadelph. mention is

made of this Heresie; that there was in Christ no humane Soul: yet was Apollinarius Laodi∣cenus the first author thereof, who lived a∣bout the year 370, a long time after Ignati∣us. And as this is foysted in, so are those words left out, which are cited by Theodoret, in Dialog. 3. being taken by him out of the Epistle to the Smyrneans:* 1.29 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. i. e, They, saith he, (speaking of those Hereticks that denyed the truth of Christ's flesh) admit not of Eucharists and oblations, but reject them, be∣cause from the Eucharist is proved the truth of Christ's flesh. For thus doth Tertullian learn∣edly argue, lib. 4. contra Marcionem.

Quod est phantasma, figuram capere non potest: Atqui Corpus Christi capit figuram, scil. panem: Igitur Corpus Christi non est phantasma.

I wonder therefore (saith Scultetus) what judgment they have, who bring this place of Ignatius to establish trans and consubstantiati∣on.* 1.30 That passage also mentioned by Ierom, (Ignatius that Apostolical man boldly writes, that the Lord chose Apostles who were sin∣ners above all men) is not now to be found, which yet Ierom had out of one of the seven,* 1.31 (if not rather six) Epistles contained in his catalogue, for he speaks of (and therefore 'tis probable he had seen) no more.

The second sort of Epistles are such as are dubious, and concerning which it is very que∣stionable whether they be his or no: of these there be also six in number,* 1.32 being the second collection, made (as the reverend Vsher con∣jectures)

by one Stephanus Gobarus Tritheita about the year 580: by Anastasius Patriarch of Antioch, about the year 595: and by the Pub∣lisher of the Constantinopolitan Chronicle, a∣bout the year 630.* 1.33 So that in the sixth Century after Christ, they grew up to the number of 12, coming out of the same Shop that vented the Canons of the Apostles, augmented by the ad∣dition of 35 to the former; as also the Apo∣stolical Constitutions variously trimmed and altered. So that these are of a much later date than the former, the only Genuine Birth of this famous Martyr.

These latter six are

1. Epistola ad Mariam Cassabolitam,* 1.34 or (as some call her) Zarbensem. In two ancient Manuscripts she is stiled Maria Proselyta Chas∣sabolorum, or Castabolorum. It seems to be derived from the place of her Birth or Abode, or both, which may be a City in Cilicia, in the lesser Asia, not far from Tarsus, famous for the Birth of the Apostle Paul there.* 1.35 For so I find Strabo making Castabala to be a Town of Cilicia, situate somewhat near un∣to the Mountain Taurus. Pliny also reckons it for one of the inland Towns of this Coun∣try,* 1.36 near unto which are the Anazarbeni, now called Caesar-Augustani: the Inhabitants of the City Anazarbus (fruitful in Olives,* 1.37 saith Rhodignie) the Birth place of the Re∣nowned Dioscorides, as also of Oppian the Poet: so Stephanus Bizantii, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉· To whom add Niger,* 1.38 thus speaking,* 1.39 The City Cesarea was aforetime called Anazarbeum,* 1.40 situate near the Moun∣tain Anazarbeum:* 1.41 Again, Castabala also is a∣nother

Town beside the Mountain Taurus.* 1.42 So that with a little alteration (which might happen through time and the errour of Tran∣scribers) she might have the name of Casso∣bolita from the one, and of Zarbensis from the other of those Towns. Accordingly I find in one of the Latine Versions,* 1.43 this Epi∣stle inscribed thus, Ad Mariam Cassobolitam, sive Castabalitam: And so doth the Reverend Primate chuse to name her in the same Cha∣pter.

The Scholiast upon this Epistle, thinks this to be that Mary whom,* 1.44 among others, the A∣postle Paul salutes, Rom. 16. 6. a woman of singular piety,* 1.45 and stiled by our Author, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, most accom∣plished for wisdom and learning, and his most learned Daughter.* 1.46

2. To Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna.

3. To the Church of Tarsis.

4. To the Church of Antioch.

5. To Hero Deacon of Antioch.

6. To the Church at Philippi.

Baronius is very confident, that these as well as the former are Ignatii germanas eas∣demque sincerissimas,* 1.47 The true and unfeigned Epistles of Ignatius: supposing that none can rationally doubt thereof, who will compare them together; seeing that in the judgment of all the Learned, their agreement in stile, character and many other notes of words, sen∣tences and things doth plainly speak out and evidence so much; Than which (saith he) a better proof cannot be brought or desired▪ so that there is no ground for the least suspici∣on of imposture. But these big words of his

upon examination will appear to be of little or no force,* 1.48 as the Reverend Vsher shews: for as touching the likeness of stile, &c. be∣tween these Epistles, it is not such or so great, but he that would counterfeit Ignatius, might easily imitate him so far. The Forger observ∣ed some forms of speech and composition, frequently occurring and familiar to him, which he conceived was for his purpose care∣fully to retain. He considered that Ignatius delighted in compounding words with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the end, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the beginning: for as he himself was surnamed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; so are the Ephesians praised by him as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which words and the like he useth also in other of his Epistles. Hence the same words are taken up by the framer of these Epistles. So likewise in the true Ignatius we meet with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. wherein he is imitated by his counterfeit, as also in divers other expressions and sentences, which the Impostor might do without any great difficulty: so that it ought not to seem strange, if there be in some sort an uniformi∣ty of stiles found in them.

Besides, the deceit may be discerned by some passages contained in these, which can∣not be imagined ever to have fallen from the pen of Ignatius, e. g. This is reckoned among the Heresies sown by the Ministers of Satan,* 1.49 that Christ is he who is God over all. A∣gain,* 1.50 if any one shall fast on the Lord's day, or Sabbath (one only excepted) he is a mur∣derer of Christ:* 1.51 Also, if any one celebrate the Pascha with the Jews, or receive the sym∣bol

of the Festivity, he is partaker with those who slew the Lord and his Apostles: where∣in he condemns the Romans, who used to fast on the Sabbath: and Polycarp, whom he calls most blessed, together with the Asian or Eastern Churches, who kept the Pascha or Easter after the manner of the Jews. viz. as to the day whereon they observed it: which plainly shew the Author of these Epistles to have been some latter, obscure and absurd fel∣low,* 1.52 altogether unlike Ignatius. Moreover, in these Epistles there is some mention of some stiled Laborantes, who are ranked a∣mong the orders of the Clergy: And Diaco∣nissae,* 1.53 & cujusdam Divini cursoris, or Letter∣carrier, of which Functions or Offices Eccle∣siastical, there is a deep silence among the An∣cients; which, how could it have been, had Ignatius written so plainly of them? Lastly, writing to Polycarp, he thus speaks, Attend unto your Bishop, that God may to you: what had he forgot, that he wrote to a Bi∣shop? Almost throughout this whole Epi∣stle, I find,* 1.54 saith Scultetus, the genuine Igna∣tius wanting. And well might he say so, had he only taken notice of those two words, which argues the Author to have been but a mean Grecian, and very unskillful in that language, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as if the copious Greek were destitute of words, by which to express the Latine depo∣sita and accepta.

Upon such considerations as these, the fa∣mous Whitaker thus concludes concerning five of these latter Epistles:* 1.55 (for he accounts the Genuine to be seven, because that to Pa∣lycarp

is reckoned as distinct from that unto the Church of Smyrna, both by Eusebius and Ierom) It's apparent (saith he) that five of these are without doubt adulterate and spuri∣ous: Again, it's certain these are suppositi∣ous, and foisted in by others. And therefore though Baronius do affirm, that four of these should be added by the Philippians,* 1.56 unto the former, collected by Polycarp, and sent unto them; and that they were afterward com∣monly known both to the Greeks and Latines (which yet neither Eusebius among the Greeks, nor Ierom among the Latines (both of them curious enough in their enquiries) came to the sight and knowledge of) who can imagine, and would give credit thereunto upon the bare report of the Cardinal?

—Credat Iudaeus Apella, Non ego.

Besides these, there are three more of a later date added to the former by Antiocbus the Monk,* 1.57 who lived under the Emperour Heraclius, and so seems to be coetaneous with the Constantinopolitan Chronicler, one of those formerly mentioned, who collected the second rank of Epistles, between which two collections there could therefore be no great distance of time. Thus now at last they are grown up to the number of fifteen: the three last added are,

1. One unto the Virgin Mary, together with her answer.

2. Two unto the Apostle Iohn. Which,* 1.58 saith Bellarmine, are not to be

found among the Greek Copies of his Epistles,* 1.59 nor do they at all savour of the Gravity of Ignatius his stile. And Baronius leaves it to the prudence of the pious Reader, whether he will allow them any credit or no: Only (saith he) we know that they are cited by Bernard,* 1.60 and some later•• Authors make men∣tion of them: But (saith Possevine) they are of no such certain credit as the other; yea, seeing they are not found written in Greek, nor mentioned by any of the ancient Fathers, ad Bernardum usque, unto the obscure age of Bernard: It's the safer course in my judgment (saith Mastraeus) to rank them among the number of Apocryphal Writings,* 1.61 or at least to account them not altogether certain and ge∣nuine. So faintly and dubiously do even the Romanists themselves speak of the authority of these three last Epistles.

Hence may we observe with what caution the Epistles of Ignatius, even the most re∣ceived and undoubted (since so corrupted) are to be made use of; and upon how weak and sandy a foundation (viz. the pretended authority of Ignatius) the Papists build their unsound Doctrines,* 1.62 of superstitious honour∣ing the Virgin Mary, of the name of Pope given to the Bishops of Rome, of the real presence, of collegiate and cloystered Virgins, of the vertue of the Sign of the Cross to ter∣rifie the Devil, of their Feasts and lenten Fast, of the authority of Traditions and of the Church of Rome. And well may they be driven to such shifts, who shun the Scripture•• as insufficient: yea, justly are they given up to these delusions, who not contenting them∣selves

with the Sacred Oracles alone, and the Doctrines contained in them, (which are able to make perfect,* 1.63 and wise unto salva∣tion) do fansie and devise new ones in their own brains, and then Coyn and im∣pose authorities pretendedly Ancient for the maintaining of them.

Frivolous therefore and vain is the flourish of Baronius;* 1.64 that it came to pass by the admi∣rable Counsel and providence of God, that these Epistles should all of them be written by Ignatius, and notwithstanding the ship∣wrack which so many writings have suffer'd, yet that these should be preserved intire and uncorrupt: whereas 'tis very evident that the greater part of them now extant are coun∣terfeit, and not his, and the genuine misera∣bly corrupted and alter'd. So that it may upon better ground be said, that herein the good providence of God hath been eminent∣ly seen, that he hath been pleased to stir up and assist some of his servants in vindicating the writings of this, and other of the Anci∣ents from the injury that hath been offered them by base and disingenuous spirits, who have preferr'd their own interest before the honour and truth of God; and in plucking off the vizar, and discovering the fraud and Leger-demain of those that would abuse and cheat the world, by the obtrusion of Novelty instead of Antiquity thereupon.

§ 4. His stile savours of a certain holy simplicity,* 1.65 as did the State of the Church at that time, full of gravity, suitable unto a pri∣mitive

Bishop; lively, fiery and solid, be∣coming so glorious a Martyr.

§ 5. That which is chiefly remarkable in these Epistles, are those passages which are mentiond by Eusebius and Ierom, as being most unquestionably such as fell from the pen∣of this blessed Martyr: wherein are in a live∣ly manner drawn and deciphered the purtrai∣ture of his most excellent spirit, his singular and vigorous love to the Lord Jesus, (whose name is said to have been ingraven upon his heart in letters of gold) as also his undaunted courage and Magnanimity in his cause accom∣panied with unconquerable constancy and sweet humility.

1. His earnest desire of Martyrdom, he thus expresseth:* 1.66 From Syria even unto Rome I fight with beasts, by land and sea, night and day; bound with ten Leopards, i.e. with a guard of Souldiers, who are the worse for favors: But I am the more instructed by their injustice, yet neither hereby am I justi∣fied: Would to God I might injoy the beasts which are prepared for me; who, I wish may make quick dispatch with me; and whom I will allure to devour me speedily (lest, as they have been terrified at others, and did not touch them, so they would not dare to touch my body) and if they will not, I will even force them thereunto;* 1.67 Pardon me, I know what is best for me: Now I begin to be a Disciple (of Christ:) desiring nothing of these things which are seen, so I may win Jesus Christ.* 1.68 Let fire, cross, and troops of violent beasts, breaking of bones, dissipa∣tion

of members, contrition of the whole body, and all the torments of the Divel, let them all come upon me, that I may injoy Je∣sus Christ.

2. When he was now condemned to the wild beasts,* 1.69 and with an ardent desire of suf∣fering, heard the Lions roaring; saith he, I am the wheat of God, whom the teeth of wild beasts shall grind, that I may be found the pure or fine bread of God. Immediately before which, go these words. I write to all the Churches, and injoyn them all; because I willingly die for God, if ye hinder not: I beseech you therefore that your love toward me be not unseasonable. Suffer me to be∣come the meat of wild beasts, by whom I may obtain God.

3. His care of the Churches was very great, whom he earnestly presseth to holiness and a conversation becoming the Gospel: And commendeth unto Polycarp,* 1.70 (whom he well knew to be an Apostolical Man), the Flock or Congregation of Antioch; praying him to be careful of the business there, about the ele∣ction of a Bishop or Pastor in his room: ma∣nifesting herein his zeal for God and his glory, as also his cordial affection and fidelity to the brethren.

Besides these, there are in the Epistles other things worthy of notice, though not so un∣doubtedly his, as the above-mention'd; They are such as these.

4. His Creed or brief sum of Christian Do∣ctrine,* 1.71 wherein he accords with the Apostles Creed. His words are, Beloved, I would have you to be fully instructed in (the Do∣ctrine

of) Christ who before all ages was be∣gotten of the Father, afterward made of the Virgin Mary without the company of man; and conversing holily, and without blame, he healed all manner of infirmities and sick∣nesses among the people, and did signs and wonders for the benefit of men, and revealed his Father, one and the only true God; and did undergo his passion, and by his mur∣therers the Jews, suffered on the Cross under Pontius Pilate President, and Herod the King, and was dead, and rose again, and ascended into heaven unto him that sent him, and fitteth at his right hand, and shall come in the end of the world in his Fathers Glory to judge the quick and the dead, and to render unto every one according to his works. He that shall fully know and believe these things is blessed.

5. Though he were one of the most emi∣nent men of his time both for Piety and Learning, yet out of the depth of his humi∣lity he thus speaks of himself, when bound for Christ and his truth and lead toward his Martyrdom;* 1.72 stiling his chains 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: spiritual pearls: although I be bound (saith he) yet am I not to be com∣pared unto any one of you that be at liberty. Again,* 1.73 speaking of the Pastours of the Church; saith he, I blush to be named and accounted in the number of them; for I am not worthy, being the last, lowest or meanest of them, and an abortive thing: he also divers times stiles himself,* 1.74 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the least.

6. Speaking of the Lords day;* 1.75 let every Chri∣stian, saith he, Celebrate as a Festival, the day of the Lords resurrection, which is the most eminent of all days.

7. A Pious and Religious Man is money Coyned and stamped of God; but a wicked and irreligious Man is false and counter∣feit Coyn of the Devils making,* 1.76 Matth. 22. 20.

8. As touching Antiquity,* 1.77 thus: I have heard, saith he, some to say; I will not be∣lieve if I find not the Gospel among the An∣cient Records. But to such I say, that JESUS CHRIST is to me Antiqui∣ty; whom not to obey is manifest and irre∣missible ruine.

9. The spirit of errour preacheth Self,* 1.78 speaking it's own proper things, or no∣tions, for it is self-pleasing, and glorifies it self: it is bitter, full of falshood, se∣ducing, slippery, proud, arrogant, talka∣tive, dissonant, immensurate, pertinacious, streperous.

10. He warneth the Ephesians to avoid and beware of Hereticks,* 1.79 of whom many were sprung up in his time; and for so do∣ing he commendeth that Church as most pure, renowned, and to be praised of all ages▪ because they denied them passage, who wandred up and down to spread their errours, and shut their ears against them. These Hereticks in his Epistle to the Trallensi∣ans he particularly names, viz. Those who held the Heresie of Simon, as did Menander and Basilides, and their followers, the Ni∣cholaitans, Theodotus, and Cleobulus: gi∣ving

them this Character,* 1.80 that they are vain speakers and seducers, not Christians, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, such as set Christ to sale, and made a gain of him, fraudulently pretending the name of Christ, and corrupt∣ing the word of the Gospel; mingling the venom of their errour with sugred words, as those that infuse poison into sweet wine, that by the delicious savour and relish there∣of he that drinks it being deceived and ta∣ken, may unawares be destroyed.

11. To the Romans he thus writes:* 1.81 Re∣quest this only for me, that I may be sup∣plied with strength, both within and with∣out not only to say but to will, not only to be called, but also to be found a Christian. A Christian when he is hated of the world, is beloved of God. It is better to die for Christ, then reign to the ends of the earth. Life without Christ is death. My love was Crucified.

§ 6. As touching the cause of his Mar∣tyrdom,* 1.82 it's thus related. When the Em∣perour Trajan returned from the Parthian war, and every where in the Cities com∣manded Heathenish Sacrifices to be offered; which were sharply and justly reprehended by Ignatius even in the presence of Trajan; He was delivered bound with chains unto a band of Souldiers to be carried to Rome; whither being come, he was not long after brought into the Theatre,* 1.83 and there had two fierce Lions let loose upon him, and forth∣with rent and devoured him leaving only the

harder bones; and so according to his desire, the wild beasts became his Sepulchre:* 1.84 which betided him in the Eleventh year of Trajan; and of Christ, One hundred and ten; After he had been Bishop or Pastor of the Church of Antioch the space of fourty years:* 1.85 for he succeeded Evodius in that Office, An. Seventy one, and continued therein unto the year, One hundred and ten. Shortly after, viz. Anno One hundred and eleven,* 1.86 followed a mighty and terrible Earth-quake, wherein many perished in divers places,* 1.87 by the fall of houses which overwhelmed them; among other in the City of Antioch, quam penè to∣tam subruit, which was almost ruin'd by it; At what time the Emperour being there was in great danger,* 1.88 and like to have perished by the fall of the house in which he lived,* 1.89 being drawn out of it through a window and so preserved; this terrible Earth-quake is parti∣cularly described by Dion Cassius.

Iustin Martyr.

§ 1. JVstinus surnamed first the Philoso∣pher, afterward the Martyr, he was the Son of Priscus Bacchius,* 1.90 of the City of Flavia Neapolis, of Syria Palesti∣na; for so he stiles himself: which City was before called Sichem, and corruptly in the time of Christ, Sichar, the Metropolis of Sa∣maria, situate in Mount Ephraim, a City of Refuge: the Natives called it Mabortha: Pli∣ny M••mortha; now it hath the name of Na∣polosa, or Napolitza and Naplos. Hence he is said to be a Samaritan, and he himself affirms so much, thus speaking, Neither did I fear to offend mine own Nation, the Samaritans, when I gave my Libel or Apology unto Cae∣sar.

Being a Philosopher greatly delighted with the Doctrine of Plato, he was afterward con∣verted to Christianity by the courage and constancy of Christians in their Sufferings and Martyrdom:* 1.91 for hearing that they were led Captives, neither fearing death nor any tor∣ments which are accounted terrible: I thought (saith he) it could not be, that this kind of men should be subject unto vice, and set on pleasures; for what voluptuous or intempe∣rate man can so embrace death? He also

elsewhere relates how he was brought to the knowledge of the Christian Religion by a divine hand guiding him thereunto,* 1.92 after this manner.

Being enflamed with a vehement desire after true Philosophy, he joyned himself to almost all the several Sects of Philosophers, in order to his attaining of it: In the first place, unto that of the Stoicks; from whom after a while he departed, because among them he could learn but little of God: leav∣ing them, he next applied himself unto one of the Peripateticks, who demanding a re∣ward of him, he forsook him thereupon, as not esteeming such a one (a meer mercenary) to be at all a Philosopher: from him he went to one of great fame among the Pythagore∣ans, who asked him if he were skilled in Musick, Astronomy, Geometry, &c. to whom he replyed, That he was altogether unac∣quainted with those Sciences. Hereupon un∣derstanding that it would be but lost labour, to endeavour after the knowledge of those things that conduce unto true happiness, till he had gotten somewhat that way; he was much grieved that he should fail and be dis∣appointed of his hopes. Therefore bidding him farewel, he betakes him unto the Plato∣nicks, under one of whom he profited very much, and was greatly delighted in those Stu∣dies, deeming that in a short time he should this way attain unto the knowledge of God. Being much taken up, and eager in the pur∣suit of what he sought for, he gets him into a desart from the society of men, where he was followed by (as he thought) a grave old

man, who (when Iustin turning about had espyed him) asked him, if he knew him: he answered no. After much discourse with him, he told him it was a vain thing for him to i∣magine, that he should find the knowledge of the truth among the Philosophers, who them∣selves knew not God, nor were assisted by the Holy Ghost, and having for some time had communication together about the immorta∣lity of the Soul, about rewards and punish∣ments: Iustin assented unto what he had said, and demanded of him by what means he might arrive unto the true knowledge of God. He willed him to read and search the Pro∣phets, and to joyn prayer thereunto: Asking him again what Master he should make use of? Above all (quoth the old man) do thou pray that the door of light or illumination may be opened unto thee: for those things (which are contained in the Prophets) cannot be apprehended by any, but by him alone to whom God and his Christ will give under∣standing. And having so said, he suddenly vanished, neither did Iustin from that time see him any more. Hereupon forsaking the Philosophers whom formerly he had followed, he forthwith fell upon this course, and so became a Christian.

As touching the former of these Relations, it is nothing improbable, that the admirable and extraordinary constancy of Christians in their greatest Sufferings for Christ might be an in∣ducement unto him to enquire after the Do∣ctrine and Religion which they professed, the truth whereof they could so willingly and chearfully seal with their blood: a notable

demonstration of the excellency and divine original thereof, and so might it make way to his conversion. Many instances might be given of the strange effects that such Specta∣cles have produced in the hearts of those that have been the Spectators: Trajan himself (who moved the persecution against the Christians) hearing good Ignatius (at that time when the Lions were ready to be let loose upon him) to utter those words,* 1.93 I am the wheat of Christ, whom the teeth of wild Beasts must grind, to make me pure Bread for God: With admiration breaks out into these words, Grandis est tolerantia Christianorum, Great is the patience of the Christians: Who of the Greeks would suffer so much for his God? To whom Ignatius meekly replyed; Not by mine own, but by the strength of Christ do I undergo all this.

But as for the latter, whether he had such an apparition or no, and directions given him by his old man, what course he should take that he might come to the knowledge of the truth; Penes lectorem esto, I leave unto the prudent Reader to judge; yet was not Au∣gustin's tolle, lege, altogether unlike it; neither are Histories wholly barren and silent in rela∣tions of the like kind. The gravity and piety of the Author may justly challenge from us a suspension at least of our censure, and stir us up to take notice of the variety of ways that God hath (who can, if in his infinite wis∣dom he see it meet) go out of the way of his ordinary providence to bring his great counsels to pass, and the things he hath pur∣posed to his chosen from eternity,

After that he had once given up his name to Christ,* 1.94 he became a most notable Cham∣pion and Defender of the Christian Faith a∣gainst the Enemies thereof in every kind, e∣specially the Heathen Philosophers, the bitter opposers of it, with whom he maintained with a great spirit many sharp conflicts and di∣sputes for the vindication of it from their ca∣lumnies: for which work he was singularly furnished and instructed,* 1.95 being well studyed and exercised in the Doctrine of the Gentiles, and eminently skilled in Philosophy, as the very addition to his name more than inti∣mates, being commonly stiled Iustin the Phi∣losopher. Moreover, he was very ready and expert in the Scriptures, as may be eminently seen in his Colloquies with Triphon the Jew, whom (as another Apollos,* 1.96 and eloquent man and mighty in the Scriptures) he mightily convinced that Jesus was the Christ, and had undoubtedly won him to embrace the Faith, had he not rather chosen to imitate the inbred obstinacy of his Nation, than yield to manifest and invincible truth: as saith the publisher and perfecter of that Latine Translation and Edition which Gelenius had began and enterprised,* 1.97 but could not finish, being pre∣vented by death.

§ 2. He was an holy man,* 1.98 and a Friend of God, leading a life very much exercised in virtue;* 1.99 an eminent lover and worshipper of Christ, which he abundantly manifested in be∣ing one of the first that in those times of hot persecution (wherein the very name of Chri∣stian was accounted a crime sufficient for them

to be proceeded against with utmost rigour) took unto him the boldness to be the Chri∣stians Advocate, (a Title peculiarly given to one Vetius Epagathus,* 1.100 who being moved with indignation at the unjust proceedings used a∣gainst the Christians, desired that he might be heard in their behalf, undertaking to prove that no impiety was to be found in them; for which cause, he was afterward stiled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Advocate of the Christians) publickly to plead their cause, to clear their innocence, and to vindicate them from the groundless calumnies wherewith they were aspersed by their Adversaries, in his Learned Apologies;* 1.101 which he tendred unto the Emperours and Senate of Rome: As did also about the same time, Aristides and Quadratus, who all three presented their A∣pologies unto the Emperour Adrian; the like did Athenagoras unto Aurelius Antoninus and Commodus the next succeeding Emperours. Wherein (having with singular zeal broken the Ice) they were afterward followed by di∣vers: amongst the rest, Apollinaris Bishop of Hierapolis,* 1.102 Apollonius a Noble-man and Se∣nator of Rome, Melito Bishop of Sardis, Ter∣tullian, &c.

He was one that had attained the height and top of Philosophy,* 1.103 both Christian and prophane, abounding in the riches of Learn∣ing and History; but little studious to set out the native beauty of his Philosophy with the borrowed colours of the Art of O∣ratory: and therefore, though his Books be otherwise full of strength and stuffed with knowledge; yet have they but little relish

or savour of the sauce of Art, nor do they with winning inticements, and cunning insi∣nuations allure vulgar Auditors: So much he himself freely confesseth; I shall (saith he) deal with you out of the Scriptures,* 1.104 not shew∣ing much Art in the choice and quaintness of words; for I am not endewed with such a faculty; only God hath given me grace to understand the Scriptures. So that there is to be found in him more solidity and strength of argument, than of the flowers and flou∣rishes of Rhetorick. And yet is not this later altogether wanting in his writings in the judgement of the Author of the Parisian Edition:* 1.105 For that he was an Oratour (saith he) is apparent from hence,* 1.106 that his Apologies for the Christians prevailed so far with the Emperours, that the rigour and cruelty that was formerly exercised toward them, was much mitigated and abated; which to effect, no small piece of Rhetorick was requisite.

The success whereof Eusebius gives us an account of, to this purpose.

The Emperour upon the receit of his A∣pology became more mild,* 1.107 setting forth his decree at Ephesus, wherein among other, these words concerning the Christians are to be read. Concerning these Men, many of the Presidents of the Provinces have heretofore written to my Father Adrian: to whom he wrote back again; that such should not be molested, unless they were found to have at∣tempted something against the Roman Em∣pire. And many have informed me also concerning them; to whom I returned a like answer as my Father had done. If therefore

hereafter any one shall persist to occasion trouble unto such, as such; Let him that is accused be freed from the accusation: and let the accuser undergo punishment.

§ 3. Of the Books which he wrote;* 1.108 in the general Eusebius thus speaks: Iustin hath left behind him unto Posterity many Monu∣ments of a mind accurately instructed, and full fraught with profit in every kind: which seem to be the first after the Apostolical times that have come to our hands.

Of these, some are lost and perished, only we find the names or titles of them recorded by himself and others; of this sort are, as Ierom hath them.

1. A Volume against the Gentiles,* 1.109 where∣in he disputeth of the nature of Devils: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: de exilio daemonum: of the Exile of Devils, saith Suidas.

2. A fourth Volume against the Gentiles,* 1.110 which he entituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a refutation; Trithemius calls it, castigationum, lib. 1.

3. Of the Monarchy of God: of which more anon.

4. A Book which he called, Psaltes.

5. Of the Soul: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: a Scholastical discourse, wherein various que∣stions being propounded, he annexed the opi∣nions of the heathen Philosophers, which he promised to answer, and to give his own judgement concerning them in a certain other Commentary.

6. Against Marcion the Heretick,* 1.111 lib. 1. saith Trithemius: how many for number, it's

uncertain.* 1.112 Books saith Photius, necessary to be read; stiled by Ierom insignia Volumina, famous and excellent Volumes.

7. Against all Heresies;* 1.113 or Sects as Suidas, a profitable work, saith Photius.

8. A Commentary upon Genesis.* 1.114

9. A Commentary upon the Apocalypse:* 1.115 so Ierom in the life of the Apostle Iohn. Being banished, (saith he) into the Isle of Patmos, he wrote the Apocalypse, which Iustin Martyr and Irenaeus do interpret.

10. Possevine saith,* 1.116 that in the Catalogues of Greek Manuscript Books which came to his hands, is to be seen such an Inscription as this. Iustini Philosophi & Martyris, Explica∣tio in St. Dionysii Areopagitae Episcopi Atheni∣ensis Hierarchiam Ecclesiasticam, & mysticam Theologiam.

11. An Epistle ad Papam: mentioned by himself in his Epistle to Zena and Sirenus.

The Books now extant under his name are of two sorts.

1. Some genuine and by all granted to be his,* 1.117 viz.

1. Paraenesis, his exhortation to the Greci∣ans: wherein he exhorts them to embrace the Christian Religion as being of greater Autho∣rity, and of more antiquity than the Hea∣thenish: and in the end, shews them the way how they may attain it.

2. An Oration unto the Greeks:* 1.118 where∣in he lays down the reasons, why he forsook their Rites; and invites them, to embrace the Christian Religion.

Yet is neither of these mentioned by Ei••∣sebius or Ierom.

3. His first Apology, unto the Senate of Rome; which Bellarmine conceives to be the later,* 1.119 and not given up unto the Senate (as our Books have it) but unto Marcus and Lu∣cius the Successors of Pius, and that this com∣mon deceit was hence occasioned, because the first Apology (as they are usually placed) wants the beginning, and therefore it could not be known unto whom it was di∣rected.

Herein 1. He complains of their most un∣just proceedings in punishing the Christians meerly for the name.

2. He makes answer unto those things which were objected to them by the Gen∣tiles.

3. He requests them, that to their decree, if they should publish any thing concerning this thing, they would publickly annex this Apology, that the innocency of the Christians might be known unto all.

4. His second Apology which he tendred unto Antoninus Pius,* 1.120 to his Sons, and to the whole Senate and people of Rome; which Baronius calls, fortem & gravem Apologiam, a strong and grave Apology, first named both by Eusebius and Ierom, and therefore likely to be the first of the two. The sum whereof Baronius gives us in these words: Multa ex∣probrat de iniquissimis in Christianos judiciis, &c, i. e. He much upbraids them for their most unjust proceedings against the Christians,* 1.121 viz. for that without any inquiry into cause or matter, they were adjudged to death as the most impious and flagitious of all Men; and that for no other reason, but because they

were Christians; the very name being ac∣counted crime enough. Wherefore he doth notably clear them from the several calum∣nies cast upon them, and fully demonstrates their innocency by many arguments: parti∣cularly that they were not such as they were commonly fam'd to be, viz. Atheists, because though they worshipped not the gods of the heathen, yet they knew the true God, and performed that service that was agreeable un∣to him: Also that they looked not for an earthly kingdom (as was suspected of them, for which cause the Romans stood in fear of a Rebellion and their defection from them) but a Divine and Heavenly, that made them most willing to run the hazard, and suffer the loss of this present life; which they never could do, were they possessed with a∣ny desires of reigning in the World. More∣over, he wipes off those blasphemies where∣with the Christians were loaded, for their worshipping of a crucified Man, by such as were altogether ignorant of the mystery of the Cross of Christ. Shewing, that the Re∣ligion of such as worshipped the gods was but a vain and sordid superstition. He like∣wise Learnedly and copiously discourseth of the Divinity of Christ, and of his incarnation or assuming our Nature: and unfolds many things of the mystery of the Cross: and by many clear and convincing arguments proves the verity of the Christian Faith: withal in∣sinuating their harmless Life, exact obser∣vance of chastity, patience, obedience, peace∣ableness, gentleness, and love, even to their very enemies. Lastly, he lays before them

the Rites or manner observed by the Christi∣ans in their sacred Mysteries, viz. Baptism, and the Lord's Supper, &c. because of the slanders that were raised and scattered abroad concerning them, as if horrible and abomi∣nable things were practiced by them (such in∣deed as are not to be once named among them) in their secret meetings upon such oc∣casions. All which he performed with such admirable liberty and boldness, as became so zealous and Advocate in so good a cause: wherein the magnanimity of his Spirit mo∣ved with an holy indignation, may evident∣ly be discern'd by the seriousness of the mat∣ter contained in it, and the solidity of the ar∣guments by which, what he undertook is ful∣ly proved.

5. A Dialogue or Colloquy with Tryphon a Jew:* 1.122 which Morel calls, Illustris disputatio; a notable disputation in Ephesus a most famous City of Asia, with Tryphon the chief of the Jewish Synagogue, continued by the space of two whole days,* 1.123 for the truth of the Christi∣an Religion: wherein he proves the Jews to be incredulous, contumacious blasphemers of Christ and Christians; Infidels and corru∣pters of the Scriptures, falsly interpreting the words of the Prophets:* 1.124 and most clearly de∣monstrates by innumerable testimonies, fetch∣ed from the old Law, that Jesus our Saviour, is the true Messiah, whom the Prophets fore∣told should come.

6. An Epistle to Zena and Serenus; which comprehends the whole life of a Christian man, whom he instructs in all the duties be∣longing to him: of which yet Bellarmine

makes some doubt whether it be his or no.* 1.125

7. An Epistle unto Diognetus; wherein he shews why the Christians have left the Jews and Greeks;* 1.126 what their life and doctrine is, and why they contemn death. As not the two first, so neither are these two last mentioned by Eusebius or Ierom: yet are all these seven conceived to be the proper works of Iustine.

Besides these there are other extant under his name, which yet are either question'd, or conceived to be none of his; but supposititious, & falsly ascribed to him: They may be discern∣ed from those that are genuine, either by the diversity of the Stile, or some other evident Notes distinguished the one from the other. And they are these that follow.

1. His Book de Monarchia:* 1.127 the Stile whereof is not unlike that of Iustine: yet is it doubtful, whether he were the Author of it: 1. Because the Title differs from that mentioned by Eusebius, Ierom, Photius and Suidas, who intitle the Book written by him, de Monarchia Dei: whereas this is only de Monarchia. 2. In that he tells, that he fetcheth Testimonies not only from our own Authors, i. e. the sacred Scriptures; but also Writings of the Heathens: whereas in this now extant, the later sort of Testimonies only are to be found.

Gelenius also in his Latin Edition of the Works of Iustin, (which he saith compre∣hended all those then extant) leaves this out altogether.* 1.128 Perionius therefore concludes, that either this, that we now have is not

perfect, but wants many pages; or else for certain Iustin wrote another Book upon this Subject.* 1.129 Miraeus is of this judgement, that half of the other Book de Monarchia remains; and that half of one Book de Monarchia Dei is lost.

The sum of it is to exhort the Greeks,* 1.130 to leave their idolatry, and to worship the true God; whom their Poets did acknow∣ledge to be the only Creator and Governour of all things; but made no reckoning at all of their feigned gods.

2. An exposition of the true Faith, or of a right Confession of the holy and co∣essential Trinity. Which by divers Argu∣ments may evidently be proved to be none of his; especially.

1. By the Stile,* 1.131 which seems to differ from that of Iustin, being more curt and neat than his.

2. Because he speaks much more apertly and distinctly of the Mysteries of the Trinity,* 1.132 and Incarnation, than the Writers of that age are wont to do.

3. None of the Ancients make mention of it.

4. The words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. were not then so usual in the Church: nor are they any where to be found in the Writ∣ings of Iustin, when as yet he sometimes professedly handles the Doctrine of the Trinity.

Bellarmine himself therefore is doubtful of it:* 1.133 Ambigo, saith he, ••n ejus sit: and well he might,* 1.134 there being so much cause. But whoever were the Author of it, it is an excel∣lent

and profitable discourse, and worthy of such an Author as Iustin.

Herein he shews, that there is indeed but one God, who is known in the Father, Son, and holy Spirit; and that these three have but one and the same Essence, as also dis∣courseth of the Incarnation of the Word; who is Mediator according to both Natures, the manner of the Union whereof in Christ is ineffable.

3. A confutation of certain Opinions of Aristotle:* 1.135 which (saith Possevine) Iustin did not write; neither will Baronius undertake to determine whether it be his or no. Eusebins, Ierom and Suidas mention it not; for which cause it is justly rejected, as not written by Iustin; though Photius speak of it as his, and it have no evident note of falshood,* 1.136 in the judgement of Bellarmine; Therefore, saith he, I have nothing to say one way or other.

4. Certain Questions propounded by the Christians to the Gentiles, and their Answers to them, together with a confutation of those Answers. Which piece, as the Stile bewrays it to be none of Iustins; so may it easily be discerned also from the often mention of the Manichees in the confutation of the answer to the first question:* 1.137 who arose above an hundred years after Iustin.

5. Certain questions propounded by the Greeks or Gentiles, with the answers of the Christians unto them.* 1.138 Which are ranked with the former by the Centurists.

6. This answers to 146 questions,* 1.139 unto the Orthodoxes: it seem not to Iustins, saith

Possevine; the same thinks Bellarmine: yea, that this is certain,* 1.140 many things contained in them do plainly evince. As 1. Some words, which were not in use in the Church, till a long time after Iustin. e. g. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. 2. In them is cited Irenaeus. Quest. 115. whom he stiles a Martyr: yet did Iustin die some fourty years before: viz. An. 165. where Irenaeus suffered Martyrdom, an. 205. according to the account of Baronius. Also Origen is quoted, Quest. 82. & 86. who yet was long after Iustin. 3. Divers passages are here to be found, which are cross to what is contained in the genuine Writings of Iustin. e. g. That the Witch of Endor did but delude the eye;* 1.141 that they seemed to see Samuel, when 'twas not he. Quest. 52. whereas Iustin asserteth that 'twas the true Samuel that was raised. Also, Quest. 112. the Angel that spake with Iacob and Moses, and other of the Patriarchs, is said to be a created Angel; and that for his office committed to him, he was honoured with the name of God. Whereas Iustin earnestly contends and affirms, that that Angel was Christ the Son of God.

Add hereto, that the stile shews them to be counterfeit;* 1.142 which seems (saith Sixtus Senensis) not unlike unto that of Theodoret in his questions upon the Octoteuch: and it is conceived that they were written by some one who lived about that time. Besides all this, there are among them so many questions and answers,* 1.143 unworthy of the Piety, Candour and Learning of Iustin, that if they be compared with his true Writings, they will be found to differ no less than Gold and Lead, the one from the other.

Upon how frail a foundation then are those unsound Doctrines of the Papists built (for the proof whereof these spurious Writings are often alledged) viz.* 1.144 the lawful use of the Cross, the Virgin Mary without sin, keeping and worshipping of Reliques, religious Vows, Baptism necessary unto Salvation, the use of Chrism, Ceremonies of the Mass, Free-will and that Confirmation is a Sacrament.

§ 4. The stile that Iustin used, was vehe∣ment and worthy of one that handled serious matters:* 1.145 but it came nearer to that of the Philosopher, than to that of the Orator; which is the reason why he is sometimes ob∣scure.

§ 2. Many things of special Note, and very observable are to be met withal in this ancient Author: among the rest are such as these.

1. He acquaints us with the manner of the Christians performance of the duties of wor∣ship in their publick Assemblies;* 1.146 which was thus: Upon the day which is called Sunday (saith he) or the first day of the Week, are the Meetings or publick Assemblies of those inhabiting both the City and Country: where are read, as time will permit, the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles:* 1.147 the Reader having ended, the Pastor or President makes an ex∣hortation instructing and stirring them up to imitation of things that are honest: After∣ward, we all rise up together, and offer up Prayers; which concluded, there is brought forth Bread, and Wine, and Wa∣ter:

then the Pastor, according to his ability, offers up Prayers and Thanksgivings,* 1.148 the people saying Amen. Then being consecrated, they are distributed unto every one, and sent to such as are absent by the Deacon. The wealthier sort, if they please, contribute some∣what, as they will: and what is gathered, is deposited with the Pastor; who therewith relieves Orphans, Widdows, and such as through sickness, or any other necessity are in want; as also such as are in bonds and strangers; briefly he takes care of all that are poor. And therefore do we meet upon Sunday, because upon it God dispelling the darkness, and informing the first matter, created the World, and also because upon that day Jesus Christ our Saviour rose again from the dead.

And a little before he thus speaks of the same Matter.* 1.149 After Baptism we bring him that believes and is added to us, to the place where the Brethren, as they are called, are congregated, making their joynt Prayers for themselves, or he that is Illuminated or Baptized, and for all others every where, with all their might. Prayers being ended, we mutually salute one another with a kiss: then is there offered unto the Pastor (or Pre∣sident) Bread and a Cup of Water and Wine: he receiving them,* 1.150 returns or sends up Praise and Glory unto the Father of all things, through the name of the Son and holy Spirit; and largely gives thanks, for that he accounted us worthy of these gifts: when he hath fi∣nished the Prayers and Thanksgiving, all the people that are present, follow him with their

well-wishing acclamations,* 1.151 saying, Amen, And, Amen, in the Hebrew Tongue, signifies, be it so. Then, after that the President hath ended the Thanksgiving, and all the people have given their acclamations and approba∣tions, they that with us are called Deacons distribute to every one of those that are pre∣sent,* 1.152 that each may partake of that Bread, Wine and Water, that hath been blessed, and carry it unto those that are absent. And this nourishment or food among us is called the Eucharist: Whereof it is not lawful for any to partake, but only such a one as believes our Doctrine to be true, and hath been washed in the laver for remission of sins, and unto regeneration, and lives so as Christ hath de∣livered or taught.

In this plain and simple manner were the Ordinances according to Christs institution then administred; without all those pompous Observations, Ceremonies and superstitious Additions, which in after times by degrees were brought in, practised and prevailed to the great dishonour of God, detriment of Souls, disturbance of the Church, and despoiling of the Ordinances themselves of much of their beauty and lustre, which then shines forth most, when they are preserved in their native purity, and kept most free from all debasing mixtures of mens devices and adventitious supposed Ornament, which rather deform than deck and adorn them.

2. O•• the sufferings of the Christians, their joy in them with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ground thereof, and the 〈…〉〈…〉 thus speaks. 〈…〉〈…〉 we are* 1.153

slain, we rejoyce, having this perswasion that God will raise us up by his Christ. There is none that can terrifie or bring us into bond∣age, who by believing have given up our names to Jesus; this is manifested through all the earth: For when we are slain with the sword, crucified, and punished with bonds, fire, and all kind of torments, it is sufficiently known that we forsake not our profession: and the more we are tormented, the more is the number of Believers, and such as embrace the true Religion, through the name of Jesus increased. For as by pruning, the Vine spreads and becomes more fruitful; so fares it with us: for his people are a Vine or Vineyard planted by God and our Saviour.

3. He shews that the gift of casting out Devils, of Prophesie, and other extraordinary gifts of the holy Ghost, continued unto this time. Whereof he thus speaks.

We call Jesus Christ our Helper and Re∣deemer,* 1.154 the virtue of whose Name the Devils tremble at and fear; and even at this day be∣ing adjured by the Name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, the Go∣vernour of Iudea, they obey us: that thence also it may appear unto all that the Father hath given him so great power, that even the Devils are subject to his Name, and to the Oecomony,* 1.155 or dispensation of his Passion. Now if the Oeconomy of his Passion be shewn to have obtained, and to obtain so great power, how great will it be at his glorious appearing?

Concerning this we have another passage to the same purpose,* 1.156 in his first (as its ordi∣narily accounted) Apology: as also no less

than twice more doth he make report there∣of in his Dialogue with Tryphon. In the last of which places (which I therefore set down as his Creed,* 1.157 because it contains the sum of the Articles of the Apostles Creed, that respect Jesus Christ) he thus saith: By the Name of this very Son of God, and first born of every Creature, born of the Virgin, and made a Man subject to sufferings, crucified under Ponti•••• Pilate by your Nation, who died and rose again from the dead, and ascended into Hea∣ven; every Devil adjured is overcome and brought into subjection. But if ye should adjure them by any name of the Kings, or just Men, or Prophets, or Patriarchs that have been among you, not one of them should yield obedience. Again, mentioning that Pro∣phesie:* 1.158 I will pour out my Spirit upon all flesh, and upon my Servants, and upon mine Handmaids, and they shall prophesie: Among us (saith he) you may see both women and men, having gifts from the Spirit of God. Lastly, among us even unto this day there are prophetical gifts:* 1.159 from whence you ought to understand, that those (gifts) which of old time were in your Nation, are now translated unto us.

Of such places of Scripture as do seem to contradict one another,* 1.160 he declares what he himself doth, and others should think of them. I shall never dare to think or say that the Scri∣ptures are contrary one unto another: but, if any Scripture be propounded, which seems to be such, and to have a shew of being contrary to some other; I being throughly perswaded, that no one Scripture is contrary unto ano∣ther,

will rather confess that I do not under∣stand the things that are spoken; and will endeavour that those who suspect the Scri∣ptures to be contrary, would rather be of the same mind with me. So great was the reve∣rence and respect that he bare unto the sa∣cred Scriptures.

5. Unto what persons, and in what man∣ner Baptism, was then administred, he ac∣quaints us, saying:

As many as are perswaded and do believe those things that are taught and spoken by us to be true, and promise to live accordingly, they are taught to pray fasting,* 1.161 and to beg of God the pardon of their former sins, we praying and fasting together with them: Then are they brought by us unto the place where the water is, and are regenerated after the same manner of Regeneration wherewith we were regenerated. For in the name of the Father and Lord God of all, and of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit they are then washed in Water.—And through the Water we obtain remission of those sins which we had before committed. And this washing is called illumination,* 1.162 be∣cause the minds of those that learn these things are enlightned.

6. We make account that we cannot suffer any harm from any one, unless we be convict∣ed to be evil-doers,* 1.163 or discovered to be wick∣ed persons. You may indeed put us to death, but you cannot hurt us.

7. Such was the innocency and tenderness of Christians; that, whereas (saith he) be∣fore we believed, we did murther one ano∣ther,

now we not only do not oppugn or War against our enemies,* 1.164 but, (that we may not lie nor deceive the Inquisitors) confessing Christ we die willingly.

8. So great was the courage and resolution of Christians:* 1.165 that although, saith he, it were decreed to be a capital crime for any to teach or even to profess the name of Christ; we notwithstanding both embrace and teach it.

9. Concerning the Translation of the Sep∣tuagint, he gives this account: That Ptolemy King of Egypt, erecting a Library at Alex∣andria, and understanding that the Jews had ancient Books which they diligently kept,* 1.166 he sent for seventy wise men from Ierusalem, who were skill'd both in the Greek and He∣brew Tongues, and committed unto them the care of translating those Books. And that being free from all disturbance they might make the quicker dispatch of the translation, he commanded a like number of Cells, or little Rooms to be made, not in the City it self, but about seven furlongs from it, where the Pharos was built, that each one should finish his interpretation by himself alone, re∣quiring the servants attending them, to be in every regard serviceable to them; only to hinder them from conversing together, to the end that the exact truth of the Interpretation might be known by their consent. And co∣ming to know that these seventy men used not only the same sense, but also the same words in the translation, and that they dif∣fer'd no not so much as in one word one from another, but had written in the same words of

the same things; being hereat astonished, and believing the Interpretation to be accompli∣shed by divine assistance, he judged the men worthy of all honour as loving, and beloved of God, and with many gifts commanded them to return again into their own Country: And having the books in admiration (as there was cause) and consecrating them unto God, he laid them up there in the Library: These things we relate unto you, O ye Greeks, not as fables and feigned stories, but as those who have been at Alexandria, and have seen the footsteps of those Cells yet remaining in Pharos: This we report as having heard it from the Inhabitants, who have received the memorable things of their Countrey by tra∣dition from their Ancestors: Which also you may understand from others, and chiefly from those wise and approved Men who have re∣corded these things, namely Philo and Iosephus.

10. Concerning the Sibyls, thus, O ye Greeks,* 1.167 If you have not greater regard unto the fond or false imagination of them that are no gods, then unto your own salvation give credit unto the most ancient Sibyls, whose Books happen to be preserved in the whole World, teaching you from a certain powerful Inspiration by Oracles, concerning those who are called,* 1.168 but are not gods: and plainly and manifestly foretelling the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all things that were to be done by him. For the know∣ledge of these things will be a necessary Prae∣ludium or preparation unto the Prophecies,* 1.169

or to the reading of the Prophecies of holy Men.

§ 6. Though his excellencies were great, yet were they accompanied with many im∣perfections, viz. his slips and errours that he had, which we shall briefly point at and give notice of, and they were such as these.

1. He was an express Chiliast or Millenary,* 1.170 and a most earnest maintainer of that opinion, as were many of the Ancients beside him, viz. Irenaeus, Apollinarius Bishop of Hierapolis, Nepos an Egyptian Bishop, Tertullian, Lacta••∣tius,* 1.171 Victorinus, &c. The first broacher of this errour was Papias, the Auditor or Disciple of Iohn, not the Apostle, but he who was called Presbyter or Senior, and whose the two latter Epistles of Iohn are by some conceived to be. This man was passing eloquent▪ but of a weak and slender judgement, as by his Books appears; yet did he occasion very many Ec∣clesiastical Men to fall into this errour, who had respect unto his Antiquity: and among the rest, Iustin, as appears in divers places of his Books: particularly in his Dialogue with Tryphon the Jew;* 1.172 who pressing him after this manner. Tell me truly saith he, do you ac∣knowledge that the City Ierusalem shall be built again, and that your people shall be there gathered together, and live in plea∣sures with Christ, &c. To whom I thus re∣plyed, saith he, I am not such a wretch, O Tryphon, as to speak otherwise then I think; I have confessed unto thee before, that my self and many others are of the same mind, as ye fully know, it shall be even so: but

withal I have signified unto thee, that some Christians of a pure and pious judgement, do not acknowledge this:—But as for me, and those Christians who are of a right judgement in all things, we do know that there shall be a Resurrection of the Flesh, and a thousand years in Ierusalem re-built, beau∣tified and enlarged, as the Prophets Ezekiel, Esay and others have published.—And after∣ward that there shall be an Universal and E∣verlasting Resurrection of all together and a Judgement, as a certain Man of our own, whose name was Iohn, one of the Twelve A∣postles of Christ, in that Revelation which he had, hath foretold.

2. He entertained a gross Judaical conceit,* 1.173 concerning some of the Angels: of whom he hath these words: That God having made the World, and put the Earth in subjection unto Man:—He committed the care of Men themselves and of the things under the Heavens unto certain Angels whom he had appointed hereunto: but the Angels trans∣gressing the Ordinance of God, were over∣come with the company of Women, on whom they begat those Children which are called Daemons: and moreover they brought the rest of mankind into servitude unto them∣selves,—and sowed Murthers, Adulteries, Wars, and all kind of wickedness among Men, This errour took its rise from an an∣cient Edition of the Septuagint,* 1.174 which Philo Iudaeus, and Eusebius followed: they finding, Genesis 6. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 filii Dei, the Sons of God, rendred those words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. and hence it came to pass, that many of the

Ancients both Greek and Latin, did so ex∣pound that place, whence sprung the errour above mentioned.

3. He attributes too much to the writings of Plato. and other Philosophers, saying, that the Doctrines of Plato differ not from Christ,* 1.175 but that they are not altogether like: also, whosoever live according to reason,* 1.176. although they have been accounted without God, wor∣shippers of no deity, yet are they Christians: Such among the Greeks were Socrates, He∣raclitus and the like to them. This it seems he delivered,* 1.177 that he might the more easily draw the Gentiles unto the Faith of Christ; saith Osiander.

4. He too highly advanceth the power and freedom of Man's Will: whereof he thus speaks.* 1.178 Caeterùm, nequis nostra dicta sic acci∣piat, quasi fati necessitatem asseramus, & que fiunt ideo fieri, quia praedicta sunt; explicabi∣mus hoc quoque. Poenas ac praemia pro digni∣tate operum cuique reddi verum est, & comper∣tum ex Prophetarum oraculis. Alioquin si fato regerentur omnia, nihil omninò relictum esset in nostrâ potestate: nam si fatali lege alius bonus esset, alius malus: nec laudeni ille, nee hic mereretur vituperium: Et nisi homines ar∣bitratu suo possunt turpia fugere, honesta secta∣ri, extra culpam erunt, quicquid agant. Caete∣rùm quòd liberâ voluntate vel pèccent vel offici∣um faciant, sic demonstrabimus, &c.

These things I mention not to discover the nakedness of this venerable Father, but that it may from hence appear that the wri∣tings of the holy Prophets and Apostles only are exempt from errour and defects, and that

those of the most eminent men are to be read with caution, to be examined by that Touch stone, and so far only to be approved of, as they shall be found agreeing with that unerring and perfect word, and no further: for by it must we try the Spirits whether they be of God, and proving all things, hold fast that only which it shews to be good.

7. As for his Death or Martyrdom, he was brought unto it by the procurement of one Crescens a Cynick Philosopher, with whom he had much contended: Which he himself did before apprehend and expect,* 1.179 as appears from his own words: I look (saith he) by some one of them who are called Philoso∣phers,* 1.180 to be betrayed, or brought to the Stake or Tree:* 1.181 it may be by Crescens himself the Philosopher, a lover of popular applause, and of insolent Arrogance:* 1.182 a Man unworthy to be called a Philosopher, because he publickly witnesseth, the things which he knoweth not, as if the Christians were Atheistical, and Impious: which he doth to curry favour with, and to pleasure the multitudes whom he hath deceived.

This Crescens,* 1.183 he had provoked, and stirred up his implacable malice against him, for that he had in a disputation publickly before the Senate reprehended him not only of being ignorant of those things which it became a Philosopher to know, but also for his foul and debaucht manners: wherefore he accused him to be a Christian, and never

left, till by his restless solicitations he had brought him to his end.

So at Rome he joyfully suffered Martyrdom for the Name of Christ,* 1.184 under the Empe∣rours Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, An∣no Christi, 165.

Irenaeus Lugdunensis Episcopus.

§ 1. COncerning his birth, where and of what Parents he was born,* 1.185 we have nothing certain; Only probable it is that for Country he was an Asian, and that he came of honest and pious parents not far from, if not in the City of Smyrna: for there in his youth was he train∣ed up in the School of blessed Polycarp a Di∣sciple of the Apostle Iohn;* 1.186 and Bishop of Smyrna; Of whom it is reported, that being brought before the Proconsul, and by him urged to blaspheme and revile Christ, he thus answered him, Fourscore and six years, saith he, have I served him, neither hath he in any thing ever wronged me; and how can I then revile my King, that hath hitherto preserved me? Also in the same Epistle of the Church of Smyrna, it follows concerning him; that being in the fire, which in the form of a vault or sail of a ship, encompassed him about as a wall, his body seemed as gold or silver tried in the furnace; and that from it there pro∣ceeded a sweet and fragrant smell, as of fran∣kincense or some such like precious perfume: and that at length, the persecutors perceiving

that the fire consum'd not his body, com∣manded the tormentour to lance him in the side with a spear; which done, there forth∣with issued such a stream of blood out of his body, as quenched the fire to the great admi∣ration of the multitude.

Upon this Reverend Father did Irenae•••• with so great diligence attend, that the Do∣ctrine which he learned from him was deeply ingraven in his breast; so that even to his ol•• age he firmly retained the remembrance of i•• yea his very gestures: so much he himself te∣stifieth in his Epistle unto Florinus, sometime his fellow Scholar, but tainted with that opi∣nion that God was the Author of evil, an•• afterward with the errour of Valentinus: remember, saith he, the things of old, bett•••• then those of later times: for the things 〈◊〉〈◊〉 learn in our childhood, sink farther into 〈◊〉〈◊〉 minds, and grow up together with us; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that I do well remember,* 1.187 the place whe•••• Polycarp sate when he taught, his going o•• and coming in, his manner and course 〈◊〉〈◊〉 life, the figure and proportion of his body the Sermons which he made unto the mult••∣tude the relation he gave of his converse wit•• the Apostle Iohn and others which saw t•••• Lord; how he remembred their sayings, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what he heard from their mouths touchin•• the Lord,* 1.188 his power, Doctrine, &c. Hen•••• is he not unjustly stiled a man of the Apost••∣lical times, very near unto them, and the su••∣cessor of them.

By Polycarp he was s••nt unto the City 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lyons in France,* 1.189 whereby his admirable v••••∣tue

he soon became famous; in so much that in a small space of time by his preaching he had made almost the whole City Christian. Of this Church he was at first a Presbyter of Pothinus (as Ierom,* 1.190 Eusebius and Nicephorus call him) or Photinus, (as the Centurists, Ba∣ronius and Gregory of Turon) who was the first Bishop of that place.

At this time the Churches of Asia being much infested with the New prophesies and delusions of Montanus,* 1.191 Alcibiades and Theodo∣tus; the Gallicane Churches (either of their own accord out of their brotherly love to and care of them, or else at their request craving assistance from them against these corrupters of the Gospel) sent Irenaeus unto them as the meetest man for such a work, with their letters; that he might comfort those afflicted Churches, confirm them in the truth, and confute those heretical adversaries: He took Rome in his way, haply to confer with and crave the advice and help of Eleutherius Bi∣shop there, about this affair, unto whom he had letters recommendatory from the Churches making Honourable mention of him.

During his absence upon this weighty oc∣casion,* 1.192 in the great persecution under Antoni∣nus Verus (which much raged in the Churches of France) the good Bishop Photinus aged ninety years, is imprisoned: and being brought before the tribunal, and by the Pre∣sident asked this question; who is the God of the Christians; he perceiving this demand to be made rather in way of scorn, then out of a serious desire to be informed; because h••

would not cast pearls before swine, vouch∣safed him no other answer but this; si dignus fueris, cognosces: when thou shalt become worthy, thou shalt know. With which an∣swer, as contumelious, the President being highly provoked, commanded the Officers to beat him; which accordingly they did, hand∣ling him in a most barbarous and cruel man∣ner, and afterward, almost breathless, cas•• him into a filthy prison; wherein about two days after by a glorious death he obtained the crown of Martyrdom.

The Church of Lyons by this means being destitute of a Bishop, none was thought mo•••• worthy to suceed the aged Martyr,* 1.193 then his Presbyter Irenaeus, who not long after returning,* 1.194 was accordingly chosen an•• took upon him the Government of tha•• Church.

He entred upon the administration thereo•• in a very unquiet and turbulent time; the sta•••• of affairs being much distracted,* 1.195 not only b•• reason of that grievous storm of persecutio•• they had lately been under, yea which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yet scarcely calmed and blown over; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 also through the busie attempts of dive•••• impostours cunningly seeking to undermin•• the Doctrine of Christ.* 1.196 For now had th•• Valentinian Hereticks prevail'd and spread 〈◊〉〈◊〉 far as France, and among others bewitch•••• sundry eminent women with their sott•••• and absurd opinions, by means of one M••••∣cus a wretched sorcerer, and a wicked decei∣ver and abuser of the weaker Sex; But 〈◊〉〈◊〉 such a manner did this vigilant watchma•• and painful Pastour bestir himself, that he no∣tably

prevented the farther spreading of this Pest, and recovered many of those who had been therewith infected: And having happi∣ly secured his own charge, he rested not here, but proceeded farther, affording his help by his excellent letters unto other Churches also; particularly unto that of Rome; out of which he endeavoured to weed those tares, which the envious man had there sown; their careless Bishop (how unfit to be an universal overseer!) it seems securely sleeping the while, and leaving the work, that properly belonged to himself unto another. The chief instruments that Satan here imployed in sowing those tares; were Florinus and Blastus Presbyters of this Church,* 1.197 but by the Bishop degraded for their impiety; in commiseration of whose sad condition infected with so soul Heresies, he wrote (as is reported) those five learned books now extant.

In such kind of laborious imployments did he spend much of his time,* 1.198 under the Em∣perours Antoninus, the whole of Commodus, and a good part of Severus Reigns: being very serviceable unto the Church of God in his generation, not only by his preaching and disputations, but also by his writings which he left behind him, as singular mo∣numents unto posterity of his zeal for the glory of God, and love to his truth: as a bright shining lamp lighted and set up by the Lord, he diffused his Rayes for the good of many, till the oyl was wholly spent and consumed.

In his time fell out that sharp and lasting contention between the Eastern and Western Churches,* 1.199 about the observation of the Feast of Easter, as also about the kind and manne•• of fasting. The Churches of Asia, as from an ancient Tradition, and herein following the examples of Philip and Iohn Apostles, as also of Polycarp with others their Successors, observed this Feast on the fourteenth Moon, upon what day of the week soever it fell out, on which day the Jews were to offer thei•• Paschal Lamb. But the Church of Rome, to∣gether with others in the West, did celebrate it always upon the Lord's day; and hence grew a great rent between them: for those of the East refusing to leave their former usage and custom (for which they had so good •• warrant) and to conform themselves herei•• unto the other: Victor, who was the Bishop of Rome (possessing that Chair that would afterward usurp authority over all Churches,* 1.200 and acting accordingly) in the heighth of his pride, and the heat of his passion begins to threaten and thunder out his excommunica∣tion against them. Hereupon Irenaeus (brook∣ing his name, as a lover of peace) with the Brethren of the Gallican Churches, being grieved at such insolent and harsh proceed∣ings, and foreseeing the sad effects they might produce, thought it their duty not to stand still as idle Spectators, but to interpose at least by their Letters, and to endeavour a pre∣vention (if it might be) of those evils that were like to ensue,* 1.201 and follow upon so rigo∣rous and sharp a censure: which they did accordingly, dealing plainly and roundly with

the proud Prelate, tartly reprehending him for handling his Brethren in so unchristian a manner; and that for things indifferent (which he made necessary) he would fall up∣on so extreme a course, the cutting off of so considerable a part from the Body; shewing withal, that his excommunication was void, and of no force. Now, so great was the au∣thority of the man with the Bishop of Rome (who had not as yet exalted himself so high, that it should not be lawful for any of his Fel∣low Bishops to take the boldness to admonish him, or to say, what dost thou, though he should lead thousands to Hell) and such the strength of the arguments alledged, that the issue was (as Feuardentius relates) the as∣swaging of his fury,* 1.202 and the deterring of him from that rash attempt of cutting off so many famous Churches from the Body of Christ: whence followed a more serene face of things, and a great tranquillity to the Churches of Christ.

§ 2. He was a man exceeding eminent,* 1.203 and of chief note among those of his time, very ancient, and not far from the days of the Apostles. Honourable mention is made of him by those of the following ages: for Eu∣sebius, Inter omnes coaetaneos ei palmam tribuit, gives him the preheminence above all his contemporaries:* 1.204 Others stile him an Aposto∣lical man, admirable, and the light of the Western Churches,* 1.205 an ancient man of God; highly commended he is as one in whom the resplendent Beams and brightness of Aposto∣lical Doctrine did gloriously shine forth:* 1.206 for

what he had learned and received from Poly∣carp, and Polycarp from the Apostle Iohn, he retaining it in its purity, communicated i•• unto the Church; so that in all things he re∣sembled the face of the Apostles.

He excelled both in piety and learning,* 1.207 be∣ing so admirably endued with both, that he was no less famous for the one than for the o∣ther: stiled therefore by Epiphanius a sacer I∣renaeus, holy man, so singularly accomplished and fitted for the work he was designed and called unto, as that he became praeclarum orga∣num,* 1.208 a choice instrument for the good of the Churches of Christ.

Admirably well skilled he was in all sorts of Learning,* 1.209 both sacred and secular; very studious and ready in the Holy Scriptures, having by this means attained unto a more than ordinary measure of understanding and insight into them. And how notably instru∣cted and furnished with knowledge in the Arts and Sciences,* 1.210 is abundantly manifested, by his subtil investigation of abstruse Heresies which, though wonderfully obscure and con∣fused, he representeth and sets forth to pub∣lick view with very great perspicuity and or∣der: as also by his most acute and quick di∣sputations, wherein he throughly discovers their vanity, and as soundly confuteth them: So that it is most evident (saith Erasmus) that he was very exact in all the liberal Sci∣ence••.* 1.211 Yea, how diligently he had read over the Books both of the ancient Philosophers, Thales, Anaximander, Anaxagoras, Democri∣tus▪ Empedocles▪ Plato, Aristotle, &c. As also of the Poets,* 1.212 Tragick, Comick and Lyrick,

may be gathered from hence, in that he clear∣ly evinceth those Heresies which he impugned, to have been taken and to have had their o∣riginal from those prophane Authors, the names only being changed.* 1.213 So that he was not without cause stiled by Tertullian, Omni∣um doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem; a most curious inquirer or searcher into all sorts of Doctrines: very large is Epiphanius his Encomium of him (who held him in high esteem, as appears by the great use he made of him) Old Irenaeus (saith he) every way adorned by the Holy Ghost,* 1.214 brought into the Field by the Lord as a valiant and expert Sol∣dier and Champion, and annointed with Hea∣venly Gifts and Graces, according to the true faith and knowledge, contended against all the arguments of sottish Hereticks, and most exactly confuted them.

Add hereunto (which put a lustre upon all the rest) that he was of a very meek and modest spirit,* 1.215 a great lover, and as studious a preserver of peace among Brethren; but withal no less earnest and zealous in the cause of God, and a bitter adversary of the wretched Hereticks of his time:* 1.216 Magnus (to give you Erasmus his words to this purpose) Ecclesiae propu••nator, ac pro sui nominis ••ugurio, pacis Ecclesiasticae vindex.

§ 3. He wrote divers learned Books upon several subjects and occasions; the greater part whereof (indeed all to one) through the injury and neglect of foregoing ages are quite lost, not any of them remaining and extant at this day: and they are (such as we find mention of.)

1. A brief Volume against the Gentiles:* 1.217 And, saith Ierom, another of discipline; but herein is he mistaken, and those that follow him, as Honorius Augustodunensis, Trithemi••••, &c. who supposed that they were two distinct Books; whereas by Eusebius it appears 'twas but one and the same Volume;* 1.218 for thus he speaks of it: Extat adhuc liber illius adver∣sus Gentes compendiosissimus & summopere necessarius, de scientia inscriptus.

2. A declaration of the (manner and way,* 1.219 Possevin) of the Apostles preaching unto a certain Brother, one Marcianus.

3. A Book intituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, variorum tractatuum,* 1.220 saith Ierom, variarum dictionum inquiunt centuriatores, or a disqui∣sition of sundry things. Possevin.

4. A Book or an Epistle de schismate, un∣to Blastus.

5. A Book de Monarchiâ,* 1.221 or, that God is not the author of Sin, unto Florinus, whose Doctrine (he being of this opinion) he proves to be both impious and blasphemous.

6. A Book entituled Ogdoas,* 1.222 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, written also for Florinus, who was bewitched with the errours of Valentinus, which Ierom calls commentarium egregium, an excellent commentary: in the close whereof we have these words, containing a solemn ob∣testation, which both Eusebius and Ierom thought worthy of special notice:* 1.223 Adjur•• te, &c. I adjure thee (whosoever thou art that copyest out or transcribest this Book) by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious com∣ing, wherein he shall judge the quick and the dead, that thou compare what thou hast

written, and correct it diligently by the exemplar from whence 'tis transcribed: and also that thou do likewise write out this ad∣juration, and insert it into the copy so taken. The like hereunto is that of Ruffinus in his preface in his Translation of Origen,* 1.224 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is found among the Epistles of Ierom, charging both the Transcriber and Reader not to add or diminish, to insert or alter any thing therein, but to be exact even to a Letter, &c.

7. Divers Epistles unto Victor,* 1.225 and many other Pastors of Churches about the Con∣troversies of Easter; as also against those who at Rome did corrupt the sincerity of the Churches.

8. Volateran saith,* 1.226 that he wrote an Eccle∣siastical History, quam mutuatus est Euse••ius testem{que} citat.

9. A Commentary upon the Apocalypse,* 1.227 as saith Sixtus Senensis. But these two latter are very questionable, seeing that neither Eusebi∣us, nor Ierom in his Catalogues, not Honori∣us A••gustudonensis, nor Trithemius make mention of any such.

That of his which to this day the World injoys,* 1.228 is only a Volume containing five Books against the Heresies of the Gnosticks and Valentinians, wh••ch was thus intitled, as both Eusebius and Photius have it;* 1.229 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. of redargution and the eversion of knowledge falsly so called:* 1.230 a learned and most famous piece,* 1.231 full fraught with Learning and Piety. This too, it seems, was almost lost, at least as to the Western Churches;* 1.232 For, (saith Gre∣gory)

we have long and diligently made in∣quiry after the Writings of Irenaeus, but hi∣therto not any of them could be found.

Erasmus therefore tells us, he that might well call him his,* 1.233 as being by his industry brought to light (after it had been almost buried) and recovered from the dust, being mouldy and moth-eaten.* 1.234 And should they have remained in perpetual oblivion: the loss had been exceeding great: for (saith he) his writings do breath forth the ancient vigour of the Gospel; yea his very phrase came from a breast prepared for Martyrdom; for the Martyrs have a certain serious, bold and mas∣culine kind of speech.

It hath been a question,* 1.235 and doubted by some learned men, whether he wrote these Books in the Greek, or Latine Tongue: be∣cause they are now not to be found but in the Latin only:* 1.236 yet was he a Greek by Nation, and his phrase savours of that Language, having many Grecisms in it. Erasmus, a man of more than ordinary perspicacity and judgement this way, rather inclined to think it written by him in Latin, yet would not peremptorily conclude it: For, saith he, it is not clear to me, whether of the two he wrote in; though I rather soppose that he wrote in Latin, but was more expert in the Greek, and therefore speaking Latin he is bold to make use of Greek figures and forms of speech. But most are of another mind, judging the Greek to have been the Original Language, werein his Books were written; And that they were afterward translated by himself,* 1.237 saith Feuardentius, (to cover over

the faults of the Translator, which are not a few, or lest the Testimonies alleadged from the translation should lose of their Authority and Weight) or (which is most likely) by some other.* 1.238 All consent in this (saith Baronius) that he wrote In Greek; he wrote many ex∣cellent Volumes in the Greek Tongue,* 1.239 saith Sixtus Senensis: and, saith Rhenanus, pro∣culdubio, without doubt he wrote in Greek; for else would not Ierom have ranked him among the Greek Fathers, nor have made Tertullian (as he doth) the third, but the fourth, (as he should) among the Latins. Pamelius also thinks that both he and those first Roman Bishops unto his time wrote ra∣ther in Greek than Latine, which things considered, it's a wonder that Erasmus should herein be of the mind he was: The Latin Copy of Irenaeus (saith Cornatius) is an ex∣ceeding faulty Translation, and may better be restored out of Epiphanius, than afford any help in the translating of Epiphanius:* 1.240 so that marvailous it is that Erasmus, a man other∣wise endued with a piercing judgement in things of this Nature, should think that Irenaeus did wr••tein Latin.* 1.241 To the same purpose speaks the great Scaliger: I do admire (saith he) that from such a feverish Latin Interpreter, as he is whom now we have, Erasmus should imagine, both that 'tis the true Irenaeus, and that he imitates the Greeks: That Latin In∣terpreter was most foolish, and either omitted or depraved many things, which he under∣stood not. The fragments which are extant in Epiphanius; also the History of the things done by Irenaeus in Eusebius, do sufficiently

prove both that the man was a Grecian, and wrote in Greek: neither is it to be doubted of, &c.

The Greek Copy therefore written by him∣self is long since perished;* 1.242 only there are some remains of it to be found scattered in several Authors, who saw and made use thereof: Thus we have seven and twenty Chapters of of his first Book by Epiphanius inserted into his Panarium; (who took a good part of his second and third Books word for word out of Iu∣neus) and some few fragments in Eusebiu•• and Theodoret:* 1.243 by comparing of which wit•• the Translation we now have,* 1.244 it will easily appear how great a loss the Church sustains in the want of it: For instead of elegan•• Greek,* 1.245 we have nothing else (in the Ire••e•••• now extant) but rude and ill-favoured Latin•• Nor indeed can a Translation, especially 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Greek into Latin, equal the Original, seeing that (as Ierom speaks) the Latin Tongue r••∣ceives not the propriety of the Greek.

The Contents of the five Books of this ex∣cellent Volume (to give you a brief accou•••• of them from Grynaeus) are these.* 1.246 1. In th•• first he at large sets down the dismal and diabolical Errours of the Valentinians; toge∣ther with a narration of the discords and im∣pieties of those wretched Hereticks:* 1.247 Wh•••••• opinions (saith Erasmus) are so horrid, th•••• the very bringing of them to light, is confu∣tation sufficient: yea the very terms, as w•••• as the opinions, are so monstrous (saith the sa•••• Author) that it would even turn the stomach and tire the patience of any one,* 1.248 but to peru•••• them over.

2. In the second, he treats of the one Eter∣nal, True, Omnipotent and Omniscient God, besides whom there is none other: And that not any feigned Demiurgus or Angels, but this eternal God alone, Father, Son and holy Ghost, did out of nothing produce this whole Fa∣brick, both of Heaven and Earth; and gave being to Angels, Men and all inferiour Crea∣tures; and refuses the Errours of the Gno∣sticks concerning the same; shewing what they stole from the Philosophers to deceive the simple withal, and wounding, yea over∣coming them with Weapons or Arguments fetched out of their own Magazines and Ar∣mory.

3. In the third, which is partly polemical, and partly exegetical, he discovers and proves the Hereticks to be foully guilty of that hey∣nous crime of corrupting and curtailing the sacred Scriptures: and evidently demonstrates the perpetual consent of the Prophets and Apostles concerning our Lord Jesus Christ, God and Man.

4. In the fourth he clearly, and by solid Arguments proves, that one and the same God was the Author of both the Testaments, the Old and the New; and that therein he hath revealed himself and his Will concerning the Restitution and Salvation by Jesus Christ, of all men that do repent; largely discoursing of the power of the Will, and of our imper∣fection; and being gotten out of the craggy and intricate places, he enters into a large field, explaining many Scriptures depraved by the Hereticks.

5. In the fifth and last Book having made

a repetition of divers things formerly handled, he comes to confute the vain conceits of the Gnosticks concerning the utter perishing of the bodies of men; and proves that our bodies shall not only be raised by Christ at the last day, but also that the very bodies of the Saints shall injoy eternal life, and be saved together with their Souls. In the handling whereof he gives a notable experiment (as the diligent Reader may observe) of a clear head, and as of a choice a spirit; whence his weighty arguments sharpned with holy Zeal, do pierce deeply into the very hearts of the Enemies of the Truth, to their shameful prostration, and utter overthrow: for great is the Truth, and will prevail.

He is one of the Ancients, and the only one among those contained in this Decade, that had the good hap not to have his name abused by being prefixed to the Books he ne∣ver wrote, nor the bastard-brats of others to be father'd upon him.

§ 4. As for his Stile 'tis somewhat obscure and intricate,* 1.249 yea he is oftentimes neglectin•• of his words, and speaks improperly: ye such is the subject he discourseth of, that •• will hardly admit of clear and plain expressi∣ons:* 1.250 He himself disclaims Eloquence, a•• dwelling among the Celtae, a people of a bar∣barous speech; Look not, saith he, for the art of Oratory, which we have not learned: but what simply, truly and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in •• vulgar manner we have written in Love, i•• Love receive. Yet understand him of affect∣ed Rhetorick, and not that he was altogether

ignorant of that art: which could not be, seeing that in a subject so thorny and perplex, his stile is perspicuous,* 1.251 digested and coherent. So that considering the matter he handleth, 'tis no wonder he is so obscure, and that so little art appears, but rather a wonder he is no more so: which proceeded not so much from want of skill in himself, as from the incapacity of the Subject whereof he treateth.* 1.252 A most difficult thing it is (saith the same Author) for him that discusseth things of a subtile Nature, to joyn with perspicuity, the care of polishing his Language.

§ 5. Among many wherewith this Learn∣ed Piece is righly fraught and stored, I shall cull out and present you with a few memora∣ble passages.

1. His Symbol or Creed, containing a brief sum, and confession of the Faith of the Churches of Christ (at least in the West) at that day: his words are these.

The Church,* 1.253 although dispersed through the whole World, even unto the ends of the Earth, received the Faith from the Apo∣stles, and their Disciples; which is, to be∣lieve,

In one omnipotent God, which made Hea∣ven and earth and the Seas, and all things that are in them; and in one Jesus Christ the Son of God, incarnate for our Salvation; and in the Holy Ghost, who by the Prophets preached the mysteries of the dispensation and coming of Christ,* 1.254 and his Birth of a Virgin, and his Passion, and Resurrection from the dead, and the Assumption of the Beloved

Christ Jesus our Lord in his flesh into Heaven,* 1.255 and his coming from Heaven in the Glory of the Father to restore (or recapitulate and ga∣ther into one) all things, and to raise the flesh (or bodies) of all mankind, that unto Jesus our Lord, and God and Saviour, and King,* 1.256 according to the good pleasure of the Father invisible, every knee should bow, both of things in Heaven, and in the earth, and un∣der the earth, and that every tongue should confess to him, and that he should pass a righ∣teous sentence or judgment upon all, and send the spiritual wickednesses and the Angels that fell and became apostate, and also ungodly, unrighteous, lawless and blasphemous men into eternal fire: but for the righteous and holy,* 1.257 and such as did keep his command∣ments, and abide in his love, some from the beginning, and some by repentance gratifying them with life, might bestow on them incor∣ruptibility, and give unto them eternal Glo∣ry.

Where observe by the way, that though it may be wondered at, that Irenaeus should no where expresly call the Holy Ghost God, yet that he held him to be God equal with the Fa∣ther and the Son, is manifest, in that he makes in his Creed the object of faith to be all the three persons of the Trinity alike:* 1.258 As also from hence, that elsewhere he ascribes the creation of man unto the Holy Ghost, as well as to the Father and the Son.

2. He gives the reason why the Mediatour between God and man, ought to be both God and man:* 1.259 For, saith he, if man had not overcome the enemy of man, he had not been

justly overcome: again, unless God had given salvation, we should not have had it firmly; and unless man had been joyned unto our God, he (viz. Man) could not have been made partaker of incorruptibility. For it be∣came the Mediator of God and Men,* 1.260 by his nearness unto both, to reduce both into friendship and concord; and to procure that God should assume Man (or take him into communion) and that man should give up himself unto God.

3. The whole Scriptures,* 1.261 both Prophetical and Evangelical (are) open or manifest, and without ambiguity; and may likewise be heard of all.* 1.262 Again, we ought to believe God, who also hath made us; most assuredly knowing, that the Scriptures are indeed per∣fect, as being spoken (or dictated) by the word of God and his Spirit.

4. Fides, quae est ad deum, justificat homi∣nem,* 1.263 Faith towards God (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Heb. 6. 2.) justifieth a man.

5. Concerning the marks of the true Church,* 1.264 and that it is not tied to one place or succession; he thus speaks, When once the Gospel was spread throughout the world, and the Church gathered out of all Nations, then was the Church no where tied to one place, or to any certain and ordinary succes∣sion; but there was the true Church where∣soever the uncorrupted voice of the Gospel did sound, and the Sacraments were rightly administred according to the Institution of Christ. Also, that the pillar and ground of the Church is the Gospel and Spirit of Life.

5. Of the extraordinary gifts of the Holy

Ghost,* 1.265 continuing unto his time, thus, Some (saith he) cast out Devils soundly and truly; so that oftentimes even they who were clean∣sed from wicked Spirits do believe, and are in the Church: others have the foreknow∣ledge of things to come,* 1.266 and also propheti∣cal Visions and Sayings: others do cure and restore to health such as labour of some infir∣mity by the laying on of their hands. More∣over, as we have said, the dead also have been raised and continued with us many years:* 1.267 And what shall I say? the Graces are not to be numbred, which throughout the whole world the Church receiving from God, doth dispose in the name of Christ Jesus (cru∣cified under Pontius Pilate) every day for the help of the Nations, neither seducing any one, nor taking money from him. For as it hath freely received from God, so also doth it free∣ly administer: nor doth it accomplish any thing by Angelical Invocations, nor incanta∣tions, nor any wicked curiosity, but purely and manifestly directing their prayers unto the Lord, who hath made all things.

6. He plainly asserts that the world shall continue but six thousand years: For, saith he,* 1.268 look in how many days this world was made, in so many thousand years it shall be consummate. Therefore 'tis said in Gen. 2. 2. On the sixth day God finished all his works, and rested the seventh day.* 1.269 Now this is both a narration of what was done before, and also a prophecy of things to come: for one day with the Lord is as a thousand years: in six days the things were finished that were made; and it is manifest that the six thousandth year is the consumma••ion of them.

7. He finds the number of the Beasts name,* 1.270 viz. 666. i•• the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: whence he concludes it as very probable that the seat of that beast is the Latin or Ro∣man Kingdom. Take his own words. Sed & Lateinos nomen (habet) sexcentorum sexa∣ginta sex numerum; & valdè verisimile est quoniam novissimum (verissimum. Erasm. edit.) Regnum hoc habet vo••abulum. Latini enim sunt qui nunc regnant: Sed non in hoc nos glo∣riabimur.

8. Of the four Evangelists he thus writeth: Mathew (saith he) delivered unto the He∣brews the History of the Gospel in their own Tongue.* 1.271 When Peter and Paul preached at Rome, and planted that Church, after their departure. Mark the Disciple and also In∣terpreter of Peter, delivered unto us in wri∣ting such things as he had heard Peter preach. And Luke the companion of Paul comprised in one Volume the Gospel preached of him. After these Iohn the Disciple of our Lord, who also leaned on his breast, published a Gospel, remaining at Ephesus in Asia.

9. When the Hereticks, saith he, are con∣vinced from the Scriptures, they betake them to the accusation of the Scriptures them∣selves,* 1.272 as if they were not right, nor of any Authority,* 1.273 and because they are variously spoken, and because from them the truth can∣not be found out, by them that know not Tradition.

1. We ought to obey them that are Pres∣byters in the Church, even those who have succession from the Apostles, as we have shewn, who together with the succession of

their Bishoprick,* 1.274 have received the certain gift of truth,* 1.275 according to the pleasure of the Father.—Succession of Doctrine is the principal, and without that certain gift of truth, it is vain yea impious to boast of per∣sonal succession.

11. Of the Translation of the Septuagint, thus.* 1.276 Ptolemy willing to have an experiment of them, and fearing le••t perhaps by consent they should through their interpretation hide that truth which was in the Scriptures: he separating them one from another, command∣ed them all to interpret the same Scripture, and this he did in all the Books: when there∣fore they come together into one place with Ptolemy, and compared their Interpretations▪ God was glorified, and the Scriptures were believed to be truly divine, all of them reci∣ting the same, both in the same phrases and in the same words from the beginning to the end:* 1.277 So that even the Gentiles that were present did acknowledge that the Scri∣ptures were Interpreted by the Inspiration of God.

12. Very memorable is that passage of his in an Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome,* 1.278 re∣corded by Eusebius. Although saith he, Christians differed in their Judgements about the manner of Fasting, yet notwithstanding were they at unity one with another, for this variety of fasting commendeth the unity of Faith.

They that were Presbyters before Soter of that Church, whereof now thou art Presi∣dent, Anicetus, I mean, and Pius, and Hyginus, and Telesphorus, and Xystus, neither did so ob∣serve

it themselves, nor left any such Com∣mandment to their posterity, and yet never∣theless they (not observing it) were at unity with them, who resorted unto them, from those Churches that did observe the same, when yet their observance was contrary to those who observe it not. Neither was any one at any time rejected, (or excommunica∣ted) for such kind of fasting: but those very Presbyters who were thy predecessors, have sent the Eucharist to the Brethren of those Churches who kept it after their own man∣ner. And when Polycarp was at Rome in the time of Anicetus, and they were at variance among themselves about some certain small and trifling matters, they were soon reconci∣led; but about this particular they had no contention at all. Neither was Anice••us able to perswade Polycarp (mark, the Roman Bi∣shops used not, it seems, to command them as now) that he should not retain that which he had always observed with Iohn the Disciple of our Lord, and the rest of the Apostles with whom he had been conversant: neither did Polycarp perswade Anicetus so to observe it, but told him he ought to observe the Ancient Custom of the Elders, whom he succeeded? And things being at this pass, they held com∣munion one with another: and in the Church Anicetus granted the Eucharist unto Polycarp for the reverence which he bare him; and so they parted from each other in peace, and in the Universal Church, both those that did observe it and those that did not observe it, were at peace one with another.

These and many other the like worthy say∣ings

are to be found in the Books of this An∣cient Father, but let it suffice to have given you this tast of them.

§ 6. Yet are there some things observed in him as his blemishes and failings, wherein he is not to be followed, because therein he swerves from that un-erring Rule the word of Truth. Even the most eminent Men in the Church, (after the Apostles) have built some hay and stubble upon the foundation they held, which will not endure the trial of the Fire: Those of this Father are as fol∣loweth.

1. Somewhat harsh and to be corrected,* 1.279 is that concerning Christ. Si quis exquirat cau∣sam propter quam in omnibus Pater communi∣cans Filio solus scire & horam & diem Domino manifestatus est, neque aptabilem magis neque decentiorem, nec sine periculo alteram quam hanc inveniat in praesenti: quoniam cum solus verax Magister est Dominus, ut discamus per ip∣sum, super omnia esse Patrem. Etenim Pater, ait major me est, & secundem agnitionem itaqu•• praepositus esse Pater annunciatus est à Domino Nostro, ad hoc, ut & nos, in quantum figura hu∣jus mundi-sumus, perfectam Scientiam & tales quaestiones concedamus Deo: Et ne fortè que∣rentes altitudinem Patris investigare, in tantum periculum incidamus, uti quaeramus, an super Deum alter sit Deus.

2. He hath some passages concerning free will, not to be admitted, though again in o∣ther places he hath somewhat directly oppo∣site thereunto. E.g. Dedit deus bonum, & qui operantur quidem illud, & gloriam & honore••

percipient, quoniam operati sunt bonum, cum possint non operari illud.* 1.280 Hi autem qui illud non operantur, judicium justum recipient Dei, quoniam non sunt operati bonum,* 1.281 cum possint operari illud. Item. Quoniam omnes sunt e∣jusdem naturae, & potentes retinere & operari bonum & potentes rursum amittere id, & non facere; justè etiam apud homines sensatos, quanto magis apud Deum, alii quidem laudan∣tur, & dignum percipiunt testimonium electionis bonae & perseverantiae: alii verò accusantur, & dignum percipiunt damnum, eò quòd justum & bonum reprobaverint. Adhuc: Quoniam li∣berae sententiae est Deus,* 1.282 eujus ad similitudinem factus est, semper consilium datur ei, continere bonum, quod proficiscitur ex eâ quae est ad Deum obedientiâ: Et non tantum in operibus, sed etiam in fide liberum & suae potestatis arbitrium homini servavit Dominus.

Contrà Dominus pollicitus est mittere se paracletum,* 1.283 qui nos aptaret Deo. Sicut enim de arido tritico massa una fieri non potest sine humore, neque unus panis: Ita nec nos multi unum fieri in Christo Iesu poteramus, sine aquâ, quae de caelo est. Et sicut arida terra, si non percipiat humorem, non fructificat: sic & no•• lignum aridum existentes primum nunquam fru∣ctificaremus vitam, sine supernâ voluntariâ pluviâ i. e. Spiritu Sancto.

3. His opinion concerning the Age of Christ, is evidently contrary to what may be collected from the History of the Evangelists, for thus saith he: Omnes venit per seipsum salvare,* 1.284 omnes, inquam, qui per ••um rena scuntur in Deum, infantes, & parvulos, & pueros, & juvenes & Seniores. Ideò per om∣nem

venit aetatem, & infantibus infans factus, sanctificans infantes: in parvulis parvulus, sanctificans hanc ipsam habentes aetatem, sim•••• & exemplum illis pietatis effectus, & justitie & subjectionis. Iuvenibus juvenis, exemplu•• juvenibus fiens, & sanctificans Domino. Sic & senior in senioribus, ut sit perfectus Magister i•• omnibus, non solùm secundum exposition•••• veritatis, sed secundum aetatem sanctificans simul & seniores, exemplum ipsis quoque fiens, &c.—Quia autem triginta annorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 primae indolis est juvenis,* 1.285 & extenditur usque ad quadragesimum annum, omnis quilibet confite∣bitur, a quadragesimo aut quinquagesimo ann•• declinat jam in aetatem senior••m, quam b••∣bens Dominus noster docebat, sicut Evangeliu•• & omnes seniores testantur, qui in Asia apud Ioannem Discipulum Domini convenerunt, id ipsum tradidisse eis Ioannem: permansit au∣tem cum eis usque ad Trajani tempora. Qui∣dem autem eorum non solùm Ioannem, sed & alios Apostolos viderunt, & haec eadem ab ipsis audierunt, & testantur de hujus modi relation••. Non multum aberat a quinquaginta annis, & ideò dicebaut ei,* 1.286 quinquagi••ta annorum nondum es, & Abraham vidisti? Io. 8. 57.

4. Ierom and others ascribe unto him the errour of the Chiliasts or Millenaries,* 1.287 though it be not to be found so expresly in his wri∣tings now extant.

All which the impudent Fryar Feuardentius (glad to take, yea to make an occasion, that he might fall foul upon the Lutheran and Cal∣vinian Hereticks, as he calls them) labours after a sort to defend him in, as if they were meer calumnies and causless criminations:

Although some chief ones of his own Catho∣lick faction;* 1.288 to wit, Baronius and Possevine, as also Erasmus, charge him, with the same as well as others: and who so lists to peruse his books shall find they had just cause so to do. But the Antidotes (as he calls his defence prefixed to his Edition of Irenaeus) of such Mountebanks are no better then poyson;* 1.289 and, saith the learned Rivet, I would admonish young Students to beware of the Edition of this shameless and faithless Monk, as being in many things corrupted, and defiled with his impious and lying Annotations.

Besides these there are some other things and expressions which fell from the Pen of this worthy Man, that do need the friendly and favourable construction of his Reader: among the rest, is that passage. lib. 3. cap. 21. Propter hoc verbum Dei homo, & qui filius Dei est, filius hominis factus est, Commixtus verbo Dei, ut adoptionem percipiens fiat filius Dei. Also that, lib. 5. cap. 26. Be••è Iustinus dixit, quoniam ante Domini adventum, nunquam a••∣sus est Satanas blasphemore Deum, quippe nondum sciens suam damnationem. Also that, lib. 4. cap. 30. Henoch sine circumcisione placens Deo, cum esset homo, Dei legatione ad Angelos fun∣gebatur, & translatus est, & conservatur usque nunc testis justi judicii Dei, quoniam Angeli transgressi deciderunt in judicium, homo autem, placens, translatus est in salutem. Lastly that, lib. 5. Discipulorum animae abibunt in invisi∣bilem locum, definitum eis a Deo, & ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur, susti••entes re∣surrectionem; post recipientes corpora & perfectè resurgentes, hoc est, corporaliter, qu••madmodum

& Dominus resurrexit, sic venient ad conspectum Dei. These and such like, do crave the can∣dour and indulgence of the judicious Reader.

§ 7. As touching his Death and Martyr∣dom;* 1.290 Ado Bishop of Vienna, Gregory Bishop of Turon, and Baronius do report, that in the persecution under the Emperour Severus, which raged especially about Lyons, by the command of the Emperour, the said City was invironed with Soldiers, who slew with the Sword all the Christians that were found therein, the chief of whom was this Irenaeu•• their Bishop, who with the rest received the glorious Crown of Martyrdom: At what time the slaughter was so great, (saith Gregory Turonens.) that the very streets ran with blood. In what year this hapned Historians record,* 1.291 not only Baronius conjectures that the perse∣cution of the Christians under Severus began not until the tenth year of his Reign; and that one of the first places wherein he exerci∣sed his cruelty, was this City; of whose con∣stancy he had had such experience; that he knew neither threats nor flatteries would make the Church there under such a Prelate to bend or yield, and therefore determined to destroy them by the Sword. He therefore refers the Martyrdom of Irenaeus Ad. an. D••m. 205. Severi. 11.* 1.292

Clemens Alexendrinus.

§ 1. HE Stiles himself Titus Flavius Clemens: for with this inscripti∣on were his books of Stromes extant in Eusebius his time:* 1.293 and so also had Photius found in a very old Copy, as he saith, those books of his Entituled.

What country man he was by birth is somewhat uncertain:* 1.294 only it is conjectured that he was born in Athens, that City so much famed for Learning throughout the world; where was the first Academy, or Schools of Learning known by that name, which since is become the common appella∣tion of places of that nature. Academiae nomen Athenis primùm inclaruisse apud omnes▪ fermè authores convenit, inquit Iunius. Epi∣phonius therefore speaking of him: some, saith he, call him Clemens of Alexandria, o∣thers of Athens; this latter being the place of his birth, as the former of his breeding and most abode: and as in the one he drew his first breath, so in the other having spent the most of it, he breathed out his last.

Being exceedingly desirous of learning and knowledge, he spent his first time of study

in Greece; from whence going Eastward, he came into Palestine,* 1.295 and lastly from thence into Egypt, setling in the famous School of Alexandria, wherein he conti∣nued the remainder of his time, either as a Scholar in learning, or as a Doctor in teach∣ing: Whence he got that name by which to this day he is commonly call'd and known, viz.* 1.296 of Clemens, not the Athenian, but the Alexandrian.

In this place he was first an Auditour of Pantaenus, (when or how he was converted to Christianity is uncertain,) a man very e∣minent both for his life and learning and this both Sacred and Secular; who being at first a Philosopher of the Sect of the Stoicks,* 1.297 and afterward converted unto Christianity, was the first after the Apostles who there exercised the Office of Magister 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or instru∣ctour of the Catechumens, and Governour of the School or Academy,* 1.298 Doctor Audientium (as Cyprian calls this Officer) the Catechist; unto which function he was called by Deme∣trius, the then Bishop of that place: whose work it was to open and Interpret the Scri∣ptures, to instruct the Catechumens or young believers in the grounds and principles of Christianity,* 1.299 and to refute Ethnick and hereti∣cal opinions; which they used to do not in Sermons and Homelies, but in a Scholastical manner: their Auditors being not only such as were newly converted from heathenism, but also the children of believers grown up to years of understanding,* 1.300 specially such as were intended for Ecclesiastical imploy∣ments:

Accordingly not only were the principles of Religion taught, and the Sacred Scriptures expounded in these Christian Schools,* 1.301 (where∣of this at Alexandria is conceived to have been the first and most famous: being found∣ed by Mark the Evangelist, who planted the first Church in that City) but those who were trained up in them did also apply themselves to the study of the liberal arts and languages: in which regard Alexandria is by Gregory Na∣zianzen in his Oration in the praise of Cae∣sarius,* 1.302 called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the shop of all kind of learning.* 1.303 Of these Schools Duarenus gives us this account: Fuerunt, inquit, antiquitùs Ecclesiasticae scholae, ad clèrìcorum & aliorum egentium eruditionem institutae: quibus scholis praeficiebantur magistri qui non literas modò sacras, sed Grammaticam etiam & liberales disciplinas docerent. Erat igitur hoc munus a pastoris officio distinctum & separatum. Hence it is conceived our Uni∣versities took their Original in this Town (viz. Alexandria) Gautenus,* 1.304 (saith Heylin) (he should have said, Pantenus) read Di∣vinity and Philosophy, An. 180. from whom it is thought, that the Orders of instituting Universities first began in Christendom. Thus did the Ancients deem the liberal Arts to be of great use, and very requisite to the preser∣vation of the purity of Religion;* 1.305 for which end Origen exhorted his Scholars to the diligent study of them, affirming them to be very needful both for disputations, and also the explication of the Sacred Scriptures: And it is evident that the most famous Fa∣thers of the Church did much excel therein,

being richly furnished with the knowledg of them.

Clemens having here spent some time in these kind of studies with great proficiency, was at length made Presbyter of this Church;* 1.306 and after a while; Pantenus dying, he was esteemed worthy to succeed him in the Office of Doctor or Moderator of that School; in which imployment he continued long, even unto the end of his days, managing it with much industry and prudence to the great be∣nefit and advantage of those that attended upon him, and gaining general applause and approbation.

§ 2. He was a man of admirable and choice endowments of nature,* 1.307 of an acute wit, & most tenacious memory, which he imployed and improved to the uttermost, sparing neither industry nor travail for the attaining of learning and knowledge, which he was very greatly desirous, yea greedy of; for which cause he betook him to the Schools of those men in divers provinces and countries,* 1.308 who were most eminent and famous, drawing from them what he found to be best, and might most advantage him in that which he sought for. Nor did he attend only upon the living, but also applied himself unto and consulted with the dead, diligently and judi∣ciously perusing the Monuments of men learn∣ed in every kind that went before him: as well Heathen (Poets, Philosophers, Historians, whether Greeks or Barbarians) as Christian; as his works full stuft with multiplicity of Authors and variety of reading do amply te∣stifie.* 1.309

By this means did he attain unto a great height and more then Ordinary mea∣sure of learning,* 1.310 both Divine and Humane; so that in all Antiquity he was accounted Vir celeberrimus, most renowned; Clarissimus horum temporum Ecclesiasticus tractator; and in the judgment of Ierom (than which what more accurate?) the most Learned of all the Ancients: in whose books, saith he, what is there to be found unlearned? yea, what not extracted out of the very bowels of Philoso∣phy? they are full fraught with Learning and Eloquence. Hence he is adorned by others with the titles of an egregious, most Learned and most eloquent man; an holy man, & who exceeds all others in his skill and cunning in many things,* 1.311 of notable and al∣most incredible knowledge (saith Gentian Hervet. in Epist. ante Paedagogum) in whom it so abounds, that he cannot be drawn dry, briefly he is, saith Heinsius, penu eruditionis & scientiae, a full store-house and plentiful magazine of Learning and knowledge; so that Cyril (who was afterward Bishop of the same City, where our Clement was Presbyter and Professor) calls him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an eloquent man, endued with mul∣tiplicity of knowledge, one that dived so far into the writings of the Greeks, as few of those had done, who went before him.

His piety and zeal for the honour of God and the advancement of Christian Religion,* 1.312 were no less than his Learning; being a de∣vout, and holy Man: For he was serviceable not only to the Church of Alexandria (where∣unto he stood in special relation) but went

from thence unto the Churches of Ierusalem and Antioch, who, by his preaching among them, were not a little advantaged, some be∣ing edified and confirmed in the Faith of Christ, and others recovered from their er∣rours, who had been seduced by false teach∣ers. Somewhat this way sounds the testi∣mony concerning him of Alexander at that time Bishop of Ierusalem, in his congratula∣tory Epistle unto the Church of Antioch:* 1.313 These lines, saith he, I send unto you by Clement the blessed Presbyter, whom ye also know, and shall now more fully recognize; who coming hither by the providence and vi∣sitation of God, hath confirmed and increased the Church of the Lord. Thus as a faith∣ful servant and steward, did he diligently lay out, and imploy the talents that he had recei∣ved, for the advantage of his Lord and Ma∣ster, who had intrusted him with them.

He likewise greatly improved both the Learning and Life of his Master Pantenus, (who was a pious and a prudent man) re∣ceiving from him not only instructions as a Doctor, for his information, but also an ex∣ample and pattern, as a president, for his imi∣tation,* 1.314 for (saith Nicephorus) as he succeed∣ed him in his place and imployment, so did he also tread in his steps, and observed the same manner and method both in his life and lectures.

§. 3. He was exceeding useful unto the Church of Christ as well by his pen, as by his preaching: for being a man of singular and more than ordinary abilities he wrote di∣vers

books, wherein he transmitted unto po∣sterity the doctrines which he had received and taught, and vigorously asserted and maintained the truth against the adversaries and opposers of it. Of which writings ma∣ny are lost through the injury of time and neglect of succeeding ages; and some are re∣maining unto this day.

Of the first sort, are such as these, by Ierom and Eusebius;

1. A Commentary de Paschate:* 1.315 which, saith Eusebius, he composed at the instance of some friends who earnestly desired that he would commit to writing for the benefit of posterity, those things which he had heard and received from the Ancient Presby∣ters. In which book he remembers Melito, Irenaeus, and certain others whose expositions he inserts and makes use of.

2. A book thus intituled, Quis dives sal∣vetur. So Eusebius; or as Ierom; Quisnam dives ille sit,* 1.316 qui salvetur. A Treatise Learn∣edly composed, saith Nicephorus, and worthy to be perused: whence, saith Possevine, Euse∣bius took that famous story of the Young man, by the Apostle Iohn recommended to the care of a certain Bishop; who afterward became very debaucht and gave himself to all kind of vice, but was again by the same Apostle in an admirable manner recalled and recovered: who so list may read this story at large in Eusebius, li••. 3. cap. 21.

3. His disputations of Fasting:* 1.317 which (as also the following) Nicephorus calls Ho∣milies. Honorius Augusto dunensis divides the title; but amiss: setting down as two

distinct Books,* 1.318 De Iojunio unus: De Discepta∣tione unus: contrary to Ierome, whose cata∣logue (with some others he epitomized:) Trithemius also is guilty of the same errour.

4. De Obtrectatione, or of slander.

5. An exhortatory unto patience, com∣posed for such as were newly baptized.

6. Of the Canons of the Church, or an Ec∣clesiastical Canon, and against those who fol∣low the errour of the Jews; which Book, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.319 he peculiarly dedicated it unto Alexander, Bishop of Ierusalem: Trithemius and the Centurists make these two distinct Books, wherein they may be presumed to be mistaken, seeing herein they differ from Eu∣sebius and Ierom: the latter of the two the Centurists entitle thus: Of those who in the Scriptures follow the sence of the Jews.

7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Eight Books of Dispo∣sitions, Informations or Institutions: (fetch∣ing the name haply from 2 Tim. 1. 13.* 1.320 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) wherein he goeth over the whole body of the Scriptures in a brief Commentary or compendious ex∣planation of them,* 1.321 if not rather some special places of both Testaments, the scope of the whole work seeming to be an interpretation of Genesis, Exodus, the Psalms, the Epistles of Paul, and those called Catholical, and lastly of the Book called Ecclesiasticus: yea, he omits not some of those that are Ap••cryphal, al∣together and generally rejected,* 1.322 viz. the Re∣velation under the name of Peter, and the E∣pistle of Barnabas. Heinsius gives us this ac∣count of them: These Books (saith he) as the Inscription teacheth us, did contain an

institution or delineation of the Doctrine of Christianity; not so much methodical, dog∣matical and artificial, as free and bound up or restrained by no rules; for he interpreted di∣vers places of the Sacred Scriptures, out of which without doubt he gathered a Body of Doctrine.* 1.323 The want of these Books cannot be accounted any great loss, if the report of Photius concerning them be a truth: For (saith he) although in some things he seems to be Orthodox and sound in his judgment, yet in others he discourseth altogether fabu∣lously and impiously: as in asserting the mat∣ter whereof the world was made to be eter∣nal, in ranking Christ among the number of things created, in mentioning with allowance and approbation the Pythagorean 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or transmigration of Souls; and that many worlds were before Adam, that the word was not truly made flesh, but only seem∣ed so to be, together with very many such like passages, withal adding (as admiring and amazed that such an one as Clement should be the author of them) all which, either he him∣self, or else some other under his name blasphe∣mously uttereth,* 1.324 which latter (saith Andrew Scho••tus and Possevine) is the more likely; for the Arrians had corrupted his writings, as Ruffine reporteth in his Apology for Origen; and the Doctrine contained in his other Books is more sound and orthodox.* 1.325

Besides these, there is elsewhere mention of the following Treatises.

8. Of the Resurrection.

9. Of Continence.

10. Of Marriage: of these three he him∣self

speaks in his Books of Stromes; and par∣ticularly of the last in his Paedagogus, lib. 3. cap. 8. where we have a summary of the con∣tents of it, viz. how the Wife ought to live with her Husband, of the Administration of the Government of the Family, the use of Servants, and what things ought to be done by her apart, of the time of Marriage, and of those things which appertain to women.

11. Sozomen saith that he compiled an Hi∣story:* 1.326 and indeed Suidas makes mention of one Clemens 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Historian, who wrote of the Roman Kings and Emperours: but Baronius supposeth they meant not this but a∣nother Clement; and the truth is they both speak of a Clement indefinitely, without any addition of the Alexandrian, or otherwise.

12. Many Epistles.* 1.327

13. He also promised a Commentary upon Genesis, which accordingly he clearly and en∣tirely performed upon the whole Book, as some do affirm, whom herein (saith Sixtus Senensis) I will neither give credit unto,* 1.328 nor gainsay.

Of the second sort of his Books, viz. those remaining and commonly received at this day, are only the three following.

1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, his admonition or exhortation unto the Gentiles,* 1.329 adversus Gentes, liber unus, saith Ierom.

2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, his Schoolmaster, com∣prised in three Books.

3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Eight Books of Stromes, a work variously woven after the manner of Tapestry, mixed with testimonies taken out of the Sacred Scriptures, as also Poets, Phi∣losophers and Historians,* 1.330 whence he got the

name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, contextor, or the Wea∣ver. He himself gives the reason of the name, and why these Books were so entitu∣led by him:* 1.331 Est in exiguo quidem spacio (in∣quit) multa genitalis copia semine eorum dog∣motum quae comprehenduntur in hoc opere, tan∣quam ager omnibus herbis plenus. Vnde etiam propriam habent inscriptionem stromata commen∣tariorum, &c. Again, Permixtim nobis instar prati variata est stromatum descriptio:* 1.332 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Of its proper and primi∣tive signification the most learned Casaubon gives us this account;* 1.333 Solitos veteres stragulam vestem pellibus involvere, & loris constringere, etiam Iurisconsulti testes sunt—Constat au∣tem ex-veterum lectione, & stragula superiora, & involucrum istud, quod antiquiores 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, recentiores 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vocarunt, va∣r••••s coloribus distincta ferè fuisse. Inde translatae eae dictiones ad res significandas varietate insig∣nes: cujusmodi fuit piscis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dictus ob coloris aurei virgas per totum illius cor∣pus productas, inquit Athenaeus, lib. 7. Similiter & viri docti excerpta sua ex variis auctoribus, aut propria etiam scripta, sed veterum referta testimoniis, soliti 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 appellare, ut Clemens Alexandrinus, &c. Those Books and Commentaries (saith Martianus Victorinus) men call Stromata,* 1.334 which con∣tain in them variety of matter, because Car∣pets and Garments of this, compounded of divers colours and Histories, were so inter∣woven.* 1.335 The name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (saith Eras∣••••ns) is taken from pictured Carpets or Tape∣stry. Also Sixtus Senensis thus; a Rapsody,

which some call Stroma, or a stromatical ex∣position, is an exposition made up of a compo∣sition out of divers Authors. And in very deed such are Clemens his Commentaries or Stromes, which contain so great and innume∣rable riches of all kind of Learning (saith Gentian Heroet) that there is no one who is endued with any Arts and Sciences,* 1.336 but may receive from him exceeding great profit. Yea (saith the learned Daille) what can you name more mixed and fuller of variety than Clemens his Stromata,* 1.337 as he calls them, and his other works; which are throughout inter∣laced with Historical Allusions, Opinions, Sentences and Proverbs out of all sorts of Writers, both sacred and profane, being here heightened with rich lightsome colours, there shaded with darkness, in such sort as that it is a vain thing for an ignorant person to hope e∣ver to reach his meaning? For which cause Casaubon quoting a passage of these Books, doth it after this manner:* 1.338 Sic ait Clemens A∣lexandrinus, lib. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, centonum, which we may well call varias lectiones.

The excellency and usefulness of all three,* 1.339 is thus fully and at large set forth by Gentian Heroet, who among others translated them in∣to Latine. Of how great utility (saith he) this ancient Father may be, doth from hence evidently appear: Are there some that are de∣lighted with the most ancient Histories? Let them read Clement, who retained them all so exactly, that none of these things which were done throughout the world, seem to have escaped his knowledge. Are there who reverence the Verses of the old Poets,

and certain divine answers of the Oracles? These must needs have Clement in very high esteem, who citeth the testimonies of very many Poets, whose works are at this day utter∣ly lost and perished. Are there, who would fain know and acquaint themselves with the ancient Rites and Ceremonies observed in or about the sacrifices of the Gods? Let such betake them unto Clement, who so unfolds all those abominable mysteries, that if any one among Christians do yet praise and ad∣mire those old Heathenish Ordinances and Customs (and would to God there were none that did so) he will forthwith (unless he be more stupid than a stone) upon the reading of Clement cast away every fond opi∣nion of those false Gods, and must needs be ashamed of the madness of those who afore∣time did worship them. Would any know the decrees or opinions of the old Philoso∣phers? Let them view Clement, who so de∣livers and describes the original of all Philo∣sophy, together with the several Sects, Suc∣cessions and Maxims of all Philosophers; that seeing a man so singularly learned hath pre∣ferred Christian Philosophy (or Religion) before all other; they will be forced (though unwilling) to confess that this is plainly di∣vine, and in very deed inspired and published from God. Have any a mind to understand what were the Doctrines of those Hereticks, who in its infancy and first rise disquieted the Church of God? They may hear them by Cle∣ment explicated and confuted. Are any wil∣ling to have evil and corrupt manners cor∣rected and amended? There is none that in∣veighs

against vice more sharply, none that better exhorts unto vertue, none that shews the way how men should order and lead their lives more exactly then Clement doth. An encomium large enough to invite the most curious Reader, seeing there is such choice fare, and variety of dishes for his enter∣tainment.

There is observable in these works of his fore-named, an admirable order and method, purposely intended by himself; which shews the mutual aspect and close connexion of the one unto the other;* 1.340 So that even herein he is mysterious, and Pythagorical. For,

1. In the first, he sets forth the vanity of Heathenish Idolatry;* 1.341 by arguments drawn from the original and matter of their gods, and the judgement of the more sound Eth∣nicks; who, though unwillingly, yet acknow∣ledged their errour: Also from the vanity of their Temples and Images: and in the end exhorteth unto the profession of Christi∣anity and Worship of the one only God,* 1.342 which may not unfitly be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or a purgation of such as would become Chri∣stians from Heathenish superstitions.

2. In the second, viz. his Paedagogus; he teacheth, that the Son of God is our School∣master,* 1.343 and what the manners of Christians ought to be. This is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the initiation or catechising of the new Con∣vert to Christianity, wherein he omits no part of a Christian life, which he doth not adorn with wonderful Wisdom and Learn∣ing.* 1.344

3. In the third,* 1.345 viz. his Stromes, there is great variety and plenty of matter, fetched both from the sacred Scriptures and prophane Authors; for the more perfect instruction of those who had been initiated; as setting strong meat before such as were of perfect or riper age, and had their senses exercised to discern both good and evil. And it may be called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sive 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ad sacra maxima, supremam dei notionem & aeternam contempla∣tionem admissio:* 1.346 an admission unto the high and hidden Mysteries of Christianity.

Concerning this last, take a hint of these two things:

1. That herein he tyeth not himself unto any exact method or order, but is somewhat confused and abstruse: for so he himself con∣fesseth, rendring the Reason why he did so, viz.* 1.347 he therefore dispersed the Doctrines that excite unto true knowledge here and there, that they might not easily be found out by any that are not initiated into these mysteries: therefore, saith he, neque ordinem neque dictio∣nem spectant libri Stromaton;* 1.348 the Books of Stromes respect neither order, nor words: So that here, it seems he was curious in neither. Again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 1.349 these Books being as a bo∣dy composed of variety of Learning, will ar∣tificially conceal the seeds of knowledge: Wherein things as they occasionally offered themselves and came into his mind, are scattered up and down, as a Meadow is vari∣ously deckt and adorned. And this seems to have been the manner of the Ancients: in so

doing (saith Peter Halliox) Clemens imitated Dyonisius Areopagita,* 1.350 viz. in that he volunta∣rily and on purpose wrote his Books some∣what obscurely, and would hide the seeds of knowledge, and sometimes makes use of new words: to the end that, (as in hunting) the truth being found with much pains, might be the more sweet and acceptable, as also that it might be the more remote and secure from the scorn and cavils of petulant men, who appre∣hend not holy things.* 1.351 Yea, (saith Origen) using such obscurity, he did herein as the Pro∣phets were wont to do. To which let me only add the account which he himself gives of his end in compiling these Books; his words are, as rendred in the Parisian Edition; Non est hoc opus Scriptura artificiosè comparata ad ostentationem,* 1.352 sed mihi ad senectutem recon∣duntur monimenta, oblivionis medicamentum verè image & adumbratio evidentium & anim••∣tarum illarum orationum, quas dignus hahitus sum qui audirem, & virorum beatorum qui∣que reverà erant maximi precii & aestimationis.

2. The eighth Book of Stromes is different from the rest.

1. In the bulk of it:* 1.353 being shorter then the fore-going; whence it appears not to be an entire book.

2. In the Inscription thereof: fo•• in some copies it hath this Title,* 1.354 saith Photius, Quis dives salveter: (of which before) and begins with these words, Qui laudatorias or a∣tiones: in other Copies it is thus inscribed, Stromat••n Octavus, as the other seven, and be∣gins with the same words, which the now extant eighth book doth; Sed neque anti∣quissimi Philosophi.

3. In the subject thereof, or matter con∣tained and handled in it: for the seven pre∣ceding books are altogether Theological, but this wholly Logical;* 1.355 nihil continet (inquit Scultetus) Theologicum, sed de syllogismis ar∣gumentisque logicis quasdam praeceptiunculas) wherein there are some things unsound, though not so many as in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or institutions:* 1.356 so far Photius. Heinsius sup∣poseth that this may be a fragment, taken out of his Institutions, to which some things contained in them that were not sound did stick: so that he conceives this book was long lost, and that now a part of the institu∣tions hath invaded the place thereof: Which haply may be the reason,* 1.357 wherefore Frecul∣phus reckons the books of Stromes to be but seven. This I thought good to intimate, and so to leave it unto the discreet Reader, to judge and make what use of it he can.

That small Commentary set forth by Bigne, which he calls adumbrationes or shadowings (Baronius gives them the name of breves notae,* 1.358 short notes) upon some of the Catholical E∣pistles, viz. The Epistle of Peter, the Epistle of Iude, and the first and second of Iohn (and the truth is, they give but little light into those Scriptures) though they bear the Title of this ancient Father, yet in all likely∣hood are they none of his;* 1.359 for neither Euse∣bius nor Ierom make any mention of them; only Cassiodorus affirms it, and that it is done in an Attick or Elegant stile; wherein many things are spoken subtily indeed, but not so warily as they should have been. Pro∣bable it is that these notes also were by some

one taken out of his Institutions. For these are said to contain in them an explanation of a great part of the sacred Scriptures, and par∣ticularly of the Catholical Epistles.

§ 4. For the stile that he useth 'tis elegant and full of gravity: both Ierom and Cyril commend in him his eloquence; and Trithe∣mius stiles him Eloquentissimus, a most eloquent Man: It's conceived that he was born in A∣thens, and consequently it is likely that there also he had his first Education, and the Lan∣guage of the place, which was of all other the best and finest.* 1.360 Athenis (inquit Tertulli∣anus) sapiendi dicendi{que} acutissimos nasci re∣latum est: In Athens are born the most acute men, for Wisdom and Speech: Athens being fa∣mous for Eloquence,* 1.361 as was Sparta for Arms. His Books of the School-master (saith Photius) are nothing like unto his Institutions or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:* 1.362 for besides that they have not in them any of those sottish and blasphemous opinions, which were to be found in the o∣ther; the very phrase is more florid and rhe∣torical, rising to a certain well temper'd gra∣vity mixed with sweetness. Such was the Attick Dialect:* 1.363 Atticorum aures teretes ad quas qui se accommodat is existimandus est At∣ticè dicere (inquit Rhodiginus.* 1.364) ut nil sentiatur insolens, nil ineptum; omnia ornata, gravia, copiosa: Whence grew that adage; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, pr••venustâ lepidâ{que} oratione.

§ 5. Those excellent Monuments of his own extant, may not unfitly be compared unto a pleasant Garden, richly furnished with

great variety of the choicest herbs and flow∣ers: wherein the judicious Reader may with much contentment recreate himself, and be thence abundantly stored both for his profit and delight. I shall gather and present you with a view for an invitation.

1. Concerning the Holy Scriptures he speaks very venerably, plainly asserting the Divine authority, perspicuity and perfection of them thus:

We make use (saith he) of the Scriptures for the finding out and judging of the truth of things:* 1.365 Now whatsoever is judged, is not believed before it be judged; wherefore nei∣ther is that a principle, that needs to be judged. If it be not enough to affirm what seems to be a truth, but that a proof of what is spoken be requisite, we expect not the Testimony of men, but we prove what is inquired after by the Voice of the Lord, which is more worthy to be believed than any demonstration, or rather is the only demonstration. Again, as in war, that order is not to be foresaken, which the Commander hath given to the Soldier: So neither is that order to be forsaken, that the word hath prescribed to us,* 1.366 which we have received as the Prince or Moderator both of knowledge and practice.

2. To believe in Christ,* 1.367 is to be made one with him and inseparably united to him: Not to believe is to doubt, and to be divided and at distance from him.

Faith is a voluntary anticipation (or afore∣hand taking hold of what is promised) a pious assent:* 1.368 the substance of things hoped for, and argument of things not seen. Others;

an uniting assent unto things not apparent;* 1.369 a demonstration, or manifest assent unto a thing not known.

3. The whole life of a godly man is,* 1.370 as it were, a certain holy and solemn festival day: his Sacrifices are Prayers and Praises, and the reading of the Scriptures before his repast; as also Psalms and Hymns while he is at meat: likewise before he goeth to rest, yea, and in the night to Prayers again. By these he unites and joyns himself unto the Quire of Heaven. But doth he know no other Sacrifices? Yes; namely, the largess of instruction, and relief of the poor.* 1.371

4. The Sacred Scriptures are they,* 1.372 which make men holy like unto God. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

5. This is to drink the Blood of Jesus,* 1.373 viz. to be made partaker of the incorruption of the Lord.

6. It's the greatest argument of Divine Pro∣vidence,* 1.374 that the Lord permits not sin and vice, which had its rise from mans volun∣tary defection, to remain unprofitable, nor yet altogether hurtful: for it is the office of the divine wisdom, vertue and power, not only to do good (for this is (to say it once for all) the nature of God, as it is of fire to burn, and of light to illuminate) but also, and that chiefly, to bring that unto some good and profitable end and issue, that hath been devi∣sed by wicked men, and to use those things profitably, which seem to be evil. Again, nothing comes to pass without the will of the Lord of all: It remains therefore that we briefly say,* 1.375 that things of this Nature, (viz.

persecutions, &c.) do come to pass, the Lord not letting or hindring them;* 1.376 for this only salves both the Divine Providence and Good∣ness: for we ought not to imagine that he doth effectually cause afflictions; far be it from us so to think; but we ought to per∣swade our selves, that he doth not hinder those who are the authors of them, but make use of the bold attempts of adversaries unto a good end.

7. God,* 1.377 who is good and gracious, cha∣stiseth for three causes. 1. That he who is chastised may become better than he was. 2. That such as may or shall be saved, being admonished by Examples, may be prepared. 3. That he who is injured, may not be con∣temned, and apt (or exposed) to more in∣jury.

8. Speaking of the several sorts of Offi∣cers in the Church,* 1.378 he makes mention only of those three commonly received, viz. Bi∣shops, Elders and Deacons.

9. Reprehension is,* 1.379 as it were, a kind of Chirurgery of the affections of the Soul: and admonition is,* 1.380 as it were, a kind of dyet for the sick soul:* 1.381 which counselleth and ad∣viseth unto those things that are to be taken; and forbids such as are to be for∣born.

10. He calls pleasure 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.382 the Metropolis, or principal seat of Vice.

11. As touching the Author of the Epi∣stle to the Hebrews (because I find it recorded by Eusebius,* 1.383 Nicephorus and others,* 1.384 I thought good not to omit it) he affirmeth it to be

Pauls undoubtly (whom he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: the divine Apostle) and therefore writ∣ten in the Hebrew Tongue,* 1.385 for the Hebrews sakes, but faithfully translated by Luke (who was the Disciple of Paul) and published un∣to the Gentiles or Greeks: and therefore we find in it the like phrase or manner of speech, as is used in the Acts of the Apostles. And that we have not the wonted superscription prefixed in this Epistle, viz. Paul an Apostle, &c. he gives this reason of it; For, saith he, writing unto the Hebrews, because of the ill opinion they had conceived of him, he very wisely concealed his name, left upon the sight thereof they should be dismayed, and refuse to read the Epistle: And also, (even as Ma∣carius the Elder said) for as much as the Lord himself was the Messenger of the Al∣mighty, and sent unto the Hebrews; Paul for modesties sake, or out of his humility be∣ing the Apostle of the Gentiles, wrote not himself the Apostle of the Hebrews, partly for the honour due to Christ, and partly also for that he being the Apostle of the Gen∣tiles, did freely and boldly write unto the Hebrews,

12. Of the Order of the Evangelists ac∣cording unto the tradition of the Elders,* 1.386 he thus writeth.

The Gospels which contain the Genealo∣gies are placed and accounted the first, (viz. Matthew and Luke) The Gospel according to Mark was written upon this occasion; when Peter preached openly at Rome, and published the Gospel by lively voice; many of his Auditors entreated Mark (having been

a hearer and follower of that Apostle a long time, and one that well remembred his words) to deliver unto them in writing such things as he had heard Peter Preach before; which thing, when Peter afterward under∣stood to be done, though he had not given command that it should be done; yet being done, he forbad it not. Iohn last of all see∣ing in the other Evangelists the Humanity of Christ set forth at large, being intreated by the Disciples, and filled with the holy Ghost, he wrote chiefly of his Divinity.

13. By the Gnostick in our Author (in whom this term is freequently used) we are to understand the compleat and perfect Chri∣stian;* 1.387 whom he so stiles in opposition unto those foul Hereticks and false Christians, who for the excellency of knowledge, which they vainly boasted of,* 1.388 proudly assumed and appropriated unto themselves this name and title of Gnosticks or knowing men; by which they are commonly known: Against these he opposeth the true Gnostick, for the in∣formation and description of whom, he wrote his Books of Stromes;* 1.389 as the inscri∣ption set down by Eusebius, and more at large by Photius, doth more than intimate: though especially and particularly he dis∣courseth upon this subject, in the sixth and seventh Books: wherein he treateth of the Affections, Science, Speech, Prayers, Love both to God and to the Truth, of the be∣nignity, Sacrifices, and Contemplation of the true Gnostick. In which description he is so exact, that he therein shews rather what a one a Christian should be, than

what any one is: there being no such exam∣ple to be found; such as was the pourtraict of a wise man by the Stoicks, and of a common∣wealth by Plato, whom herein our Author imitated.

14. He shews whence several Heresies have their several names.* 1.390 Some (saith he) take their names from the Authors of them; as from Valentinus, Marcion and Basilides; al∣though they boast that they bring the opinion of Mathias: for both the Doctrine and Tra∣dition of all the Apostles was one and the same: Some are named from the place; as the Peratici: Others from the Nation; as the Heresie of the Phrygians: Some from their profession; as the Encratitae, (because they abstained from Marriage, Wine, and the eating of Flesh) others from their proper opinions as the Docitae and Haematitae:* 1.391 Some from their hypotheses,* 1.392 and the things which they ho∣noured; as those which are called Cainists and Ophiani: Others from those things which they nefariously perpetrated and dared; as those of the Simoniani, who are called Enty∣chitae. Of which last Danaeus thus speaks: Canistae (qui ab amoribus turpissimis ita sunt ap∣pellati) fuerunt tetriores:* 1.393 quanquam Clement, strom. lib. 7. putat fuisse Eutychitas; sed erro∣rem subesse in condicibus impressis, nemo qui a∣liorum de eisdem rebus scripta legerit, dubi∣tabit.

15. In the first Book of Stromes, under∣taking to demonstrate the antiquity of the Christian Religion; and that it was before the Philosophy of the Heathen; he proves that Moses (who flourished in the time of Inachus

the King of the Argives) was more ancient than any of the Greek Poets, Philosophers, or Wise men, yea, most of their gods: to which end he sets down and reckons the times of the Kingdoms of the Jews, Persians, Ma∣cedonians and Romans: and so presents us with an exact and accurate Chronology from the time of Moses, unto the death of Em∣perour Commodus; in whose Successors reigns, viz.* 1.394 Severus, (for Pertinax, who came between them, held the Empire but a few Months) he wrote these Books as Eusebius concludes: for thus he: Clemens writing his Books of Stromes, comprised in the first Volume a Chronicle, containing the times unto the death of Commodus; so that it is evident, (saith he) that he finished his Books under Severus.

16. He thus descants upon those words of Christ:* 1.395 Matth. 10. 23. When they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another: he doth not here perswade to fly, as if to suffer per∣secution were evil; nor doth he command us, fearing death to decline it by flight; but he wills us, that we be to none the authors or abettors of evil; he requires us to use cau∣tion: but he that obeys not, is audacious and rash, unadvisedly casting himself into manifest perils. Now if he that kills a man of God, doth sin against God; he also is guilty of that Murther, who offers himself to Judgement. And such a one shall he be ac∣counted, that avoids not persecution, pre∣sumptuously offering himself to be taken. He it is, that as much as in him lyeth, helps forward the impiety of him that persecutes.

Much like to this is that of Athanasius, Numb. 11. vid.

17. Behold,* 1.396 O man (saith he) for how small a matter the Lord doth give thee Land to till, Water to drink, another Water where∣by to send forth, or export, and to return or import thy Commodities, Air wherein to breath, a House to cover thee from the injury of the weather, Fire wherewith to warm thee, and whereat to imploy thee, a World wherein to dwell: all these things so great, so many, thy Lord hath, as it were, rented out unto thee, at a very easie rate; a lit∣tle Faith, a little Thanks, so it be true, so they be hearty: And most unkind thou, if thou denyest him that rent; the earth is the Lords, and the fulness thereof: if then thou dost not acknowledge thy Lord being compassed round with his blessings; he will then say unto thee; Get thee out of my Land, and from out of my House; touch not my Water, partake not of my Fruits. If I have rented these out unto thee for so small a matter, a little thanks, and thou dost deny me that little; thou hast, in so doing, for∣feited the whole, and I will require the for∣feiture at thy hands.

§ 6. These and many such like excellent passages do his Writings abound with; but yet there are intermixed and scattered up and down,* 1.397 such things as are neither sound, nor sav••••ry, which are therefore carefully to be heeded and avoided. In so much as for this cause Pope Gelas••us did providently require, (saith Baro••ius) that the works of this

Clement should be branded with the note of Apocryphal:* 1.398 wherein notwithstanding he may justly be accounted more wary than wise; for were this ground sufficient to reject the labours of the ancients, because among much good grain there is some chaff to be found, none of them would be remaining, or of any credit at this day. Let us rather sever the Gold from the Dross, than dam up the Mine, and let what's bad be suffer'd to continue for the sake of what is good and useful in them, rather than what's good be rejected for the bads sake. Nevertheless, it may not be amiss to give notice of what will not endure the test and trial; lest through in∣advertency, and because of the antiquity and authority of the Author, that should be e∣steemed and taken up for sound and current, which upon examination will prove adulterate and unpassable. Of which sort are these that follow.

10. It is a ridiculous thing (saith be) to imagine,* 1.399 that the Body of our Saviour, as a body, did stand in need of necessary aids and Ministries that it might continue: for he did eat not for his bodies sake, which was upheld by an holy Power; but lest it might occasi∣on those with whom he conversed to think otherwise of him; as indeed afterward some were of opinion, that he appeared only in a Vision and Phantasm: For, to say it once for all, he was void of passion, being one whom no motion of affection could take hold of, neither pleasure nor grief. A strange and gross conceit▪ and directly contrary to clear Texts of Scripture.

2. That Christ ought to preach but one year only,* 1.400 he fondly gathered from, Luke 4. 19. he hath sent me, To preach the accep∣table year of the Lord: and supposeth that he suffer'd in the thirtieth year of his age. Both which,* 1.401 as his errours, Casaubo•• maketh men∣tion of; and how manifestly repugnant they both are to the History of the Evan∣gelists, is obvious to every observing eye.

3. He is of the mind, that Jesus Christ descended into Hell for this cause, that he might preach the Gospel unto the dead,* 1.402 and that these are the bodies spoken of, Matth. 27. 53. 53. that arose at the time of Christ's pas∣sion, that they might be translated unto •• better place. Yea, that the Apostles, as well as the Lord himself,* 1.403 did preach the Gospel unto those that were dead. Chemnitius thus reports it:* 1.404 Clemens Alexandrinus (inquit) multa citat ex apocryphis, quibus peregri••s dogmata stabilire conatur: Vt ex libro Pastoris Hermae probat Apostolos post mortem praedicasse illis qui anteà in infidelitate mortui fuer••nt, & illos conversos vivificasse. He thought that no man was saved before the coming of Christ, but that those who lived piously and righte∣ously by the Law, or by philosophy were ac∣counted righteous,* 1.405 yet wanted Faith: where∣fore in Hell they expected the coming of Christ, and the Apostles, and that by their preaching they were converted to the Faith, and so saved.

4. He frequently asserteth the freedom of man's will in spirituals.* 1.406 e.g. Yours is the Kingdom of Heaven, if directing or turning your free-will unto God, you will believe

only, and follow that short way that is preached unto.* 1.407 Again, neither praises nor dis∣praises, neither honours or rewards, nor pu∣nishments are just, if the soul have not free power to desire, and to abstain. Also, because it is in our power to obey or not to obey;* 1.408 that none may pretend ignorance, the divine word gives a just call unto all;* 1.409 and requires what every one is enabled to perform. Lastly, defection, going back, and disobedience are in our power as is also obedience.* 1.410 And in this particular he erred not alone, the two im∣mediately preceding, and divers other of the Ancients being of the same judgement; the ground whereof may be conceived to be this, because many of them had been in their first years brought up in the study of Philosophy,* 1.411 and of Philosophers being converted, became Christians; this made them attribute so much, even too much unto Philosophy, which proved the occasion of many errours in them:* 1.412 Hence it is that Tertullian calls Philo∣sophers Patriarchas haereticorum: and Rhe∣n••nus having shewn of how great advantage the Philosophy of Platonicks was unto Valen∣tinus (who had been of that Sect) in the hatching of his wild and sottish Heresies;* 1.413 breaks out into these words; See (saith he) how great mischief Philosophy hath always done unto Christianity, well therefore might the Apostle so caution the Colossians; Beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit.* 1.414 Ierom also exercising some er∣rours of his,* 1.415 wherein he had followed Origen, thus pleads for himself; Fae me, inquit, er∣rasse in adolescentiâ & philosophorum, i.e. gen∣tilium

studiis eruditum,* 1.416 in principio fidei d••••∣mata ignorasse Christiana, & hoc putasse in Apostolis, quod in Pythagorâ & Platone, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Empedocle legeram. Cur parvuli in Christo, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lactentis errorem sequimini? Cur ab eo impu∣tatem discitis, qui necdum pietatem noverat•• Secunda post naufragium tabula est, culp•••• simpliciter confiteri. Imitati estis errantem, imitamini & correctum. Erravimus juven••••, emendemur senes, &c. Now among other things Philosophy doth beyond measure ad∣vance the power of mans will and natur•• abilities:* 1.417 and this opinion drew on withi•• the extenuation of Original sin, and the de∣pravation of the Doctrine of the Merit of Christ; into both which this Father among the rest was but meanly insighted. And this may be the reason why the Reverend Cal•••• stiles that Doctrine of Free-will,* 1.418 Heatheni•• Philosophy: Procul sit (inquit) à Christi•••• pectore illa de arbitrii libertate Gentilis Phil••∣sophia.

5. He affirms, that because the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hath Free-will,* 1.419 he may repent: which say∣ing of his seems to have been the occasion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that errour in Origen his Scholar, that the Devils might be saved;* 1.420 as both the Cent••∣rists, and also Gentian Heroet conceive; who in his Education hath this Note in the M••••∣gin upon these words of Clement; hinc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Origenis.

7. He also phansied,* 1.421 that some of the A••∣gels were incontinent, and being overcome with lust, they descended and disclose••

many secrets unto those woman with whom they fell in love, and whatsoever things came to their knowledge, which the other Angels conceal'd, and reserved unto the com∣ing of the Lord.

Besides these there are some other things wherein he is judged to be both unsound and uncertain; sometimes affirming one thing, sometimes another; as concerning the Baptism of Hereticks, which he seems alto∣gether to condemn: Also, that second Mar∣riages have imperfection in them, and are not without sin, yea, are little better than fornication; contrary to that express Text. 1 Timoth. 5. 14. I will that the younger wo∣men (viz.* 1.422 Widows, verse 11.) marry. Like∣wise, concerning good works, perfection and repentance, he seems sometimes to contradict himself, and vents very dange∣rous opinions: adeò in multis articulis lu∣bricus est, ac saepenumerò sibi contradicit, ut quid constanti sententiâ affirmet, vix interdum agnoseas.

§ 7. How long this Father lived, as also when, where and how he ended his days is very uncertain: Histories being silent herein: only probable it is that he attained unto many years, and continued long after the death of his Master Pantaenus: For it seems that he compiled his Book,* 1.423 both of Stromes and In∣formations or Institutions (if not all the rest) after that time, seeing he mentions him as dead, and some good while before: as al∣so that he had through length of time for∣gotten

many of those things, which he ha•• heard from him. He flourished (saith I••∣rom) under the Emperour Severus and Au∣toninus Caracalla: and (as some report) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ended his Pilgrimage by a natural death 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Alexandria,* 1.424 where he had long taught; dying▪ In a good old age, and full of days, em••∣annum 195.

Tertullianus.

HE stiles himself in the Titles prefixed to his Books by the name of Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus;* 1.425 per∣haps to distinguish himself from some others, whose names did in part agree with his own. For his Country, he was an African, and had for the place of his Birth there the famous City of Carthage, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as it's called by Strabo) Rome's Cor∣rival,* 1.426 de terrarum orbe aemula (saith Pliny) that contended with it for the Empire of the world. And 'tis observed as memorable, that in his time two of his Countrymen held the places of highest Dignity both Civil and Ec∣clesiastical,* 1.427 viz. Septimius Severus and Victor, both Africans, the one being Emperour, and the other Bishop of Rome.

His Father was a Centurion,* 1.428 one of emi∣nent Rank, as bearing the office of a Procon∣sul, who took care to have his Son from his tender years to be well educated, and trained up in the Schools;* 1.429 where, having a pregnant wit and excellent parts, he proved a notable proficient, and soon attained unto such a mea∣sure of knowledge in Philosophy and all kind of Learning, that he was by all esteemed for one of the most exquisite and best accom∣plished Scholars of his time.

He for some years professed and taught the art of Rhetorick in Carthage with approba∣tion and applause;* 1.430 from which, after a while he proceeded to the practice of the Law (to the study whereof he had formerly applied himself, and became well skilled therein, as Eusebius testifieth, stiling him a man well ex∣perienced in the Roman Laws) accuratâ le∣gum (inquit Nicephorus) & actorum Rom••∣norum peritiâ clarus) performing the office of an Advocate,* 1.431 in pleading the causes of such Clients as entertained him,* 1.432 with much dexte∣rity. But he is designed unto a more high and honourable employment, viz. to plead the cause of God, and to publish the glorious mysteries of the Gospel: in order whereunto the divine goodness finds out a way for the translating of him from the School of the world into the Shool of Christ, by his con∣version from Gentilism to Christianity.

As touching the time and manner thereof, though nothing be lef•• upon Record, either by himself, or others directly pointing it out, and acquainting us therewith; yet are then some things to be found from whence it may be probably conjectured, that it fell out while he was yet but young, and in the prime of his years. For

1. He wrote a Treatise of the troubles at∣tending Marriage, cum adhuc esset adoleseens, when (saith Ierom) he was but a young man: yet Baronius conceives it most likely to have been done by him after his conversion;* 1.433 for (saith he) I cannot think that Ierom would have directed Eustochium (whom he wished to read that Book of his) unto the writing••

of an Heathen for her instruction in that par∣ticular.

2. Ierom and others report concerning him,* 1.434 that he continued an orthodox Presbyter in the Church, usque ad statam mediamque aeta∣tatem, unto his middle age; and afterwards fell away unto the Heresie of the Montanists: but now evident it is, that he wrote the most of his Books before that time, to the doing whereof, and furnishing for such a work, a great deal of time must needs be requisite. In the judgment of Pamelius,* 1.435 and according to his computation, he became a Christian in the third year of the Reign of Severus, in which also he is of opinion, that he wrote his Book de P••llio, or of the Cloak; and so con∣tinued year after year to put forth some or o∣ther of his Labours unto the time of his de∣fection, which fell out in the eighteenth year of that Emperour's Reign: so that he remain∣ed in the Church after his conversion about fifteen years before he arrived unto his mid∣dle age, and therefore could be of no great age when first he gave up his name to Christ.

That which gave the occasion of his relin∣quishing the Heathenish,* 1.436 and embracing the Christian Religion, some conceive (taking a hint hereof from a passage of his own) to have been this,* 1.437 viz. that the Devils being sometimes adjured, did, though unwillingly, confess that they were the Gods of the Gen∣tiles. This put him upon the search and study of the Scriptures, whose great antiquity (as transcending all other writings in this regard) asserted their authority, and the truth of the predictions contained in them (testified by

answerable events) was a sufficient argu∣ment of their Divinity: which two, duly considered, could not but prove strong in∣ducements to perswade him, that the Do∣ctrine and Religion therein taught and dis∣coursed, must needs be the truest, and above any other most worthiest to be believed and embraced: To which he added, as no small help hereunto, the diligent perusal of those writings of his Predecessors, wherein they had testified against the Gentiles their profane practices and abominable Idola∣tries.

Having after his conversion spent some time in Carthage (where he was promoted unto the degree and office of a Presbyter) he afterward came to Rome,* 1.438 in which City he was had in great estimation,* 1.439 being famous a∣mong those learned men who flourished there at that time. Upon what occasion he came to Rome, and how long he made his abode there is uncertain:* 1.440 Pamelius conceives th•••• his Book de coronâ militis was there writte•• in the sixteenth year of Severus, in the eigh∣teenth year of whose Reign he made his de∣fection from the Church, upon which he was excommunicated, and consequently in al•• likelyhood then left that place, returning a∣gain unto Carthage. But how long or short soever his continuance was there, it prove•• too long for him, in regard of the mischi•••• that there betided him; for in this place 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was, that he split and dashed himself upon the Rock of Montanism, either through 〈◊〉〈◊〉 overlargeness of the Sails of self-conceit, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the impetuous gusts of his own passions.

Ierom and divers other Historians do agree in this,* 1.441 that his defection took beginning from the envy conceived against, and contumelies cast upon him by the Romish Clergy; moved hereunto, either by his Learning and Virtue (wherein haply he might go beyond and out∣shine them,* 1.442 and so seem to detract from their worth, and eclipse their Glory) or for that being extremely studious of continence and chastity,* 1.443 they thought him to lean toward, and too much favour (though closely) the Heresie of Montanus: or lastly, because in some of his Books he had too sharply repre∣hended the vices which he had observed a∣mong them: hereupon, being a man of a cholerick and violent spirit, impatient and un∣able to brook and bear such injuries (Cum in∣genio & calamo omnia vinceret,* 1.444 impatientiam vincere non potuit, inquit Scultet. Miserri∣mus ego (inquit Tertullianus ipse) semper aeger caloribus impatientiae,* 1.445 patientiae sanitatem suspi∣cem necesse est) he openly joyned himself unto that Sect, which being once faln to, he as zealously laboured to defend and plead for, as he had formerly opposed it; proving as vehe∣ment an adversary of the Orthodox, as he had been of the Hereticks. Some con∣ceive the occasion of his fall might be,* 1.446 be∣cause that after the death of Agrippinus he suffered a repulse, and was put by the Bisho∣prick of Carthage:* 1.447 (Sic Valentinus, cum cu∣jusdam Ecclesiae Episcopatum ambiret, & ipsius non fuisset habita ratio, offensus hac re, veteris cujusdom opinionis praestigias adversus orthodoxos docere caepit, hoc videlicet pacto sui contemptum ulturus) whereunto may be added as a step to

his fall, that he was a man of an easie belief, and of no great judgement,* 1.448 (saith Rivet) in∣somuch as he was apt to give credit unto the feigned Relations of every silly woman, and to prefer them before the most certain and Ca∣tholick Doctrines.

These things thus making way for it, the work became the more facile and easie;* 1.449 whereof one Proclus was the unhappy instru∣ment, reputed a most eloquent man and one of the more moderate followers of Montanus: with this Man being then at Rome Tertullian grew familiar, having him in admiration for his eloquence and Virgin old age: ut, Proculus (inquit) nostrae Virginis senectae & Christians eloquentiae dignitas: loqui autem eum de P••∣culo seu Proclo Montanistâ apparet,* 1.450 inquit P••∣melius, de quo suprà auctor lib. de praescri••••. advers. haeretic. Proclus making his advan∣tage hereof,* 1.451 soon deceived him, telling him that the Doctrine which he professed, he had received not from Man, but from the Paracle•• that descended first upon Montanus:* 1.452 he highly commended chastity, injoyned fasting to be observed in the strictest manner, as by the in∣stinct of the spirit, multiplyed watchings and prayers, and so much extolled martyrdom that he held it unlawful to fly, or use a•• means for the preservation of life. What 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thus confidently taught and delivered, was ••••greedily taken in by Tertullian, in so much •• he quickly became giddy, yea even drunk•• with his Fanatical opinions; which as he en∣tertained with facility, so did he retain the•••• with pertinacy: in whom we find this veri∣fied; that eminent gifts may occasion a 〈◊〉〈◊〉

fall, but cannot keep him from falling: it being Grace alone that makes the soul steddy, and secures it against all the impetuous blasts of temptation.

Great par••s expose men to hazard.

1. Through pride, which is too often the companion of them, and begotten by them: hence they soar aloft, prying into things secret, not content to walk in the common and safe road: they would (as he, Acts 8. 9.) be some body more than ordinary; and so transcending the limits of sobriety, they do 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: upon which precipice being once gotten, they soon fall into the snare of the Devil.

2. Through envy, which for the most part follows them, as the shadow the substance: this blasting their reputation, and being as a dead fly in the pot of their precious ointment; they betake them unto factions: chusing rather to side with the erroneus in esteem, then with the orthodox in disgrace.

3. Through ambition, they would fain be as eminent in place as in parts: accounting themselves injured when others are preferred before them: hence it comes to pass, that sometime in way of discontent and by way of revenge, they have deserted, yea set themselves against the truth, because they would make opposition against those that have stood in their way, and crost them in their ex∣pectations.

By this means he lost both his repute, and also his place in the Church, which excom∣municated and owned him no longer. Hence also it came to pass,* 1.453 that having erred so fouly, his writings were of little authority

and lost much of their esteem: being prohibi∣ted to be read by Gelasius:* 1.454 and because absurd opinions were in them,* 1.455 mingled with other things, they were by the orthodox condemned and reckoned in the number of Apocryphal books.* 1.456 He was (saith Bellarmine) an arch Heretick, and in matters dogmatical of very small account: Ierom therefore being by Helvidius prest with the authority of Tertuli∣an:* 1.457 in his heat thus ••oundly replies; I say no more of him but that he was no man of the Church. Nevertheless, that especially for which he was adjudged and proceeded against as an Heretick, was this, that betaking him to the Cataphrygians or Montanists,* 1.458 (whom before he had opposed) he began to condemn second marriages (contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostle, 1 Tim. 5. 14.) as no better then fornication:* 1.459 which opinion he was the rather moved to embrace, (saith Rhe∣nanus) because he thought that the last day (which elegantly he calls diem expeditionis lib. 1. ad uxorem.) was near at hand,* 1.460 as also did Ierom and other of the Ancients ground∣ing upon that of the Apostle, 1 Cor. 7. 29. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time is short,* 1.461 it remaineth that they that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wives, be as though they had none. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hereto he added (which compleated his fault) that being divided from the Cataphrygians,* 1.462 he •• length gathered conventicles of his own, and became the Authour of that s••ct, which from

him are called and known by the name of Tertullianists.* 1.463

Doubtless the fall of this worthy Man struck a very great fear with admiration into the hearts of the faithful,* 1.464 when they saw one so eminent, and learned, such a lover of truth, and in every regard so accomplished, to miscarry.

In this sad condition did he remain unto the end of his life, for ought that appears in History to the contrary: which mentions his fall, but not his rise and recovery: herein greatly to be pittied, that having with so much zeal and strength maintained the Do∣ctrine of Christianity against the adversaries thereof, he should at length unworthily de∣sert the truth, and become a champion of the grossest errours.* 1.465 It is iniquity, and maketh a Man a transgressor, to build again the things which he had destroyed,* 1.466 and a point of greatest folly to begin in the spirit,* 1.467 but to end in the flesh; let him that thinketh he standeth, take heed lest he fall.

Yet I shall not omit to give you the judge∣ment and charitable thoughts of the learned Daille concerning him;* 1.468 We are to take no∣tice (saith he) that his Montanism put no separation at all betwixt him and other Chri∣stians, save only in point of Discipline, which he, according to the severity of his nature, would have to be most harsh and rigorous:* 1.469 for as for his Doctrine, it is very evident, that

he constantly kept to the very same rule, and the same Faith that the Catholicks did. And this is evident enough, out of all those books which were written by him, during the time of his being a Montanist: wherein he never disputeth or contendeth about any thing, save only about Discipline.

§ 2. He is a very ancient Authour, nea•• neighbour unto the Apostles times,* 1.470 the very first among all the Latin Fathers, and Eccle∣siastical Writers, whose works are come to our hands, then whom the Christian World scarce hath an Elder: who preceeded all the Councils, (those in the Acts only excepted) and the first that strenuously asserted and vin∣dicated the Doctrines of the Gospel against all the cunning cavils and bold attempts of prophane Hereticks.* 1.471

He was a Man of a sharp wit, and vehe∣ment spirit,* 1.472 very bold and undaunted, which he notably discovered in his plea and Apolo∣gy for the Christians, wherein he budgeth not a jot from that constancy that became him,* 1.473 not caring and little curious to curry favour, as knowing well he had a just and honest cause in hand. Vehementi ardore magnoque affectu pro orthodoxâ religione scribit,* 1.474 disputa••, pugnat, ut liqueat, eum nihil fingere, verae pie∣tatis atque Martyrii amantibus semper gratissi∣mus.* 1.475 So accomplisht was he and exactly skilful in all kind of Learning,* 1.476 as no Man more in the judgement of Ierom; in so much as he accounted that what himself had, was but very little in comparison:* 1.477 also I pray (saith he to Fabiola) ne meam 〈…〉〈…〉

comparetis: compare not my drop to his stream:* 1.478 vir undecunque doctissimus: being ex∣cellently insighted into Philosophy,* 1.479 a most accurate disputant, throughly exercised in the Art of Rhetorick, and most compleatly fur∣nished with the knowledge of all Antiquity. He had diligently perused all sorts of Authors (a large Catalogue whereof is set down by Pamelius) Grammarians,* 1.480 Poets, Historians, Phi∣losophers, Mathematicians, Orators, Civilians, &c. from whence this industrious and busie Bee, as from so many flowers, gathered that honey wherewith his Hive was so replenished. He was no less acquainted with the Greek, then with the Latin Tongue, as appears from his being conversant in Authors as well Greek as Latin (the most of Ecclesiasticks that had gone before him, having written in Greek.) Shortly,* 1.481 in the judgement of Erasmus, he was inter Latinos Theologus multò omnium doctis∣simus.

After his conversion he bent his studies to Divinity, and spent night and day in reading not only Ecclesiastical Writers, but chiefly the sacred Scriptures,* 1.482 wherein his books shew him to be more than ordinarily versed: in citing whereof he follows the Interpretation of the Septuagint in the old Testament, and the Greek Text in the new: in translating whereof in a peculiar manner and different from all others, it's very manifest that he was no mean Grecian but familiarly acquainted with that Tongue. He had a notably faculty in teaching, and could do much that way wherein as also in writing,* 1.483 he excelled both in fulness and gravity: yet would he sometimes

have such sprinklings of the salt of his wit among;* 1.484 as that he would move laughter in his Auditors with his merry conceits: whom herein Ierom too often imitates.

He was as eminent and as exemplary in his life as other ways, non loquitur solùm mag∣na,* 1.485 verùm etiam indubiè vixit, not only speaking great things, but without doubt acting and li∣ving accordingly: as Minutius Felix his con∣temporary; in his Octavio: speaks of the Christians of that time,* 1.486 non eloquimur magn••, sed vivimus. Of a comely behaviour, innocent and harmless, ubique, mirum, magnumque animi Zelum in Deum spirat: full of zeal to∣ward God and of great austerity, insomuch as his over-valuing of continence, watchings, fastings,* 1.487 &c. gave Proclus his Seducer no small advantage, and became one of those baits whereby he was at length insnared. These things had made his name and memory sweet and precious amongst Men unto this day, had not the dead fly corrupted and marr'd the sa∣vour of the fragrant oyntment.

Let Vincentius Lyrniensis be heard, (an anci∣ent Father too) and if any thing be wanting above,* 1.488 he will supply it, and make his enco∣mium full. He is (saith he) accounted the chief among the Latins, for who more learn∣ed then this Man? who more exercised in things both divine and humane? In the won∣derful vastness and capacity of his mind, he comprehended all Philosophy, and all the sects of Philosophers, the authors and assertors of those sects, together with all their Discipline: all variety of History, yea of all kinds of stu∣dy. Was not his Wit so weighty and vehe∣ment,

that he propounded almost nothing to himself, to be overcome and master'd by him, which he either brake not through with the sharpness, or else dash•• in pieces with the pon∣derousness of it? Moreover, who can set forth the praises of his speech, which is so in∣vironed with I know not what strength of reason, that whom he could not perswade, he doth even force to yeild to his consent: in whom there are as many sentences as words, and as many victories as reasons: as Marcion, Apelles, Praxeas, Herm••genes, the Jews, the Gentiles, Gnosticks and others knew full well, whose blasphemies he overthrew, with the many and mighty mounts and batteries of his Volumes, as it were with certain thunder∣bolts. And yet even this man, by much more eloquent than happy, not holding the ancient Faith, even he also became in Ecclesiâ magna tentatio, a great temptation in the Churc•• of God.

§ 3. As he was a Man of great abilities, s•• was he of no less industry: as appears by those lasting monuments of his learned and elaborate Volumes; Acutus Scriptor & gravis (inquit Danaeus) & qui totum hominem deside∣ret, imò etiam saepè ingenii communem captum superet,* 1.489 who was had in great estimation, e∣specially by holy Cyprian; so that he suffered no day to pass, without the diligent reading and perusal of some part of him: testifying the extraordinary respect which he bare to∣ward him by the words he was wont to use,* 1.490 when he called for him, saying, Da Magistrum, reach hither my Master: whom also in many

things he imitated, borrowing even his words and expressions from him,* 1.491 and transcribing many passages out of him, which he inserted into his own books: many other also of the Ancients that followed him made use of him, viz. Ierom, Ambrose, Fortunatus, Basil, Isidore, &c, which plainly shews that they had him in great veneration. As the anci∣ent Ethnicks honoured Homer the Prince of Poets,* 1.492 and particularly Arcesilaus the Acade∣mick, who was so delighted with, and studi∣ous of him, that he would always read some∣what of him before he went to sleep, as also in the morning when he arose, saying that he went, ad Amasium, to his beloved.

Of his works some are wanting,* 1.493 but the most remaining unto this day. Of the first sort are.

1. His Treatise of the troubles attending marriage, unto a Philosopher his friend: which he wrote when he was but young, (••um adhuc esset adolescens lusit in hac materiâ) be∣fore, as Pamelius thinks, but in the judgement of Baronius, after his conversion.

2. His book of the Garments of Aaron, which Ierom mentions in his Epistle to Fabiola.* 1.494

3. Of the hope of the faithful: wherein he declares himself to be a Millenary:* 1.495 himself mentions it, advers. Marcionem, lib. 3.

4. Of Paradise, which he thus speaks of himself,* 1.496 habes etiam de Paradiso a nobis li∣bellum, quo constituimus omnem animum apud inferos sequestrari in die Domini.* 1.497

5. Against Apelles; who (with Lucian the Heretick) having been the Disciple of

Marcion; and falling upon errours of his own, differing from his Master, became the author of a Sect, that from him have the name of Apelletiani, (as Tertullian stiles them) or A∣pelleiani (as Epiphanius) or Apellitae (as Au∣gustine) or Apelliaci (as Rhenanus) alluding unto them,* 1.498 as the denyers of the Flesh of Christ (which was their errour) Quasi sine pelle, sive cute, hoc est, carne; ut Horatius Iu∣daeum vocat Apellam,* 1.499 quòd sine pelle sit, nempe quòd praeputium non habeat. Against these He∣reticks did Tertullian write this Book, in∣scribed adversus Apelletianos.

6. Six Books 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Of Rapture; which (saith Pamelius) seem rather to have been written in Greek than Latine;* 1.500 and a seventh, which he wrote particularly against Appollonius; (who with Victor are the only two Latin Fathers that preceded Tertullian, who hath the third place among them in Ieroms Catalogue) wherein he endeavours to defend whatever the other reproved him for. These were written after his defection against the Church, containing in them divers of his wild, Montanistical conceits; which therefore may well be wanting without any detriment, the bad by much over-weighing the good that was in them; they might hap∣ly be suppress'd by some, who wished well unto the peace of the Church;* 1.501 and surely the loss of them would have proved a gain, had the errours contained in them, been with them buried in everlasting oblivion. It's a mistake of Platina to say,* 1.502 that he wrote six Books of Ecstacy against Apollonius; whereas 'twas only a seventh: So it is also of Honorius

Augustodunensis,* 1.503 who reckons but five of Ecstasie, and six against Apollonius: and of Trithemius, who records but one of each, which he saith he had seen;* 1.504 so that they seem to have been extant, even unto his time.

7. A Book against Marcion,* 1.505 as he himself intimates; written by him in his yonger years, somewhat overhastily: as Ierom speaks of an Allegorical exposition of the Prophet Obadiab composed by himself in his youth; liberè pro∣fiteor illud fuisse puerilis ingenii;* 1.506 in libris quo{que} contra Marcionem Septimius Tertullianus hoc idem passus est.

8. Of the submission of the Soul.* 1.507

9. Of the superstition of that age, these two, saith Gothfredus, among the rest were in the Index of the Books of Tertullian, which was prefix'd unto that Ancient Manuscript, out of which he took those two Books of his ad Nationes which he published.

10. That the Soul is corporeal,* 1.508 volumen hoc suppressum putamus, inquit Rhenanus. To which added.

11. De Fato.

12. De Nuptiarum angustiis ad Amicum philosophum.

13. De mundis & immundis animali∣bus.

14. De circumcisione.

15. De Trinitate.

16. De censu animae adversus Hermoge∣nem: which Pamelius hath in his Catalogue also.

17. Trithemius sets down in his Ca∣talogue a Book of his Contra omnes Hae∣reses;

which begins with Divorum Haeretico∣rum.

18. The Book of English Homilies, tom. 2. part. 2. against the peril of idolatry, mentions his Book, Contra coronandi morem; which I find no where else spoken off: unless it be the same with his Book, De coronâ Mi∣litis.

19. Bishop Andrews in his Speech against Mr. Traske, mentions a Book of Tertullian's De Sabbato Iudaico, which (saith he) we have lost.

His Works that are extant follow here in their order, as Rhenanus, and others have set them down.

1. Of Patience,* 1.509 wherein he ingeniously describes that grace, presenting us with a live∣ly draught of it, pressing with divers nota∣ble arguments to it, and proving that neither losses in Estate,* 1.510 nor provocations, reproaches, nor the death of friends, the desire of re∣venge, nor divine castigations are just causes of impatience.

2. Of the Flesh of Christ;* 1.511 that it was true and real Humane Flesh which he took: against Marcion, affirming him to be clothed only with imaginary flesh, and not born, also against Apelles, who granted him to have a solid body, but withal held that he took it not of the Virgin Mary, but borrowed it of the Stars and Coelestial Substances,* 1.512 which he restored again, when he ascended.

3. Of the Resurrection of the Flesh:* 1.513 Li∣ber verè aure us; a truly golden Book, saith Gu••lther: wherein he proves it, luculentis∣mis

& firmissimis argumentis, most clearly and strongly:* 1.514 1. Because the dignity of the flesh is such, that it ought to be raised. 2. The Power of God is such, that it may be raised. 3. The Justice of God requires that it should be raised up. 4. The Testimonies of Scripture are clear, that it shall be raised.

4. Of Prescriptions against Hereticks: an expression borowed from the Civil Law:* 1.515 used by Civilians, pro exceptione perpetuâ: Pr••e∣scriptio (inquit Altenstaig) est jus ex tempore capiens firmitatem. In what sense it is here to be understood, take Scultetus his words. Cum (inquit) vindicanti rem suam domino pos∣sessio longi temporis objicitur,* 1.516 praescribi ei dicitur; ea{que}* 1.517 praescriptio longi temporis praecisâ locuti•••• pro Praescriptio ex longi temporis possessione appel∣latur. Sic Praescriptionem haereticorum & Ec∣clesiae vocat Tertullianus illud omne, quod j••ri•• cujusdam specie, haeretici Ecclesiae, & contrà hae∣reticis Orthodoxi opponebant. A most excel∣lent, eloquent and convincing Commentary; a choice and truly golden piece (saith Zanchy) wherein being willing to put a stop,* 1.518 if possi∣ble, to that spreading gangrene, he delivers unto the Faithful certain Rules, by which they might be enabled to discern, who are Hereticks; and the better know how to deal with them.

5. Against the Jews: wherein he con∣vinceth them of their errours,* 1.519 in denying the Gentiles admittance unto the Gospel (as 1 Thess. 2. 16.) in ascribing too much unto the Law of Moses, and urging the Ceremo∣nies as necessary unto Salvation, which he proves to be temporary and mutable; and that

they were accordingly changed by the com∣ing of Christ, as was fore-prophesied; whom they deny to come; therefore doth he from the Scriptures largely discourse of, and prove the Nativity, Kingdom and Passion of Christ; as also the calling of the Gentiles, rejection of the Jews, destruction of Ierusalem, and the second coming of Christ.

6. Five Books against Marcion; of whom Eusebius reports,* 1.520 that meeting Polycarp, and asking him; Dost thou know us? Polycarp, replyed, I know thee to be first born of Sa∣than: Among other his wicked errours, this was one: That there were two Gods: one who was the Father of Christ, whom he called good, clement and merciful: the other the Creator of the World, whom he called not only just, (as Cerdon his Master had done from whom he sprung) but also cruel and e∣vil; for which cause he is justly branded by Clement of Alexandria with this Note,* 1.521 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; an ungrateful wretch towards his Creator, the God of Nature. This our Author strongly confutes, pro∣ving the the Creator of the World to be the only true God, and the Father of Christ.

7. Against Hermogenes;* 1.522 who was an Afri∣can, our Authors Country-man; and by Profession a Painter. The Errour he held, (which here Tertullian confutes) was, that the matter whereof all things were made, was coeternal with God; which errour he therefore embraced,* 1.523 because he hoped by this means to excuse God from being the author of evil, Which (saith he) proceeded

not from the Creator, but from the matte•• whereof things were created:* 1.524 Vix alibi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est argumentis: Scarce any where doth he arg•••• more strongly than in dealing with this Here∣tick, whom he followeth closely, and press•••• hardly every where.

8. Against the Valentinians; who brought in and mixed their strange Platonical Fable•••• (crimina potiùs quàm numina inquit Tertul∣lianus) with the Doctrines of Christianity•• fancying no less than thirty Aeones,* 1.525 (crimi•••• potius, &c.) Gods, Male and Female, Born, Ma••••∣rying and begotten;* 1.526 not unlike the Heath•••• Poet Hesiod. Errours so gross and sott•••••• that they are altogether unworthy of a gra•••• discussion; the bare narration of them ••••∣ing a sufficient confutation; etiam sol•••• modò demonstrare,* 1.527 destruere est: which th••••∣fore our Author for the most part cont•••• himself withal, as deserving rather scorn ••••derision,* 1.528 than a serious consideration. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in this Book makes mention of Irenaeus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before him had written on this Subject quem penè ad verbum est imitatus; for its ap∣parent he took his relation from th•••• adding little thereto, beside quips and jests▪

9. Against Praxeas;* 1.529 who deny'd the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of persons in the Godhead: affir•••• that there was no God, but the Father 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that he was born of the Virgin Mary, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon the Cross, and was Jesus Christ: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hereticks who held this opinion, as they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the name of Praxeani from their Author, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 also of Patripassiani from their Errour,* 1.530 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they said it was God the Father that suffe•••• Which Heresie Tertullian re••els, proving 〈◊〉〈◊〉

sundry arguments the Doctrine of the Trini∣ty. This Book he wrote after his middle age, and when he was tainted with Monta∣nism: for herein we have him speaking of the Paraclete and new Prophesie:* 1.531 its there∣fore warily to be read; In nullo libro c••ntiùs legi debit (inquit Rhenanus) quam in eo quem adversus Praxeam scripsit,* 1.532 unde periculum esse possit imprudenti lectori.

10. Of the Souldiers crown or garland,* 1.533 which was written upon this occasion. A Christian Souldier coming to the Tribune to receive the Emperous donative, brought his Crown or Garland of Flowers in his hand; which the rest (as the manner was) wore on their heads: for which being question'd, he boldly alledged this reason, that he was a Christian, and therefore that it was not lawful for him to observe that Ethnick Custom: hereupon he was hal'd unto the prison to be punished. This act of his being censured by many as unadvised and needless,* 1.534 Tertullian in this Book undertakes the defence of it, proving it to be unlawful for Christians to comply with the Heathens therein:* 1.535 1. From Custom and Tradition (instancing in many particulars observed by Tradition, and shew∣ing the force of it.) 2. From Nature. 3. From the Original of wearing those Crowns, in honour of the Heathen Gods. Wherein he with much zeal opposeth whatsoever be∣cometh not the profession of Christianity; ear∣nestly pressing Christians unto constancy in that way, which they have entred into without ••••rgiversation. He in this tract also disco∣vers his Montanism; for, answering the cen∣surers

of the Souldier; planè superest, (inquit) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 etiam martyria recusare meditentur,* 1.536 qui prophe∣tias ejusdem Spiritus Sancti respuerunt: it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 therefore written after he was a Montani••••: from whom he received all those idle Cere∣monies which here he makes mention of, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Centurists very profitably conjecture; though Pamelius would fain have it other∣wise.* 1.537

11. To the Martyrs:* 1.538 which Book he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unto those that were in prison, whom h•• stiles Designatos, destined unto suffering for the Testimony of Jesus; comforting, con∣firming, and exhorting them to constancy; shewing the commodity or benefit of a pri∣son; that the Spirit is ready, though the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be weak; and that even Heathens for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 glory have endured the utmost.

12. Of the vailing of Virgins;* 1.539 this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wrote as well in Greek as in Latin; whi•••• may be collected from those his first wor•••• Proprium jam negocium passus meae opini•••••• Latinè quo{que} ostendam, virgines nostras 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oportere. Wherein he proves that Virg•••• ought to wear a veil upon their heads: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he was moved to do by a contrary custom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 those of Carthage, whose Virgins used 〈◊〉〈◊〉 come into the Congregations unveiled, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so they might the more easily get them Husbands. And whereas some objected that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Apostle, 1 Cor. 11. 10. Spake of married Wo∣men only, our Author shews that he meant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Virgins also. He concludes this Bo•••• with these words, which plainly shew it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be his: Haec cum bonâ pace legentibus, &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 those who with good and peaceable 〈◊〉〈◊〉

read these things, preferring profit before cu∣stom, peace and grace from our Lord Jesus be multiplyed upon them, with Septimius Ter∣tullian, whose work this is.

13. Of the habit of Women: wherein he exhorts,* 1.540 unto Christian modesty, wishing them to avoid excess in their apparel, and for this end to remember the condition that Eve hath brought them into; that evil Angels were the first inventers of strange fashions, and that gold and silver were not ordained of God for such an use.

14. Of the decking or adorning of wo∣men,* 1.541 a Book of a much like subject with the foregoing; only herein he particularly blames curiosity about their hair and skin, exhorting them not to addict themselves unto paintings, and what might set off their Beauty.

15. Unto his Wife, two Books; wherein 1. He adviseth her,* 1.542 in case he should die be∣fore her, not to marry again. 2. He exhorts Christian Women to abstain from marrying with Heathens, setting down the inconveni∣ences of such Marriages, viz. that they cannot so freely attend the Duties of Christianity; and commends those of one Christian with another, because such may have full liberty in their whole Duty, which he thus particularly sets down,* 1.543 Liberè aeger visitatur, indigens susten∣tatur, eleemosynae sine tormento, sacrificia sine scrupulo, quotidiana diligentia sine impedimento; non furtiva signatio, non trepida gratulatio, non mutae benedictio, sonant inter duos Psalmi & Hymni, & mutuò provocant, quis Deo meliùs ••anat; talia Christus videns & audiens gaudet.

16. Of flight in time of persecution; be∣ing

consulted by one Fabius a Presbyter,* 1.544 whe∣ther it were lawful to flie at such a time; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wrote this Treatise by way of answer, whe•••• in he holds that in such cases a Christi•••• ought not to flie, but rather valiantly to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the name of Christ: and that that Pre∣cept, Matth. 10. 23. When they shall perse∣cute you in one City, flee ye into another, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 temporal, and concern'd that time and stated the Church only. But (saith Peter Mony) who will so diligently weigh his reasons, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 find that they have in them much more ele••gancy than strength.* 1.545 This Book was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 written against the Church after his defect•••••• the errour herein maintained being one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 those he had learned from Montanus; of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Baronius taxeth him somewhat tartly; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Montanistarum (inquit) de non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nec securitatem redimendo, Tertullianus in p••••∣ceps semel infeliciter actus,* 1.546 edito eâ de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mentario validissimè tutari conatus est, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admodum.

17. Unto Scapula the President of C••∣thage, whom (because he threatened the C••••∣stians with utmost punishment,* 1.547 unless 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would abjure and deny Christ) he depre•••• and admonisheth not to persist in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lest he should bring the wrath of God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 himself and the whole City, as it had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 others, whereof he giveth divers instances▪

18. An exhortation to Chastity, wh•••• he perswadeth his Friend,* 1.548 who had lost 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wife, to abstain from marrying again; c••••cluding from those words, 1 Cor. 7. 29. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time is short: That the last day was not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 off, and therefore he should forbear, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉

because of the impediment arising from mar∣riage. Here in his heat he condemns second marriage, accounting it (as Montanus had done) but little better than adultery. This Book is another of those which he wrote a∣gainst the Church.

1. Of once marrying, or single marriage, wherein he shews this discipline not to be new,* 1.549 but ancient, and peculiar unto Christi∣ans. What in the former Treatise he only perswaded,* 1.550 in this he magisterially enjoyns, more openly condemning second marriage: they are both of the same subject,* 1.551 and in di∣vers places agreeing even in the same words. This is the fifth of those Books which he wrote against the Church after his defection.

20. Of the Cloak;* 1.552 written upon this oc∣casion, when Tertullian had laid aside his Gown (the Roman Weed) and taken on a Cloak, as more becoming Christian Simpli∣city, he was by one branded with the note of inconstancy: hereupon (in vindication of himself) he writes this Book, therein shew∣ing the antiquity and commodious use of the Cloak. This being the Garment of the Greeks, which they were wont to cast over their other Garments: hence it came to pass, that by way of reproach, the Christians using it, were called Grecians; and when they went abroad, they commonly heard this nickname or taunt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 al∣luding unto their Garment. Also because of the simplicity or meanness both of it and those that used it, it grew into contempt; and it became a Proverb among the Carthagi∣nians, a togâ ad pallium, from the Gown to the

Cloak, noting the change from a more emi∣nent to a meaner estate and condition, from riches to poverty.

21. Of the testimony of the Soul: where∣in by a prosopopoea he fetcheth arguments from the Soul it self,* 1.553 even of Ethnicks, whereby he convinceth them of their Atheism and a∣bominable Idolatries: among the rest, from those speeches frequent in the mouths of such as are not Christians, e. g. Si Deus voluerit, Deus bonus est,* 1.554 benedicat te Deus, Deus videt omnia, Deo commendo, Deus reddet, Deus inter nos judicabit, &c. His last words in this Treatise are remarkable, which are these, M••∣ritò igitur omnis anima rea & testis est, in tan∣tum & rea erroris, in quantum testis veritati••▪ & stabit ante aulas Dei die judicii nihil habens dicere: Deum praedicabas & non requirebas; Daemonia abominabaris, & il••a adorabas; ju∣dicium Dei appellabas, nec esse credebas; inferna supplicia praesumebas, & non praecavebas; Chri∣stianum nomen sapiebas, & Christianum pers••∣quebaris.

22. Of the Soul: wherein he handles di∣vers questions▪* 1.555 and discusseth many contro∣versies with the Philosophers about the es∣sence, operations, adjuncts and various state of the Soul: which he would have to be cor∣poreal, endued with form and figure, and to be propagated and derived from the substance of the Father to the body of the Son, and engendred with the body, encreasing and ex∣tending it self together with it; and many o∣ther the like dreams he hath, in the maintaining whereof, he useth so much subtilty, strength of reason and eloquence, as that (they are the

words of the learned Daille) you will hard∣ly meet with,* 1.556 throughout the whole stock of Antiquity, a more excellent and more elegant piece than this Book of his: yet was it com∣posed by him when he was turned Cataphry∣gian.* 1.557 Hence Bellarmine having made use of a passage taken from hence for the proof of Purgatory, the most Reverend Vsher thus re∣plies,* 1.558 he must give us leave (saith he) to put him in mind with what spirit Tertullian was lead when he wrote that Book de animâ, and with what authority he strengt••e••eth that conceit of mens paying in Hell for their small faults before the Resurrection; namely, of the Paraclete,* 1.559 by whom, if he mean Mon∣tanus the Arch-Heretick (as there is small cause to doubt that he doth) we need not much envy the Cardinal for raising up so wor∣shipful a Patron of his Purgatory.

23. Of Spectacles or Plays,* 1.560 written (as Pamelius conceives) in the twelfth year of Severus the Emperour, in which were exhibi∣ted unto the people those plays that were call∣ed Ludi seculares, because they were present∣ed only once in an age or an hundred years, unto which therefore the people were solemn∣ly invited by a publick cry made in these words,* 1.561 Convenite ad ludos spectandos, quos ne∣que spectavit quisquam, neque spectaturus est: Come ye unto those Spectacles which no man now beheld, or shall behold again. Hereupon Ter∣tullian in this Book (which he wrote both in Greek and Latine) makes it evident that these plays had their original from idolatry, and were full of all kind of cruelty and ob∣scenity, and that therefore it was utterly un∣lawful for Christians to behold them, and

that they should provoke the truth of God a∣gainst them,* 1.562 should they not fear to be pre∣sent at them.* 1.563 Therefore Constantine the Great did by a law prohibit the setting forth and frequenting of such kind of plays. And herein our Author doth so largely treat of the several sorts of play which then were wont to be made use of, that a curious Reader needs no other commentary fully to acquaint himself with those Antiquities.

24. Of Baptism, against Quintilla one of the Disciples of Montanus, who denyed or took away Baptism by water; of whom he scoffingly thus speaks,* 1.564 Optimè novit pisciculo•• necare, de aquâ auferens. He therefore proves, that it is not an empty or idle Ceremony,* 1.565 but of great force and virtue,* 1.566 setting down the form and manner, together with the Rites ob∣served by the Ancients in the administration thereof, and resolves divers questions about it. This also was written both in Greek and Latine.

25. Scorpiacum,* 1.567 a Book against the Gno∣sticks; so called from one Scorpianus an Here∣tick, against whom particularly it was intend∣ed, saith Pamelius: but more probably from the nature of it, being an antidote against the bite and sting of the Scorpion, to which pur∣pose Ierom thus speaks,* 1.568 Scribit adversum haer••∣sim tuam, quae olim erupit contra Ecclesiam (ne & in hoc quasi repertor novi sceleris glo∣rieris) Tertullianus vir eruditissimus, insigne volumen, quod Scorpiacum vocat rectissimo nomine, quia arcuato vulnere in Ecclesiae corpu•• v••nena diffudit, quae olim appellabatur Cain•• Haeresis, & multo tempore dormiens, vel

sepult••, nunc à dormitantio suscitata est. These Hereticks vilified Martyrdom,* 1.569 teaching that it was not to be undergone, because God would not the death of a Sinner, and Christ had died that we might not die. By this Do∣ctrine they did much harm to many weak ones in the Church, who, to save themselves, would deny Christ and offer incense. Against these Tertullian herein opposeth himself, prov∣ing Martyrdom to be good, and setting forth the excellency thereof by many examples. And in thus doing he deserved well, had he not (unhappy man) ran afterwards into the other extreme of the Montanists, who magni∣fied Martyrdom too much (denying the law∣fulness of flight to avoid danger in that case) as these did too much undervalue it.

26. Of Idolatry,* 1.570 written about the same time, with his Book de spectaculis; wherein, being desirous to take away all kind of idola∣try,* 1.571 lest Christians should longer labour under gross ignorance herein;* 1.572 he shews the original of it, and how many ways (and not only in the worshipping of Idols) they may be guil∣ty of it, all which they ought to beware of and avoid, and not to comply with Idolaters in their Festivals, Solemnities and such like observations.

27. Of Chastity,* 1.573 which was written upon this occasion; Zephyrinus Bishop of Rome ha∣ving published an Edict, in which he gave notice unto all the faithful, that the Catholick Church receives such as repent, though they had fallen into the sins of Fornication and A∣dultery:* 1.574 Tertullian herein opposeth him, as may be gathered from his own words: I do

hear, saith he, that there is an Edict publish∣ed, and that a p••remptory one: Pontifex scilicet maximus Episcopus Episcoporum,* 1.575 dicit▪ ego & moechiae & fornicationis delicta paeniten∣tiae functis dimitto. O edictum, cui adscribi non poterit Bonum factum.—Erit ergò & hic adversus Psychicos: so he used to call the Orthodox after he became a Montanist.* 1.576 And herein he undertakes to answer all the argu∣ments brought for this practice; denying that such ought to be received. Ierom saith that he wrote this book against repentance,* 1.577 and wonders at the man that he should think those publicans and sinners with whom Christ did eat,* 1.578 to be Gentiles and not Jews, the better to defend his error, weakly ground∣ing his opinion upon that in Deut. 23. non erit pende••s vectigal ex filiis Israel. This book he wrote against the Church.

28. Of Fasting, against the Psychiici: So, as we have said,* 1.579 he contumeliously calls the Orthodox;* 1.580 accounting those to be carnal, who rejected the prophesie of Montanus, and those only spiritual (alluding unto, 1 Cor. 2.) who received and embraced it. Herein he defends the set Fasts and stations observed by the Montanists. Of the name Psychicus, Ba∣ronius gives us this account. Ignominiae caus•• Orthodoxos Psychicos nominare, fuit (ut autor est Irenaeus. lib. 1. cap. 1.) Valentini haeresiarchae in∣ventum,* 1.581 qui Psychicos nominabat homines qui non essent, sicut ipse, ut aiebat, spirituales. Transiit vox eadem ad Cataphrygas, qui aequè omnes non suscipientes Paracletum, Psychicos appellabant.

29. Of prayer;* 1.582 which Hilary calls, volu∣men aptissimum; wherein he commendeth and commenteth upon the Lords Prayer, adding somewhat of the adjuncts of prayer. The title and subject hereof seem to intimate that it was a mistake in Sixtus Senensis, to imagine that he wrote two books upon this subject,* 1.583 one whereof he intitles in orationem dominicam, the other de oratione.

30. An Apology against the Gentiles in the behalf of the Christians;* 1.584 wherein he notably and at large defends their innocency, clearing them of the crimes falsely charged upon them, and fully evincing the groundlesness of the adversaries hatred to, and unjust pro∣ceedings against them; imitating herein Iustin and Aristides who had undertaken the same task before him, who yet he far tran∣scends, both in sharpness of wit and soundness of Learning:* 1.585 how boldly doth he stand up against the Gentiles? how constantly main∣tain the purity of our faith? what Authors doth he not read? which of their disciplines doth he not touch? so that this book alone is abundantly sufficient to convince the per∣tinacy of the Gentiles?* 1.586 It contains in it (saith Ierom) cunctam saeculi disciplinam: wherein he is more elegant than ordinary: the strength whereof was such, that in likely∣hood it was the thing that prevaii'd to the mitigation of the enemies fury, and, in some measure,* 1.587 the cessation of the persecution then raised against the Christians. It was written by him,* 1.588 as both Pamelius and Baro∣nius conj••ct••••••, in the seventh year of the Emperor Severus,* 1.589 An. Christi 201. Of the

excellency hereof Prateolus thus speaks; proculdubiò,* 1.590 inquit, verum est; quum acris & ardentis ingenii non ferens gentilium insolen∣tiam at{que} saevitiam quâ in Christianos fereban∣tur omnes ingenii sui nervos in borum defensionem intendit, incomparabiles interim eruditionis & eloquentiae suae opes isthic often∣tans.

31. Ad nationes;* 1.591 libri duo: set forth and published singly, by Iacobus Cothofr••dus, I.C. which by divers arguments he would prove to be Tertullians; also that they were written before his Apologetick, as a Prodrome or pre∣paratory to it; as his book de testimonio anim•• followed after and was added as a third way whereby he attempted the Gentiles, viz. by testimonies drawn from the soul, and by those forms of speech, wherein they named God in common use among them. He also shews it to differ from his Apologetick, because in these books he directs himself unto the Na∣tions in general; but in that, only unto the Governors and Presidents of the Roman Empire: besides, these are purely Elencti∣cal, wherein he undertakes not to defend the cause of the Christians (as in the other he doth) but reproves the iniquity of the Nations against the Christians,* 1.592 and shews the vanity of the Gentile Gods. Ierom mentions these books contra gentes, as distinct from his Apology: quid, inquit, Tertulliano eruditius? quid acutius? Apologeticus ejus, & contra gentes libri cunctam saeculi continent Disciplinam.

Of these following, it is doubted whether they be his or no.

1. An Epistle, concerning Judaical meats: wherein he shews that the difference between clean and unclean meats injoyned unto the Jews, is taken away and abolished under the Gospel.* 1.593 Pamelius thinks this Epistle to be none of his, but rather Novatians, whose name therefore he prefixeth to it, thus, No∣vatiani Romanae Ecclesiae presbyteri de cibis Iu∣d••icis epistola.* 1.594 It seems (saith Bellarmine) to have been sent by some Bishop unto his own people; but Tertullian was no Bishop: yet I determine nothing.* 1.595 Both the Stile (saith Rivet) and the Texts of Scripture otherwise Translated then in Tertullian; as also that the Author remembers his with∣drawing in the time of persecution; (which Tertullian is every where against) plainly shew it to be none of his.

2. Of the Trinity:* 1.596 concerning which Ruffin and others do report that certain of the Macedonian Hereticks, who were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, finding somewhat in Tertullians book of the Trinity which was for their ad∣vantage inserted it among the Epistles of Cyprian, causing them to be dispersed about Constantinople and sold at a low rate, that so being the more bought up and read, what was unsound therein might be the sooner embraced for the Authority of so great an Author, by which means, as they supposed, their cause would be credited and promoted. But (saith Ierom) there is no such matter;* 1.597 for that book of the Trinity is neither Tertul∣lians nor Cyprians, but Novatians; as both by the title and propriety of the stile doth evidently appear; characterem alium & genus

dieendi nitidius in eo notat Laurentius. Hence Ierom speaking of Novatian:* 1.598 He wrote, saith he, grande volumen, a great volum of the Trinity, making as it were, an Epitome of Tertullians work upon this subject, which many igno∣rantly think to be Cyprians: this piece of Novatians exceeding in bulk that of Tertul∣lians now extant,* 1.599 it must needs refer unto some book of his on that subject, now want∣ing; unless we will make (which is absurd) the Epitome to be larger then the book it self, whose compend it is. Bellarmine sup∣poseth it to be beyond all doubt,* 1.600 that this book is none of Tertullians, because the heresie of Sabellius (which began almost an hundred years after Tertullians time) is there∣in by name refuted,* 1.601 with whom Pamelius accords, adding this as another reason of his confidence, that the Author in the sixth Chapter denieth Corporeal Lineaments in God, which Tertullian more then once af∣firms. How ever it be; it is a learned and elegant book;* 1.602 (though yet there are some things to be found in it,* 1.603 not agreeable to the Christian Faith) and I conclude, saith Scul∣teius, that whoever was the Author, it is written according to the genius of Tertullian, and therefore deservedly set forth under his name; seeing it agrees so well with that Noble work of his against Praxeas.* 1.604 Baronius tells us, that those of the Eastern Church did receive it as the legitimate writing of Tertullian.

3. Of Repentance:* 1.605 wherein he discourseth of the excellency and utility thereof: per∣swading to beware of recidivation and re∣turning

unto sin again after repentance: par∣ticularly directing himself unto the Cate∣chumens, who for that they believed their sins would be all blotted out and wash'd away in Baptism, were not so careful, as they should have been, to abstain from it. Est autem hic commentarius ejusmodi,* 1.606 ut theo∣logi eum debeant ad unguem ediscere: nam egregium monumentum est antiquitatis; tam sanctè docet, tam piè suadet, tam instanter ur∣get rem ecclesiasticae disciplinae summopere ne∣cessariam.* 1.607 In the argument of this book Rhenanu•• that expert Antiquary & solertis∣s••nus Tertulliani interpres, hath spoken so much and so freely against the Auricular Con∣fession of the Romish Synagogue,* 1.608 (crudelis illa conscientiarum carnificina, that cruel rack of consciences) that the Council, or rather that politick and pack'd Conventicle of Trent, took order that the most part of it should be expunged, as unskilful, rash, false, heretical, and otherways scandalous: as, they did also, by somewhat contained in the argument of his book de carne Christi; because it suited not with their Doctrine of the perfection of the Virgine Mary; a short way, were it as safe and honest, to make all sure. But this book also, in the judgment of the quick-sighted Erasmus, grounded upon the differ∣ence of the stile from that of Tertullian,* 1.609 is none of his but of some other, very studious in our Author, and living about the same time: to whom Rhenanus subscribes,* 1.610 though the au∣thor use many words and figures, agreeable to and borrowed from Tertullian. I am of opi∣tion, saith Daille, that both the birth and

fortune of that piece de paenitentiâ hath been,* 1.611 if not the very same, yet at least not much unlike that of the Trinity; though Pamelius and Baronius be of another mind,* 1.612 and would fain it should be his.

4. His Poems; which are diverse accord∣ing to Pamelius,* 1.613 viz.

1. Against Marcion 5. books.

2. Of the Judgement of the Lord.

3. Genesis.

4. Sodom.

5. His Poem to a Senator that turned from the Christian Religion to the service of Idols. But should we reject them all as A∣pocryphal (seeing neither Ierom nor Eusebius make any mention of them) together with Iuret's,* 1.614 Ionab and Nineveh (notwithstanding the Authority of his old Manuscript) I sup∣pose that neither our Authour nor the Com∣monwealth of Learning would at all be in∣jured hereby.* 1.615 Pamelius tells us, that in his Edition of Cyprian's works he had entituled them unto him as the composer of them; but thinks it not amiss to follow the censure of Sixtus Senensis who ascribes the Poem of So∣dom unto Tertullian, induced hereunto by the fidelity (as he supposeth) of some Manuscripts: and because the stile is the same with that of the other, he concludes that all three were his, viz. Genesis, Sodoma & ad Senatorem. A weak ground for him to change his mind, and build such confident conclusions upon, as well may we deny them to be either Tertulli∣ans or Cyprians, and so leave him to seek a Father for them.

§ 4. For his stile and manner of writing, he hath a peculiar way of his own, s••us qui∣dam est character, saith Erasmus: sufficiently elegant;* 1.616 ejus opuscula eloquentissimè scripta, inquit Augustinus; eloquentiâ admodum pol∣lens est: full of gravity, and becoming a Learned man; creber est in sententiis, sed dif∣ficilis in loquendo: very sententious, and of much strength and vehemency, but hard, dif∣ficult and too elaborate:* 1.617 varius est (inquit Rhenanus) in phrasi; in disputationibus diluci∣dior & simplicior, in locis communibus, velut de pallio,* 1.618 &c. est durior & affectatior, Not so smooth and fluent as many others, and there∣fore not in so much esteem as otherwise he might have been.* 1.619 His expressions, (saith Calvin) are somewhat rough and thorny, and therefore dark and obscure,* 1.620 certè magis stridet quàm loquitur, idem in Epist. 339. Phraseos Character (inquit Zephyrus) minùs semper c••mptus, multùmque brevis & obscurus fuisse videtur. Commata enim potiùs habet qùam ••ol••, & frequentes periodos, qualia decent gravi vehementique stilo, quo semper ipse usus est.* 1.621 So that, durè & Tertullianicè loqui, to speak harshly, and like Tertullian are equi∣valent phrases. And the causes whence this proceeded might be chiefly these four.

1. His Country, being an African, of the City of Carthage, which was a Province of the Roman Empire: Now those that were Provincials,* 1.622 scarce any of them could attain unto the purity of the Latin Tongue, except such only as were brought up at Rome from their child-hood: as was Terence, our Au∣thour's Country••man, Romam perductus, cum

in tenerâ aetate foret, comoedias sex composuit, easque ab Apollodoro & Menandro Poetis Graecis in Sermonem Latinum convertit,* 1.623 tantâ Sermonis elegantiâ & proprietate, ut eruditorum judicio nihil perfectiùs aut absolutiùs in eo scribendi genere habitum sit apud Latimos: Cicero in Epist. ad A••••icum refert Terentium esse optimum autorem Latinitatis.* 1.624 The same Author else∣where speaking of the difference in this lan∣guage among those living in several Coun∣tries, thus observes: Romani omnes (inquit) in suo genere, pressi, elegantes & proprii: His∣pani autem florentes, acuti & qui ad peregrinum inclinent: Punici & Carthagiuenses, duri, au∣daces, improbi: palam aberrantes vitium virtuti praetulerunt: ut Tertullianus, Apuleius, & Cyprianus. It's also the observation of Loys le Roy,* 1.625 in his discourse of the variety of things: Every thing, saith he, by how much the farther it is from its original spring, is the less pure, as the Gauls, Spaniards, and Africans, did not speak Latin so purely as the Romans, for although their words were Latin, yet they retained the phrase of their own Country: insomuch, that speaking Latin they were always known for Strangers.* 1.626 Perturbatissime loquitur Tertullianus (inquit Ludovicus Vives) ut Afer.* 1.627 And in the decrees of the Africans (many whereof Augustin relates) you may perceive (saith Erasmus) an anxious affecta∣tion of eloquence,* 1.628 yet so as that you may know them to be Africans. 'Tis no wonder then Ierom should say,* 1.629 that the stile of Ter∣tul••ian and also of other Africans, was easily discerned by Nepotian: and it appeareth by Augustin in sundry places, that the Roman

Tongue was imperfect among the Africans, even in the Colonies.

2. His calling and profession:* 1.630 for before his conversion he had studied and practised the Law: wherein he was very skilful: hence it comes to pass,* 1.631 that using many Law terms (& juris verborum erat retinentissimus) and phrases borrowed from thence, his Language comes to be more perplex and obscure. It's apparent (saith Danaeus) from his continual stile and manner of speaking, that he was a most expert Lawyer, and by reason of the unusual novelty of his words,* 1.632 his stile is ve∣ry obscure, saith Sixtus Senesis.

3. His constitution and natural temper,* 1.633 for words are the mind's Interpreters, and the clothing of its conceptions, wherein they go abroad, which therefore are in a great mea∣sure fashioned by it and receives a tincture from it. Hence it is that most Mens stiles do differ as well as their faces: suus cuique stilus est (inquit Erasmus) & quisque suum quendam habet gustum peculiarem: every one hath somewhat peculiar to him in this partic••∣lar. Accordingly our Author,* 1.634 being a Man, ••cris & vehementis Ingenii, of a rough, sharp, and vehement spirit,* 1.635 makes use of a stile an∣swerable, viz. quick and crabbed, and conse∣quently harsh and obscure: which he did of purpose,* 1.636 affecting it as most agreeable to his Genius; so that his expressions are such even in things that are plain and easie. This Rhe∣nanus▪ renders, as the reason why his writings had so many faults,* 1.637 or Errataes in them, viz. ••eglectus aut••ris, quo multis annis non est lecto∣tum manibus tritus, & ips••m dicendi g••nus

affectatum & Africanum (& affectati stili duri∣ties molestiam addit) quod etiam magis effecit,* 1.638 ut minùs leg••retur, quàm quidvis aliud. Which betided the Poet Persius, qui consul••ò est obscu∣rus, suisque scriptis caliginem & tenebras ex¦industriâ objecit: for being by one taken in hand, and perceived to be so dark and cloudy, he was fairly laid aside with such like words as these: Si nol••t intelligi, non legetur.

4. His converse in the Greek Authors whom he diligently read, being very skilful in that Tongue, idenim temporis nihil extaba•• (inquit Rhenanus) apud Latinos in sacris,* 1.639 praeter testamentum utrumque, tantum Victor & Apollonius scripserant opuscula: hence it is, that transcribing much from them, he retains their phrases: (though he quote not his Au∣thors;* 1.640 which was the manner of the first a∣ges, viz. to cite none by name, but the sacred Scriptures only; especially if they had drawn the Water out of the Wells of the Greeks) and imitates their manner of speaking. By his assiduous perusal of their Books, (saith Pa∣melius) adeò Graecas loquendi formulas imbibe∣rit, ut etiam Latinè seribens illarum oblivisci nequiret: he so drank in their forms of speech, that when he comes to write in Latin, he cannot forget them:* 1.641 and both himself and Rhenanus have taken notice of many phrases in him, which he borrows from the Greeks, and wherein he conforms unto them.

Most of these, I find observed by that Learned French-man Mr. Iohn Daille,* 1.642 in his choice Treatise concerning the right use of the Fathers. What shall I say (saith he) of Tertullian, who besides his natural harshness

and roughness which you meet with in him throughout, and that Carthagmian spirit and genius, which is common to him with the rest of the African writers, hath yet shadowed and over-cast his conceptions with so much learning, and with so many new terms and passages out of the Law, and with such va∣riety of all visions, subtilties and nice points, as that the greatest stock both of learning and attention that you can bring with you, will be all little enough to fit you for a perfect under∣standing of him.

§ 5. This father is full fraught with and abounds in grave and excellent sentences; some few whereof I shall here insert; which may serve a little to acquaint us with the state of those times in reference unto both the Do∣ctrine and Discipline then professed and pra∣ctised in the Chuches of Christ.

1. Take a view of his Symbol or Creed, containing a summary of the faith which was generally received and maintained in his time:* 1.643 Altogether one, the only immoveable and irreformable rule, as he stiles it: which is this. To believe that there is but one God, nor he any other beside the Creator of the world, who made all things of nought, by his word, first of all sent forth: Colos. 1. 16, 17. That word to be call'd his Son; in the name of God variously seen by the Pa∣triarchs:* 1.644 always heard by the Prophets; last of all brought down, by the Spirit of God the Father, and Power, into the Virgin Mary, made flesh in her womb, and of her born a man, and that he is Jesus Christ;

moreover that he preached a new law, and a new promise of the Kingdom of Heaven: that he wrought or did wonders, was fastned to the Cross, arose the third day; that being taken up into heaven, he sate down on the right of the Father;* 1.645 sent the power of the Ghost in his stead, that he might guide or act believers: that he shall come in glory to take the Saints into the fruition of eternal life,* 1.646 and heavenly pro∣mises, and to adjudge the wicked unto perpe∣tual fire; a resurrection of each part being made with the restitution of the flesh. This rule instituted by Christ, as shall be proved, hath no question made of it among us, but which Heresies bring in, and which makes Hereticks.

A compend or brief hereof is to be seen in the beginning of his book of the veiling of Virgins, as also in that against Praxeas the Heretick: unto which he subjoyns these words. This Law of Faith remaining, other things that concern discipline and conversa∣tion, do admit of a newness of Correction; the grace of God working and making a pro∣ficiency unto the end. So that where there is a consent in the fundamental and substantial truths of the Gospel, differences in things of less moment may be born with, nor should they cause divisions among Christians.* 1.647 That rule holding here, that Opinionum varietas, & opinantium unitas non sunt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He adds, that this rule hath ran down from the beginning of the Gospel, even before any heresie sprung up;* 1.648 insomuch as from hence this appears to be a firm Truth; id esse verum

quodcun{que} primum; id esse adulterum, quodcun{que} posterius.

Again, The Church acknowledgeth one God, Creatour of the universe: and Jesus Christ, of the Virgine Mary, the Son of God the Creator; and the resurrection of the flesh: it mingleth the Law and the Prophets, with the Evangelical and Apostolical wri∣tings; and from thence drinks in that faith. It signs with water,* 1.649 clotheth with the holy Ghost (which Pamelius understands of con∣firmation) feeds with the Eucharist,* 1.650 exhort∣eth with Martyrdom;* 1.651 and so receives none against this institution.

2. He prescribes and lays down this for a sure rule,* 1.652 by which the truth may be known, viz. If the Lord Jesus Christ did send out the Apostles to Preach, other Preachers are not to be received then those whom Christ did institute: because neither doth any other know the Father but the Son, and he to whom the Son hath revealed him; neither doth the Son seem to have revealed him unto any others, save to the Apostles whom he sent to Preach. Now what they have preached, (i.e. what, Christ revealed to them) ought no other way to be proved, then by the same Churches which the Apostles themselves founded; preaching unto them as well by a lively voice, as they say, as afterward by E∣pistles. If these things be so, it is then evident, that every Doctrine which agrees with the faith of those Apostolical, Mother and Original Churches, is to be accounted the truth •• undoubtedly holding that which the Churches received from the Apostles, the

Apostles from Christ, Christ from God: but all other Doctrine to be adjudged false, which savoureth contrary unto the truth of the Churches, and of the Apostles, and of Christ, and of God.

3. As touching their Church Meetings at that time, and the exercises about which in them they were imployed, he gives us this account.* 1.653 We come together, saith he, into the congregation, that we may as it were with an Army; besiege God without prayers; which violence is pleasing unto God. We pray for the Emperors and for their Ministers and inferior powers,* 1.654 for the state of the world for the peaceable condition of affairs, and for the delay of the end. We are assem∣bled for the rehearsal of the Divine Scriptures, if the quality of the present times doth need any thing by way of Premonition or recogni∣tion. Surely with the holy Word do we feed our faith,* 1.655 raise up our hope, settle our affiance, nevertheless we do strengthen the discipline with inculcation of precepts: There are also exhortations, castigations, and the Divine censure: and judgment is past with a great deal of weight and authority; as among those who are certain of the presence, or in∣spection, of God: and it is the highest pro∣gnostick of the judgment to come for one so to offend, as to be cast out or removed from Communion of Prayer, and our assemblies, and all holy Commerce. Approved Elders are Presidents who have attained this honour not by price but testimony. Every one brings some small piece of mony to the chest if he can, one day in a month, or when he will:

for no man is compell'd, but gives freely. This is, as it were a pious depositum; for it is not laid out in feasts, or gluttony or gor∣mundizing; but for the feeding and interring of the poor; and for Boys and Girls that are destitute of Estate and Parents; also for such as are aged, and for such as have suffered shipwrack: and for any who are condemned vnto the Mines, are banished into Islands, or are in Prison, &c.

4. Of their Love feasts, thus; Of how great cost soever they be 'tis ••gain to be at ex∣••ence for pieties sake;* 1.656 seeing that the needy are holpen by this refreshing.* 1.657 No baseness or immodesty is admitted; they sit not down 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prayer to God be first made: they eat as much as hungry ones use to take, to satisfie their hunger only: they drink as much as is meet for sober men to do: they are so filled, as who remember, they must even in the night worship God: they so discourse as those who know that God hears. After water for the hands is brought, as any one is able from the holy Scriptures, or of his own invention, he is invited to sing unto God in the midst of all: hence it appeareth how hath he drank: likewise prayer concludes the feast.

5. We pray with our hands stretched out,* 1.658 because innocent; with our heads uncovered, because we blush not; lastly, without a Mo∣nitor, because from our brest or heart.

6. The power of casting out Divels conti∣nued unto his time;* 1.659 for hereof he thus speaks. The Devils by our touch and breathing do unwillingly grieving and blushing (because

you Gentiles are present) depart out of the bodies, which they possessed.

7. Afflict,* 1.660 torment, condemn, break us in pieces; your iniquity is the trial of our in∣nocency: therefore doth God permit that we should suffer these things.—Your exquisite cruelty, speaking to the persecutors of the Christians, will avail nothing at all: it is ra∣ther an allurement unto our Sect: we be∣come the more, the oftner we are cut down by you; the blood of Christians is seed; that very obstinacy which you upbraid us withal is a mystery; for who is not moved by behold∣ing it, to inquire, what is in the matter? who having inquired, comes not unto us? and coming, desires not to suffer? &c.

8. Take away from Hereticks those things which they hold with Ethnicks,* 1.661 that they may ground their questions upon the Scriptures only; and they are not able to stand.— Again; we need no curiosity after Jesus Christ, nor inquisition after the Gospel; when once we believe it, we desire to believe nothing else; for this is the first thing that we believe, that there is nothing more which we ought to believe.

9. The greatest Antiquity challengeth the chiefest Authority unto the Sacred Scriptures or Instruments:* 1.662 the Cabinet of one Prophet, viz. Moses, for age surpasseth all your Origi∣nals; the veins of your ancient stile, the most Nations, your famous Cities, the very effigies of your Letters, yea even your very Gods themselves, their Temples, Oracles and Sa∣cred Rites.

10. Of the sufficiency and perfection of the Scriptures;* 1.663 adoro scripture plenitudi∣••em; I do adore, saith he, the fulness of the Scripture.

11. He hath a most elegant resemblance of mans body unto the earth out of which it was taken:* 1.664 what is the blood,* 1.665 saith he, but a red humor? what is the flesh; but earth turned into its figures? consider the several qualities; the muscles as clods; the bones as rocks or stones; also about the Paps, certain pebbles? Behold, the firm connexion of the nerves, as the traductions of roots; and the branchy running about of the veins as the windings of the rivers: the down, as moss; the hair as grass; and the hidden treasures of the marrow, as the metals of the flesh.

12. He gives us a lively draught or pour∣traicture of the grace of Patience,* 1.666 together with a large encomium of it from the admi∣rable sorce and excellent fruits thereof: in these words: It fenceth faith, helpeth love, armeth or instructeth humility, governs the flesh, secures the spirit, bridles the tongue, binds the hand, tramples upon temptations, drives away scandals, consummates Martyr∣dom. It comforts the poor, moderates the rich, it delights the believer, and invites the Gentile; it commends the servant unto the Master, and the Master unto God; it adorns the wife, and approves the husband, it is lovely in a child, laudable in a youth, and admired in the aged; it is amiable in every sexe and age. The patient man he thus de∣scribeth; he hath a serene and pleasant coun∣tenance,

a smooth forehead, not furrowed with any wrinkle of grief or anger: his eyebrows alike remiss in a chearful manner:* 1.667 his eyes cast down through humility, not adversity; his mouth sealed up with the honour of silence; his colour such as is that of secure and harmless ones; the motion of his head frequent against the Devil, and a threatning laughter; the attire about his breast candid and close to his body; as of one who is neither puffed up, nor dis∣quieted.

13. The Flesh shall rise again,* 1.668 even all, the same, and the whole: For it is every where deposited with God,* 1.669 by the most faith∣ful Mediator between God and Men, Jesus Christ, who shall restore both God to Man, and Man to God, the Spirit to the Flesh, and the Flesh to the Spirit. For that which thou supposest to be the destruction thereof, know 'tis but a departure. Not only the soul is separated or laid aside;* 1.670 the Flesh also in the interim hath its receptacles in the Waters, Fires, Fowls, Beasts. When it seems to be dissolved into these, it is, as it were, poured into Vessels; if also the Vessels themselves shall fail, when it flits out of them, it is, as it were, by certain windings swallowed up a∣gain into its Mother Earth.

14. If thou wouldest spend the time of thy life in pleasures,* 1.671 why art thou so un∣grateful, as not to acknowledge and account sufficient, so many and such pleasures as art afforded thee of God? For what is more than reconciliation with God the Father, than the Revelation of the Truth, than ••

calling to remembrance of our Errour, than the pardon of so many sins past? What greater pleasure than the loathing of pleasure it self? than the contempt of the whole World? than true Liberty, than a sound or good Consci∣ence,* 1.672 than a sufficient Life, then no fear of death? that thou tramplest upon the Gods of the Nations, that thou castest out De∣vils, that thou dost Cures, that thou co∣verest Revelations, that thou livest unto God?

15. How shall I be able to declare the happiness of that Marriage,* 1.673 which the Church knits together,* 1.674 the oblation confirms, the An∣gels reports it sealed, the Father ratifies? For neither on Earth do Children rightly marry without the consent of their Parents.* 1.675 What a match is that of two Believers, of one hope, one vow, one discipline, the same service? Both Brethren, both Fellow-servants, no dif∣ference of Spirit or Flesh; but truly two in one Flesh:* 1.676 where the Flesh is one, and the Spirit one: they pray together, they are humbled and fast together, leading and ex∣horting one another: in distresses and refresh∣ments neither concealeth, avoideth, or is grievous unto the other: the sick is freely visited, the poor sustained; alms are without torment,* 1.677 sacrifices without scruple, (i.e. offerings for Ministers and the Poor) signing (viz. with the cross) is not by stealth, greet∣ing not with trembling, nor benediction mute: Psalms and Hymns sound forth from two, and they mutally provoke one another, who shall sing best unto their God: Christ rejoyceth to behold and hear such things.

Which words (saith Rhenanus) are worthy to be written in Letters of Gold.* 1.678

16. He would have these to be the Orna∣ments of Christian Women.* 1.679 They should (saith he) take whiteness from simplicity,* 1.680 redness from modesty; their eyes should be painted with bashfulness, their spirits with silence, hanging in their ears the Word of God, tying about their necks the Yoke of Christ. Submit unto your Husbands (saith he) and you shall be sufficiently adorned: imploy your hands in wooll; let your feet keep at home; and you shall more please, than if deck'd with Gold. Cloth you with the Silk and Purple of Virtue, Holiness and Chastity; being thus beautified, you shall have God for your Lover.

17. A woman going unto the Theatre,* 1.681 returned from thence possessed of the Devil: wherefore in the Exorcism, being pressed how he durst adventure upon a Believer, he constantly replyed: I do it most justly: In meo eam inveni. For I found her upon mine own ground.

18. As touching the carriage and course of Hereticks,* 1.682 he thus describes it: First of all, it is uncertain who among them is a Catechu∣men,* 1.683 and who a Believer: they congregate together, and hear together, pray together: if even heathens come in among them, they give that which is holy unto dogs, and cast pearls (though not true ones) before swine: they will have simplicity to be the prostration of Discipline; the care whereof among us they call an inticement: they also make peace eve∣ry where with all: For it matters not with

them, though they hold different opinions; so that they agree together for the overthrow of the Truth: they are all puffed up, they all promise knowledge; even heretical women how malepe••t, who dare teach, contend, ex∣••rcise, promise cures, and perhaps baptize too: Their ordinations are rash, light and incon∣stant; sometimes they place in novices, some∣times such as are addicted unto the World; sometimes our Apostates, that they may ob∣lige them by Glory (or Preferment) whom they cannot by Truth: Proficiency is no where more facile,* 1.684 than in the Camps of Rebels; where even to be a desertor is a stept to pro∣motion; therefore one is a Bishop to day, to morrow another: to day he is a Presbyter, who to morrow is a Lay-man; he is to day a Deacon, who to morrow is a Reader: For even unto Laicks do they commit Pastoral Charges, or the Priestly Office. What should I speak of the Administration of the Word? Seeing their business is not to convert the Heathens, but to subvert ours: This glory they rather covet, if they may ruine those that stand, than raise up those that are fallen: Because their work proceeds not of their own proper building, but of the destruction of the Truth. Besides, they know not to respect or reverence those that are over them; and hence it is that there are scarce any Schisms amongst Hereticks; for when there be, they obey not. Finally, if we look narrowly into Heresies, we shall find them all in many things differing from their Authors: many of them have no Churches; they wander up and down, without a Mother, without a seat, de∣stitute

of the faith, like banished ones: it is also observed, that Hereticks have much ac∣quaintance with Magicians, Juglers, Astrolo∣gers, Philosophers, being given to curiosity: every where minding that; Seek and ye shall find. So that the quality of their Faith, may be estimated from their manner of conversati∣on. Doctrine is the Index of Discipline. They deny that God is to be feared: there∣fore all things are free and loose among them. &c.

§6. Though these and many such like excellent passages are to be found in his works throughout; yet is there a great deal of caution and judgement to be made use of in the peru∣sal of them: For,

1. He hath many inconvenient and dan∣gerous expressions, which without a favour∣able interpretation are not to be allowed of,* 1.685 for although in some of them he haply thought more commodiously than he wrote: yet his absurd phrases are no way to be ap∣proved of,* 1.686 nor can some of them by any means well be excused: As, where he saith, that God is corporeal,* 1.687 and hath a body, though not fashioned or figured: who (saith he) can deny that God hath a body, although God be a Spirit? which expression of his is very inconvenient, and unsuitable unto the most simple Nature of God. Yet hath the great Augustine herein pleaded his excuse:* 1.688 He might perhaps (saith he) by a body, mean the very Divine Nature, Substance or Essence: which term he therefore useth, lest he should seem to make God an empty Phantasm, and

meer nothing. And indeed, comparing this expression with divers passages in the works of our Author, we shall find there was cause why he should conceive this to have been his meaning, and that he had ground sufficient for so friendly a construction of his words. As, where he saith, the very substance is the body of every thing:* 1.689 Also, every thing that is, is a body in its kind; nihil est incorporale, nis•• quod non est:* 1.690 Nothing is incorporeal, but what is not. Again, who will deny God to be a body, though he be a Spirit? For a Spi∣rit is a body of its kinds in its shape and fa∣shion:* 1.691 The less reason had Alphonsus de Ca∣stro,* 1.692 to make Tertullian the first Author of the Heresie of the Anthropomorphites: (though they might abuse these expressions of his, and by them be confirmed in their opinion) confidering withal, that those Scriptures upon which they built their gross conceits of God, art otherwise understood by him, than they were by them, e. g. where the Scriptures do speak of the eye, ear, hand and feet of God, they understood them literally; but he me∣taphorically, and as spoken after the manner of men to our capacity: For (faith he) by those expressions the Divine operations are declared,* 1.693 but not corporeal lineaments given or ascribed unto God: For by the eye is sig∣nified that he seeth all things;* 1.694 by the ear, that be heareth all things, &c. this therefore made him not an Heretick.

Another such expression is this; that the father was before the Son;* 1.695 and that the son had his original or beginning, when the

Father would that he should proceed from him. Yet doth he in the same Book assert the Eternity of the Son; saying, That he was always in the Father, nor can time be assigned unto him, who was before all time.

Again,* 1.696 the Father is the whole Substance; but the Son a derivation or portion of the whole.* 1.697 Of which words Bellarmine gives this favourable interpretation; Haec verba, in∣quit, intelligi debent de sola distinctione perso∣nali, quem iu toto libro intendit: vocat autem Filium portionem, & Patrem totam substantiam; quia Pater est fons & principium aliarum per∣sonarum, & in eâ ratione majoritatem quand••m habet. These and other the like dangerous expressions are scattered up and down his Books; in regard whereof Rhenanus saw cause, why he should in the Margin against the last mentioned passage, warn the Reader, that here and elsewhere Tertullian is to be read with caution: Again, Here and else∣where (saith he) let the Reader remember that he is perusing Tertullian.* 1.698 Yet again, Divines, saith he, are to be admonished, that they do interpret some things more commo∣diously,* 1.699 or aptly then they sound, and indulge something to antiquity.

2. He delivereth and laboureth to maintain many unsound Opinions and gross Errours, which are carefully to be avoided and rejected, as what is sound and Orthodox in him to be embraced: the good is not to be neglected for the bad, nor the bad to be received for the sake of that in him which is good. I think

(saith Ierom) that Origen for his Learning is sometime to be read in the same manner,* 1.700 as Tertullian, Novatus, Arnobius, Apollinarius, and some other Ecclesiastical Writers, both Greek and Latin, viz. So that we chuse the good in them, and refuse the contrary: ac∣cording to the Apostles saying;* 1.701 Prove all things; hold fast that which is good. We are to make use of him as Cyprian did, who ho∣noured him with the Title of Master:* 1.702 though he took a great deal of delight in the wit of that learned and zealous man, yet did he not follow Montanus and Maximillia with him. And this gives a hint of his foulest Errour, which I shall mention in the first place.

1. He became a follower of Montanus; whose gross and sottish Errours having once entertained, he (for ought that appears to the contrary) persisted in unto the end of his days; stiling and owning the blasphemous Heretick,* 1.703 (together with his Female con∣sorts Priscilla and Maximilla) sor the Para∣clete or Comforter, whom Christ promised to send, distinguishing him from the holy Ghost: contrary to that clear Text, Ioh. 14. 26. The Comforter, which is the holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, &c. This say his followers, descended upon the Apostles, but the Paraclete upon Montanus and his Minions;* 1.704 whose Prophesies, or ra∣ther idle Dreams, and Fancies they much magnified: wherein second Marriages are condemned, and Fastings and Martyrdoms are exacted: which things Tertullian being o∣vermuch taken with, and approving of, he

thereupon embraced that new Prophesie. A strange thing that so learned and eminent a man should give credit unto such foolish and frantick conceits: Especially considering that, not long before, himself had ranked the followers of Montanus, viz. Proclus and Aeschines amonst the most notorious Here∣ticks;* 1.705 whom he chargeth with this blas∣phemy, as he call it, that they say the holy Ghost was in the Apostles, but not the Para∣clete; and that the Paraclete had spoken more in Montanus, than Christ had delivered in the Gospel; and not only more, but better and greater things.* 1.706 Erasmus conceives that he did this contra mentis suae sententiam, appel∣lans Montanum omnis veritatis deductorem: For he could not be perswaded that a man of so piercing a judgement, and so exercised and versed in the Sacred Scriptures, did ever be∣lieve that Montanus was the holy Ghost or Paraclete, whom Christ promised unto the Apostles.

2. He advanceth the freedom of mans will after the fall so highly, that even Pelagius himself would scarce dare to do it with the like Liberty, e. g. The Law (saith he) would not have been given to him, that had not the obedience to the Law, in his own power. And,* 1.707 a little after, thus: So we find the Crea∣tor propounding unto man, or setting before him good and evil, life and death; exhorting and threatning; which he would not have done, unless man had been free, and voluntary to obey or contemn. Again, Behold, (saith he) the Kingdom of God is within you:* 1.708 Who will not so interpret it? within you

i. e. in your own hand and power; if you hear, and do the command of God? Also, that the Patriarchs,* 1.709 Noah and Abraham were just by the righteousness of the Law of Na∣ture.

3. He condemns second Marriages,* 1.710 account∣ing them no better than Adultery, and wor∣thy of Excommunication: May we not say, (saith he) that second Marriage is a kind of Adultery? &c. Also, he calls the lawful com∣pany of Man and Wife, contumelia commu∣nis: A common contumely or reproach.

4. He denys that it is lawful for a Christi∣an to flee in time of persecution;* 1.711 being im∣moderate in the praise of Martyrdom; as if it merited pardon of sin. Who (saith he) doth not wish to suffer that he may purchase the whole favour of God, and all pardon from him by the compensation of his Blood? Omnia enim huic operi delicta do∣nantur.

5. He was of the opinion (as was also Clemens Alexandrinus and Cyprian,* 1.712 lib. De disciplin. & babit. Virgin.) that the Angels fell in love, and accompanied with Women (misunderstanding that passage of Moses, Gen. 6. 1.) and that they discovered many secrets and hidden Arts,* 1.713 and especially divers cu∣riosities for the adorning and setting forth of Women; for which they were con∣demned.

6. He held also the Errour of the Chiliasts or Millenaries:* 1.714 We confess (saith he) that a Kingdom is promised unto us in the Earth, before Heaven; but in another state; namely, after the Resurrection for a thousand years in a

City of a Divine Work or Building. Ierusalem coming down from Heaven, &c. this we say is provided of God for the Saints, to be there refreshed with all spiritual good things, in recompen••e of those things which in the World we have either despised or lost. For it is a righteous thing, and worthy of God, that his Servants should exult and rejoyce there, where they have been afflicted for his name.

7. He thought that both Angels,* 1.715 and also the Souls of men, were corporeal; and the latter derived from the Parent unto the Child by way of propagation.* 1.716 Anima in utero se∣minata pariter cum carne, pariter cum ipsà sor∣titur & sexum,* 1.717 &c. Augustine tell us, his opi∣nion was, that the worst Souls of men are af∣ter death converted, or turned into Devils; which absurd conceit Pamelius thinks ought rather to be imputed unto those Hereticks,* 1.718 that took their name from him, than unto Tertullian himself, because it is not to be found in any of his Writings:* 1.719 nor could Danaeus easily be induced to believe, that Augustine should charge him herewith, seeing he is more equal toward him.

8. He approves of and labours to defend the superstitious facts and stations;* 1.720 as also o∣ther ridiculous Ceremonies of the Montanists, viz. the superstitious use of the sign of the Cross, Oblations for the Dead, and annual upon Birth-days, Processions, &c. (Antiquae observationes (inquit Chemnitius) quorum apud▪ Tertullianum fit mentio,* 1.721 non sunt omnes Aposto∣licae traditiones; sed multae ex Montani Para∣cleto profectae sunt) these and such like, which

he borrowed from those Hereticks, did he practise and augment: though he himself confess that there is no warrant for them in the Scriptures, nor were they instituted by the Apostles.* 1.722 Who list, may there see a large Catalogue of such Observations and Pra∣ctices; which are built upon none other, than the sandy foundation of uncertain Tra∣dition. The materials of the Anti christi∣an Synagogue were preparing betimes.

§7. As touching his Exit,* 1.723 or the close of his life, I find this only recorded; that he lived long,* 1.724 even to old age, yea, us{que} ad deerepitam aetatem: unto decrepit old age; which yet Pamelius would have to be but unto sixty three years:* 1.725 At what time (saith he) decrepit old begins: So that according to his account, he, (as many other eminent men have done) ended his pilgrimage in his Climacterical year: Or rather, then ceased to write any more; for he is loath to affirm that he lived beyond this time, considering what Ierom had delivered concerning him. Some do rank him among the Martyrs that suffered for the name of Christ;* 1.726 and Rhenae∣nus makes Regino the reporter of his Martyr∣dom;* 1.727 though, after diligent perusal, I do not find him so much as named by that Hi∣storian: This therefore seems to be a mere and groundless conjecture, and very unlikely, seeing that neither Eusebius, nor Ierom do make any mention of it. True it is, that he was very desirous of Martyrdom; but it might be a righteous thing with God, not to vouchsafe that honour unto him, who

had so unworthily deserted the Truth, and esteemed Martyrdom meritorions. But what kind of death soever put a period un∣to his life, he is herein much to be lamented, that having as a Star of the first Magnitude, shined in the Church of Christ so brightly the most part of his time; he should at last, by forsaking it, be so much obscured, and go out so ingloriously.

Origenes Adamantius.

§5. HE is commonly known by the name of Origenes Adamantius; so called of the Adamant; a stone of such hardness, that it yields not to the stroke of the hammer: not unlike where∣unto was the spirit and temper of Origen, indefatigably labourious, both in reading and writing; Scriptoribus aliquot propter indefati∣gatam studii tolerantiam Admantini cognomen inditum fuit;* 1.728 ut Didymo grammatico & Ori∣geni Theologo: For which cause also Ierom gives him the name of Chalcenterus & verè Adamantinus, or brazen sides; for so may the greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be rendred: of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, intestina. Photius ren∣ders this, as the reason of his name, quòd ra∣tiones, quas colligaret, adamantinis quibusdam quasi vinculis non absimiles viderentur. He was one whom neither austerity of life, nor perpetual pains taking,* 1.729 nor the hardship of poverty, nor the unworthy carriage of such as envyed him,* 1.730 nor fear of punishment, nor any face of death, could in the least remove from his holy course and purpose.

His Country was Egypt, and the place of his birth therein (as is conjectured) the fa∣mous City of Alexandria; he descended of

Christian Parents, both Father, Grand-father, and great Grand-father, and pious from his childhood, trained up like another young Timothy, in the Christian Religion and Knowledge of the Scriptures.* 1.731 His Father's name was Leonides, a pious and learned man, and according to some,* 1.732 a Bishop: for so Suidas; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: who in the cruel persecution under Severus was crowned with Martyr∣dom, being beheaded for the name of Christ, Origen was then but young, yet so fervently affected toward Christian Religion, that be∣ing hindred by his Mother (who hid his ap∣parel from him to prevent the danger he would have exposed himself unto) from going unto, and visiting his Father in prison, he could not rest, but wrote unto him a Letter, wherein he thus exhorts him; Faint not, O Father (saith he) nor think of any thing (be∣cause of us) but suffering constantly.

His Father in his life time had carefully instructed him in the holy Scriptures in the first place,* 1.733 and after that in the Liberal Arts, and prophane Literature, in both which he profited exceedingly, and above his years: His manner was to demand of the child a daily task of some certain sentences, which he injoyned him to learn by heart; by which means he grew unto such promptness and acquaintance with the Scriptures; that he contented not himself with the bare and usual reading of them, but proceeded farther, search∣ing into the hidden and profound meaning of them; so that many times he would even gravel his Father, questioning him what

was meant▪ by this and that place, in∣somuch as his Father would check him some∣times in outward appearance, admonishing him not to enquire curiously above the capa∣city of his years, and more than the plain Letter gave him to understand; yet inwardly did he rejoyce greatly hereat, and would of∣tentimes uncover the Breast of his child while asleep, solemnly kissing it as the Shrine or Closet of the Holy Ghost, giving hearty thanks unto God that he had made him the Father of such a Son.

From this domestical Discipline he was de∣livered over unto other Masters,* 1.734 whereof the famous Clement of Alexandria was one,* 1.735 and the learned Philosopher Ammonius another, whom he heard for the space of seven years.

When his Father was martyred, he was left an Orphan of the age of seventeen years,* 1.736 with his Mother and six Children in great want,* 1.737 his Father's Substance and Estate being all confiscated into the Emperour's Treasury: Origen therefore casting himself upon the providence of God,* 1.738 he stirred up the heart of a Matron in Alexandria,* 1.739 very rich, and also religious, to compassionate him in his necessi∣ties, who received him into her House, and not only maintained him, but also liberally helped and promoted him in his studies at her own cost. There was in the house at the same time a certain man of Antioch, named Pau∣lus, accounted a profound and wise man, but a notable Heretick, whom she had adopted for her Son; to him resorted a very great number, not only of Hereticks, but also of the Orthodox as unto their Master. Origen

then of necessity using his company, and ha∣ving made so good a progress in Learning, that he could discern between true and false Doctrine, would by no means be drawn ei∣ther to discourse, or to be present with him at prayers; nor would he give him any respect at all; so much did he detest his heretical o∣pinions.

About the eighteenth year of his age▪ he•• publickly at Alexandria began to pro∣fess and teach the art of Granmar, wherewith he maintained himself, that he might not be burthensome to any one; Olim senile & ar∣duum fuit negotium Grammaticam profiteri: A work of great difficulty in former time (saith Erasmus) to the due performance whereof much labour and no less skill was requisite.* 1.740 And because by reason of the heat of persecution, those who had formerly ca∣techised and taught in that School were forced to flie, so that none of them were lest; he under the person of a Grammarian acted the part of a Catechist,* 1.741 Sub occasione secularis li∣teraturae in fide Christi eos instituens, together with Grammatical Rules, scattering some seeds of piety and Christian Doctrine in the minds of his hearers; which may be the ground of Zonaras his words concerning him, Annos,* 1.742 inquit, octodecim natus institu••ndis Christianae Religionis tyronibus praefuit. The Seed thus sown grew and prospered so well, that divers of his Scholars profited exceeding∣ly,* 1.743 sucking from his lips the juice of Christian Religion and Heavenly Philosophy; among whom one Plutarch was the first, who at length was crowned with Martyrdom; the

second, Heraclas the Brother of Plutarch, who afterward succeeded Demetri••s in the Bishop∣prick of Alexandria.

Having for a while continu••d in this exer∣cise with good success,* 1.744 the charge of the School or Office of Catechist at Alexandri•• (wherein he succeeded Clement his Master) was committed unto him by Demetrius the Bishop of that City:* 1.745 Origen perceiving that many Scholars did resort unto him,* 1.746 and fre∣quent his Lectures, he laid aside the reading of humanity, and applyed himself to a more profitable course, viz. the exercise of godly Discipline, and in the instructing of his Au∣ditors in the Sacred Scriptures, in which em∣ployment he continued and flourished for di∣vers years.* 1.747 But at length the number of those who in companies flocked unto him, and that even from morning to night, grow∣ing so great, that he had scarce a breathing time afforded him; and perceiving that by himself alone he was not able to undergo the burden of so great a work, nor could enjoy that leisure which he much desired, to search into the profound mysteries of the Scriptures, which his mind was chiefly carried out after, he made choice of Heraclas, a man expert in the Scripture, most eloquent, and not unskil∣ful in Philosophy, to be his assistant in the work of catechising, committing unto him the instruction of those who were newly come to the faith, reserving unto himself the care of such as had made a farther pro∣gress therein, having attained unto more per∣fection.

While he was thus employed in preaching

the word,* 1.748 and instructing not only men, but also women resorting unto him, that he might cut off all occasion of suspicion and slander from the Infidels, literally understanding those words of Christ, Matth. 19. 12. There be some who have made themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heavens sake: He practised upon himself, either by abscission, or else by exsiccation, and deading of those parts by certain herbs or medicaments which he made use of for that purpose.* 1.749 A thing it seems commonly practised by the Heathen Priests: for so Servius affirms, Sacerdotes, inquit, qui maximae sacra accipiebant, renunciabant omni∣bus rebus, nec ulla in his nisi numinum cura re∣manebat,* 1.750 herbis etiam quibusdam emascula∣bantur, unde etiam coire non poterant. Ierom gives us an instance hereof in the Hierophantae, a sort of Priests among the Athenians, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.751 sacrorum interpres, mysteriorum praeses) (qui enim sacris praesunt ceremoniis praedicti∣onibusque Deorum multiplici nomine censentur, namque Hierophantas aliquos,* 1.752 alios Hierodidas∣calos, nonnullos Hieronomos, plerosque Hi••rophy∣laces aut Nomophylaces,* 1.753 qui frequentes erant, appellarunt Graeci, inquit Alexander ab Alexan∣dro) Of these (saith he) Legant Hierophan∣tas Atheniensium usque hodie cicutae sorbitione castrari, & postquam in Pointificatum f••erint e∣lecti (surrecti fuerint,* 1.754 inquit Rhodiginus) vi∣ros esse desinere, ut castissimè sanctissiméque sacrum facerent.* 1.755 Of the virtue of which herb Pliny thus speaks, Certum est, quod lac puerperarum mammis imposita extinguat,* 1.756 ven••∣remque testibus circa pubertatem illita.* 1.757

Chemnitius makes the reason of his so do∣ing

to be his too great admiration of single life, which example of his many others fol∣lowed, Adeò ut Ecclesia coacta fuerit severiter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prohibere.* 1.758 So doth the Council of Nice provide, that whoever was found guilty of g••lding himself, if he were already in orders, he should be deposed, if not, he was not to be or∣dained:* 1.759 agreeable to what we find in the Ca∣nons of the Apostles (as they are called) con∣cerning this thing.

This unadvised act of his Origen desired to conceal, yet could not carry the matter so close∣ly, but that it came to the knowledge of De∣••eirius the Bishop, whereof what use he made, we shall hereafter declare.

Leaving Alexandria he went unto Rome in the time when Zephyrinus was Bishop there,* 1.760 a little before his death, as Baronius conjectures: the cause why he undertook this journey, was the great desire that he had to see the most ancient Church of the Romans;* 1.761 where, having made but a little stay, he returned un∣•••• Alexandria again, and there diligently at∣tended his charge, the success of his pains be∣ing the gaining of many to the embracing of the truth, and the recovering of others from errour,* 1.762 among whom one Ambrose (addicted unto the Valentinian Heresie, or (as Ierom reports) unto that of Marcion, or (as others) partly a Marcionist, and partly a Sabellian) was brought to see and forsake his error, and afterward called to the Office of a Deacon in the Church of Alexandria,* 1.763 famous for his confession of the name of Christ, a man no∣ble▪ rich and learned.

The same of Origen was now spread a∣broad

even unto other Countries;* 1.764 for a cer∣tain Soldier sent from the Governour of Ara∣bia, comes to Alexandria, bringing with him Letters unto Demetrius the Bishop there, and also unto him who was then Lieutenant of Egypt,* 1.765 requesting them with all speed to di∣spatch Origen unto him, that he might in∣struct him and his people in the Doctrine of Christianity:* 1.766 for although there had before been a Church of Christ in Arabia, yet it is credible, that the Duke or Governour with his Court had persisted in his Heathenish Im∣piety even unto the time of Origen, it being observed that for the most part the propaga∣tion of the Christian Religion begins with the lowest of the people, and gradually by little and little ascends unto the Governours of Common wealths.* 1.767 Origen accordingly goeth thither, and having happily accomplished the end of his journey, he not long after return∣eth again unto Alexandria, where, through a sedition, finding all in a combustion and tu∣mult, and his Scholars scattered, so that there was no abiding for him there, no nor in a∣ny other place of Egypt in safety, he left his Country, and betook himself unto Caesarea, a City of Palestina, where he was earnestly en∣treated by the Bishops of that Province to ex∣pound the Scriptures, though he were not as yet called to the Ministry (Legatione ad eum missâ Episcopi permisere,* 1.768 ut dissereret de sacris literis: so Nicephorus reports it.) This act of his (condescending to their request) was much distasted by Demetrius, who in a Letter which he wrote unto those Bishops, thus speaks of it, that such a practice was ne∣ver

heard of, nor could there any where the like Precedent be found, that Lay-men in the presence of Bishops have taught in the Church.* 1.769 But they in defence of what had been done, returning an answer unto him, have therein such words as these, we know not for what cause you report a ma∣nifest untruth, since there have been such sound as in open assemblies have taught the people, yea, when as there were present learn∣ed men that could profit the people, and moreover holy Bishops at that time also ex∣horting them to preach: for example, at Laranda Euelpis was requested of Neon, at Icouium Paulinus was requested by Celsus, at Synada Theodorus by Atticus, who were godly Brethren. It is like also that this was practi∣sed in other places, though unknown to us. Thus was Origen, being a young man, ho∣noured of Bishops that were strangers unto him. But the storm of civil dissentions being blown over, and both Demetrius and the Deacons of the Church by Letters earnestly soliciting him to return, he leaves Palestine, and comes back again unto Alexandria, and there applyeth himself to his accustomed manner of teaching.

Not long after Mammaea the Mother of the Emperour Alexander Severus,* 1.770 a most pious and religious woman (Christianissima,* 1.771 inquit Trithemius, quae a Christianissimo non abhor∣••••it,* 1.772 inquit Osiander) hearing of the Elo∣quence and Apostolical Life of Origen, and ••iving then at Antioch with her Son, sent for him by some Soldiers to come unto her, ac∣counting it no small happiness if she might

see him, and hear his wisdom in the holy Scriptures, which all men admired. To whom he accordingly repaired, and staying a while with her, he instructed her in the Do∣ctrine of Christianity,* 1.773 which found so good acceptance with her, that she became both a lover of it, and a favourer of those who pro∣fessed it; (not that she was now first brought to the knowledge and embracing of it, as some conceive; (audito Origene Christian•• facta est) but rather further confirmed therein) who so far prevailed with her Son,* 1.774 that not only the persecution against the Christians ceased, but they also had a place granted them for the exercise of Religion, and were had in high esteem with him. Having here detained him a while, she at length dismissed him with honour, who again betook him to his School at Alexandria.

And now did he begin to comment upon the holy Scriptures,* 1.775 being much instigated thereunto by Ambrose whom he had reduced from errour, as hath been before said; who, for his encouragement, furnished him with neces∣saries for that purpose, allowing parchments, and no less than seven Notaries,* 1.776 who by turns took from his mouth, and wrote what he dictated unto them; and as many Libraries (maintained all at the charge of Ambrose) who transcribed or copied out more fairly what the other had formerly taken; and that this was the difference between the No∣tarii and the Librarii,* 1.777 may be gathered from Erasmus his calling the one 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or swift, the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or fair writers. Notariorum,* 1.778 inquit Baronius, erat scribere;

Librariorum exscribere.* 1.779 Ierom (saith Mirae∣us) calls those Notaries, who with a swift hand took the words of him that did dictate, and sometimes they wrote by notes or cha∣racters: but those Librarii, or Scriveners; who afterward more accurately committed the things so taken unto Books. Of this Turuebus thus speaks,* 1.780 Scribere notis non est compendio quodam literarum verba complecti ad celeritatem, sed quibusdam fictis signis compre∣hendere, idque docebantur pueri, non tantùm scribere; Cassianus enim Martyr, qui puerorum s••ilis confossus Christo animam reddit, notis scri∣bere docuit: Prudentias 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hym. 9.

—Magister literarum sederat, Verba notis brevibus comprendere cuncta pertius, Raptimque punctis dicta praepetibus sequi. Aliud enim esse notis, aliud literis scribere, ostendit Manilius, lib. 4. cap. 1, his verbis. Hic & scriptor erit felix, cui litera verbum est: Quique notis linguam superet cursumque lo∣quentis.

Martial also the Epigrammatist, of the Notary thus:

Currant verba licet, manus est v••locior illis: Nondum lingua suum,* 1.781 dextra peregit opus.

So thirsty after the knowledge of the Scri∣ptures,* 1.782 and so pressing upon Origen, unto this work was Ambrose (whom he therefore

calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) that he would scarce af∣ford him sufficient time to eat,* 1.783 sleep or walk for his recreation, or to read and review what the Notaries had written, as himself complains in a certain Epistle to his Friend.* 1.784

About this time the Churches of Achaia being much pest••red and vexed with divers Heresies,* 1.785 Origen is sent thither with Letters testimonial for the suppressing of them, who was now in his middle age, or about forty and three years old,* 1.786 as Baronius conjectures: he supposeth that the cause of his going into Greece, was his great desire to get the sixth Edition of the Bible, which was this year found at Nicopolis, that he might adjoyn it unto the other five Versions, which with un∣wearied pains and diligence he had formerly found out; and so compose that laborious work of his, which he called Hexopl••. Now,* 1.787 passing through Palestine toward A∣thens, he was (by Alexander and Theoctistus (who greatly admired: Origen) two Bishops of great authority,* 1.788 the one of Hierusalem, the other of Cesarea) by imposition of hands made or ordained Minister at Cesares;* 1.789 which office gained him much more respect, so that he was had in great esteem. This begat envy in Dem••trius, who was highly offended with those Bishops for what they had done,* 1.790 and by aspersions endeavoured to darken and eclipse the Glory of Origen in his Letters un∣to all the Bishops throughout the world:* 1.791 and having nothing else to charge him withal that might tend to his disparagement, he publish∣ed his unadvised act of castration, as a mo•••• foul and absurd fact of his, though when he

first came to the knowledge thereof,* 1.792 he had admired and praised him for it, encouraging him still to go on in the office of catechising.

Origen therefore perceiving how much the mind of Demetrius was alienated from and in censed against him (forbearing to make use of any bitterness against his detractors) chose rather to pass by the injury in silence,* 1.793 and to give place to their passion, than further to exasperate them: he therefore after his re∣turn and abode there for some small time, lest Alexandria,* 1.794 having committed the office of a Catechist there unto Heraclas formerly his assistant in that work, and went again into Palestine, remaining at Cesarea, where he ap∣plyed himself unto the preaching of the word, many not only of that Country, but also strangers from other places resorting thi∣ther and attending upon his Ministry: among whom were divers eminent men, and of spe∣cial note, viz. Firmilian Bishop of Cesarea in Cappadocia,* 1.795 who one while invited him into his Province, to edifie or reform the Church∣es there; another while under pretence of visiting the holy places, he made a voyage in∣to Palestine, and for a good space continued there, that by Origen he might be brought to the further understanding of the Scriptures. Also Theodorus,* 1.796 called afterward Gregorius, Bishop of Neocaesarea in Pontus, a man most renowned, and for the miracles which he wrought,* 1.797 surnamed Thaumaturgus, together with his Brother Athenodorus, whom (con∣tinuing with him about the space of five years) he converted from Heathenism to Christianity; for which cause this Theodorus a

while after penned a Panegyrick or Enco••∣miastick Oration in the praise of Origen, to testifie his thankfulness for what he had re∣ceived from him.

After this,* 1.798 Beril, Bishop of Bostra in Ara∣bia falling into Heresie, and maintaining that Christ before his Incarnation had no being:* 1.799 he was dealt and disputed with by divers Bishops assembled together: Origen also was sent for who by strength of Argu∣ment so convinced him of his error, that he restored him again to his former sound opi∣nion: for which he returned him solemn thanks in divers letters written unto him: Also certain others arose in Arabia,* 1.800 who broached this pernicious Doctrine that the soul died and perished together with the bo∣dy, and that in the general resurrection, they arose together and were restored unto life again. These Hereticks are by Augustine called Arabiei,* 1.801 by Damaseen 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Animimortales; about which a great Synod was assembled, wherein Origen so discoursed of this matter, that the erroneous did soon renounce their absurd opinion, and were re∣duced to a better judgment. He also sup∣pressed the Heresie of the Helcesaits,* 1.802 which sprung up about the same time (called of Epiphanius Sampsaei; in the region of Per••••, whose first Author was one Elxaeus) who rejected part of the Old Testament:* 1.803 denyed the Apostle Paul wholly: counted it an in∣different thing to deny or not to deny with the mouth in time of persecution, so that thou persist faithful in thine heart; and used a certain book, which (as they say) came down

from heaven, the which whosoever heareth and believeth (say they) shall obtain another kind of remission of sins then that which Christ purchased for us.

Growing now old (above sixty years of age) and much worn out and wasted with long study and painful exercise,* 1.804 he at length was prevaild with and permitted, that those things which he publickly preached and di∣sputed, should by Notaries be taken and Co∣pied out; which before he would not suffer to be done;* 1.805 This Erasmus understands of his Sermons or Homilies: tantae erat modestiae, (inquit ille) ut serò p••ssus sit excipi quae dis∣serebat. And thus was his time and strength laid out and spent in the work of the Lord, even from his Childhood unto his old age, not hiding his talent, but as a good servant im∣proving it for the advantage of his Master, who had intrusted him therewith.

§ 2. He was man of extraordinary parts and endowments of Nature,* 1.806 vir magnus & excellentis ingenii: which began to appear in him even from his very childhood,* 1.807 vir magnus ••b infantiâ: being a man in understanding, when but a child in years; stiled therefore by Erosmus,* 1.808 senilis puer; of a notable strong and piercing wit, perspicacississimo ingenio, saith Rhenanus; for which nothing was too hard (and so truly Adamantine••) nor nothing too high (and so truly Origenical,* 1.809 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Montigena:) such a one as Learned Greece, the fruitful mother of the most happy wits, scarce ever bred the like;* 1.810 immortale inge nium: so comprehensive, as not to be bounded

within the limits of ordinary capacities; there being nothing within the Encyclopedy of Arts that could escape his knowledge: for he exactly perused all kind of Authors: wherein he had this advantage above many others,* 1.811 that he lost no time; ei (inquit E∣rasmus) nulla pars aetatis periit à studiis: his tenderest years being improved this way by his pious and careful father, By which means, the fair field of his great abilities being so well cultured and manured,* 1.812 began in his very spring to flourish and abound with the fruit of excellent skill in all the Liberal Sciences: whereof he gave a large proof and testimony, undertaking at the age of eighteen years the publick profession of the art of Grammar in the famous City of Alexandria; A task of no small difficulty, to the dispatch whereof was requisite, besides elegancy of Speech, insight into most authors,* 1.813 and acquaintance with hi∣story and antiquity; together with a compe∣tent measure of knowledge in Poetry, Rhe∣torick, Logick, Arithmetick, Cosmography and Musick; all which, being so young he had attained unto with wonderful celerity, as Ierom testifies:* 1.814 He had diligently studied the writings of the several Sects of Philo∣phers,* 1.815 viz. Pythagoreans, Stoicks, &c. but was specially conversant in Plato: in which kind of Learning he grew to such an height, that he became famous even among the Hea∣thenish Philosophers; in so much as many, and those of chiefest rank among them, re∣sorted unto him and attended upon his Le∣ctures: in what esteem they had him, may be gathered from the words of Porphyrius in

〈◊〉〈◊〉 Plotim: Cum, inquit, Origenes aliquando Romae venisset in Scholas, Plotinns (qui tum publicè ibidem profitebatur) statim genas ru∣bore suffusus,* 1.816 assurgere volu••t: Sermiones verò ab Origene continuare rogatus, respondit: stu∣dium loquendi cessare, quando qui loquitur, ••uimadvertit se ad illos, qui idem ipsi noverint, verba facturum: atq••e ita, cum pauca quaedam disseruisset,* 1.817 inde surrexit. These bitter ene∣mies of Christian Religion; Porphyrius, Proclus & alii, (inquit Rhodiginas) fatentur eum exactissimam omnium disciplinarum liberalium ••••gni••••onem tenere.* 1.818 Yea, they frequently make honorable mention of him in the books written by them; and would sometimes refer unto him the resolution of perplex doubts and questions. Some of them also have dedicated their books unto him; and others have delivered to him what they had written, as unto the censure of a Master: so great was the Reverence they bare him,* 1.819 and in such account was he had amongst them. He was Philosophorum omnium sui temporis princeps; tan•••• ingenii, ut nulla eum lingua, 〈…〉〈…〉 latuerit:* 1.820 And is stiled by the great At••••nasius, Admirabilis & summae 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vir.

But these philosophical studies did he ad∣dict himself unto,* 1.821 only as a step unto a higher form; he prized the Arts as things that might be of great use for the confutation of the Heathens; as also a help to the con∣templation of Divine Mysteries, and a meet handmaid to serve and wait upon her Mistress Theology: and in this regard, as he judged them profitable and necessary for himself, so

did he exhort and perswade others unto the study of them. Nor indeed are they of small advantage, as they do fit the vessel for the receit of more precious liquor, sublimating the understanding, and so disposing it to appre∣hend those higher things contained in the Scriptures:* 1.822 for thus do Histories make men wise, Poets witty, the Mathematicks subtil, natural Philosophy deep, Moral grave, Lo∣gick and Rhetorick able to contend; as that Noble Scholar hath observed.

To the study of the Scriptures therefore did he chiefly apply himself;* 1.823 wherein he found such sweetness, and took so much de∣light, that he thought nothing worthy of his time or pains in comparison of them:* 1.824 quis ardentem (inquit Hieronymus) in Scripturis animum non miretur? both day and night was he thus exercised,* 1.825 neither did he account his meat or sleep sweet unto him, if not seasoned with reading somewhat of those Sacred Ora∣cles: judging it an unworthy thing that the meaner part of man should be refreshed, and the better and more Noble neglected: To which he joyned fervent prayer as the best key to unlock that Cabinet, that so he might come to and enjoy the precious jewel con∣tained therein:* 1.826 lectio orationem (inquit Hi••∣ronymus) excepit, & oratio lectionem. By this means the holy Scriptures became so fa∣miliar unto him,* 1.827 through continual use and his being daily conversant in them; that, by the help of a most strong and happy memory,* 1.828 he had gotten them by heart, ad unguem ••b∣solutus in divinis literis, and as it were at

his fingers end; herein even another Esdras: and for that he was of a searching and soar∣ing wit, he confined not himself to the low and obvious sense of the words, but would mount aloft into the sublime and mysterious meaning of them; yet herein is he blamed by many,* 1.829 and not without cause, as being too studious of allegories: in allegoriis, inquit Erasmus, superstitiosior est interim & vio∣lentior, nimium in hoc intentus, ut de∣struat historicum sensum;* 1.830 quasi locus non sit allegoriae, illo incolumi: In these he was to excessive and immoderate; though in the framing of them he took much pains, and is very happy in many of them. But the truth is, had he followed the Counsel given to Iearus:

—Medio tutissimus ibis:

He might have avoided his fate, and not, by singeing his wings, have fallen into such a gulf of errors as he did, through his audaci∣ousness this way. And because he saw that he wanted one principal help to the more ac∣curate finding out of the meaning of the Scriptures,* 1.831 he (contrary to his age being somewhat old, and also to the custom of his country) fell upon the study of the Hebrew Tongue, the difficulties whereof he easily overcame;* 1.832 and (to the wonder of Greece) attained unto a competent measure of skill in that language in a few (not to say months, but) days. Being thus furnished he dili∣gently improved his talent, affording the help not only of his frequent lectures to his

contemporaries, but also of his learned Com∣mentaries to posterity for the better under∣standing of the Scriptures;* 1.833 sweating night and day in the study of the explanation of them.

Nor is this the meanest flower in the Gar∣land of his praise, that he was the first among the Fathers that undertook a work of this nature; an enterprize of no small difficulty seeing he was to go in an untrodden path, none of those that lived before him, afford∣ing him any help or direction herein: Primus (inquit Rhenanus) quasi glaciem scidit,* 1.834 jux•••• proverbium, in enarrandis Scripturis Divinis —divinae rei primus inventor. Homo pen•• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (inquit Sixtus Senensis) & qu•• primus aggressus est explanationem omnium di∣vinarum Scripturarum,* 1.835 nondum ob ingentem earum difficultatem ab aliquo attentatam. E∣rasmus therefore setting him in the front of all the ancient Commentators both Greek and Latin,* 1.836 adds these words, Origenes, inquit, in∣ter Commentatores sic est primus, ut nemo cu•• illo conferri possit. And indeed who among them all can say, that he is not beholding to him? All that followed, took from him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, their hints both of Teaching and Writing, so that they were not a little holpen by him; Basil and Gregory Nazianzen who collected the Philocalia,* 1.837 call him omni•••• Theologorum cotem & maximum secundum Apo∣stolos Ecclesiarum Magistrum. And as all the Latin Poets followed Ennins, so (saith Ranul∣phus Cestrensis) all Expositors followed Ori∣gen.* 1.838 Ierom highly commends and ascribes much to his Interpretations, though he disli∣ked many of his opinions;* 1.839 he stiles him the

Master of the Churches next after the Apo∣stles (as Basil and Nazianzen did) wishing the envy of his name,* 1.840 with his knowledge in the Scriptures.* 1.841 Hilary and Victorinus so much approved of him, ut ejus tractatus non ut in∣terpretes,* 1.842 sed ut Auctores proprii operis transtu lerunt. Pamphilus the Martyr had his expo∣sitions in so high esteem, that with his own hands he copied out (as the greatest part of the Volumes written by him so particularly) five and twenty volumes of his expositions upon the twelve Prophets,* 1.843 which Ierom hap∣pily light on, kept and embraced, with as much joy, as if he had found the treasures of Craesus. Atque (ut pancis dicam) hortus qui∣dam reverà nobis erat (inquit Gregorius Thau∣maturgus) magni illins paradisi Dei similitudi∣nem referens.* 1.844 He beautified his learning with piety, being very eminent in this regard: sanctitate vitae incomparabilis:* 1.845 a true Evange∣lical Doctor, that practised in his Life, what he Preached with his Lips: there being a no∣table agreement between his words and his works, prescribing rules with the one, and giving a pattern of them in the other.* 1.846 Whence it was said of him, that as he taught so he liv'd, and as he liv'd so he taught: a sweet harmony.* 1.847 Iejuniis, vigiliis, orationibus & continuis divinarum Scripturarum studiis Deo devotè serviens, intentus fuit. His abstinence and austerity was admirable, he often fasted and watched, always used a spare and mean dyet, only for necessity, forbearing altogether the use of flesh and wine; except through infirmity forced thereunto: insomuch, as that having sold the prophane Authors (which

he had diligently perused) he enjoyned the buyer to pay him four half pence a day,* 1.848 which for the space of many years sufficed him for Meat, Drink, and Apparel. Abstinentiâ cor∣poris vigorem àde ò domuit, ut omninò contabu∣isse sceletumque factum esse videretur.* 1.849 He took his rest (which was but little) not on a soft bed, but on the bare ground; and sup∣posing that our Saviour ought especially to be observed, Mat. 6. 34. &c 10. 10. he would not wear two coats, nor shoes, nor take care or thought for the morrow. Such also was his love to, and zeal for the truth, and constant professors of it,* 1.850 that in times of persecution he frequently exposed himself to so great and eminent dangers, as he could not have escaped, had not the divine power in a marvellous manner preserved him; he was sometimes so narrowly watched, and closely pursued by his persecutors, that he could no way pass safely through Alexandria, being forced of∣tentimes to change his Lodgings, that so he might avoid them; yet would he not forbear to visit those that were imprisoned, yea and accompany such as were condemned, unto the places of execution, boldly embracing, kis∣sing, and saluting them to his no small hazard, so that once the multitude in their rage had stoned him to death, had he not been even miraculously defended from them and pre∣served.

It shall suffice concerning his worth every way, to add but a testimony or two more to what hath been already said,* 1.851 Origenes ille (in▪ quit Aventinus) maximus omnium secundum legat••s Christi, veritatis divine assertor, magn••

famâ majori gloriâ caelestes literas interpretatus est; & Philosophiam Christianam magnâ audi∣torum frequentiâ publicè docuit. Cultoribus quoque deorum venerabilis, ad Imperatores Ro∣manos, Caesares Augustos matresque eorum in ••ulam vocatus accessit, ad eosdem literas dedit. Omnibus ejus vita, mores, studium, doctrina, ad∣mirationi fuerunt. Vincentius Lyrinensis more largely thus speaks of him. In him, saith he, so many excellent,* 1.852 singular, and wonderf••l things are to be found, that at first a Man would easily judge all his assertions were to be assented unto: for if the life give any Au∣thority, his industry, purity, patience, and sufferings were great, if his stock and learning, what more noble? springing from a Family made Illustrious by Martyrdom. Moreover, for Christ was he deprived not only of his Father, but also of all his substance, he pro∣ceeded so far in the straits of poverty, that he was oftentimes afflicted for the confession of the name of Christ: such also was the strength of his Wit, profound, sharp, and elegant, that by much and far he excelled well nigh all others; so great was his knowledge and learning that they were but few things in di∣vine, and almost none in humane Philosophy that he throughly attained not unto? What was there so difficult to be perswaded, that by the force of disputation he cleared not up? What so hard to be done, that he made not to seem easie? His speech being so pleasant, de∣lightful and sweet, that to me their seemed to flow from his mouth, not so much words, as honey. But perhaps, his assertions were wo∣ven only with knotty arguments? Nay ve∣rily,

never any of the Masters did use more examples of the divine Law. But (you'l say) I believe he wrote but little; no mortal Man more: so that I have not only not read all his Books, but it seems even impossible to find them all: and lest any thing should be want∣ing in him requisite unto the attaining of knowledge, fulness of Age also abounded. But perhaps he was not happy in his Scholars? who ever more happy? sith innumerable Do∣ctors, Priests, Confessors, and Martyrs came from his bosom. Besides, who can express how great admiration, glory, and favour, he had amongst all men? Who any way religi∣ous did not fly unto him from the utmost parts of the World? Who among Christians did not reverence him as almost a Prophet; among Philosophers, as a Master? How much he was respected, not only by those of a pri∣vate condition, but also the Empire it self, Histories do declare, that report him to have been sent for by the Mother of Alexander the Emperour, for the worth of his Heavenly Wisdom. His Epistles also testifie the same, which in the authority of a Christian Master, he wrote unto Philip, the first among the Ro∣man Emperours that was a Christian, con∣cerning whose incredible knowledge, if any one will not receive the testimony of us Chri∣stians reporting it, yet at least let him believe the confession of the Heathen Philosophers affirming it. For that impious Porphyri••s saith, that he was by the same of him, stirred up, (when almost but a child) to go unto A∣lexandria, and that there he saw him being now aged; but surely such a one, and so

great, as that he had gotten unto the very top of all knowledge. Time would fail me to speak even but a little of the things, which were in that Man, which notwithstanding ap∣pertain not only unto the glory of Religion, but the greatness of temptation: for who would not use that sentence, (viz. of Cicero, concerning Plato) that he had rather err with Origen, than be of a right judgement with others? Thus far Vincentius.

Origen thus every way excellent was with∣al a wonderfully industrious and laborious Man,* 1.853 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: inquit Atha∣nasius, wholly spending his time and improv∣ing his vast abilities in the work of the Lord and for the behoof of the Church: and this he did; partly by Preaching: for which em∣ployment he was compleatly furnished, being so familiarly acquainted with,* 1.854 and ready in the holy Scriptures, which he abundantly made use of, beautifying and adorning there∣with (as with so many precious gems) his discourses throughout: Gentium Testimonia ••usquam adhibet, nisi quoties id res ipsa postulat, quum nullum autorum genus non exactè tenue∣rit: sed totus hujus Sermo (inquit Erasmus) S••crorum Voluminum sententiis undique seu gemmeis emblematibus distinctus est, sed adeò commodé & in loco insertis, ut nihilo seciùs cur∣••••t oratio: dicas esse non ascita, sed ibi nata; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aliunde quaesita, sed suâ sponte praesto esse. And this he did the rather, (and I therefore add it because it is a notable testimony, that the Scriptures at that time were read by all sorts of persons,* 1.855 in the vulgar Tongue, or that in use among them) because in that Age

the common people did understand the words of the Scripture, being frequently exercised in the reading of the sacred Volumes. For then even Weavers and Spinsters had those Books at home, which as often as they had leasure, they carefully perused: neither to the understanding of them was their need of any other Language, than that which the illiterate vulgar did make use of: and certainly that reading brought this profit with it, that they sate in the Church more docil or teachable before him that expounded the mysteries of the Scriptures unto them. He had an admi∣rable faculty of speaking ex tempore, as he did many of those Homilies which were thought worthy of the publick view,* 1.856 such were his six and twenty Homilies upon Ioshua: Orati∣uncul••s viginti sex in Iesum Nave, quas ex tem∣pare in Ecclesiâ peroravit Adamantius senex ex Graeco Latinè tibi pro virium me••rum par∣vitate disserui:* 1.857 inquit Ruffinus. Also his ex∣planation of the Epistle to the Romans. His sixteen Homilies upon Leviticus, &c. quotidi•• & quasi ex tempore Scripturas ad populum ena••∣rabat. Of which kind of speaking Meri•• Casaubon thus reports in his Treatise of En∣thusiasm.* 1.858 For that faculty of the Sophists (saith he) of extemporary speaking upon any subject, it was their common profession, that is most certain:* 1.859 and it was accordingly per∣formed by many of them, with singular dex∣terity, to the great amazement of all their Au∣ditors:

such was Callisthenes the Sophist or Philosopher: The Tarsenses of Asia, are by the Ancients noted, as for their love to Learn∣ing in general, so particularly to have excelled in this faculty:—And Quintilian a sober solid Man, makes this a chief end and fruit of long pains and exercises in the Art of Rheto∣rick, to attain to such a faculty as to be able upon any sudden occasion, to speak pertinent∣ly without any premeditation: thus he. Origen was also very zealous and lively in his delivery:* 1.860 for he loved the things which he spake, and of such we use to speak with affe∣ction and delight. His Sermons were com∣monly short, for he would never exceed an hour, lest he should cloy his Auditors, judg∣ing it better to preach often than long. In reproving he always remembred Christian moderation; sharp he would be, yet never bitter; but for nothing he would more blame them, then for seldom and slack coming to the hearing of the Word, and for oscitancy when they came, accounting diligence or negligence this way one principal note of proficiency or deficiency in Piety. He observed this method: First, plainly and bri••fly to expound the Hi∣story;* 1.861 then would he stir them up to observe the Mystical and All••gorical sense; and lastly, handle some moral places,* 1.862 making application of what he had delivered and unfolded.

Partly also by writing did he improve his abilities;* 1.863 and dictating unto those that wrote: whereunto of himself he was back∣ward, but set upon it by the inst gation of Ambr••se, (Christianae fidei conf••ssor i••signis, in∣quit Trithemius,* 1.864 qui etiam ad off••cium diacon••

tus meruit promoveri,* 1.865 vir certè doctissimus, & librorum studiosus amator.) who pressed him hereunto above measure, giving him no rest, and exacted from him a continual or daily task.

His works were innumerable, written by himself,* 1.866 and others from his mouth; many whereof Ierom saith, he had gotten together and perused: but not all; For who of us, saith he,* 1.867 can read so much as he wrote? Some affirm, as from Ierom, that he composed six thousand Volumes;* 1.868 though yet Ierom him∣self deny it; For, saith he, look over the Ca∣talogue of his Books contained in the third Volume of the life of Pamphilus written by Eusebius,* 1.869 and you shall not find the third part of that number; yet did he utter above a thou∣sand Tracts in the Church,* 1.870 and besides set forth Commentaries innumerable: in a word, no man ever wrote more: for which cause Sui∣das stiles him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Composer. Ierom in his Epistle unto Paula, the Mother of Eustocbiu••••, (now not extant) reckons up all the Monuments of Origens Wit, com∣paring him unto that learned,* 1.871 Varro, who by that time he had arrived unto the age of eighty four years: (which yet it seems, he exceeded;* 1.872 for Pliny mentions the eighty and eighth of his age) had written four hundred and ninety Books; of whom Terentianus a Carthaginian Poet thus speaks.* 1.873 Vir doc••••••••∣mus undecun{que} Varro, qui tam multa legit, ut aliquando scribere vacasse miremur; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 multa scripsit, quàm multa vix quemquam le∣gere potuisse credamus. Such another was Didymus of Alexandria, sirnamed also Chal∣centerus,

(Nobilis grammaticus, qui Iulii Cae∣saris evo floruit) quod indefesso labore libris as∣sideret,* 1.874 who is reported to have written above three thousand and five hundred Books, as Meursius,* 1.875 and Suidas: four thousand (saith Seneca) but withal handling such trivial things, (quae (inquit) erant ded••scenda, si scires) that it cannot be said of him,* 1.876 as Erasmus of Origen; In Origene nihil ineptum aut redun∣dans.* 1.877 Briefly, his Works were such and so many, That (saith the learned Daille) had we them all intire, they would perhaps be able to give us more light and satisfaction about the present Controversies in Religion, than all the rest of the Fathers.

His Works on the Scriptures are by Iero•• distinguished into three sorts or classes;* 1.878 (& nullam scripturae partem ille praetermisit, in quâ non scripserit, inquit Erasmus.) the first sort he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;* 1.879 ociosa; i. e. brief Annotati∣ons upon obscure and difficult places, when he had not leisure to frame a full and just Commentary: The second sort, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or homilies, that he preached unto the people publickly. Homilia est familiaris & domestica divinae Scripturae ad plebem elucidati••;* 1.880 cujus seopus est explicare & hortari sen applicare: The third sort, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (which saith Erasmus, he wrote himself) Books or Volumes,* 1.881 majo∣ris disputationis, wherein he disputes at large, spreading the sail of his wit to the full,* 1.882 and lanching out into the deep: which title he himself, saith Ierom, gave unto his Commen∣taries.* 1.883 To which three, Eusebius adds two other, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Epistolare, in quo questiones ex divinâ scripturâ,* 1.884 amicor••m literis

ad se missas, rescriptis explicavit Epistolis. E•• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, interpretivum, in quo genere de∣mùm ponendae sunt omnes Scripturae divinae translationes, quas ipse, in Hexaplis, Octaplis, & Palaestinae editionis codicibus complexus est.

Of these his Labours, but few are now ex∣tant, and they in Latine; and of those that are lost, the names of few are remaining at this day: So great were the endeavours of those,* 1.885 who (because of his errours) sought to suppress his Writings, that they would not suffer so much as the very Titles to remain; wherein they shewed more Zeal than Discre∣tion and Wisdom;* 1.886 for surely, might we have been so happy as to have injoyed all that he wrote, the errours found in them might the better have been born with, being counter∣vail'd, and by much over-ballanced by what in them was sound and Orthodox. Of how great esteem his Works were among the An∣cients, may be gathered from hence, that di∣vers of them thought it well worth their time and pains to translate much of what he wrote;* 1.887 Ierom tells us, that he himself tran∣slated seventy Books of his: Ruffine not a few, though not so faithfully; Hilary tran∣slated almost forty thousand Verses, Quadra∣ginta fermè millia versuum; of Origen upon Iob, and the Psalms: and Victorinus many things, non ut interpretes, sed ut auctores por∣prii operis,* 1.888 and the Books of Ambrose, almost all of them are full of the sayings of this man.

§ 3. Of the almost innumerable number

of those that are lost, we find recorded in di∣••ers Authors these following.

1. His Collections and Collations of the Translations of the Old Testament:* 1.889 a Work of huge bulk,* 1.890 collected with great pains, and composed with no less diligence; requiring no small cost to procure, nor less labour to pe∣••use it.* 1.891 An excellent piece, and of admira∣ble use and advantage; which fill'd all the ••amous Libraries in those times: highly commended even by Epiphanius himself, no friend to Origen;* 1.892 Herein (saith he) he did well and profitably; I would he had done o∣thers things as well. These were of three sorts.

1. He compiled that work which he named Tetrapla, or his fourfold interpretation; con∣sisting of the Translations;

1. Of the Septuagint.

2. Of Aquila of Pontus;* 1.893 who was first a Gentile, then a Christian; but being for his obstinacy in the practice of Astrology, and calculating Nativities, excommunicated, he became a Jewish Proselite, and was according∣ly circumcised, being semi-Iudaeus, semi-Chri∣••••••nus,* 1.894 and having learned the Hebrew tongue, he translated the Old Testament into Greek; about the year of Christ 129. which he did,* 1.895 to the end, that as much as in him lay, he might subvert the Prophesies of Christ, for which cause Epip••anius call him Iudai∣zantem heraeticum.

3. Of Theodotion,* 1.896 of Pontus also: Or, as Trithemius, an Ephesian: who being first a Christian; (but then a follower of those arch-Hereticks,* 1.897 Tatianus, Marcion and Ebion) after∣ward

turned Jew;* 1.898 and having been among them well instructed in the Hebrew Tongue, he also translated the Old Testament into Greek:* 1.899 In the year of Christ 180. whom Ie∣rom reckons among the Judaizing Hereticks:* 1.900 he was more faithful in his Translation than the former; and therefore did the Churches of Christ always use to read the Prophet Daniel,* 1.901 not according to the Septuagint, but Theodotions Interpretation or Edition.

4. Of Symmachus:* 1.902 he was a Samaritan, ranked among their wise men; but not having that honour from them which he expected, he fell to the Jews,* 1.903 and was circumcised the second time; Si quidem arte medicâ & certis instrumentis (spatisterem appellant) Iudaei so∣lebant resectum praeputium iterum super indu∣cere, sive attrahere; & hoc est quod Apostolus ait, 1 Cor. 7. 18. Qui circumcisus vocatus est, non adducat praeputium: vel, ut clariùs sonant verba Graeca, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. non attraba∣tur. But living ingloriously among these also, he became a Christian, embracing the Heresie of the Ebionites,* 1.904 who held that Christ was a mere man, and born of Ioseph and Mary. He translated the Old Testament into Greek, not word for word, as Aquila had done, but according to the sense thereof: non verbum ex verbo, sed sententias ex sententiis reddidit: about the year of Christ 200. This Translation,* 1.905 Origen saith, he found at Caesarea with a certain woman named Iuliana, which saith,* 1.906 that Symmachus delivered it her to keep.

2. To the four above named, he added two more, viz. the Hebrew Text in Hebrew

Letters ••.* 1.907 And again, the same Text in the Greek Characters, for the help of those that could not read the Hebrew: These Texts with the former four interpretations were set one beside another; each page being divided into six distinct columns for that purpose; for which cause he intituled the work Hexapla, as the former Tetrapla, and the following Octopla, for the like reason; each page having in the one four, as in the other eight columns. Erasmus rather approves of the writing of it without an aspiration,* 1.908 viz. Exapla; ab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: to explain; as conceiving it to take the name not from the number of columns, but from the nature of the Work: but were it so, then might the same title have been given as well unto the foregoing and follow∣ing, as unto this; the Etymology agreeing to them all alike.

3. To these six he added two more:* 1.909 which because he had found without the names of their Authors affixed to them, he called the one Quinta, or the fifth; and the other Sexta, or the sixth; the former whereof he had found in the City of Hiericho; the later at Nicopolis. These two, with the above named six made up his Octopla, or eight fold interpretation: wherein they were disposed or set in this order. 1. The Hebrew Text in the Hebrew Letters.* 1.910 2. The Hebrew words in Greek Characters.* 1.911 3. The Translation of Aquila. 4. That of Symmachus. 5. The Septuagint. 6. The Translation of Theodo∣tion. 7. That Edition call'd the fifth. 8. That call'd the sixth. Of which Alsted thus speaks:* 1.912 Octopla (inquit) opus laboriosum &

insigne magno Ecclesiae malo amissum, and not much unlike,* 1.913 our Learned Whitaker: His la∣bour (saith he) was incredible in gathering together all these Editions: which being all thus brought into one body, proved a most Divine Work, the loss whereof is a great de∣triment to the Church, and well might Am∣brose say of him; Multorum interpretationes diligenti discussit indagine.* 1.914

4. He also set forth another Translation for daily use;* 1.915 composed of the Septuagint, and that of Theodotion: being a third from them both;* 1.916 it a ut nova videretur, inquit Bellarminus: which may be said to be, not so much a Translation,* 1.917 as an Emendation of the Se∣ptuagint: Wherein he added some things out of Theodotions Translation,* 1.918 which he found wanting in the Septuagint: and these additi∣ons he noted with an Asterisk or shining Star* 1.919 but those passages, quae Hebraicè nou erant dicta, which were not to be found in the Hebrew, he pierced through with a Spit or Spear—.* 1.920 Of which Ierom thus speaks: Vbicun{que} virgulae, i.e. obeli sunt, significatur quòd Septuaginta plus dixerint, quàm habetur in Hebraew: ubi autem asterisci, i.e. stellulae prae∣lucentes, ex Theodotionis editione ab Origine additum est. Again: Sed quod majoris est an∣daciae,* 1.921 in editione Septuaginta, Theodotionis edi∣tionem miscuit Origines; asteriscis videlicet de∣signans quae minùs fuerant; & virgulis, quae ex superfiuo videbantur apposita. Isidore gives us this account of the notes; Asteriscus, inquit, apponitur in iis quae omissa sunt,* 1.922 ut illucescant per eam notam quae de esse videntur. Obelus apponitur in verbis vel sententiis superfluè iteratis,

five in iis locis ubi lectio aliquâ falsitate notata est. This work he undertook, because the Septuagint had been,* 1.923 through the carelesness of Notaries and Transcribers, not a little corrupted and depraved.* 1.924 Cum manum (in∣quit Masius) Septuaginta interpretationi admo∣vere ausus est Origenes, erat etiam tum perver∣fissima.* 1.925 And though some have judged it rather a corruption, than a correction of the Septuagint; yet was it indeed a diligent collati∣on of those two interpretations, and a Work very profitable unto all; it being a most accu∣rate restitution of the Septuagint to its purity. Concerning which Emendation Andreas Ma∣sius (a man,* 1.926 saith Daille, of singular and pro∣found Learning, yet of such candor and in∣tegrity, as renders him more admired than his Knowledge doth) thus speaks:* 1.927 In cor∣recting and conserving that interpretation of the Septuagint,* 1.928 to their no small praise did Helychius take great pains, Lucianus more, Origen most of all: by whose industry (he saith) he was provoked to deliver unto the age wherein he lived the Septuagint Transla∣tion, sound and intire in that one History of Iosuah, as Adamantius had done the whole throughout. This Edition was afterwards so far approved of, that it quickly filled all Libraries,* 1.929 and was received and made use of in their daily readings, by all the Churches of of Palestine and Syria;* 1.930 so that it was account∣ed as the vulgar Translation.

2. He wrote ten Books of Stromes;* 1.931 (in imitation of Clemens his Master, whose Work so intitled, consisteth of eight Books) where∣in comparing the Scriptures and Philosophers

together, he confirms the Doctrine of Chri∣stianity by the sayings of those Heathens:* 1.932 but the two last of these Books were spent in the exposition of the Prophesie of Daniel, and the Epistle to the Galatians.

3. His Books of the Interpretion of He∣brew names contained in the Scriptures:* 1.933 mentioned by the Author of the answers unto certain questions propounded by the Orthodox,* 1.934 falsely ascribed unto Iustin Martyr:* 1.935 which Ierom (who herein imitated him) reckons among the excellent Monuments of his Wit, wherein he took pains as a Chri∣stian, to supply, what Philo, as a Jew, had omitted.

4. Of the Resurrection,* 1.936 two Books.

5. Of Prayer.* 1.937

6. A Dialogue between him and one Candi∣dus a Defender of the Valentinian Heresie; In whom (saith Ierom) I confess I have beheld (as it were) two Andabatae,* 1.938 or blind-folded Champions encountring each other.* 1.939 Of Baronius thus: Non (inquit) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ tantùm pluribus scatebat erroribus, sed & blas∣phemiis refertissimus dialogus ille erat, quo∣cum Candido haeretico de dogmatibus fusiùs de∣sputavit.

7. Of Martyrdom,* 1.940 or a Book of Martyrs: which he dedicated unto Ambrose and Pro∣toctaetus Ministers of C••sarea; for that they both suffered no small affliction, enduring most constantly examination and confession, in the time of Maximinus the Emperour, a cruel persecutor:* 1.941 who (out of spite that he bare unto the house of Alexander his Prede∣cessor, which harboured many of the faith∣ful)

gave commandment that the Governors only of the Churches,* 1.942 as principal Authors of the Doctrine of our Saviour, should be put to death. Of which Book, saith Vin∣centius Bellovacensis: scribit tantâ dictrictâ spiritus virtute, ut ejus sententiis tanquam validissimis nervis multos ad martyrium stabi∣liret.

8. Above an hundred Epistles,* 1.943 which being scattered here and there, were collected and comprised by Eusebius in several volumes, to the end they should be no more di∣spersed.

9. Five Books against Hereticks.* 1.944

10. An Epitome of the History of Su∣sanna.* 1.945

Moreover, he commented upon most of the Books of the Old and New Testament: of which Works of his, besides those now extant, these are recorded in several Authors, viz.

I. Vpon the Old Testament.

1. A continued explanation of the four first Chapters of Genesis,* 1.946 in thirteen Tomes; but twelve saith Eusebius.

2. One Book of Annotations upon Exodus;* 1.947 also the like upon Leviticus.

3. One Homily upon the Song of Hannah,* 1.948 1 King. 2.

4. One Homily upon Solomon's judgement between the two Harlots 2 King. 3.

5. Many Homilies or Tracts upon the Books of Iob.

6. A brief exposition,* 1.949 or an Enchiridion upon the whole Book of Psalms: also larger explanations thereupon at the request of Am∣brose. He was the first (saith Ierom) that commented upon the whole Psalter. Tri∣themius saith that he wrote one hundred and fifty Tracts upon the Psalms;* 1.950 which equals the number of them.

7. A Commentary upon the Proverbs of Solomon.* 1.951

8. Explanations upon the Book Ecclesiastes.* 1.952 Kimedoncius cites a Testimony out of Origen Homil. 1. in Ecclesiasten.

9. Ten Books of Commentaries upon the Canticles:* 1.953 five whereof he wrote at Athens; the other five returning from Cesarea.* 1.954 A worthy Work requiring much time, labour and cost to translate, for which cause Ierom omitted it, and would not attempt or adventure upon it. In this Work, containing well nigh twenty thousand Verses, he discourseth so magnificently and clearly,* 1.955 (saith Ierom) that as in the rest he overcame all others, so in this he overcame himself.

10. Annotations upon the whole Prophesie of Esay:* 1.956 also continued explanations from the first Chapter unto the thirtieth; of which, thirty Tomes came to our hands, saith Eu∣sebius: together with two Books upon the thirtieth Chapter.

11. A huge number of Homilies upon Ie∣remy,* 1.957 the most whereof are lost.

12. Upon the Lamentations nine Tomes:* 1.958 Of which (saith Eusebius) we have seen five.

13. Upon Ezekiel twenty and five Tomes,* 1.959

the which he wrote being at Athens:* 1.960 besides many Homilies.

14. Upon the twelve Minor Prophets ma∣ny Tracts,* 1.961 Whereof (saith Eusebius) we have found twenty and five in the whole,* 1.962 which Ierom saith, he found copied out by Pamphilius among these were: one upon Hosea; of which Ierom thus:* 1.963 Ori∣genes parvum de hoc Prophetâ scripsit Li∣bellum, cui hunc titulum imposuit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i.e. quare in O∣see appellatur Ephraim, volens ostendere, quaecun∣que contra eum dicuntur, ad haereticorum refe∣renda personam, &c.

II. Vpon the New Testament.

1. Upon Matthew,* 1.964 one Book containing his Scholia, or brief Annotations upon ob∣scure places: Also, twenty five Homilies upon divers places of the Gospel.* 1.965 Six and twenty,* 1.966 saith Trithemius; and Nicephorus speaks of five Books of his upon Mat∣thew.

2. Upon Luke five Tomes;* 1.967 and many Homilies.

3. Upon the Epistle to the Galatians five Tomes;* 1.968 also one Book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or of choice passages: besides not a few Ho∣mllies.

4. Upon the Epistle to the Ephesians three Volumes or Commentaries;* 1.969 of which Ierom makes mention in these words. Illud quo{que} 〈◊〉〈◊〉 praefatione commoneo, ut sciatis Origenem tria ••••lumina in hanc Epistolam conseripsissc; quem & nos ex parte secuti sumus.

5. Upon the Epistle to the Colossians three books.

6. Upon the first Epistle of the Thessalonians divers books:* 1.970 for Ierom maketh mention of the third volumn upon this Epistle;* 1.971 wherein, saith he, he discourseth with much variety and prudence.

7. Upon the Epistle to Titus, one book.

8. Upon the Epistle to the Hebrews many books:* 1.972 all which through the injury of time, and violence of his adversaries, are lost, and now not to be found.

The books that are extant at this day under his name, are these fol∣lowing;

1. Seventeen Homilies upon the book of Genesis; which are said to be interpreted by Ierom whose name is prefixed to them, but falsly,* 1.973 as Crynaeus supposeth: for indeed it was done by Ruffinus, as appears by the liber∣ty that he takes, to add detract and change what he pleased: which it seems was his manner:* 1.974 sed haec non est, inquit Erasmus, li∣bertas interpretis sed licentia potiùs contami∣nantis scripta aliena. Again, Ruffino pecu∣liaris est ista temeritas,* 1.975 (viz. ea quae verti••, truncare, augere, immutare, & ex alieno opere suum facere) cujus unicum studium fuisse videtur, omnes illustrium autorum libros, at∣trectando contaminare. Ha•• a••rte vir glorie cupidus,* 1.976 putavit se reperisse viam, quâ vel invitis omnibus tereretur manibus hominum. Certainly,* 1.977 saith the Learned Daille, he hath

so filthily mangled and so licentiously con∣founded the writings of Origen, which he hath translated into Latine;* 1.978 that you will hardly find a page where he hath not either cut off, or added, or at least altered something. A soul fault in a translator, in whom fidelity, as the chief vertue is required and most com∣mendable. Such is his dealing in this kind, that the Reader is often uncertain whether he read Origen or Ruffine.* 1.979 Which thing Ierom often and tartly taxeth him for: and particu∣larly for his unworthy translation of his book of principles, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.980 which he calls, and that fitly enough, and not without ••est cause, an infamous interpretation: Let it suffice once for all to have given this hint of the manner of Ruffine in his translation of divers books of Origen. And that this tran∣slation of these Homilies upon Genesis is his, appears from what Ruffine himself hath said in his Peroration added unto the Commentary upon the Epistle to the Romans, wherein he professeth that he translated Ori∣gen upon Genesis: And probable it is, that the transcribers prefixed Ieroms name as the more gracious and acceptable. Grynaeus hath taken pains for the benefit of the Reader to set down,* 1.981 as he hath done before all the rest of the works of Origen in his Edition of them, the several Theological Common places handled in these homilies: adding moreover that by them the diligent Reader will con∣fess, that he hath light upon a rich storehouse of Christian Philosophy, replenished with all kind of Spiritual treasures.

2. Upon Exodus thirteen Homilies; tran∣slated also by Ruffinus;* 1.982 though for the gain∣ing of the more credit unto them, the name of Ierom be here also prefixed as the interpretor of them.

3. Upon Leviticus sixteen Homilies; eigh∣teen say some:* 1.983 where the same craft is made use of in the alteration of the name of the translator as in the former.* 1.984 By some over∣bold impostor,* 1.985 these are ascribed unto Cyril of Alexandria,* 1.986 under the title of so many books, or a Commentary: whereas it is ma∣nifest, they are not Commentaries, but Ho∣milies: for the Author excuseth his brevity to his auditors, by reason of the straits of time; and that he intended not a large exposition of the words, but to touch some few things briefly for their edification: The stile, saith Bellarmine,* 1.987 and similitude of the Doctrines contained in them, shew them plainly to be Origens.

4. Upon Numbers,* 1.988 twenty eight Homilies: (some say, but twenty six.* 1.989 Cent. 3. cap. 10. Sixt. Senens. lib. 4. and Scultetus in Medulâ) which its likely was translated by Ierom;* 1.990 be∣cause Ruffine speaking of his translation of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Iosuah, and Iudges, makes no mention of Numbers: and,* 1.991 saith Erasmus out of Gennadius, Ruffine translated all of Origen, except what was done by Ierom. Yet that there are some additions of the interpretor in this piece is apparent, saith Grynaeus,* 1.992 in homil. 2. in cap. 2. Yea these Homilies by their phrase seem to be the work of some Latine Author; for in Chap. 12. he expounds the difference between excudere and

excidere: which could have no place in a Greek.

5. Upon Iosuah,* 1.993 twenty and six Homi∣lies; where we have also the name of Ierom as the interpretor, instead of Ruffine: as also a Preface pretended to be his; but so frigid and and foolish, that a more certain argument cannot be desired to perswade us, that nei∣ther the one, nor other is Ieroms: and Er••smus gives instance in divers particu∣lars.

6. Upon Iudges nine Homilies:* 1.994 where we have the same mistake of the interpretor; liber inquit Grynaeus satis bonus. Here also the Etymology of rex à regendo, gives cause to suspect, that these came out of the same shop, with those upon Numbers.

7. Upon the book of the Kings,* 1.995 or one Homily upon the first and second Chapters of the first of Samuel.

8. Upon the book of Iob,* 1.996 a large expla∣tion, divided into three books; from the be∣ginning of the History unto the middle of the third Chapter. A Learned piece it is; and worth the reading: but both the stile and method shew it to be none of Origens, both being far different from his.* 1.997 Those Commentaries, saith Vsher, upon Iob are wrongly ascribed unto Origen. Also the Author is full of Battologies or repetitions of the same sentence, which certainly is not the manner of Origen.* 1.998 For my part, saith ••rasmus, I suppose him to be a Latinist, and to have written in Latine:* 1.999 for he speaks of the Greek as not his own Language,* 1.1000 and interprets the word Adamantius to signifie

in Greek, indomabilis, iuflexibilis: and saith he,* 1.1001 Lucianus, cognominatus est tanquam lu∣cidus. He was one of free speech fit to teach the vulgar, but withal an Arian, as is clear from divers passages; and therefore it cannot be Origens work; for Arius arose many years after him. Besides, he brings in the expo∣sition of Lucianus the Martyr in the third Chapter, who suffered under Maximinus, re∣futes the Manichees in the seventh and eighth Chapter, and makes mention of the Homou∣sianists; none of which were known till af∣ter the time of Origen;* 1.1002 The Preface, saith Erasmus,* 1.1003 or Prologue set before it, is of some prating fellow, that had neither learn∣ing nor modesty in him, unless the conceal∣ing of his name may be so interpreted: Sure∣ly he had little skill in the Latine (yet, saith Possevine, commentarii hi sunt pervetusti & pereruditi viri.)* 1.1004 The whole being nothing else but meer and miserable stammering. Praefatio,* 1.1005 inquit Erasmus, testatur hoc opus ab a∣liis nonnullis fuisse versum sed ne{que} bonâ fide ne{que} doctè, dum ex benè Graecis, reddunt malè La∣tina: quum ipse qui haec praefatur, reipsá de∣claret, se fuisse hominem, qui nec Latinè sci∣ret, nec ingenio aut eruditione valeret; sed qui tanto plus haberet arrogantiae, quanto mi∣nùs habebat peritiae.* 1.1006 Yet are these Commen∣taries made use of as Origens, by the Po••ti∣ficians to prove their Doctrines, of the In∣vocation of Saints, oblations for the dead, abstinence from flesh in Lent and for giving of alms upon funeral days for the salvation of souls.* 1.1007 Erasmus conjectureth the Au∣thor to have been one Maximinus a Bi∣shop,* 1.1008

whose disputations with Augustine are extant.

9. Certain Homilies upon three of the Psalms, viz. Five upon the six and thirtieth; two upon the seven and thirtieth, and two upon the eight and thirtieth; in all nine: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sunt optima, inquit Gynaeus, alle∣goriae frigidae.* 1.1009 Erasmus is doubtful, whe∣ther they be his or no; for they do scarce express his wit and phrase,* 1.1010 but come neerer unto that of Chrysostom: he thinks it was some Latine, that wrote them: which may be guessed from hence, that in explicating divers texts; he tells us how they are in Latine, how in Greek: which was not the manner of the Greeks to do; for they little, or not at all cared for the Latine Tongue. But if Ruffine translated it, he according to his custom, made that his own by defiling it, which was another mans:* 1.1011 Yet having ob∣served the weakness of the Preface, I can hardly think, saith Erasmus, that Ruffine was so very a Child: who, if not so much by Art, yet certainly by nature was elo∣quent enough: but if any contend, that Ruffine is sometime foolish this way, I will not much oppose, so it be confessed that the genius of this work, doth not resemble the happiness of Origen.* 1.1012 Bellarmine gives this hint of them, that some do doubt whether they be his or no:* 1.1013 And Scultetus reckons this and the immediately preceding, to have crept in among the works of Origen,* 1.1014 but to belong indeed unto others. Yet from hence also do those of Rome fetch authorities,* 1.1015 as from Ori∣gen, for the proof of their tenets concerning

purgatory, auricular confession, the vertues of the Cross, that wicked men do eat the body of Christ in the Sacrament, and that the Book of Iudith is authentick.

10. Upon the Canticles. 1.* 1.1016 Two Homi∣lies; explanationis prioris.

2. Four Homilies, upon the two first Chapters of the Book; explanatienis posterio∣vis: or rather a continued imperfect Com∣mentary.* 1.1017 But they are indeed neither Ori∣gens nor Ieroms, but a work of some Latin Author, well learned and sufficiently elo∣quent: for, he quotes the Greeks in his Pro∣logue as Strangers, and interprets some Latin words. Verbum dei, inquit, apud Graecos mas∣culino genere:* 1.1018 ex hoc (inquit Cocus) evidenter perspicitur, non Graecum, sed Latinum fuisse autorem. Erasmus suspects them to be his, who wrote the Books de vocatione gentium, and certain Commentaries upon the Psalms,* 1.1019 which go under the name of Ambrose. Mer∣lin on the other side,* 1.1020 is very confident that they are Origens, as (saith he) the sagacious Reader will easily perceive; though his rea∣son be weak enough to ground even a conje∣cture upon: yea himself confesseth that the stile differs from Origens; for which cause some deny it to be his.* 1.1021 It is (saith Sixtus Senensis) a pious, learned, and eloquent work; or rather a fragment, in which the two first Chapters are excellently expounded, having in some ancient Copies Ierom's name prefixed to it: who indeed m••••tions four Homilies written by himself upon the Canticles.* 1.1022

Ierom••▪ 〈…〉〈…〉 of these;* 1.1023 〈…〉〈…〉

tractatus, quos i•• morem quotidiani eloquii parvulis abhuc lactentibus composuit, fideliter magis quàm ornatè interpretatus sum, gustum tibi sensuum ejus, non cibum offerens. Tu (Damase Papa) animadvertas quanti sint illa estimanda quae magna sunt, quum si•• possunt placere quae parva sunt.

11. Nine Homilies upon divers places of the Prophecy of Esay, especially upon the sixth Chapter,* 1.1024 which fragment was by Ierom (as himself confesseth) turned into Latin. It wants a Preface, which (because it was Ierom's manner to set a Preface before what he tran∣slated) Erasmus supposeth to be taken away by those to whom he wrote, after that the name of Origen became odious or envyed at Rome: For very likely it is, that therein he spake highly in commendation of his Wit, as he doth in his Prologue before the Commen∣taries upon Ezekiel. Yet notwithstanding the Historical errours (saith Grynaeus) the Do∣ctrines so weak and waterish,* 1.1025 and the frigid Allegories (indignissamae Origine & Hieronymo) together with the Barbarism of the Transla∣tion, do, I think abundantly shew, that nei∣ther Origen was the Author, nor Ierom the Translator of them.

12. Upon Ieremiah fourteen Homilies,* 1.1026 whereof Ierom was the Translator; which are the only remaining of a huge number upon this Prophecy. These and the follow∣ing are (saith Grynaeus) Origene & Hieronymo dignae.

13. Upon Ezekiel fourteen Homilies, tran∣slated also by Ierom,* 1.1027 as appears both by his own Testimony (in Hieremiam & Ezekielem

Homilias Origenis viginti octo è Graeco in Lati∣num verti) and also by the Preface which is undoubtedly his,* 1.1028 because Ruffine out of it ob∣jects a passage against him.

14. Upon Matthew,* 1.1029 his Commentaries: which are to be ranked among his Tomes as the Greek Titles declare;* 1.1030 though some have imprudently divided them into Tracts or Homilies: whereas there is not the least footstep of that kind of writing to be found in them: for his Homilies always end in a Doxology, having sometimes a short Prayer joyned therewith. It contains thirty eight Homilies say some;* 1.1031 but thirty five say others:* 1.1032 wherein we have an exposition of a great part of this Gospel, viz. from the thirteenth unto the seven and twentyeth Chapter. It is a piece (saith Erasmus) most worthy to be read:* 1.1033 Origen is ardent every where, but no where more, than when he handleth the sayings and doings of Christ, and in my judgement (saith he) no one of the Evangelists doth more fully comprehend the Life and Doctrine of Christ, then Matthew.* 1.1034 Yet Ambrose conceiveth our Author to be far meaner in the new Testa∣ment, than in the Old. The Translator, in all probability was Ruffine,* 1.1035 as may be gathered (though the Preface be wanting) from the liberty which he takes in translating: It seems (saith GryneuS) to be the writing of some Latin: demptis iis quae vertit Erasmu••: who translated a good part of this work, viz. from the thirteenth Chapter unto the twenty∣eth verse of the sixteenth Chapter. Docti dubitant,* 1.1036 an tractatus in Matthaeum tribui debeant Origeni.

15. Upon Luke thirty and nine Homilies: of which without doubt Ierom was the Tran∣slator,* 1.1037 seeing he professeth so much in his Preface: And because they are not so elabo∣rate, and are sprinkled with some errours that were condemned,* 1.1038 he excuseth them as written by Origen when but young (as those upon Matthew when he was old.)* 1.1039 He is no where in his Homilies so short and concise, as in these. Three and thirty of them are a continued exposition of this Gospel, from the beginning thereof unto the midst of the fourth Chapter. The six latter of them are an enarration of divers places scattered here and there.* 1.1040 Est liber optimus (inquit Grynaeus) habet tamen aliquas salebras.* 1.1041 It's an Inter∣pretation (saith Merlin) which those that en∣vyed him have prophaned with sundry errours so that many think it not to be his,* 1.1042 because of the many errours inserted therein.

16. Upon Iohn thirty and two Tomes: Ierom speaks of thirty and nine, which he durst not undertake to translate for the Bulk of them.* 1.1043 They all lay hid, till of late Perionius a Monk of Cassinas found nine Tomes of them in an old Greek Copy which he light on in the King of France his Library, and turned into Latin, yet were they in many places maimed and inconsequent. These were afterward by some obscure Grecian, divided into thirty and two Tomes, that they might be the more desired and sell the dearer: by whom Ambrose of Millain, a Monk of Cassina, was deluded, though a Man sagacious enough, and of a quick Wit, who translated and published them in thirty and two Tomes as now they

are: which (saith he) in his Postscript, let the Rea∣der know I have done with utmost diligence and fidelity,* 1.1044 so that it is not at all changed from what it was as written by the Authour.

17. Certain Homilies upon divers places of the Evangelists:* 1.1045 which without doubt are not all Origens: some of them (saith Erasmus) it's apparent, are not his,* 1.1046 but of some Latin Author, and the rest impudently cor∣rupted by Ruffine. They are ten in number, whereof seven are upon certain places of Matthew: two upon Iohn, viz▪ upon part of the first, and part of the twentyeth Chapters: and one upon the Epiphany without a certain Text.* 1.1047 The fifth upon Matthew, seems to be of some Latin Authour; for, saith he, Spiritu•• Sanctus is of the Neuter Gender, not of the Masculine, as with us: where he plainly discovers himself to be a Latin. For the eighth (saith Merlin) many think it to be Origens, though it be not fully his stile.* 1.1048 The ninth is a meer Cento patch't up, the former part thereof with somewhat taken out of Origens thirty fourth tract upon Matthew:* 1.1049 the latter part, with two fragments, the one taken out of Gregory's Morals,* 1.1050 chap. 14. and some others later then Origen:* 1.1051 yea the stile of these fragments shew that they are none of his. The Homily upon the first of Iohn is appa∣rently none of his, there being mention made of the Manichees and Arians,* 1.1052 both which arose long after Origen: and withal the Author saith, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.1053 apud Graecos sunt Masculini Generis. The Homily upon the twentyeth of Iohn cannot be his, for it is clearly of a Latin stile; And if some be of

Latin Authors,* 1.1054 the rest may justly be suspected to be so too:* 1.1055 Yet are these cited by those of Rome as Origens, to prove the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, that Dionysius the Are∣opagite is the Authour of the Ecclesiastical Hie∣rarchy, and what is the use and benefit of ma∣king the sign of the Cross with the fingers.

18. Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Romans, in ten Books, as we have them divi∣ded by Merlin and Grynaeus; though Sixtus Se∣nensis, Trithemius and some others make them fifteen. Ierom is supposed to be the inter∣preter,* 1.1056 though it do appear both from the preface,* 1.1057 and especially from the peroration, that Ruffine was the translatour of them; who saith that he had contracted the whole work almost one half: how great an injury to deprive the Church of such a treasure?* 1.1058 Yet is Salmeron of a contrary judgment upon the same grounds:* 1.1059 Ex Epistolâ ad Heraclium, in∣quit, quae loco prooemii praefigitur libris Origenis in Epist. ad Romanos,* 1.1060 & ex peroratione, in quâ se Hieronymus interpretem illorum, non tantùm verbis, sed etiam stylo satis prodit, constat Hie∣ronymum, eos Latinos reddidisse.

19. Four Books,* 1.1061 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quod vel de principiis vel de potestatibus dici potest, inquit Ruffinus, of principles, or of powers, which he wrote in emulation of one Longinus a Phi∣losopher, well known unto him (as Baronius conceives) who in those times had set forth a Commentary almost of the same argument.* 1.1062 This is the Book, the interpretation whereof occasioned so hot a contest between Ierom and Ruffine (who both performed that task) wherein especially Ierom chargeth him with

false dealing,* 1.1063 for that he added some things, subtracted others, and took liberty to change what he pleased: whereas for his part he de∣sired faithfully to discharge the duty of an interpreter.* 1.1064 I, saith he, simply expressed what I found in the Greek; my care was to change nothing. Again, I leave it to your judgment, what pains I did undergo in tran∣slating the Books 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seeing that to change any thing that was in the Greek, would not have been the part vertentis, sed e∣vertentis, of a turner or translatour, but of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 overturner;* 1.1065 and to express the same word for word, would not become him that desires to keep the elegancy of speech. My end, saith he, was to discover an Heretick, that I might vindicate the Church from Heresie. And the truth is,* 1.1066 Origen is no where more foully erroneous than in this Book, wherein there is more bad than good, it being full stuffed with gross errours: Toti (inquit Scul∣tetus) scatent erroribus: so that it can hard∣ly be believed how much in that work he betrayed the Christian Faith,* 1.1067 which he had received from his Predecessours. And as Plo∣tinus said of the forenamed Longinus, that he was studious of Learning, yet not at all a Phi∣losopher: so may it be truly affirmed of Ori∣gen, as touching this Book, that therein he meant to seem a Philosopher rather than a Christian; the truth is, it is most obscure and full of difficulties: Scias (inquit Hieronymus) detestanda tibi in eis (lib••is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) esse quam plurima, & juxta sermonem Domi∣ni inter scorpiones & colubros incedendum.* 1.1068 In the close of which Epistle he shews with what

caution these Books are to be read, withal making an enumeration of the errours con∣tained in them,* 1.1069 it being intended by Ierom as an antidote against them, Binnius calls this piece Multarum Heresium promptuarium. The translation of these Books which we now have (as Grynaeus conceives) is Ruf∣fine's; for in his Marginal Notes we sometimes meet with these words, loquitur Ruffinus.

20. Eight Books against Celsus the Philo∣sopher,* 1.1070 of the Sect of Epicurus, who had most bitterly inveighed against and traduced the Christian Religion. This is the only work of Origen,* 1.1071 upon which the incompa∣rably judicious Erasmus past not his censure, being prevented by death; the want whereof (as also of his Coronis) is much to be be∣wailed, considering that by reason of his sin∣gular learning, and long exercise in the study of the Ancients, it cannot but be presumed, he would have gone through and performed it in a most excellent manner. Origen under∣took this work by the instigation of Ambrose, who was much grieved to see that the Chri∣stian Religion should be so reproached. Cel∣sus stiled his Book the word of truth, though little were contained in it,* 1.1072 but what was fool∣ish, weak and false, and unworthy of a pru∣dent man; whose objections and slanders, (as also those of all other both Gentiles and Jews) Origen in his answer (which Baronius calls celeberrimum commentarium) most no∣tably wipes off and refuteth.* 1.1073 A piece it is of much use, especially unto the History of those times, which by it self is set forth in Greek and Latine by D••vid Haeschelius, who gives

this commendation of it,* 1.1074 Celso argumentis & rationibus Origenes ita respondit, ut haud sci∣am an quicquam in hoc genere solidius atque eruditius existet. He set upon this work after that he had arrived unto maturity of age, viz. being then more than sixty years old.

21. Of the right faith in one God, or three Dialogues against the Marcionists,* 1.1075 which are mentioned by Bellarmine as two distinct pieces of Origen, though indeed they be but one and the same. For so the learned Doctour Hum∣phries,* 1.1076 that translated it into Latine out of a Greek Manuscript that he obtained of Frobe∣nius, and set forth anno 1557. (as Perionius had done the year before out of a Greek Co∣py which he found in the King's Library) en∣titles it, Of the right Faith in one God, a∣gainst the three principles of Megethius the Marcionite. These two interpreters made use of two very different Copies; but it is e∣vident, that that which Dr. Humphries fol∣lowed was the more distinct and full. It is questionable whether this is Origen's or no: 1. Because the Author speaks of Kings and Princes that piously believe: now there were none such in Origen's time. 2. No ancient Author of Note hath recorded this disputa∣tion, wherein an Ethnick (viz. Eutropius, a Greek Philosopher) being made the Judge, the Church by Origen should get the victory; for the issue was (as is affirmed) the con∣version of Eutropius unto Christianity,* 1.1077 toge∣ther with many others, who in the close of the disputation, celebrated the praise of Ori∣gen with this acclamation;* 1.1078 David hath slain the Tyrant Goliah, and Adamantius hath cut

the throat of that opinion which fought a∣gainst God. 3. Besides, it is strange that this should not come to the notice of Eusebi∣us, or in case it did, that he should be silent herein, who so diligently sought out what∣soever might make for the commendation of Origen. The Dialogues against the Marcio∣••ites (saith Vsher) were collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus,* 1.1079 who lived in the time of the Emperours Com¦modus and Severus.* 1.1080 Of which Maximus, Ierom tells us, Quòd famosam quaestionem in∣signi volumine ventilavit, Vnde malum, &, Quòd materia à Deo facta sit.

22. The lamentation of Origen, which he himself wrote with his own hand in the Greek Tongue, when after his fall and denyal of his Master Christ Jesus, he wandred to and fro with great grief and torment of consci∣ence, the which Ierom translated into Latine: these are the words of Doctor Meredith Han∣••er, prefixed to this Lamentation, set down in his English Translation and Edition of Eu∣sebius, between the first and second Chapters of the seventh Book; having immediately before given us out of Suidas the story of his fall. As touching his fall, viz. that he should chuse rather to offer incense unto Idol, than to have his Body defiled by an Ethiopian: though Epiphanius (who was no friend to our Author) and Suidas also deliver it for a truth;* 1.1081 yet doth Baronius upon weighty grounds conceive it to be rather a meer fiction and slander of those that were his enemies, who envying,* 1.1082 endeavoured this way to dark∣•••• the same of Origen: and (saith D••ille)

that I may not dissemble, I profess my self much enclined to be of the Cardinal's opini∣on, who thinks this story to be an arrant fa∣ble; and that it was foisted into Epiphanius, or else (as I rather believe) was taken upon trust by himself; for this Father hath shewed himself in this as in many other things, a lit∣tle overcredulous. Now the story it self be∣ing questionable, and so sandy a foundation, the superstructure must needs be weak; nor, is the censure of Erasmus without cause,* 1.1083 that these Lamentations were neither written by Origen, nor translated by Ierom, but the fig∣ment of some idle and unlearned brain, who studyed by this means to cast a blemish upon this excellent wit. It is therefore by Gelasius ranked among the Apocrypha.* 1.1084

23. There is another piece, which, because it is inserted in the catalogue of the works of Origen, I thought good not to pass it over al∣together unmentioned; it is stiled by the name of Philocalia,* 1.1085 or (as Bellarmine renders it) De amore honesti, of the love of that which is good. Scultetus calls it Quaestiones illustriores, or famous questions; they were collected out of all the works of Origen by those two emi∣nent Fathers Basil and Nazianzen: so that though Origen supplyed them with the mat∣ter, yet they gave the form to this work, who therefore may as well be entituled to it as he. Hanc non Origenis magis quam Basilii & Grego∣rii 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 esse dixerim,* 1.1086 inquit Tar∣nius; by whom in his Edition it is divided into twenty and six Chapters, or so many com∣mon places,* 1.1087 who gives us this account of it; Delectum hic liber continet quaestionum Scripture

it solutionum, ex variis Origenis commentariis, ab illis Divinarum rerum consultissimis Gregorio & Basilio, quem horum alter, Gregorius Theologus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Theodorum Tyaneum id Temporis Episcopum, i•• tabellis misit: In his Letter he thus stiles it, Electorum Origenis Libellum.

§ 4. As touching his stile, it was familiar, plain and free from Rhetorical pomp,* 1.1088 brief and succinct especially in his Homilies, and Sermons to the people, in whom (saith Mer∣lin) under a choice stream of words flows forth,* 1.1089 I know not what secret divinity and breath of life; by which the minds of Men, do easily receive the knowledge of good and evil, his speech being pure and perspicuous: yea and withal very eloquent, which made it so pleasant, delightful, and sweet, that not so much words as honey seemed to drop from his lips:* 1.1090 nor was it without a certain kind of Majesty, in which regard Ruffine stiles him, a magnificent Trumpet: and Pierius a Presbyter of Alexandria was honoured with the Title of Origen Junior,* 1.1091 as well for the ele∣gancy of his Language,* 1.1092 as the multiplicity of his writings. But Erasmus hath spoken so fully of this particular, that it would be su∣perfluous to add any thing more, having once given you an account of what he hath said concerning the phrase of Origen. He had, saith he,* 1.1093 an admirable faculty of speaking ex tempore, and even in obscure matters his speech is very perspicuous;* 1.1094 nor is brevity wanting as often as the matter requires it: the sentence runs every where certainly, neither doth he hinder himself with words that do ••••rthen wearisome ears: (Graecis peculiaris est

inquit Erasmus) erudita simplicitas, & orati•• venusta,* 1.1095 dilucidaque magis arridet, quàm grandis & operosa:) he is no where too lofty, which Ierom attributes unto Hilary: nor doth he with borrowed and far fetch'd Ornaments ex∣tend and lengthen out his Books, as some∣times Ierom doth: (Origenes vix unquam assurgit,* 1.1096 inquit Hyperius, sed totus est in docendo, nihil attingens affectuum, nisi quos ipsa move••¦res, quod est Atticorum:) he studieth not to move laughter in his Auditors with quips and jests, as Tertullian oftentimes, and Ierom too much imitated him: but with a certain con∣tinual hilarity, he suffers not drowsiness to creep upon his Auditors, nor doth affect the flowers of Rhetoriek, quaint sentences and Epiphonemaes, as Ambrose and Ierom, nor de∣light to retard and stop the Reader with unu∣sual words, as Tertullian; nor doth he spend away the time in frequent digressions, as is the manner of Augustin in his Treatises to the people, nor is he superstitious in the structure of his speech, shutting up each sentence with short pointed members, and periods, which Gregory is not altogether free from, here you shall never meet with the like cadencies and endings wherewith Augustin was delighted.

§ 5. Of the useful and remarkable passages whereof not a few are to be found in the writings of this eminent Ancient, I shall content my self with the rehearsal of these following.

1. His Symbol or rule of Faith, the parti∣culars whereof (saith he) are delivered mani∣festly

by the preaching of the Apostles,* 1.1097 which are these.

1. Quod unus Deus est, qui omnia creavit, at∣que composuit, quique ex nullis fecit esse Vniver∣sa, Deus a primâ creaturâ & conditione mundi omnium justarum, Adam, Abel, Seth, Henos, &c. & quòd hic Deus in novissimis diebus, sicut per Prophetas suos ante promiserat, misit Domi∣num Nostrum Iesum Christum primò quidem vo∣caturum Israel, secundò verò etiam gentes post perfidiam populi Israel. Hic Deus justus & bonus Pater Domini Nostri Iesu Christi, legem, & Prophetas, & Evangelia ipse dedit, qui & Apostolorum Deus est, & veteris & novi Testa∣menti.

2. Tum Deinde quia Iesus Christus ipse qui venit, ante omnem creaturam natus ex Patre est: Qui cum in omnium conditione Patri ministrasset (per ipsum enim omnia facta sunt) novissimis temporibus se ipsum exinaniens 〈…〉〈…〉 est: incarnatus est, cum Deus esset. 〈…〉〈…〉 quod Deus erat. Corpus assumpsit corpori 〈◊〉〈◊〉 simile, eo solo differens, quòd na••um ex V••rgi••e & Spiritu Sancto est. Et quoniam hi•• Iesus Christus natus & passus est inveritate & non per imaginem, communem hanc mortem ve••è m••rtuus est: verè 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a morte resurrexit, & post Resurrectionem conversatus cum Discipulis s••is, assumptus est.

3. Tum deinde honore ac dignitate Patri ac Filio sociatum tradiderunt Spiritum Sanctum. In hoc non jam manifestò discernitur, utrum natus aut innatus. Sed inquirenda jam ista pro viri∣bus sunt de sacrâ Scriptura, & sagaci perqui∣sition•• in••estiganda. San•• quòd iste Spiritus Sanctus unumquemque Sanctorum vel Propheta∣rum,

vel Apostolorum inspiravit; & non ali•••• Spiritus in veteribus, alius verò in his qui in ad∣ventu Christi inspirati sunt, manifestissimè in Ecclesius praedicatur.

4. Post haec jam, quòd anima substantiam vi∣tamque habens propriam, cum ex hoc mund•• discesserit, & pro suis meritis dispensabit, siv•• vitae aeternae, ac beatitudinis haereditate potitura, si hoc ei sua gesta praestiterint; sive igne aetern•• ac suppliciis mancipanda, si in hoc eam scele∣rum culpa detorserit. Sed & quia erit tempus Re∣surrectionis mortuorum, cum corpus hoc quod in corruptione seminatur surget in incorruptione & quod seminatur in ignominiâ, surget in gloriâ.

2. Of the authority of the Scriptures: we ought,* 1.1098 (saith he) for the testimony or proof of all the words which we utter in Doctrine or Teaching, to bring forth or alledge the sense of Scripture, as confirming the sense or meaning which we expound or give: For as all that Gold which was without the Temple was not sanctified; so every sense (or inter∣pretation) which is without the divine Scripture, though to some it may seem admi∣rable, is not Holy, because it is not contained in the sense of Scripture.

3. Of the Divinity of the Scriptures, and how they may be known of God:* 1.1099 thus, If any one with all diligence, and with that re∣verence which is meet, do consider the say∣ings of the Prophets, even then when he reads and carefully looks into them, it is certain that having his mind and sense strick∣••n or moved by some more Divine inspira∣tion, he shall know and acknowledge, that those words, which he reads, are of God, and

not uttered by Man, and of himself he shall perceive that those Books were written not by humane Art,* 1.1100 nor mortal eloquence, but in a divine and lofty stile.

4. Of the fulness of the Scriptures, thus: It be∣comes us to believe the sacred Scriptures not to have one Apex or Tittle void of the Wisdom of God.* 1.1101 The Prophets receiving of his fulness sung or spake those things which they took of his fulness. Therefore the sacred Scriptures do breath the fulness of the Spirit: and there is nothing either in the Prophecy, or the Law, or Gospel, or in the Apostle, which descendeth not from the fulness of the Divine Majesty.

5. Of the great efficacy and utility of the Scri∣ptures,* 1.1102 thus: Because all Scripture is given by Divine Inspiration and is profitable: (in Scri∣pturis sanctis est vis quaedam, quae legenti etiam fine explanatione sufficit.) we ought to believe it to be so, though we feel not the benefit there∣of: As Physicians are wont sometimes to give some meat or drink for the clearing of the sight, yet in taking of it we perceive not any be∣nefit, but afterwards when its vertue reacheth it, it by little and little purgeth the sight; after this manner we ought to believe the holy Scri∣ptures to be profitable unto the Soul; although for the present, our sense or reason reach not, nor attain unto the understanding of it.

6. That Children ought to be baptized, thus: the Church hath received from the Apostles this tradition to give or administer Baptism e∣ven unto Infants,* 1.1103 for they to whom the secrets of divine Mysteries were committed, knew that there is in all the inbred filth of sin, that ought to be washed away by Water and the Spirit.

7. Of the Sabbath;* 1.1104 thus: Let us see how a Christian ought to observe and keep the Sabbath: Upon the Sabbath, none of the busi∣nesses of the World ought to be done, if there∣fore thou cease from all worldly labours, and do no such work, but attend spiritual imploy∣ments, come to the Assembles, apply thine ear unto the holy Scriptures read, and Sermons; think of heavenly things, be sollicitous about the future hope, have before thine eyes the judgement to come, look not unto things visible, and that are present, but unto invisi∣ble and that shall be: This is the observation of a Christian Sabbath.

8. Concerning excommunication, and that it ought to be performed by the Church▪* 1.1105 thus: If any one having been admonished and rebuked for a fault, once, again, and the third time, shall shew no amendment; there remains no remedy but cutting off:* 1.1106 For so saith the Lord, If thy right offend thee, cut it off, i. e. If I that seem to thee to be a right hand, and am call'd a Presbyter, and seem to preach the Word of God, if I shall do any contrary unto Ecclesiastical Discipline, and the Rule of the Gospel so that I give a scandal or offence unto the Church; let the whole Church conspiring with one consent, cut me off, their right hand.

Again,* 1.1107 those whose sins are manifest, we ought to cast off; but where the sin is not evident, we ought not to eject.

9. Out of those Prophesies or Books of the Scripture,* 1.1108 which contains Histories, we may receive benefit not only, or so much from the narration of the things, as from

what is figuratively signified by them; seeing that with greatest Wisdom, they are so writ∣ten and dispensed, that they do agree or suit with either the simple and vulgar among Be∣lievers, or with the excellent that are will∣ing and able to search them more through∣ly.

10. He reciteth the Canonical Books of the Old Testament,* 1.1109 as they are now reckoned, viz. twenty and two in number, after the number of the Hebrew Letters; And besides these, saith he, there are Books of the Macha∣bees. Of the Epistle to the Hebrews, he thus speaks;* 1.1110 The character of the Epistle to the Hebrews (saith he) setteth not forth the stile of Paul,* 1.1111 who confesseth himself to be rude in speech; for the phrase of that Epistle savoureth very much of the Greek Tongue; whosoever he be that hath any judgement or discerning of phrases, will confess the same. I truly for mine own part, that I may speak as I think, do say, that the Doctrine of this Epistle is the Apostles for undoubted; but the phrase and order another mans, who noted the sayings of the Apostle, and contrived such things as he had heard of his Master, into short and compendious notes.

11. That Christ cometh and goeth,* 1.1112 and is not always enjoyed, nor alike present with his people; thus: God is my witness, that I have often times beheld the Bride groom coming unto me, and to be very much with me; who suddenly withdrawing, I could not find what I sought for. I therefore again desire his coming, and sometimes he cometh again; and when he appeareth, and was held

in my hands, he again slips away: and being gone, he is again sought for by me: and this he doth often, till I truly hold him fast.

12. Against the Observations of ones Birth-day,* 1.1113 as an annual Festival; thus: It is no where recorded in the Scripture that any of the Saints did keep a Festival, or hold a great Feast upon the day of his Birth; only sinners rejoyce for such a Nativity, as did Pharaoh and Herod.

§ 6. But as his worth was great,* 1.1114 (being great from his infancy) and his excellencies many; (his deeds even from the Cradle de∣serving, in the judgement of Eusebius, to be recorded and transmitted unto Posterity) so were they equalled by his defects and ble∣mishes;* 1.1115 and as for the one he was justly had in high esteem; so did the other no less de∣tract from his reputation; which occasioned that speech so commonly made use of concern∣ing him; that, where he did well, no man did better; and where he did ill, no man did worse.* 1.1116 Cui (inquit Cassiodorus) & illud con∣venienter aptari potest, quod Virgilius, dum Ennium legeret, à quodam, quid faceret inqui∣fitus, respondit, Aurum ex stercore quaero. Hence it came to pass that divers of the Ancients were so divided in their judgements, and had such hot contests about him: Some vilifying and opposing him, as did Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, and Epiphanius, Bishop of Sala∣mis, a City of Cyprus; who speaking of the multitude of Books, which he wrote, cryes out:* 1.1117 O inanis operarie; O empty scribler!

He was also perswaded by Letters,* 1.1118 which he received from the said Theophilus (qui scripsit adversum Originem unum & grande volumen, in quo omnia penè ejus dicta, & ipsum pariter damnat, &c.) to summon a Council at Cyprus, wherein by the Bishops of the Island assembled,* 1.1119 it was decreed that none should read the works of Origen: The like was also done shortly after, in a Synod convened by Theophilus himself in his own Province: Upon which divers of Origens followers fled from thence unto Constantinople, imploring the aid of Chrysostom;* 1.1120 who admitted them to communicate with him: and this was it that occasioned the great contention between Chrysostom and Epiphanius upon his coming thither;* 1.1121 so that they parted in great heat. He was also anathematized, together with those that adhered unto him, and held his errours, by the fifth general Council▪ which was held at Constantinople under Iustinian the Emperour, wherein they stile him the abo∣mination of desolation, Malè sanum, impium Deo{que} repugnantem; and his opinions, de∣liramenta & insanias; exclaming thus against them; O dementiam & inscientiam hominis insani & Paganorum disciplinae explicatoris; mente caecutientis, studentis{que}, Christianorum fidei miscere fabulas,* 1.1122 &c. Epiphanius calls him Dei & Ecclesiae hostem; as also, the Father of Arius and root of other Heresies. He utters many things (saith Photius) blasphemously, and other very absurd, and full of impiety. Ierom also is very sharp against him;* 1.1123 (though one that admired his wit and parts) in plerisq, inquit, haereticum non nego: and tells us, that

with a sacrilegious Tongue,* 1.1124 he blasphemeth; that his Opinions were venemous, dissonant from the holy Scriptures, and offer violence unto them: professing that he was always an adversary to his Doctrines. Yet withal he thus adds; I am not wont, saith he, to insult over the errours of those whose wit I admire, and if any one shall object or oppose to us his errours; let him hear this freely: that sometime even great Homer himself may nod or slumber; let us not imitate his Vices whose Vertues we cannot follow.* 1.1125 Caesarius the brother of Nazianzen, stiles him that impi∣ous Origen; and his Doctrines pestiferous; yea ••ugae, trifles and toys. And among the later Writters, Beza saith of him, that he was a select instrument of Sathan,* 1.1126 and stiles him, Impurissimus ille Scriptor, quem exoptem velex lectorum manibus excu••i, aut summo cum judi∣cio à studiosis tractari.

On the other side, some did no less mag∣nifie and admire him;* 1.1127 pleading and apolo∣gizing in his behalf, Basil, Chrysostom, Nazi∣anzen and Ierom did most highly esteem the Doctrine, Allegories and Tropologies of Origen, extolling him unto heaven with their praises; those that did apologize for him were among other, Pamphilus the Martyr, and Eusehius commonly sirnamed Pamphili; for the singular friendship that was between them: by whom were written six Books in defence of Origen (which Ierom calls latis∣simum & elaboratum opus) five whereof were the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 labour of them both,* 1.1128 and the sixth of Eusebius alone after the death of Pamphilus: as appears from the word of Eusebius himself,

lib. 6. cap. 20.* 1.1129 Quae (inquit) de ejus gestis sunt ad cognoscendum necessaria ea ex Apologia quae à nobis Pamphili sancti nostri temporis martyris operâ adjutis elucubrata est (illam enim ego & Pamphilus, quo ora malevolorum obtrectatorum, ••amae Origenis detrahentium obturaremus, mutu∣is vigiliis accuratè eleboravimus) licet facilè colli∣gere▪ Photius gives us this account here of, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. i. e. Lecti sunt Pamphili martyris & Eusebii pro Origene libri sex, quorum quin{que} sunt a Pam∣philo in carcere,* 1.1130 praesente etiam Eusebio, elabo∣rati: Sextus verò, postquam jam Martyr ferro privatus vitâ, ad unicè desideratum Deum mi∣grarat, ab Eusebio est absolutus. These were seconded by Ruffine who undertook the same task; setting forth an Apology for Origen; or rather,* 1.1131 the Apology of Eusebius (for so its commonly called) by him translated into Latin; unto which he added a Volume of his own, bearing this title; of the adulteration of the Books of Origen; These were follow∣ed by some learned men of the latter times, viz. Iohannes Picus, the noble Earl of Mi∣randula, and Phaenix of his time; Vir ingenii penè prodigiosi, & in omni artium, scientiarum & linguarum varietate us{que} ad miraculum ex∣culti.* 1.1132 Also; Gilbert Genebrard, a Parisian Divine, and Professor there of the Hebrew Tongue; And Iacobus Merlinus, Victurni∣ensis Sacrae Theologiae Professor, who endea∣vours to vindicate both the holiness of his life,* 1.1133 and the soundness of his Doctrine. Moreover, such an equipoise was there in him of good and evil, that with Sampson, So∣lomon, and Trajan (though I conceive the med∣ley

is as Monkish as the scruple) he is put into the number of those concerning whom 'tis equally difficult to determine whether they were saved or not.* 1.1134 But surely that bold Shaveling went too far beyond his bounds, who in his Book intituled Pratum Spirituale (which is supposed to be written by Abbot Iohn Moschus) reports that a certain brother (doubting whether Nestorius were in an errour or no) was,* 1.1135 by one appearing unto him for his satisfaction, conducted to Hell, where among other Hereticks he saw Origen tormented in those flames: (the Earl of Mirandula is of a contrary judgement.) But the Jesuit Possevine plainly tells us,* 1.1136 that who∣soever was the Author, many of the relati∣ons in that Book deserve but small credit,* 1.1137 being indeed little better than down right lyes; among which he gives an instance in this (not unlike that of Origen) that in a Vision Chrysostom should be seen placed in heaven above all the Doctors and Martyrs: But enough of such stuff. However, evident it is, that he was very erroneous, yea, scarce any one of the Ancients, more; whether we respect the multiplicity, or quality of his errours: So that, as the Orthodox that came after him, were much beholding unto him, as of great advantage to them in the inter∣pretation of the Scriptu••es:* 1.1138 So did the He∣reticks take from him the hints of many of their foulest Heresies:* 1.1139 for which cause as Epiphanius calls him the fountain and Fa∣ther of Arius, so did the Errour of Pelagius (saith Ierom) spring from him;* 1.1140 Doctrina tu•• Origenis ramusculus est: Yea, there is scarce

any sect that had not its rise and beginning from him.* 1.1141 The grounds whereof (as Vin∣centius Lyrinensis conceives) were such as these; His abusing the grace of God too in∣solently his overmuch indulging his own wit, and trusting to himself; his undervalue∣ing the simplicity of the Christian Religion, his presuming himself wiser then others, and his interpreting some Scriptures after a new manner; contemning Ecclesiastical traditi∣ons, and the Authority of the Ancients: Epi∣phanius imputes it unto this, because he would suffer no part of the holy Scriptures to pass, without his interpretation;* 1.1142 therefore he fell into error.

Yet do his Apologisers labor to free him; laying the fault of the errors fathered upon him unto the charge of others;* 1.1143 Ruffine pleads in his behalf, that he was abused by Hereticks, who adulterated his writings, as they dealt with divers others;* 1.1144 that so they might gain credit to their errors, by the names of those famous men, as if they were of the same mind with them;* 1.1145 he adds withal, that the Epistle of Origen unto certain friends of his in Alexandria intimates so much wherein he complains of wrong done unto him in this kind, while he was yet alive. Merlin mentions two ways more beside this, by which Origen might be made to speak that which he never thought;* 1.1146 First, by the unskil∣fulness of the Scribes, who might easily omit or alter what he uttered and dictated. 2. Through the envy of those, who might think their own lustre Eclipsed by the glory and fame of Origen.* 1.1147 Ego sanè, inquit Haymo, de eo dixe∣rim,

vel quòd haec omnino non scripserit, sed ab haereticis ob praedarum nomen ejus obsuscan. dum malignè conficta sint, & conscripta, & no∣mine suo praetitulata; vel si scripsit, non statuit ex sententiâ, sed disser••it ex opinione; & for∣tasse, cum in aliquibus locis scribendo atting•• haereticorum errores, calumniatus est, hoc à se∣metipso dixisse.* 1.1148 Much to the same purpose speaks the Noble Italian, in his excellent and sinewy Apology in his behalf; wherein he proves that Origen in his younger years de∣livered many things, as one that rather in∣quired after, than positively asserted them; as is apparent from divers expressions of his own: e. g. These things, saith he, speaking of the reparation of the Divels,* 1.1149 are said by us with great fear and caution, rather discus∣sing and handling, than for certain and defini∣tively determining them. These and divers o∣ther ways do they endeavor to excuse him: wherein yet they do but wash a blackmore: for notwithstanding all that hath been said for him; many soul spots and blemishes do and will stick fast unto him: for we have himself (in a Letter unto Fabian Bishop of Rome) confessing and repenting that he wrote such things;* 1.1150 imputing it to the unad∣visedness of Ambrose, who made that pub∣lick, which he delivered privately: secretè edita & minimè correcta (inquit supplementum Bergomense) in publicum protulit. Hoc mihi, inquit, praestiterunt amici mei: si tacuero, re•••• censear;* 1.1151 & si respondero, inimicus judicabor. Dura utra{que} conditio; sed à duobus eliga•• quod melius est. Severus Sulpitius reports that in his time it was decreed by a Synod

held at Alexandria,* 1.1152 that Origen was by wise men cautiously to be read for the good that was in him; but, by those, who were less capable, to be rejected, because of the evil that was in him: his words are, respuendam esse penitus lectionem, quae plus esset nocitura in∣sipientibus,* 1.1153 quàm profutura sapientibus: After which it follows; I do wonder, saith he, that one and the same man could so much dif∣fer from himself; ut in eâ parte quâ proba∣tur, neminem post Apostolos habeat aequalem; in eù verò quâ jure reprehenditur, nemo defor∣miùs doceatur errasse.* 1.1154 I shall content my self with the brief mention of some of the most notorious errours that have been ob∣served in him, as I find them set down by O∣s••••ander in his Epitome of the Centuries: and they are these following.* 1.1155

1. Quòd Filius Dei Patrem non videat: quòd sit creatura; factus, non natus. Quòd Pater sit perfectè bonus, filius verò non absolutè bonus, sed tantùm cum additamento, ut, Pa∣stor bonus. Filium non esse adorandum, ne{que} cum Filio Patrem. Omnia, quae à Salvatore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 juxta historiam referuntur, putativè tantùm 〈◊〉〈◊〉 per allegoriam, accipienda esse. Christum pro Diabolorum salute etiam in aere & supernis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 passurum.

2. Spiritum Sanctum dixit, inferiorem esse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 majorem enim esse fortitudinem filii; quàm Spiritus Sancti.* 1.1156 Of whom he spake so meanly, that saith Ierome, his opinions of the Son were bad, but those of the holy Ghost, were worse.

3. Mundos esse innumerabiles, non quidem

simul, sed ita, ut semper mundi unius finis fit initium alterius mundi.

4. Mundum per angelos ita gubernare, ut alii promptè, alii inviti mundum regant; & propter Angelorum negligentiam & peccata (quòd res terrenas non rectè administrent) steri∣litates incidere.

5. Diabolos,* 1.1157 sicut & impios, adhuc salvan∣dos; & post longa supplicia, angelis bonis denuò associandos esse.

6. Animas hominum fuisse ante corpora, & egisse aliquid; ideo{que} crassis corporibus aliga∣tas; & animas postquam salutem consecutae fu∣erint, non ampliùs futuras animas. Most of these, Ierom mentions together thus. Ori∣genem, inqnit, in plerisq, haereticum non nego: Erravit de resurrectione corporis,* 1.1158 erravit de ani∣marum sta••••, de diaboli poenitentiâ, &, quod his majus est, Filium Dei & Spiritum San∣ctum, in commentariis Esaiae, Seraphim esse te∣status est.

7. Providentiam Dei non demitt••re se 〈◊〉〈◊〉 omnes creaturas, & inferiora mundi: sed tantùm in coelorum regionibns commorari.

8. Homini, etiam post lapsum talem perfectio∣nom concedit, qualem Adam habuit ante lapsum. Liberum ita{que} arhitrium, etiam in spirituali∣bus, homini tribuit.

9. Hominem operibus justificari credidit.

10. Purgatorium post hanc vitam esse opino∣tus est. Graviora delicta semel tantùm per p••∣nitentiam condonari putavit.

11. Baptismum post resurrectionem necessari∣um futurum.

12. Nuptiis seeundis parùm aequus fuit.

13. Sensit etiam, animas post mortem in coelum ascendere: & nunc proficere, nunc ad in∣feriora delabi: ita ut per innumerabiles ruinas anima saepe moriatur.

14. Resurrectionem corporum nostrorum s••c futuram, ut eadem membra non habeant: imò in alterâ vitâ fore nos sine corporibus; aut certè corpora nostra id futurum, quod nunc est aether, aut coelum, aut si quod est aliud & syncerius corpus.

15. Post resurrectionem Angelos, diabolos & animas omnium hominum, etiam gentilium, fore unius conditionis: deinde alium subsecu∣turum mundum, in quo animae de coelo delaben∣tes ali••s corporibus vestiantur.

16. Deni{que} sacras literas intempestivis & im∣modicis al••egoriis multò magis obscuravit, quàm explicuit; & aliis scriptoribus ecclesiasticis oc∣casionem dedit, ut & ipsi sacram Scripturam per ineptas allegorias depravarent. Origenis audacia (inquit Chamierus) in affectandis allegoriis sem∣per fuit suspecta,* 1.1159 nec longè distans à temeri ••ate.

To these many more might be added, which if the Reader desire to acquaint him∣self withal; let him peruse the Epistles of Ierom ad Avitum, ad Pammachium & Occa∣num, together with his Apologies against Ruffine: Epiphanius his Panarium. Haeres: 64. and in his Epistle ad Iohannem Hierosolymi∣tanum; the Centurists in Cent. 3. cap. 10. Da∣n••us in his Commentary upon the 43. Chapter of Augustin de haeresibus; and Nice∣las Choniates in his treasury of the Orthodox faith. Lib. 4. Haeres. 31. who there thus speaks of him; that for natural and moral

philosophy he was a Doctor acceptable unto all; but for matters Dogmatical or of Faith, & of Theological speculation, he shewed him∣self the most absurd of all that went before or followed after him. Which also those frequent passages of Ierom,* 1.1160 do shew; where he saith; I commended him as an interpretor, but not as a Dogmatist: Again; I call Origen ours for his learning and wit, not for the truth of his opinions and Doctrine. Lastly,* 1.1161 as I ever attributed unto Origen the Interpretation and idioms or proprieties of Scripture; So I most constantly took from him truth in his opini∣ons. For this cause also having at his request sent unto Avitus, his Translation of Origens books 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:* 1.1162 in the close of his Epi∣stle he prescribes this as an antidote against the errors therein contained: Whosoever, saith he, will read these books, and go to∣ward the land of promise with his feet shod, lest he be bitten of Serpents, and smitten with the forked wound of the Scorpion; let him read this book or Epistle wherein are declared the dangerous passages contained in those books, that so he may know before he begin his journy, what things he must shun & avoid. Hence Beza gives this censure of him; certainly,* 1.1163 saith he, this writer is every way so impure whether he wrote so himself, or whether his writings were afterward depra∣ved, that in matters controversial, he deserves no authority in the Church. Yet notwith∣standing in the judgment of some, the good that was in him, exceeded the evil; so that although he were guilty of the errors impu∣ted unto him, yet being a man of so much

learning, he deserves to be pittied; whose faults,* 1.1164 saith Haymo, if there be any in his books, may be overcome by the Celestial splendor of those things, which are faith∣fully written by him:* 1.1165 And, saith Scultetus, this age might well bear the precipitate pub∣lication of his works by Ambrose, or the ma∣levolent depravation of them, if withal, they had all come to our hands.

Many of his errors began first to be en∣tertained by the Monks and Disciplinarians in Egypt,* 1.1166 from whose Cells being vented they spread abroad, and were embraced and maintained by very many: unto whom (as a Sect or swarm of Hereticks, deriving their errors from Origen) was given the name of Origenists or Adamantians; who continued long, even unto the time of Gregory the great; for he testifieth that some of them were re∣maining in his days.* 1.1167 Adversus Origenistas (inquit Baronius) longa admodum & pericu∣losa fuit Ecclesiae concertatio.

§ 7. Now as touching the last scene of his life, his going off the Theatre of this world; I find no large mention made of it. That his sufferings for Christ were neither few nor small, (though he suffered not martyr∣dom) is abundantly testified; So that in the judgment of Merline,* 1.1168 as also of Mirandula, he came but little short of it,* 1.1169 and deserves the palm:* 1.1170 semper Deo (inquit Pontius Diaconus) mancipata devotio, dicatis hominibus pro mar∣tyrio deputatur.* 1.1171 And, saith Haymo, volun∣tate Martyr fuit: though he laid not down his life, yet he lost not the Honor of Martyr∣dom: For they were many and sore things

which he did undergo, even in his old age, (besides what in former time had be••ided him) at what time the persecution against the Church raged under the Emperor De∣cius: whereof Eusebius makes report in these words: (drawing toward the close of Origen,* 1.1172 about which the most part of the sixth book is spent) what things they were, saith he, and how great, which hapned to Origen in that persecution, and how he died; the spiteful Devil pursuing him with his whole troop; striving against him with all might and every kind of sleight that possibly could be invented; and especially against him above all the rest which then were persecuted to death; and what and how great things he sustained for the Doctrine of Christ; imprisonments and torments of body; scourging at Iron stakes, stench of close prison; and how for the space of many days, his feet lay stretched four paces asunder in the stocks; and how that con∣stantly he endured the threats of fire and all that the enemy could terrifie him with; and what end he made after the judge had wrought by all means possible to save his life; and what speeches he uttered very profitable for such as need consolation; sundry of his Epistles truly; faithfully and curiously penn'd, do declare. He lived the space of sixty nine years:* 1.1173 of which (reckoning from the time that he was by Demetrius made Catechist in the School of Alexandria) he spent above fifty most laboriously, in teaching and writing; in the affairs and care of the Church, in refuting Heresies, and in the

exercise of Piety, and many notable vertues. But notwithstanding all his labours and worth, his age and end (as well as the for∣mer part of his life) were accompanied with poverty; so small recompence and reward had he from men, who haply could be well contented freely to afford him their praises, but kept fast their purses;* 1.1174 sic, virtus laudatur & alget. And for this, rich Ambrose above all other deserves most blame,* 1.1175 that at his death was not more mindful of his old and indigent friend Origen. Hence it came to pass, that he ended his days in a mean and miserable condition (miserabiliter,* 1.1176 inquit Nicephorus, infoelix obiit) dying in the famous City of Tyre, where also he was buried in the reign of the Emperors Gallus and Volusian, and in the year of Christ. 256.

Cyprianus.

§ 1. CYprianus,* 1.1177 called also Thascius, was born at Carthage, one of the chief Cities of Africa, he was very rich,* 1.1178 and of great note and power there, being one of the Senatorian Order, and among them held the first or chief place: his breeding was liberal and ingenuous from his tender years,* 1.1179 being trained up in, and sea∣soned with the knowledge of the Arts where∣in his proficiency was such, that (among the rest) he became an excellent Rhetorician,* 1.1180 and publickly professed and taught that art at Carhage, being had in very great esteem a∣mong them; but all this while an Ethnick, without the knowledge of Christ, yea, a most bitter persecutor of the Christians, withal à Magician,* 1.1181 and skilled in those curious arts, though this last be very improbable in the judgment both of Baronius and Pamelius.

How long he continued in this condition is uncertain, yet that he was well stricken in years before converted unto Christianity, may be conjectured, 1. Partly from his own words: for (while being a Gentile, he thought of receiving the Christian Faith) he conflicted with such reasonings as these; he conceived it a hard and difficult thing (as

sometime did Nicodemus) for a man to be born again, that he should by the washing of wa∣ter put off what he was before, and have his mind changed: How (saith he) can such a conversion be possible, that so suddenly that should be put off which was genuine and na∣tural, and through length of time and old age had taken such deep rooting?* 1.1182 Hence it appears (saith Baronius) that he was se∣nescens, near unto and upon the verge of old age when he was about to give up his name to Christ. 2. Partly also from the time that he sate Bishop of Carthage, which is gene∣rally conceived to be about the space of ten years,* 1.1183 and not above; for he was chosen un∣to the office about the year 249, and suffered martyrdom, an. 259. Now both Baronius and Pamelius, as also before them, Pontius his Deacon and companion in his exile, who wrote the story of his life, do all affirm, that he was made Bishop shortly after his conver∣sion, and while but Neophytus & Novellus, a Novice in Christianity, and newly come to the Faith.

The instrumens by whom he was convert∣ed,* 1.1184 was one Caecilius a Presbyter, who part∣ly by his pious conversation (which was ve∣ry exemplary, he being a just man, and in honour, as well as age, a true Presbyter) and partly by his perswasions (upon which his eloquence did set such an edge,* 1.1185 that they were of great force and pierced deeply) pre∣vailed with him,* 1.1186 and brought him unto the knowledge and profession of Christianity. It seems the special portion of Scripture that wrought upon him, was the prophecy of

Ionab,* 1.1187 which haply Caecilius was unfolding and preaching upon at that time; for so much Ierom intimates, where he saith, Blessed Cy∣prian having been before an assertour of Ido∣latry, at length hearing the Sermon of Ionab, was converted and brought unto repentance. It is not unlikely that he had been before pre∣pared and somewhat inclined unto the Chri∣stian Religion, by reading the Books of Chri∣stians, and particularly of Tertullian his Country-man, unto whom he was much ad∣dicted, and greatly admired him; for had it not been so,* 1.1188 Baronius seeth not how (unless you will ascribe it to a miracle) he could in so short a time attain unto such a height of knowledge both in Doctrine and Discipline, as should furnish him for so high a function in the Church.

His love and affection unto his Caeeilius e∣ver after was so great,* 1.1189 that he respected and and reverenced him not as a friend and equal only, but as a spiritual Father, and one by whom he had received a new life, which he gave clear testimony of unto the world, by prefixing his name unto his own: so that un∣to this day he is called and commonly known by the name of Caecilius Cyprianus, as did Eusebius in after times annex the name of Pamphylus unto his own,* 1.1190 for the love that he bare unto that Martyr.

But a very little time did intervene between his conversion and advancement unto the chief Dignity in the Church; so great was his growth in the faith, that in a short space he attained unto such maturity as few perhaps do arrive at. Herein he was singular, there

having been scarce the like example before, which Pontius speaks of as a thing almost in∣credible: Nemo (inquit) metit, statim ut s••vit: Nemo vindemiam de novellis scrobibus expressit: Nemo adhuc unquam de noviter plan∣t••tis arbusculis matura poma quaesivit: In illo omnia incredibilia occurrerunt. Praevenit, si potest dici, (res enim fidem non capit) praevenit, inquam, tritura sementem, vindemia palmi∣t••m,* 1.1191 poma radicem. Baronius sets down the story of his addition unto the Church, and a∣scending unto the Episcopal Chair, as the oc∣currents of the same year.

Unto this Dignity of sitting at the Helm,* 1.1192 in the first and principal of the African Churches was he elected by the unanimous consent of the whole Clergy and people, none contradicting, but the unhappy Presbyter Fe∣lieissimus, with a few of his Associates, the seat being being vacant by the decease of Do∣natus,* 1.1193 Agrippinus or some other; for 'tis un∣certain who was his immediate predecessour.

Being called unto,* 1.1194 and having undertaken so weighty a charge, as a careful Pastour he bestirs himself accordingly: and in the first place, and while as yet the peace of the Church lasted, he applyed himself with all his might to restore the Discipline delivered by the Lord (whereof he was a great lover and ad∣vancer, and which long tranquillity had cor∣rupted) unto its ancient purity.

But this continued not long;* 1.1195 for a very sore porsecution ensued very shortly after un∣der the Emperour Decius, which mightily wasted the Church of Christ: the violence whereof reaching as far as Carthage, Cyprian

felt amongst the rest,* 1.1196 attaining not long af∣ter he was made Bishop (as Pamelius gathers from the words of Pontius, who saith it sell out, statim, eftsoon after) the Glory of Pro∣scription, unto which was added (that not satisfying the people) their violent clamour often repeated in the Theatre, requiring him to be cast unto the Lions.

To avoid the violence of this storm,* 1.1197 he withdrew not so much out of fear,* 1.1198 as for di∣vers other weighty reasons: as

1. In obedience to God, whose provi∣dences spake out no less than his command what he should do,* 1.1199 as he himself speaks: You shall (saith he in an Epistle to the Cler∣gy) hear all things, when the Lord shall bring me back again unto you, who com∣manded me to withdraw. Of which Pon∣tius gives us a larger account:* 1.1200 'Twas fear indeed (saith he) moved him so to do, but it was that just fear lest he should offend God, that fear which would rather obey God than be so crowned; for his heart being in all things devoted unto God, and his faith sub∣ject unto divine admonitions, he believes that if he had not obeyed the Lord, requiring him then to hide, he should have sinned in his very suffering.

2. Lest by his presence he should stir up envy of the people,* 1.1201 who could less away with him than any other of the Presbyters;* 1.1202 and so the sedition already begun among them, should grow unto a greater height.

3. The Church could not have been de∣prived of him but to her exceeding great de∣triment,* 1.1203 especially at that time, there being

none so able to afford that comfort, encou∣ragement, direction, correction and restoring, which multitudes in the Church did then stand in need of: Well, well, therefore, (saith Pontius) and truly by divine provi∣dence, it came to pass that a man so necessary in many regards, should be delayed the con∣summation of Martyrdom. Yet it seems that some were unsatisfied with, and calum∣niated this his action,* 1.1204 which he therefore took occasion to clear and vindicate in di∣vers of his Epistles;* 1.1205 whereby he gave satis∣faction unto the Clergy of Rome, who took it well, and judged what he did to be war∣••antable.

During the time of this his secession (which was about the space of two years) he was not wanting (though absent in body,* 1.1206 yet very vigilant as present in spirit) by his ad∣monitions, and otherwise to provide for and promote the welfare of the Brethren as much as he could, constituting divers Presbyters to execute his office in his room. But that which did occasion no small grief unto him, was the schism and disorders that happened in the Church,* 1.1207 whereof his former adversary Felicissimus was the principal author, with whom joyned five other Presbyters, who granted rashly and promiscuously peace and communion to the Lapsi, or such as through fear had faln in that time of persecution.* 1.1208 These were set on and abetted by Novatus a Presby∣ter of Carthage (from whom afterward sprung Donatus and his Sect) with whom sided Fortunatus,* 1.1209 set up by his party as a Mock-Bishop in opposition unto Cyprian, who yet

were of a contray opinion to the former;* 1.1210 denying all hope of peace to the Lapsi: but though they were opposite in judgement un∣to each other, yet did they all at length con∣spire together, and made up one faction a∣gainst Cyprian; who had given order, that as the Lapsi should not be altogether excluded▪ so neither should they be admitted unto communion, but upon their repentance and satisfaction given unto the Church.

This Felicissimus with his complices pro∣ceeded so far,* 1.1211 as that of those who adhered unto him (who in number increased daily) he constituted a Church of his own, which he congregated in a certain Mountain; from whence the name of the Montenses took its Original,* 1.1212 given afterward unto the party of the Donatists, who in imitation of these, lived in the Mountains.* 1.1213 But though Felicissi••us were the first in the Schism, yet was he the less famous;* 1.1214 for his name growing more ob∣scure, Novatus gave the title unto the whole Sect, who from him were called Novations; as also Cathari or pure; ••ecause they refused to communicate with the Lapsi,* 1.1215 though re∣penting, accounting them unclean.

These Schismaticks growing unto this height, the careful Cyprian, though in exile, is very sollicitous how to suppress them; and to prevent further mischie••s, that hereupon might ensue:* 1.1216 He falls upon the last remedy, writing unto Caldonius and Herculanu•• his Collegues,* 1.1217 as also unto Rogatian and Numidicus, Compresbyters, that they ex∣communicate Felicissimus and his followers,* 1.1218 which accordingly they performed,* 1.1219 as appears

by their Letters unto the Clergy of Carthage. After two years he returned from his banish∣ment,* 1.1220 Decius that cruel Persecutor being slain by the Gotbs, and so peace restored unto the Church. Immediately after his return he useth his utmost endeavours to close up the rent that had been made in the Church during his absence; for which end he convenes a Synod, wherein after due debate, this mode∣rate temperament was agreed upon concern∣ing the Lapsi; that the causes and necessities of their fall being examined, the Libellatici (who were such as by their friends did offer or give in their Libels unto the Magistrate, wherein they did deny Christ, but withal desire that they might not be compelled to sacrifice) as the less Delinquents should be admitted unto communion upon their repen∣tance;* 1.1221 but the Sacrificati (who were such,* 1.1222 as to preserve their Estates, or being by others perswaded thereunto, did offer unto the Idols) should have a longer time of repentance set and assigned unto them;* 1.1223 and in case in∣••irmity urged, they should receive peace, or be reconciled at the time of their death. In which Decree Cornelius Bishop of Rome agreed with them,* 1.1224 a little after calling a Council at Rome,* 1.1225 which consisted of sixty Bishops, so many Presbyters,* 1.1226 and many Deacons, wherein the business of the Lapsi was throughly scann'd, and Novotian (set up as Bishop of Rome by his party against Cornelius) together with Novatus and Felicissimus, were excom∣municated; the sum of which decree was this, that Novatus together with such as con∣sented unto his opinion, which was repugnant

unto brotherly love, should be banished the Church, and that the Brethren, fallen through infirmity in the troublesome time of perse∣cution, should be received, after that the salve of repentance and confession had been applied unto the Maladies.* 1.1227 By these Schisms was the Church much vexed for sometime, and Cyprian loaded with calumnies by the Authors and Maintainers of them; which he bare and overcame with invincible courage and patience. Many Councils were cele∣brated at Carthage,* 1.1228 and in other Provinces, both of the Eastern and Western Churches, for the suppressing of them. What after∣ward became of these Schismaticks is not found;* 1.1229 but persecution being renewed, seems for the present to have put an end unto these Controversies.

After this arose the question about the rebaptization of Hereticks returning again unto the Church:* 1.1230 which had been in use in the African Churches,* 1.1231 in the time of A∣grippinus, the Predecessor of Cyprian, and before him in the time of Tertullian.* 1.1232 This was occasioned by the practice of the Novati∣ans, who were wont to baptize again, as un∣clean, such as they had drawn from the Church unto their faction; which provoked divers African Bishops to emulation, among whom Cyprian was the chief.* 1.1233 Three Councils were by him call'd about this thing, in the last whereof were assembled at Carthage,* 1.1234 out of Africa, Numidia and Mauritania, eighty and seven Bishops; by whom it was concluded, that such as had been by Hereticks baptized, were upon their return unto the Church to

be admitted again, by rebaptization: and that, because there is but one Baptism, which is no where to be found, but in the true Church. The sentence of Cyprian is in the last place set down in these words.* 1.1235 My sentence (or judgement herein) (saith he) the Epistle written unto our Collegue Iubaianus hath most fully express'd, viz. that according to the Evangelical and Apostolical contestation, the Adversaries of Christ, and called Antichrists, when they come unto the Church, are to be baptized with the only Baptism of the Church; that they may be made friends of foes, and of Antichrists Christians. Which Opinion was rejected by Stephen Bishop of Rome,* 1.1236 and the Council by him there assembled. Yet did many of the Eastern Bishops, and of Egypt, as well as of Africa consent with Cyprian in this his opinion;* 1.1237 which having for a while, to their utmost defended,* 1.1238 they at last relin∣quished it, subscribing to Stephen, and the rest of the Church of Rome;* 1.1239 and that Cyprian did so among the rest is very probable, of which more hereafter.

Shortly after followed another grievous persecution under the Emperour Valerian and Galienus,* 1.1240 which lasted three years and an half;* 1.1241 and extending very far, Africa as well as other Provinces felt the violence thereof;* 1.1242 where the first that was aimed at and vexed,* 1.1243 was Cyprian, who by Paternus the Proconsul was banished unto Curubis (or Curobis, as Ptolemy) a Town invironed with the Lybian Ocean,* 1.1244 almost in the manner of an Island, standing on the Promontory of Mercury,* 1.1245 over against Sicily, distant from

Carthage about fifty miles. In this place, of a pleasant situation,* 1.1246 was he fitted with a convenient lodging, and visited by many of the brethren: Continuing here the most part of a year,* 1.1247 he was not idle, as his Letters, not a few, written from hence do testifie; where∣in he ceased not to exhort those, unto whom he wrote, to constancy in suffering, even unto the laying down of their lives for Christ; in which imployment let us a while leave him, till we shall come to speak of his Matyrdom.

§ 2. He was a man of excellent natural parts (the elaborate piece of Nature,* 1.1248 saith Nazianzen, the Flower of Youth) and these to the utmost improved by Education and industry; so that he attained unto a great height of secular Learning in all kinds, before his conversion. For besides his exactness in the art of Rhetorick, (whereof he was pub∣lick Professor in the famous City of Carthage,* 1.1249 and he so far excelled, that he went beyond other men in Eloquence,* 1.1250 as much as we ex∣ceed the brute Creatures) he was accurately skill'd in all other Arts; One (saith Nazian∣zen) that had gotten unto the top of Learn∣ing,* 1.1251 not only of Philosophy, but other Sciences, in every kind, take him where you will: so that, in variety of knowledge, and in absolute insight into the Arts, yea, in every regard, he excelled all others. To which was added, his through knowledge in the Tongues, viz. the Greek and Latin, (the two learned Languages) wherein he was most skilful.* 1.1252 The most Eloquent Preacher, Danie••

Tossanus,* 1.1253 did perswade both my self (saith Keckerman) and other candidates of the Mi∣nistery, that among all the Fathers, we would in the next place after the holy Scriptures, and most diligently, read Cyprian: and cer∣tainly I know not what spirit of Eloquence breaths upon us, when we have read this Author. These things did afterward prove of great advantage unto him, as did unto the Jews the Gold and Silver whereof they spoiled the Egyptians; 'Tis Augustine's al∣lusion,* 1.1254 whose words for their weight and worth do deserve perusal, which I shall here insert. As the Egyptians (saith he) had Gold and Silver, and Rayment, which the people of Israel departing out of Egypt, did clancu∣larly challenge for a better use, not by their own Authority, but by the command of God; the Egyptians ignorantly lending them those things, which they used not well: So the Doctrines of the Gentiles do contain the Liberal Arts, very useful to the Truth, and some most profitable moral precepts; as also some Truths concerning the worship of that one God; Which Gold and Silver, as it were, of theirs (that they themselves insti∣tuted not, but did dig out certain Mines of the Divine Providence, extending it self eve∣ry where, and which they perversly and in∣juriously abused to the worshipping of Devils) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christian, when he departs from them, and in heart separates himself from their miserable society, ought to take or bring away for the just use of preaching the Gospel; and what else did many of our good and faithful men? Do we not see with how great a burden of

Gold, Silver and Rayment, the Most sweet Doctor and blessed Matyr, Cyprian departed out of Egypt? So also did Victorinus, Optatus, Hilarius, and innumerable of the Greeks, &c. thus he: And not much unlike is that passage of Ierom (〈◊〉〈◊〉 alluding unto those words of Moses,* 1.1255 Deut, 21. 10, &c). who being demand∣ed by Magnus a Roman Orator, Cur in opus∣culis suis saecularium literarum interdum poneret exempla & caudorem Ecclesiae ethnicorum sor∣dibus pollueret? responsum, (inquit) breviter habeto: Quis nesciat & in Moyse & in Prophe∣tarum voluminibus quaedam assumpta de gen∣tilium libris?* 1.1256 Sed & Paulus Apostolus P••eta∣rum Epimenidis,* 1.1257 Menandri, & Arati versicu∣lis abusus est. Quid ergò mirum, si & ego sapientiam saecularem propter eloquii venustatem & membrorum pulchritudinem, de aneillâ & captivâ Israelitidem facere cupio? & si quicquid in eâ mortuum est idololatriae, voluptatis, erroris, libidinum, vel praecido vel rado; & mixtos purissimo corpori vernaculo, ex eâ genero Do∣mino Sabaoth? labor meus in familiam Christi profecit.

But the most splendid Jewels, that were his principal Ornaments, Christianity only fur∣nished him withal; which made him exceed∣ing amiable in the eyes both of God and Men▪ so that nothing was more illustrious or fa∣mous in the whole world:* 1.1258 (saith Billi••s quoting the words of Ierom) accounted by the Church as a Star of the greatest Manitude: Non solùm malos Catholicos (inquit Augustinus) nullo modo comparamus,* 1.1259 sed nec bonos facilè coaequamus beato Cypriano, quem inter r••ros & & paucos excellentissimae gratiae viros numer••••

pia mater Ecclesia.* 1.1260 He was (saith Nazianzen) sometime (viz. before his conversion) the singular honour of Carthage; but now, viz. since his becoming a Christian, of the whole world. His natural disposition was very sweet and lovely; but being polished by Religion, it became much more so:* 1.1261 in whom was to be found such an equal composition of gravi∣ty and chearfulness, severity and mildness, that it might be doubtful whether he de∣served to be more feared or loved, but that indeed he equally deserved both.

His knowledge in the Mysteries of the Go∣spel was such, that for it he was renowned every where, his writings that were dispersed f••r and near, did spread his fame and made him of great note not only in the African and Western,* 1.1262 but also in the Churches of the East. In comparison of whom the great Augustin doth so far undervalue himself, that (saith he) I am very much▪* 1.1263 yea incomparably inferiour unto the desert of Cyprian. And he was not only a shining, but also a burning light,* 1.1264 so exemplary in his conversation, that the Rays of Grace and Holiness streaming forth therein, did even confound the minds of the beholders.* 1.1265 Talis ubique Sermonis habitus et (inquit Erasmus) ut loqui sentias verè Chri∣stianum Episcopum, ac Martyrio destinatum. Pectus ardet Evangelicâ pietate, & pectori re∣spondet oratio: loquitur diserta, sed magis fortia quàm diserta: neque tam loquitur fortia, quàm vi∣vit. Insomuch that in the sentence pronounced upon him,* 1.1266 he is stiled the Standard-bearer of his Sect, and enemy of the gods qui futurus esset ipse documento, & cujus sa••guine inciperet Disci∣plina sanciri▪

Among the rest, those graces, whose lustre and brightness, the place he held, the employ∣ments he managed, and the condition of the times that he lived in, did more especially discover, were such as these.

1. His humility, that sweet grace, peculiar to Christianity, this added a beauty unto all the rest,* 1.1267 tanto erat excelientior, quanto humilior, inquit Augustinus; who was so much the higher in the account of others, by how much the lower he was in his own. Being to deliberate about weighty affairs, his manner was to decree nothing without his colleagues, neither would he pertinaciously love and adhere unto his own apprehensions,* 1.1268 but rather embrace what was by others profitably and wholesomely suggested.

2. His Charity and compassion to those in want and durance:* 1.1269 for immediately upon his conversion he parted with what he had, and gave it for the relief of the Poor. He was (as Iob speaks of himself) eyes to the blind, and feet to the lame;* 1.1270 a Father unto the Put, and the cause which he knew not, he searched out; he brake the jaws of the Wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his Teeth. And when many had been taken Captives by the barba∣rous Goths,* 1.1271 or Scythians, he sent an hundred thousand Sestertia from the Church, for the redeeming of them: so himself speaks: misi∣mus (inquit) Sestertia centum millia nummû••, quae isthic in Ecclesiâ,* 1.1272 cui de Domini indulgentiâ praesumus, Cleri & plebis apud nos consistentia collatione collecta sunt. The sum being so vast, Pamelius conjectures it ought to be only Se∣stertia centum,* 1.1273 and that millia nummûm, added

for explications sake,* 1.1274 is from the Margin crept into the Text: or else, he thinks it should be thus read: Sestertium centum millia nummûm. Yea while he was in exile, he not only wrote, but also sent relief unto those poor Christians who were condemned unto the Mines.* 1.1275 He manifested also this Grace in his Indulgence to forgive and receive those of∣fenders, who repenting returned unto the Church:* 1.1276 Hear his own words—Remitto omnia, inquit, multa dissimulo, studio & voto colligendae fraternitatis, etiam quae in Deum commissa sunt, non pleno judicio Religionis ex∣amino, delictis plusquam oportet remittendo penè ipse delinquo: amplector promp••â & plenâ dilectione cum paenitentiâ revertentes, pecca∣tum suum satisfactione humili & simplici con∣st••entes.

3. His patience in bearing injuries and wrongs: whereof he gave an ample testimony in his behaviour toward those who opposed him,* 1.1277 when he was chosen Bishop; Oh how patiently did he bear with them, and with what a deal of clemency did he forgive them; reckoning them among his friends to the ad∣miration of many.

4. His equanimity and peaceableness; being a very great lover and maintainer of unity among Brethren, which he was studi∣ous to preserve and hold, even with those that dissented from him:* 1.1278 as appears in the grand difference between him and Stephen Bishop of Rome, and others about the re∣baptization of Hereticks: for, as himself did not break Communion by separating from them, so neither did he cease to perswade

others also, that they should bear with one another in love,* 1.1279 endeavouring to keep the u∣nity of the Spirit in the bond of peace: his words that he used in the Council of Carthage, speaks out this sweet temper of his Spirit. Super est (inquit) Collegae dilectissimi, ut de hac ipsâ re quid singuli sentiamus, proferamus, ne∣minem judicantes,* 1.1280 aut à jure Communionis, aliquem, si diversum senserit, amoventes.

To these many more might be added, as his contempt of riches,* 1.1281 keeping under of his body, purity of Life, diametrically opposite to the lusts of his former conversation, gravity joyned with humanity, equi-distant both, from arrogancy and baseness: fidelity, pru∣dence, industry, watchings and the like, which more at large are commemorated and record∣ed by Pontius and Nazianzen, in all which regards he was very eminent:* 1.1282 Hence Vin∣centius stiles him, illud Sanctorum omnium & Episcoporum & Martyrum lumen, beatissimum Cyprianum:* 1.1283 He may be instead of many (saith Erasmus) whether you respect eloquence or Doctrine, or the dignity of a Pastor, or a brest every where breathing forth the vigour of an Apostolical Spirit, or the glory of Mar∣tyrdom. Whose writings (saith Scultetus) have in them so happy a genius,* 1.1284 that, al∣though they were interwoven with divers errours, yet they found some Doctors of the Church, not only admirers of the more sound Doctrine, but candid Interpreters even of the errours contained in them. How tran∣scendent a Man he was in the judgement of the great Augustin is evident, and may be col∣lected from the Titles he gives him, wherein

the Epithets which for the most part he makes use of, such as are Doctor Suavissimus, lucidissimus, pacis amantissimus, excellentissimae gratiae, also Martyr beatissimus, fortissimus, glo∣riosissimus, &c.* 1.1285 A Man (saith he) whose praise I cannot reach, to whose many Letters I compare not my writings, whose Wit I love, with whose mouth I am delighted, whose Charity I admire, and whose Martyrdom I reverence. Add hereto the Encomium of Prudentius, whose words are:

—Tenet ille Regna coeli,* 1.1286 Nec minùs involitat terris, nec ab hoc re∣cedit orbe; Disserit, eloquitur, tractat, docet, instruit, prophetat. Nec Lybiae populos tantum regit exitusque in ortum. Solis, & usque obitum, Gallos fovet, imbu∣it Britanuos, Praesidet Hesperiae, Christum serit ultimis Hiberis.

Let me shut up all with the words of Pon∣tius:* 1.1287 I pass by (saith he) many other and great things, which the Volume, lest it swell too big, suffers me not more largely to relate, of which let it suffice to have said this only, that if the Gentiles might have heard them at their Bars, they would perhaps forthwith have believed and become Christians.

§ 3. The monuments of this excellent and choice spirit were many,* 1.1288 Sole clariora, lively representing as in a glass his great worth, and

wherein though dead, he yet liveth and speak∣eth:* 1.1289 Of which Augustin had so venerable an esteem, that he accounted all his own works not equal unto one of Cyprian's Epistles: And Ierom giving directions unto the noble Wi∣dow Laeta for the pious education of her Daughter Paula, recommends the works of Cyprian to her continual perusal: Cypriani (inquit) opuscula semper in manu teneat.* 1.1290 Cujus singula prope verba spirant Martyrium. They are but fragments as it were, that remain, and the loss of what is wanting is much bewailed by Erasmus.

Of those many that are lost, I find but few mentioned in any Authors: so that it seems, not only the Books themselves, but even their very Names and Titles are exstinct with them.* 1.1291 Paulus Diaconus reckoneth among the innu∣merable Volumes (as he hath it) which he wrote, a very profitable Chronicle compiled by him: Also that he discoursed most excel∣lently upon the Evangelists and other Books of the Scripture. But how little credit this report deserves, will appear from the words of Ierom (a Man as well as most acquainted with the writings of those that went before him) who tells us,* 1.1292 that he never commented upon the sacred Scriptures,* 1.1293 being wholly taken up with the exercise of vertue (totus in exereita∣tione, aliàs, exhortatione virtutum) and occu∣pied or hindred by the straits of persecution: Unless his three books of testimonies unto Quirinus (which are as it were common pla∣ces out of the Scriptures) might be looked on by him as Commentaries,* 1.1294 wherein indeed he briefly glosseth upon and giveth some light

unto many Texts, though this were not the thing that he intended in those Tables.

Among the works of Cyprian that remain unto this day, his excellent Epistles are deser∣vedly ranked in the first place;* 1.1295 as having a notable vein of piety running through them; (Epistolae Cypriani, inquit Chemnitius, referunt pectus ardens Pietate, ita ut lectorem accendere possint) and wherein is discovered abundance of that prudence, candour, meekness, modesty, gravity, and holy severity, wherewith his rare spirit was so much adorned. These are the most genuine births of our Author, though yet they have not continued altogether un∣touched, nor have escaped the injury of those, whose fingers have been itching to tamper with and corrupt them,* 1.1296 for the support of their tottering cause, which truth will never patronize.

There are at this day eighty three of them in number,* 1.1297 whereof some few were from o∣thers unto himself, the rest written by him unto the Bishops, Presbyters, and Churches or Brethren. They are by Pamelius digested and cast into this order, two were written shortly after his Baptism,* 1.1298 thirty and eight in his first Exile, which lasted the space of two years; eighteen during the time wherein Cor∣nelius and Lucius sate Bishops of Rome; eight miscellany Epistles, written in the times of the peace of the Church; ten in the time of Stephen Bishop of Rome, concerning the Re∣baptization

of Hereticks; and seven in his last secession a little before his Martyrdom. The same Authour hath taken good pains in his more exact Chronological account of the par∣ticular years, wherein these Epistles (as also his other Treatises) were written,* 1.1299 which affords not a little light for the better under∣standing of them: for he had found them to have such a mutual dependance one upon another, that many of them without the help of others could not well be understood. This Chronology is prefixed by Pamelius in his Edition of these Epistles, together with the rest of Cyprian's works, in whose diligence in his emendations and annotations (which con∣tain many Ecclesiastical Antiquities for the illustration of them) deserveth commendation; Yet in this was he unhappy, that being a sworn Vassal of the Romish Synagogue, he strains his Wit and skill,* 1.1300 to reconcile (which cannot be) the opinions and judgement of Cy∣prian and other Ancients, with Pontifician Traditions and the Anathematisms of the Tridentine Conventicle: which filth cast upon the famous Cyprian and Orthodox antiquity, Simon Goulart hath with good success endea∣voured to wipe off in his Learned notes,* 1.1301 as an antidote subjoyned unto those of Pamelius: by which means this Edition comes to be more exact than any that were before it,* 1.1302 though there were divers.* 1.1303 Of which Pamelius a Lovain Divine, the said Goulart gives this ap∣probation, that he was an ingenious Man, of much reading, most diligent, of very accurate and quick expression, and one that had merited much of those studious in Theology in his

Edition of Cyprian: if contenting himself to have pointed at the various readings, he had, either not touched, or more sincerely ex∣plicated, those Antiquities.

As touching these Epistles,* 1.1304 I shall refer the Reader for the Analysis and contents of them unto Scultetus, who hath taken laudable pains in surveying the works of our Authour, toge∣ther with divers other of the Ancients. It shall suffice me to reflect upon them in a more general way, and what is remarkable in them; and to hint somewhat that may be of use in reference unto them: And herein I shall ob∣serve that order wherein they are ranked and set down by Pamelius.

The second Epistle contains a flourishing and eloquent Narration of his conversion and Baptism, savouring much for its quaintness, of the Rhetorick Schools from whence he was newly come.* 1.1305 The phrase of this Epistle (saith Erasmus) is more neat and florid, then that of the rest, retaining still the scent of Scholastical eloquence.* 1.1306 In Secundâ Epistolâ nonnihil lusit apparatu pompâque Sermonis; unde & Augustinus, (Lib. 4. cap. 14. de Doctr. Chri∣stian) comptae, jucundae splendidaeque dictionis de∣promit exemplum.* 1.1307 It is entituled by Trithe∣mius,* 1.1308 lib. de gratiâ Dei. And by Antoninus, De Gratiâ & abundantiâ malitiae saeculi. But this accurate Eloquence of his gotten with so much sweat,* 1.1309 and augmented with continual exercise, and for which he was famous every where, he laid aside as of little profit and ne∣cessity, preferring before it Christian simplici∣ty. Yet, that in this Epistle he wrote in so high a strain, I suppose it therefore so fell

out (saith Augustine) or rather was advisedly done,* 1.1310 that posterity might know, what a tongue the soundness of Christian Doctrine had recalled from such redundance or super∣fluity, and restrained to a more grave and mo∣dest eloquence: such as in his following wri∣tings is securely loved, religiously desired, but most difficulty performed. Wherefore this holy Man did shew, that he could so speak, because some where he spake so; but withal that he would not, because he afterward no where doth so.* 1.1311 Nihil (inquit Erasmus) repe∣ries in Cypriaeno, quod ad ostentationem inge•••• videri possit ascitum, aut quod ullo pacto vafriei∣em sapiat.

In the twelfth Epistle,* 1.1312 ad plebem, wherein he desires them to wait for his return, that we (saith he) and our fellow Bishops being assembled together, may examine the Letters and desires of the blessed Martyrs, according to the Doctrine of our Lord, and in the pre∣sence of the Confessors, & secundum vestr•••• quoque sententiam, and according as you shall think convenient. Those last words are ma∣liciously left out; because (saith Daille) they would not have us to know,* 1.1313 that the faithful people had ever any thing to do with, or had any vote in the affairs of the Church.

In the thirty first Epistle, there remained for a long time a foul fault uncorrected,* 1.1314 by which the place was so depraved, that no per∣fect sence could be made of it: which was at length happily amended by the dexterity of that Phoenix of her Sex for Learning,* 1.1315 Margaret the Daughter of Sir Thomas Moor: one unto whom Erasmus wrote many Epistles

and dedicated his Commentaries on certain Hymns of Prudentius, calling her the flower of all the Learned Matrons of England. She was of a quick and sharp Wit, and composed in Greek and Latin both Verse and Prose; and that most eloquently, to the admiration of those that perused her writings. This Gen∣tlewoman reading this Epistle, and being come to the place corrupted, (which was this; Absit enim ab Ecclesiâ Romanâ vigorem suum tam profanâ facilitate dimittere, & NISI VOS severitatis eversâ fidei Majestate dissolvere) pre∣sently without help of other example or in∣struction, quoth she, those words Nisi Vos, must be, Nervos: and so the sentence by that word is made plain and perspicuous.* 1.1316 With this emendation is this Epistle set forth in the Edition of Pamelius, who making ho∣nourable mention of the Author thereof,* 1.1317 re∣ports it from Costerus, that tells us he had it from Doctor Clement a Learned Physician, one familiarly acquainted with Sir Thomas his Family, as having married Mrs. Margaret Gage another rare proficient in that famous Female Academy. Rhenanus stiles it a very notable Epistle;* 1.1318 Habemus (inquit) de Disciplinâ Ro∣manae Ecclesiae valdè insignem Epistolam Presby∣terorum & Diaconorum urbis Romae.

In the general there are three things especially observable in the Epistles of our Author.

1. There are to be found in them divers evident footsteps of the ancient Discipline of the Churches of Christ. As concerning Officers and the manner of electing them: of the power of those Officers, and how it was

made use of by them; of the excommunica∣tion of offenders, and the restoring of them unto Communion again, upon their repentance and satisfaction given unto the Church: of the care that ought to be had of the poor, imprisoned, &c. of which see Epist. 6. 11, 12, 13 31, 34, 37, 52, 54, 64▪ 65.

2. Many notable cases propounded unto, and resolved by him; particularly, these fol∣lowing among the rest.

1. Whether Novatian the Schismatick could or might baptize or no?* 1.1319 he denies that he could (though herein he erred) which he en∣deavours to maintain and make good by divers arguments: but the good Bishop (as Goulart observes in his notes) undertook a bad cause, in defending whereof he discovered much weakness, though withal no less mo∣desty, in the close of his discourse.

2. Whether a Stage-Player, persevering in the exercise of that unseemly Art,* 1.1320 ought to communicate? To which his answer is in the Negative, that he ought not. Puto, inquit, nec Majestati Divinae, nec Evangelicae Discipline congruere, ut pudor & honor Ecclesiae tam turpi & infami contagione foedetur, which place (saith Goulart) meets with those who admit unto the Communion without distinction,* 1.1321 such as are impious and impure.

3. Whether those who had been baptized by Hereticks, upon their return unto the Ca∣tholick Church, ought again to be baptized? His answer is Affirmative, (wherein joyned with him many other Bishops) and as the ground of it, he labours to prove the Baptism of Hereticks to be a nullity; wherein he doth

humanum aliquid pati. And this is the chief subject of divers Epistles, viz. from the se∣ventieth unto the seventy seventh, among which in the seventy sixth Epistle, the first Quaere, viz. that about the Baptism of No∣vatian, is answered.

4. Whether the Clinici (i. e. those who were baptized upon their sick Beds) are to be accounted legitimate or rightful Christians,* 1.1322 because they are not washed, but only sprink∣led with baptismal water? Unto which his answer is affirmative: Nos, inquit, aestima∣mus in nullo mutilari & debilitari posse benefi∣cia divina, nec minus aliquid illic posse contin∣gere, ubi plenâ & totâ fide & dantis & sumen∣lis accipitur, quod de divinis muneribus hauri∣tur, &c. This by Pamelius is made to be the latter part of the seventy sixth Epistle, and not an entire one by it self:* 1.1323 and so thinks Erasmus of it also, though in some Editions it be disjoyned from it: It's plain, saith E∣rasmus, from the first words, that it is no entire Epistle; for who would begin an Epi∣stle after this manner, Quaesisti etiam: yet in his Edition are these made two distinct E∣pistles, viz. one the sixth of the first Book: the other the seventh of the fourth.

5. Whether Fortunatianus (sometime a Bishop) who had sacrificed unto Idols,* 1.1324 might challenge or take unto himself his office again? He answers negatively, rendring divers rea∣sons why he so judgeth.

3. Many excellent and pressing exhortati∣ons un••o constancy in suffering for the name of Christ; as also sundry choice documents and directions for Holiness and Christian Con∣versation;

for which work he was so com∣pletely furnished, that Pontius would con∣clude from thence, his flight in the time of persecution, and reservation from Martyr∣dom for a while, to be from the special pro∣vidence of God, because of the need the Church then had of him: For, saith he, who should teach the Lapsi Repentance,* 1.1325 He∣reticks Truth, Schismaticks Unity, the Sons of God peace and the Law of Evangelical Prayer? Who should comfort Christians tenderly affected with their losses, or rather those of little faith, with the hope of future things? Whence should we so learn mercy or patience? Who should raise up so many Mar∣tyrs with divine exhortations? Well then it happened, that a man so many ways so neces∣sary, should be for a while respited from Mar∣tyrdom.* 1.1326 He was therefore, saith Pamelius, saved by the Lord, that being destined unto Martyrdom afterward, he might by his ex∣hortations send before many Martyrs unto the Lord, who, had they wanted the incen∣tive of this celestial Trumpet, might else have fallen from the faith. Hear the words of the Presbyters and Deacons at Rome,* 1.1327 to this purpose, say they in an Epistle unto him, Maximas tibi atque uberes gratias referre debt∣mus & reddimus, quòd—victores 〈◊〉〈◊〉 viribus tui sermonis animasti, ut quanquam h••e totum de fide confitentium & de divinâ indul∣gentiâ venire videatur, tamen in martyrio 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tibi ex aliquo debitores facti esse videantur. Of this kind among the rest are Epist. 6. 8, 9. 16. wherein in an eloquent and plainly divine stile,* 1.1328 he confirmeth the confessors: also Epist.

25. 56. 77. & 81. In Epistolâ 77. (inquit Baronius) elucet mirificè Christiani nominis ex∣cellentiâ quae eo gloriosior redditur, atque praecla∣rior, quo magis fuerit afflictata molestiis, ac re∣bus fatigata contrariis, praestat eas literas audire, utpote novissimos cygnaeos viri sanctissimi cantus, qui mirificum quendam reddunt flagrantis spiri∣tus cum suavitate concentum.

For his other works, Pamelius conceives, that in the last recited words of Pontius,* 1.1329 is hinted the order in which they were written; for who can think, saith he, that meerly by accident, and not rather purposely and with mature deliberation, he should observe such an order in his words, which he therefore ob∣serves in his Edition, and so shall I in the re∣cital of them. His Treatises then are these following.

1. Of the discipline and habit of Virgins, entituled by Erasmus,* 1.1330 only De habitu Virgi∣num: and by Ierom and Trithemius, de vir∣ginitate. It was written by him while he was yet a Presbyter, or at least shortly after he was made Bishop, viz. in the first year: of which Rhenanus thus speaks, Cyprianus scripsit de habitu Virginum,* 1.1331 nitidior aliquanto f••ciliorque hoc nostro authore, viz. Tertulliano. Ierom stiles it an egregious Volume, wherein he exhorts Virgins to a conversation suitable to their profession, to contemn the world, and to shun the abuses and corruptions of it, which in a lofty strain he stirs them up unto: for so Augustin,* 1.1332 ad virginitatem magno accen∣dit eloquio Cyprianus: In this Tract, (as in o¦thers also) he much imitates his Master, as he calls him, Tertullian upon the like subject.

2. De Lapsis.* 1.1333 1. Of such as fell in time of persecution, which Erasmus calls by the name of Sermo: this with the two following was written shortly after his return from exile, peace being restored unto the Church:* 1.1334 where∣in congratulating the Confessors, and bles∣sing God for their invincible constancy under the Cross, he greatly bewails the fall of such, as by the threatenings of the adversary were drawn to sacrifice, and did not rather with∣draw according unto the counsel of Christ, blaming them, that before their repentance they would even extort communion and peace from some Presbyters without the consent of the Bishop: and lastly, by divers arguments he exhorts them unto a publick acknowledg∣ment of their sin, and to give satisfaction un∣to the Church. Herein also he imitates Ter∣tulian in his Book of repentance.

3. Of the unity of the Church;* 1.1335 some do add the word Catholick: and this Pamelius (as himself more than once boastingly tells us) from the fifty first Epistle, first found out to be the true Title of this Book, which Erasmus and some others do stile, A Treatise of the Simplicity of Prelates: and Augustine an Epistle touching unity.* 1.1336 A golden Book, written by occasion of the Novatian Rent or Schism,* 1.1337 that he might deter his Carthaginians from siding with Novatus,* 1.1338 who were too much inclining unto, and not so averse from him as they should have been. Wherein he earnestly presseth the Pastours carefully to pre∣serve unity in the Church, by many weighty arguments; shewing the original and sourse of Heresies to be the contempt of the truth

and celestial Doctrine of Christ, commend∣ing unity in the Church; and in the close he discourseth of the Duty of those who stand firm in the unity of the Church, viz. to shun the society of Schismaticks. This excellent piece of Cyprian the Vassals of the Romish See have been most busily tampering with, and as palpably corrupting for their advantage in point of the Popes Supremacy; having boldly foysted in here and there,* 1.1339 as they thought fit, whole periods and sentences against the faith of the best and most uncorrupted Manu∣scripts:* 1.1340 the additions are these following,

1. He built his Church on him alone (viz. Peter) and commanded him to feed his Sheep.

2. He established one Chair.

3. The Primacy was given unto Peter, to shew that there was but (one Church of Christ) and but one Chair.

4. He that forsakes the Chair of Peter, on which the Church was founded, doth he hope himself to be in the Church? Of these last words, saith Philander (after Theophilus had named six Editions of Cyprian,* 1.1341 in which they are not) indeed I confess the words were wanting, till Pamelius a Canon of Bruges found them in an old written Copy lying in the Abby of Cambron. All these additions will evidently appear unto any one, who (without having recourse unto other copies) will but compare Erasmus and Pamelius their Editions together. He that desireth to be far∣ther satisfyed in the foul fraud of these shame∣less forgers in this particular, let him please to peruse the learned Doctor Reynolds in his

conference with Hart, chap. 5. division. 2. Bil∣son in his difference, &c. part 1. pag. 89. and Doctor Iames, of the Corruption of the Fa∣thers, part 2.

So many have been the mutations, addi∣tions, detractions and variations of this small Book, that the laborious abovenamed Do∣ctor Iames (in a little Treatise written by him, which he entituled Cyprian restored or revived) hath observed no less than two hundred and eighty eight of them,* 1.1342 by a dili∣gent collation of four manuscript Copies: this the bold Jesuit Possevine in his Apparatus,* 1.1343 inserts as his own, which the Doctor thus chargeth him with: It hath pleased him, saith he, in his first Tome, at the word Cy∣prian, to steal a Treatise of mine, and con∣cealing my name, mutatis mutandis, chopping and changing some few words at his plea∣sure, to publish it unto the world: Sic no•• non nobis mellificamus apes. A most unworthy act, and at least deserving the brand of base ingenuity: a fault that Crinitus blames in Macrobius,* 1.1344 who having been much beholding unto A. Gellius, makes no acknowledgment thereof: Cum sit, inquit, obnoxiae mentis & ingenii maximè infaelicis, uunquam fateri, pe•• quos authores profeceris.

4. Of the Lord's Prayer, which Treatise Augustine thus commends,* 1.1345 I admonish, saith he, and much exhort you to read diligently that Book of Blessed Cyprian, which he wrote of the Lord's Prayer; and as the Lord shall help you, to understand and com∣mit it to memory: he writes it unto one Va∣lentinus and the Monks that were with him.

In this piece commending this prayer;* 1.1346 he shews how we ought to draw near unto God; then explains the several parts and petitions of it: unto which he subjoyns somewhat of the necessity of prayer, how the mind ought to be composed in this duty; and when it should be performed. Herein also he imi∣tates Tertullian de Oratione.* 1.1347 Est, inquit Six∣tuì Senensis sanctae & venustae brevitatis expla∣••••tio.

5. Unto Demetrianus, the Proconsul of Africa; an Apologetical or invective Orati∣on;* 1.1348 Erasmus wonders why any should rather call it a Treatise, then an Epistle. Wherein, using a more elaborate stile, he clears the Christians of those calumnies that were cast upon them by Demetrian and other Ethnicks; who imputed it unto the Christians not worshipping the Gods, that those grievous judgments of famine, pestilence and war, did so rage in the Romane Empire: the true cause whereof he shews to be their contempt of Christianity, which he proves by divers ••••guments; and closeth with an exhortation unto the Gentiles to come unto God, and to believe on Jesus Christ. In this likewise he imitates his Master Tertullian in his Apology,* 1.1349 and in his book against Scapula; but is blamed by Lactantius for not handling the matter as he ought; because he dealt with an Heathen by Scripture testimonies, which Demetrian esteemed as fained and vain; who should have been refuted by reason and arguments grounded thereupon;* 1.1350 yet herein is he defended by Baronius who labors to ex∣cuse him.

6. Of the vanity of idols; or, that idols are not gods: wherein he proves that they were men, and consequently that the wor∣shipping of them can be no way profitable: And that there is but one true God and Lord of all, whom the Christians worship. Erasmus suspects it to be a fragment of a larger work,* 1.1351 because it begins so abruptly. Of which piece Ierom thus speaks,* 1.1352 commending his wit and skill: with what brevity, with what knowledge of all Histories, with what splen∣dor of words and sense hath Cyprian discussed that idols are not Gods? Herein also as he imitated Tertullian in his Apology, so likewise doth he Minutius Foelix in his Octavius;* 1.1353 or Minutius him: for they lived near about the same time.

7. Of Mortality; written by him in a time wherein the pestilence invaded and raged in divers provinces,* 1.1354 and chiefly Alex∣andria and the rest of Egypt. Vsher calls it a famous Treatise: wherein by divers argu∣ments, he armeth Christians against the fear of death; and admonisheth them not to grieve immoderately for those that die, shew∣ing what are the fruits of death, and of how great advantage it is unto them that die in Lord.* 1.1355 A book, saith Augustine, laudably known to many, yea almost to all that love Ecclesiastical writings; in quo dicit mortem fidelibus utilem reperiri, quoniam peccandi pe∣riculis hominem subtrahit, & in non peccandi securitatem constituit.

8. Of works and almsdeeds:* 1.1356 Augustin calls it an Epistle: and Ierom grande volumen, a great volum wherein he exhorteth those

that were able, to contribute toward the re∣lieving of the poor, who by pestilence, famine and other calamities had been reduced unto great exigencies.

9. Of the good of Patience, wherein, virtutem hanc per effecta magnificè amplificat:* 1.1357 commend∣ing the practice of it from the example of God, Christ & the Saints: proving also both by Scripture and reason, that 'tis not only profita∣ble, but also necessary for a Christian. Baronius shews us the occasion of the writing hereof. Veritus, inquit, magnopere Cyprianus, ne inter Episcopos obortis contentionibus,* 1.1358 magno aliquo sebismate Catholica scinderetur Ecclesia, ad ••ntevertenda futura mala, egregium illud pro∣p••ylacticon praeparavit antidotum, libellum illum de bono Patientiae scribens, quò demonstraret abs{que}, patientiâ impossibile esse servari inter fratres mutuam charitatem. And Cyprian himself in his Epistle to Iubaianus con∣cerning the rebaptization of hereticks, having said in the last paragraph,* 1.1359 that he would not for Hereticks contend with his fellow Bi∣shops; he shuts up all with these words: servatur à nobis patienter & firmiter charitas ••nimi, collegii honor, vinculum fidei, & con∣cordia sacerdotii. Propter hoc etiam libellum de bono patientiae, quantum valuit nostra medi••∣critas, permittente Domino & inspirante, con∣scripsimus quem ad te pro mutuâ dilectione transmisimus. In this book also he much imitates Tertullian upon the same subject, with a pious and commendable emulation:* 1.1360 for he feared lest (as it afterward fell out) the writings of so eminent a man should be lost or laid aside:* 1.1361 many even then abstaining

from the reading of him, because he had so un∣happily separated from the Church.

10. Of zeal (he takes this word here in the worse sense) and envy: which by many arguments he dehorteth from; shewing whence it proceeds, and how much evil it produceth.* 1.1362 Sermo praeclarus, inquit Kecker∣man••us, & egregia coneio. Augustine calls this Tract also an Epistle; and Ierom, librum valdè optimum.* 1.1363 The occasion of the writing of this, as of the former Treatise also, was the controversie and great contest that a∣rose between Stephen Bishop of Rome and the African Bishops about the Baptizing of Hereticks.

11. An exhortation to Martyrdom; writ∣ten unto Fortunatus; distinguished into twelve Chapters containing so many arguments, whereby he presseth unto Martyrdom: which are collected almost verbatim out of the Scriptures.* 1.1364 Baronius and Pamelius are very confident, that it is Cyprians, and much wonder that any should ascribe it unto Hi∣lary;* 1.1365 which yet Marianus Victorinus doth as confidently, induced hereunto by the stile, and authority of Ierom. For which cause the industrious Mr. Cooke doubts not to rank it among the works falsly ascribed unto this Father.

12. Three books of Testimonies unto Quirinus, being none other then a rapsody or collection of several places of Scripture. The two first, against the Jews: In the one he shews that the Jews have departed from God,* 1.1366 and so have lost that grace and indul∣gence which formerly was afforded unto

them; and that the Gentiles from among all nations have succeeded them, and come into their place. The other contains the mystery of Christ, that he came according as the Scri∣ptures had foretold, and hath done and per∣formed all things by which he might be known. In the third,* 1.1367 which the Centurists stile, de disciplina Christianorum, he instructs Quirinus in a Christian life; it being a Col∣lection of Divine Precepts and Commands, which may be the more easie and profitable for the Readers, for that, being but a few and digested into a Breviary, they are the sooner Read over, and more frequently re∣peated.* 1.1368 Pamelius cannot wonder enough at the censure of Erasmus, that it should seem more probable unto him, that these books are not Cyprians: Yet is this sagacious censor seconded by Scultetus, who renders some reasons why he should make question of it, viz. that some Greek forms of speech, are used in the third book, which are not to be sound in the other works of Cyprian: withal he adds, that many things do offer themselves unto the diligent Reader, by which without any great ado they may be distinguished from what of this Father is ge∣nuine.

13. The sentences or suffrages of the Council of Carthage concerning the bapti∣zing of Hereticks:* 1.1369 which is none other than a rehearsal of what was done and said in that Council; as things were taken by the publick Notaries, whereof he gives an account unto Quirinus. This piece shuts up the second Tome in Pamelius his Edition.

His third Tome contains those books that are doubted of or falsly ascribed unto Cy∣prian:* 1.1370 though in his preface Pamelius makes them to be of three sorts. First, Some, that by the stile and Scriptures cited, do certainly appear to be his genuine works: but how true this is, we shall hereafter examine. Se∣condly, Others, of which there is some doubt; yet are there many things to per∣swade us that they are his, or at least, of some Author, no less Ancient then he. 3. Some that are certainly found to be none of his. But though divers pieces have his name af∣fixed unto them, that he was never the Author of; yet, saith Erasmus, herein was he more happy then some others,* 1.1371 that no∣thing is ascribed unto him but what is Learn∣ed, and proceeded from great men.

These are, first, his book of Spectacles; which, he shews 'tis unlawful for Christians to be present at and behold. A book, which neither Trithemius nor the Centurists nor Erasmus take notice of:* 1.1372 and therefore not without cause suspected; which also the stile gives sufficient ground for. Herein the Au∣thor much imitates Tertullian upon the same subject.

2. Of Discipline, or the good of chasti∣ty; wherein many passages are almost ver∣batim taken out of Tertullian.* 1.1373 Bellarmine and Pamelius conceive it to be Cyprians: 'Tis a work of an uncertain but Learned Author, so that 'twere pitty it should be lost;* 1.1374 (saith Erasmus) yet in his judge∣ment, the stile plainly shews it to be none of Cyprians.

3. Of the praise of Martyrdom,* 1.1375 unto Moses and Maximus; wherein, pennis elo∣quentiae se mirificè extulit. But the stile is so elaborate and unequal, that Erasmus suppo∣seth no man is of so dull a scent, but he must needs perceive it to be far different from that of Cyprian. He thinks it therefore to be an Essay of some one that would exercise his pen; wherein he shewed more care then, wit, and more affectation then ability. Car∣dinal Baronius is very angry with him for this his censure,* 1.1376 calling him Mome; telling us that he that will prudently compare it with the Apologetick unto Demetrian, or his Epi∣stle unto Donatus, will easily perceive by the same lineaments of their faces, that they pro∣ceeded from the same Author. But the wit and wisdom of Erasmus (dictator ille rei literariae) and his ingenuity in this kind are sufficiently known and approved of by the Learned.* 1.1377 And as he was able, so was he no less diligent in comparing one thing with another, that he might the better give a right judgment: So that the cavil might well have been spared and deserves little to be regarded, as issuing rather from heat and interest, then from candid and impartial animadversion. The truth is, both the Car∣dinal and the Canon Pamelius looked on it as advantageous and making somewhat for their market;* 1.1378 affording them a considerable authority for the Doctrines of Purgatory and the Invocation of Saints▪ who therefore strain hard and would fain perswade us that it is Cyprians;* 1.1379 though they be levissima argu∣menta, very trivial and slender arguments,

whereby they endeavor to make it appear so to be.

4. Unto Novatian the Heretick: that hope of pardon ought not to be denied unto the Lapsi, such as fell in time of persecution: which,* 1.1380 saith Erasmus, the stile will not suffer us to believe that it is Cyprians: But withal, it is so Eloquent and Learned, that he judg∣eth it not altogether unworthy of Cyprian;* 1.1381 yet rather thinks, that Cornelius Bishop of Rome wrote it: which conjecture he grounds upon the words of Ierom;* 1.1382 whom herein Honorius Augustodunensis follows and ex∣plains:* 1.1383 saying, Cornelius wrote a very large Epistle unto Novatian and Fabius.

5. Of the Cardinal or Principal works of Christ, unto his ascension unto the Father: which, besides the Preface, consisteth of twelve Chapters or Sermons:

1. Of the Nativity of Christ.

2. Of his Circumcision.

3. Of the Star and Wisemen.

4. Of the Baptism of Christ, and manife∣station of the Trinity.

5. Of his Fasting and Temptations.

6. Of the Lords Supper, and first institu∣tion of the (Sacrament) consummating all Sacraments;* 1.1384 wherein is comprehended the sense and consent of Orthodox Antiquity, and the Catholick Church concerning the Lords Supper.

7. Of washing the Disciples feet.

8. Of Annointing with Oyl and other Sacraments.

9. Of the passion of Christ.

10. Of his Resurrection.

11. Of his Ascension.

12. Of the Holy Ghost.

All these are urged as the authority of Cy∣prian by divers Romish Champions for the maintenance of many of their unsound Do∣ctrines;* 1.1385 though it be doubted of by them∣selves for sundry weighty reasons; among the rest these following,

1. The stile is lower than Cyprian's useth to be.* 1.1386

2. The Author (in serm. de tentatione) s••ith that the Devil fell from Heaven before the creation of man,* 1.1387 contrary unto the opi∣nion of Cyprian, in his Treatise de telo & in∣vidiâ.

3. In the Preface he gives unto Cornelius Bishop of Rome, the Title of sublimitas ve∣••ra, your Highness: whereas Cyprian always stiles him brother and Collegue.

The stile, saith Erasmus, argues it to be none of Cyprian's, though it be the work of some learned man, whereof that age had store.* 1.1388 Non Cypriani quidem (inquit Casau∣bonus) sed non indignus Cypriano. And Bel∣larmin himself elsewhere affirms, that the au∣thor of these Sermons, without doubt, lived long since Cyprian, yea, after the time of Au∣gustine; and taxeth the boldness of him that first put Cornelius his name in the fore front of this Book. But in a very ancient Manu∣script in the Library of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford,* 1.1389 the Author is called Arnaldus B••na∣••illacensis, who lived in the time of Bernard, unto whom he hath written one or two E∣pistles; and the Book is dedicated, not unto

Cornelius, who lived about the year of Christ, 220. but unto Adrian the Fourth, who lived about the year, 1154. and succeeded Eugeni∣us the Third, unto whom Bernard wrote his Book of Consideration.* 1.1390 Also that Learned Antiquary the Reverend Vsher saith, he hath seen besides the abovenamed, another Manu∣script in the publick Library at Oxford,* 1.1391 where∣in this Book bears the name of the said Ar∣naldus, as the author thereof. Taking it then for granted, that it is none of Cyprian's, let us give it its due in the words of Scultetus, It is a Book full of Religious Piety,* 1.1392 and of great use to Preachers: for they are popular declamations which do breath affections stir∣red up by the spirit of God.

6. Of Dicers, which Game he proves by many arguments to be unworthy of a Chri∣stian, especially an Ecclesiastical man.* 1.1393 But it certainly appears to be none of his by the stile, and seems to be written in the corrupter times of the Church.* 1.1394 Bellarmin and Pameli∣us speak doubtfully of it; the former suppo∣sing it rather to be written by some one of the Bishops of Rome, as plainly appears from the Author's assuming unto himself the Pre∣sidentship of the universal Church, and to be Christ's Vicar, which indeed none ever dared to do, but that proud Prelate of Rome.

7. Of the Mountains Sina and Sion, against the Jews, being a mystical interpretation of them;* 1.1395 the stile shews it to be none of his,* 1.1396 as both Bellarmin and Pamelius confess, yea, it is altogether different both from the stile, and also the Genius of Cyprian, and is stuf∣fed with such allegories and expositions of

Scripture as are far from the Learning, Piety and Simplicity of this Blessed Martyr.

8. As for those Poems, viz. Genesis, Sodo∣••••, & ad Senatorem, Pamelius hath adjudg∣ed them rather unto Tertullian, because of the stile,* 1.1397 and because Cyprian was never rank∣ed among the Christian Poets, but only by Fabricius (he might have added Gyraldus) so that he leaves the matter doubtful: And, saith Bellarmin,* 1.1398 we have no certain ground whence to conclude it. So also for the Hymn de Pascha, in many Manuscripts it is ascribed ••nto Victorinus Pictaviensis:* 1.1399 But, saith Bellar∣••in of them, Opera sunt gravia & docta, & S. Cyprian•• digna. To which I add the Ver∣ses de Sanctae Crucis ligno, which Lilius Gyral∣d••s ascribes unto Cyprian, being sixty nine Heroicks in number, Quos, inquit, ego legi: & si semel legatis, iterum & saepe legetis. But as I find them no where else mentioned as Cy∣prian's; so I conceive Pamelius would not have failed to rank them among the rest, had he seen but the least probability why he might have eutituled them unto Cyprian.

9. Those two Prayers, one for the Mar∣tyrs, the other made use of by himself (as is pretended) on the day of his suffering, have the like censure from Bellarmine that the Po∣••••s had,* 1.1400 who leaves them altogether uncer∣tain.

10. Of the single life of the Clergy, and that they ought to abstain from the company of women.* 1.1401 The work is not Cyprian's (as the many barbarous words to be found in it, and the phrase do plainly shew) as Erasmus conceives, to whose censure Pamelius sub∣scribes,

who thinks it rather to be Origen's, being induced hereunto by some authorities, (Vincentius Bellovacensis in speculo Hist. lib. 11. cap. 15. mentions a Book of Origen's, which he calls Liber pulcherrimus de singularitate cle∣rieorum. Also Laziardus Caelestinus in Epitom. Hist. universal. ••aec babet: fertur Originem co∣dicem de singularitate clericorum composuisse) by his mentioning without dislike those who make themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of God, and by divers Grecisms here and there to be found in it.* 1.1402 But, saith Bellarmine the stile is against this, which shews it to be the work not of a Greek but some Latine Author. Baronius supposeth it to be Cyprian's, though upon weak and slender grounds, as Rivet shews. Liber de singularitate Clericorum, Originem, Cyprianum,* 1.1403 Augustinum praefert autores. It is therefore very uncertain whose it is; But, saith Erasmus, whoever were the author of it, it cannot be denyed that he was a learned and eloquent man: And without doubt, saith Bellarmine, very ancient.

11. An exposition of the Apostles Creed, which (though it be inserted among the works of Cyprian) yet is it generally conceiv∣ed to belong unto Ruffinus a Presbyter of A∣quileia,* 1.1404 as appears both by the phrase, and al∣so by the authority of Gennadius, who stileth him not the least part of the Doctors of the Church, and of an elegant wit to translate out of Greek into Latine: And, saith he, in this exposition, he through the Grace of God so far excelled,* 1.1405 that others in comparison of of him can scarce be said to have expounded it. Pam••lius therefore entitles it unto Ruffine,

as the true author thereof, and not Cyprian; whose, that 'tis not, it's evident from the men∣tion therein made of the Heresies of Arius, the Manichees, Samosatenus, Eunomius, who all lived after the time of Cyprian. Yet by the consent of all it is a learned piece,* 1.1406 and most worthy to be read; but herein blamed by Pamelius, because it denies the Books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobit, Iudith and the Maccabees to be of authority for the con∣firmation of the faith; but for what cause is obvious enough.* 1.1407

12. Of the incredulity of the Jews, unto Vigilius: it is none of Cyprians, but rather the preface of one Celsus upon the altercation between one Iason a Christian, and Paviscus a Jew of Alexandria:* 1.1408 and indeed in the close of it, the author so stiles himself: In mente, inquit, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 habe puerum tuum Celsum. A confused piece it is,* 1.1409 no way suitable unto the piety or learning of Cyprian.

13. Against the Jews who persecuted our Lord Jesus Christ, written by an uncertain au∣thor, the stile discovering it not to be Cyprian's.* 1.1410

14. Of the Revelation of the head of Iohn the Baptist,* 1.1411 and the translation of it in∣to France under Pipin the Son of Charles Mar∣••ell. who lived about the year 750. by which it appears as clear as the Sun to be none of Cy∣prian's,* 1.1412 who was some hundreds of years before this time: and they are meer fables that are contained in it, it might well come but of the Cell of some superstitious Monk,* 1.1413 being fabulous, superstitious and ridiculous.

15. Of a twofold Martyrdom unto For∣tunatus; it is to seek of a Father; for Cypri¦an's

it is not, as the mention of Dioclesian, and of the Emperour's war against the Turk, do fully evidence.* 1.1414 Pamelius thinks it to be the work of some Neoterick, and not un∣likely (as Henry Grave conjectures) of E∣rasmus: But this is very improbable, consi∣dering how sharp Erasmus is against those, who by counterfeiting their writings,* 1.1415 have so abused the Fathers: and if he would in this kind have imposed upon the world, surely he was not so weak to let fall such passages as should so palpably discover it to be an impo∣sture and supposititious; we leave it there∣fore as an exposed Birth.* 1.1416

16. Of the twelve abuses of the world: the phrase is not Cyprian's, and the quotati∣on of the Scriptures according to Ierom's Translation speaks it of a later date.* 1.1417 Eras∣mus is of the mind that it came from some honest Laick: and Pamelius guesseth it to have been written by one Ebrardus, or Io∣hannes Climacus.

17. A small Tract entituled Coena:* 1.1418 so un∣worthy the name of Cyprian,* 1.1419 that it deserves rather to bear that of a Turk than a Christi∣an, it is so impure and ridiculous; the author seemeth to have been an Italian, some pro∣fane knave, being so well acquainted with all sorts of that Country Wine.

§ 4. His stile is such as hath a certain pro∣per and peculiar face whereby it may be known:* 1.1420 saith Augustin, It tangs of his Coun∣try, but yet is he more plain and candid than the rest of the Africans: And I wish, saith Erasmus, that as Augustin did exceed him in the number of the Volumes which he wrote,

so that he had attained unto, and equalled him in the elegancy of his language: Oh would he had as happily emulated his tongue, as he ingenuously admires it! Tertulliano, inquit Ludovicns Vives,* 1.1421 loquitur clariùs, sed & ipse nonnunquam Afrè. Time was, saith E∣rasmus, when I accounted Ierom for the chief among the Orthodox Writers; but when I looked a little more narrowly into Cyprian, I was doubtful whether of the two to prefer, they both seemed to excel: but if a true and natural kind of speaking, and that which is more remote from a declamatory shadow, deserve the precedency; herein Cy∣prian went as far beyond Ierom, as Demosthe∣••••s beyond Cicero; he is every where more serious, and hath less of affectation; his ha∣bit or form of speech is such that you may perceive him to be a true Christian Bishop, and destined unto Martyrdom: his heart burns with Evangelical Piety, and his words are answerable;* 1.1422 (Non minùs fortiter quàm disertè loquens) he speaks no less strongly than eloquently; for worthyness became him more than neatness: yet is he quick enough sometimes; as where he derides a certain He∣retick that denyed him to be a Bishop: and likewise when he refutes those who deemed such not meet to be called Christians, but Cli∣nicks, that in perilous diseases were baptized not only by immersion, but aspersion or sprinkling of water. For here besides that perpetual sweetness, which as blood runs through the whole Body, he useth quips and jests. Again, Africa sent forth many men fa∣mous for eloquence and learning; among

whom Tertul••ian and Augustin were chief; but scarcely unto any one happened the genu∣ine purity of the Roman Language, but only unto Cyprian. Thus Erasmus, Like a pure fountain he flows sweetly and smoothly;* 1.1423 and withal he is so plain and open (which is the chief virtue of speech) that you cannot di∣scern,* 1.1424 saith Lactantius, whether any one were more comly in speaking, or more facil in ex∣plicating,* 1.1425 or more powerful in perswading. Prudentius also in this regard thus extols him:

O nive candidius linguae genus! O novum sa∣porem! Vt liquor Ambrosius cor mitigat, imbuit pala∣tum, Sedem animae penetrat, mentem fovet, & per∣errat artus?

His phrase is most elegant (saith Sixtus Se∣nensis) and next unto Ciceronian Candour.* 1.1426 And in the judgment of Alsted, as Lactantius may be truly accounted the Christian's Cice∣ro; so may Cyprian their Caesar; for these two among the Latines added ornament un∣to Christian Doctrine. Now Caesar, saith Vives,* 1.1427 is egregiously useful for dayly speech, unto whom Tully gives the praise of a pure and uncorrupted dialect: Quintilian of ele∣gancy, whom he peculiarly studyed: and Mr. Ascham in that learned and grave dis∣course which he calls his Schoolmaster, judg∣eth that in Caesar's Commentaries (which are to be read with all curiosity) without all exception to be made either by friend or

foe, is seen the unspotted propriety of the Latine Tongue, even when it was in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at the highest pitch of all perfectness: yet is his phrase various: sometimes he soars aloft, and is very copious with abundance of words:* 1.1428 as in his Epistle unto Donatus: another time he falls as low, as in his Epistle unto Caecilius, of the Sacrament of the Lord's Cup: but most commonly he is temperate, and keeps the middle way between these extremes, as in his Treatise of the Habit of Virgins.* 1.1429 In a word, he was, saith Hyperius, plain, vehe∣ment, serious, and not unhappily fluent; his words breathing a venerable elegancy,* 1.1430 as the things which he wrote did piety and martyr∣dom: whereof I now proceed to give a taste.

§ 5. In his Treatise of the vanity of Idols,* 1.1431 we have a sum of his Faith, which Froben in his Index affixed unto the edition of Eras∣mus, stiles the most elegant Creed or Symbol of Cyprian: containing the Doctrines of Christ, his Deity, Incarnation, Miracles, Death, Resurrection, Ascension and second coming. His words are these,

Indulgentiae Dei, gratiae, disciplinaeque arbi∣ter & magister sermo & filius Dei mittitur, qui per Prophetas omnes retrò illuminator & doctor humani generis praedicabatur. Hic est virtus Dei, hic ratio, hic sapientia ejus & gloria, hic in Virginem illabitur: carnem, Spiritu Sancto cooperante, induitur; Deus cum homine misce∣tur; hic Deus noster, hic Christus est, qui medi∣ator duorum, hominem induit, quem perducat ad Patrem; quòd homo est, Christus esse voluit, ut & homo possit esse quòd Christus est—Cum

Christus Iesus secundùm a Prophetis ante prae∣dicta, verbo & vocis imperio daemonia de homini∣bus excuteret, leprosos purgaret, illuminaret caecos, claudis gressum daret, mortuos rursus a∣nimaret, cogeret sibi element a famulari, servire ventos, maria obedire, inferos cedere; Iud••ei qui illum crediderant hominem tontùm, de hu∣militate carnis & corporis; existimabant magum de licentiâ potestatis. Hunc Magistri eorum at∣que primores, hoc est, quos & doctrina illâ ille & sapientiâ revincebat, accensi irâ & indignatione provocati, postremò detentum Pontio Pilato, qui tunc ex parte Romanâ Syriam procura••at, tra∣diderunt, crucem ejus & mortem suffragiis vio∣lentis ac pertinacibus flagitantes—Crucifix∣••s, prevento carnis officio, spiritum sponte di∣misit, & die tertio rursus a mortuis sponte sur∣rexit. Apparuit discipulis talis ut fuerat, agno∣scendum se videntibus praebuit, simul junctus & substantiae corporalis firmitate conspicuus ad dies quadraginta remoratus est, ut d•• vel ab eo ad praecepta vitalia instrui possent, & discerent que docerent. Tunc in Coelum circumfusâ nube sub∣latus est, ut hominem quem dilexit, quem in∣duit, quem a morte protexit, ad patrem victor imponeret; jam venturos & è Coelo ad poenam Diaboli, & ad censuram generis humani, ultoris vigore, & judicis potestate.

2. Concerning the Article of Christ's de∣scent into Hell,* 1.1432 the Author of the Exposition of the Apostles Creed, thus speaks, We are, saith he, verily to know that it is not to be found in the Creed of the Roman Church, neither in the Oriental Churches; yet the force of the words seemeth to be the same with those wherein he is said to be buryed.

3. Of the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament, the same Author of the Ex∣position of the Apostles Creed, having enu∣merated the same Books that we do: These, saith he, are they which the Fathers conclu∣ded within the Canon, out of which they would have the assertions of our Faith to consist: But we are to know further, that there are other Books which our Predecessors called not Canonical, but Ecclesiastical, as the Books of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Toby, Iudith and Maccabees, all which they would indeed have to be read in the Churches, but yet not to be produced for the confirmation of the Faith.

4. Of how little esteem custom ought to be,* 1.1433 if not founded upon truth, he pithily shews in that short sentence; Consuetudo sine veritate, vetustas erroris est: Custom without truth is but mouldy errour. In vain therefore, saith he,* 1.1434 do some that are overcome by rea∣son, oppose or object custom unto us, as if custom were greater than truth; or that in Spirituals were not to be followed, which for the better hath been revealed by the Holy Ghost. Again, if Christ alone must be heard, as Matth. 17. 5. we ought not to heed what another before us thought fit to be done,* 1.1435 but what Christ, who is before all, first did. Nei∣ther ought we to follow the custom of man, but the truth of God.

5. He understands by Tradition, nothing but that which is delivered in the Scripture: Let nothing be innovated, saith Stephen un∣to him,* 1.1436 but what is delivered. He replyeth, whence is this Tradition? whether doth it

descend from the authority of the Lord, and the Gospel, or doth it come from the Apo∣stles Commands and Epistles: for those things are to be done, that are Written:—If therefore this (speaking of the Rebap∣tization of Hereticks, or receiving them into the Church only by imposition of hands, which later was Stephens opinion against Cyprian) be either commanded in the Evan∣gelists, or contained in the Epistles or Acts of the Apostles, let it be observed as a Divine and Holy Tradition.

6. That the Baptism of children was then received and practised in the Church; and that performed by aspersion, as valid as that by immersion. This, saith he, was our sentence in the Council,* 1.1437 that none ought by us to be kept back from baptism, and the grace of God, who is merciful unto all. Now seeing this ought to be retained and observed toward all, then we think it is much more to be observed about even Infants and such as are newly born.—Neither ought it to move any one that the sick are sprinkled or have water poured on them, seeing they obtain grace of the Lord.—it appears therefore that sprinkling also obtains even as the Salutary Laver: and when these things are done in the Church, where the faith both of the giver and receiver is sound, all things may stand, be consummated and perfected, with or by the Majesty of the Lord and truth of Faith. Concerning which opinion of his Augustine thus speaks;* 1.1438 Beatus Cyprianus non aliquod decretum condens novum, sed Ecclesiae fidem firmis••imam servans, ad corrigendum eos

qui putabant ante octavum diem nativitatis non esse parvulum baptizandum, non carnem, fed ••••imam dixit non esse perdendam, & mox natum ••itè baptizari posse, cum suis quibusdam coëpi∣scopis censuit.

7. That Devils were cast out in his time.* 1.1439 Be ashamed (saith he unto Demetrian) to worship those Gods,* 1.1440 whom thou thy self must defend.—Oh, that thou wouldst but hear and see them, when they are adjured by us, and tortured with Spiritual scourges, and by the torments of words are cast out of possessed bodies, when wailing and groaning with humane voice and by Divine Power feeling whips and stripes, they confess the judgment to come. Come and know the things we say to be true—thou shalt see us to be intreated by them whom thou intreatest, to be feared by those whom thou adorest: thou shalt see them stand bound under our hand, and being captives to tremble whom thou dost honor and rever∣ence as Lords. Certainly even thus maist thou be confounded in these thine errors, when thou shalt behold and hear thy gods at our demand forthwith to bewray what they are, and although you be present, not to be able to conceal their sleights and fal∣lacies.

8. The various operations of the three per∣sons in the Trinity,* 1.1441 are thus elegantly descri∣bed in the book of the Cardinal works of Christ. In this School of Divine Mastership, it is the Father that doth teach and instruct; the Son that doth reveal and open the hidden things of God; the holy Spirit that doth

replenish and endue us. From the Father we receive Power from the Son Wisdom, from the holy Spirit Innocence. By the Fa∣ther is given us eternity, by the Son confor∣mity unto his image; by the holy Spirit inte∣grity and liberty; In the Father we are, in the Son we live, in the holy Spirit we move and go forward.

9. Of inadvertency in Prayer;* 1.1442 what slothfulness is it, saith he, to be alienated and drawn away with foolish and profane thoughts, when thou art praying unto the Lord? as if there were some other things that thou oughtest to think on, then that thou art speaking with God. How dost thou desire to be heard of God, when thou hearest not thy self? wilt thou have the Lord to be mindful of thee when thou prayest seeing thou art not mindful of thy self? this is, not wholly to beware of the enemy; this is, when thou prayest unto God, to offend with the negligence of prayer the Majesty of God; this is, to watch with the eyes, and sleep with the heart; whereas a Christian ought, even when he sleeps with his eyes, to have his heart waking.

10. He doth most Rhetorically upbraid the slothfulness and sterility of the Lords people,* 1.1443 by bringing in Sathan with his sons of perdi∣tion, thus speaking; I, for those, O Christ whom thou seest with me, have neither re∣ceived blows, nor sustained stripes, nor born the cross, nor redeemed my family with the price of my passion and death; neither do I promise them the Kingdom of heaven, nor restoring unto them immortality do I call

them back again to Paradise: And yet they prepare me gifts very precious, great and gotten with too much and long labor, &c. Shew me, O Christ, any of thine, admonish∣ed by thy precepts, and that shall receive for earthly heavenly things, who bring thee such gifts:—By these My terrene and fading gifts (he means the Ethnick Spectacles) no man is fed, none clothed, none sustained by the comfort of any meat or drink; all perish in the prodigal and foolish vanity of deceiv∣ing pleasures, between the madness of him that sets them forth, and the error of the be∣holders, —thou promisest eternal life to those that work, and yet unto mine that pe∣rish, thine are scarce equal, who are honored by thee with Divine and Celestial rewards. Oh; my dear brethren, what shall we answer ••nto these things?

11. Of Admission into the Church, thus. We (saith he) that must render an account unto the Lord,* 1.1444 do anxiously weigh and sollicitously examine; those who are to be received and admitted into the Church: For some there are, whose crimes do so stand in the way, or whom the brethren do so stiffly and firmly oppose, that they cannot at all be received without the scandal and danger of many. For neither are some rotten shells so to be gathered, as that those who are whole and sound should be wounded; nor is he a profitable and advised Pastor who so mingles diseased and infected sheep with the flock, as to contaminate the whole flock by the af∣flictation (afflictatione) of evil cohering: Oh, if you could (dear brother) be present

here with us when these crooked and perverse ones return from schism, you should see what ado I have to perswade our brethren to patience, that laying asleep or suppressing the grief of their mind, they would consent unto the receiving and curing of those evil ones. For as they rejoyce and are glad, when such as are tolerable and less culpable do return; so on the other side they murmur and strive, as often as such as are incorrigible and fro∣ward, and defiled either with adulteries or sacrifices (and after these things yet over and above proved) do so return unto the Church, that they corrupt good dispositions within: I scarce perswade, yet extort from the common sort, to suffer such to be admit∣ted: and the grief of the fraternity is made the more just, because that one or other of those (who though the people did withstand and contradict, yet were through my facility received) became worse then they were be∣fore, nor could keep the promise of repentance, because they came not with true repent∣ance.

12. That the people had at that time a voice in the election of their Bishop or Pastor, even in Rome it self plainly appears in the case of Cornelius so chosen; yea that it was the use every where, is evident, by these words of his:* 1.1445 That (saith he) is to be held and observed diligently from Divine Tradition and Apostolical observation, which is held with us also, and almost through all provinces; that to the right celebrating of ordinations, the Bishops of the same province next unto that people over whom the Chief

Officer is ordained, do convene or meet together; and that the Bishop be chosen in the presence of the people, who most fully know the life and conversation of every one. Again,* 1.1446 the people obeying the Lords Com∣mands and fearing God, ought to separate themselves from a sinful overseer, nor to mingle themselves with the sacrifices of a sacrilegious Priest; seeing they chiefly have the power either of chusing such as are wor∣thy, or refusing the unworthy. Which very thing we see to descend from Divine Autho∣rity. And else where, speaking of Cornelius, and of his great modesty and humility when called unto the Office of a Bishop; he hath these words worth our notice;* 1.1447 Non, inquit, ut quidam vim fecit ut Episcopus fieret; sed ipse vim passus est, ut Episcopatum coactus ••••ciperet. Et factus est Episcopus à plurimis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nostris, qui tunc in urbe Româ aderant, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ad nos literas honorificas, & laudabiles, & testimonio suae praedicationis illustres, de ejus ordinatione miserunt. Factus est autem Cornelius Episcopus de Dei & Christi ejus ju∣dicio, de Clericorum penè omnium testimonio, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plebis, quae tunc affuit, suffragio, & de sa∣cerdotum antiquorum & bonorum virorum c••llegi••.

13. Of the interest of the people in the management of the affairs of the Church,* 1.1448 thus he. I determined, saith he, from the very beginning of my Bishoprick, to do no∣thing by my private sentence, without your counsel, and the consent of my people: but when, by the grace of God, I shall come unto you, we will then handle in common

those things which either have been done, or are to be done, as mutual honor requires. Again, to the same purpose: This agreeth with the modesty, and discipline, and the very life of us all,* 1.1449 that (many Bishops meet∣ing together in one, the people also being pre∣sent, unto whom even unto them honor is to be given for their faith and fear.) We should dispose of all things with the Religious care of Common Counsel.

14. Of the Original and rise of Heresies,* 1.1450 thus; Thence Schisms and Heresies have, and do arise, when the Bishop (who is one and set over the Church) is by the proud presumption of some contemned, and, a man honored with the dignity of God, is by men judged unworthy.* 1.1451 By one Bishop, that he means one Bishoply Office (unus Episcopatus) appertaining alike unto all rightly called thereunto, appears from. Epist. ad Antonia∣num. 55. § 16. & tract. de unitate Eccle∣siae. § 4.

§ 6. These and many the like excellent passages are to be found in the writings of this eminent Father; Yet was not the beautiful face even of this man without its blemishes; though they were fewer then are to be ob∣served in most of the Ancients; and, those that were, for the most part so small, that they may not unfitly be called rather frec∣kles and morphew that do detract but little from his great worth. Such as were some hard expressions that fell from his pen; either through in advertency and want of caution; or because they were in those times common∣ly

made use of, perhaps harmlesly then, but abused in after ages by those, who (to pal∣liate their errors with a shew and pretence of Antiquity) strained them higher, and wrest∣ed them to another sense, then the innocent Authors intended in them.

Of this kind are the following instances.

1. Concerning free-will;* 1.1452 which in di∣vers places he seems to assert: he some other where seemingly crossing himself, speaks the contrary. e. g. God, saith he, remunerates with the reward of paternal piety, what∣soever he himself hath performed, and honors that which he himself hath wrought in us.* 1.1453 Again, 'tis of God, I say, 'tis of God, (saith he) all that we can: thence we live, thence we have our strength.

2. He ascribes too much unto good works,* 1.1454 particularly unto alms; by which, he saith, the defilement contracted after baptism, is washed away; but that the sins preceding conversion are purged by the blood of Christ. Which yet he may be conceived to have ut∣tered in a declamatory way:* 1.1455 and is to be understood here (and throughout this whole treatise) of works as conjoyned with or ac∣companying Faith.

3. He attributes remession of sins to our satisfaction,* 1.1456 wherewith, saith he, God is to be appeased: but of this a tolerable interpre∣tation may be made; the word satisfaction be∣ing▪ Catachrestically taken, for the repentance and confession of the Lapsi, wherewith the Church was satisfied,* 1.1457 whereupon they were

again admitted unto communion. And that they might the more commend unto men those Ecclesiastical Rites;* 1.1458 the Ancients by little and little in their exhortations unto the people, began to speak hyperbolically of them, as, that pardon of sin and reconcilia∣tion were this way obtained: upon which ground, those passages of satisfaction and alms, fell inconsiderately (saith Chemnitius) from the pen of Cyprian.

4. He too eagerly and even superstitiously urgeth the mixture of water with wine in the Eucharist,* 1.1459 because water and blood came out of the side of Christ;* 1.1460 True it is, that in the primitive times, the custom was in many Churches (that they might Celebrate the Lords Supper with the greater sobriety) to temper the wine with water: at length some went so far (so did the Aquarii, who had thence their name, quòd aquam offerunt in poculo Sacramenti) as to make use of wa∣ter only,* 1.1461 whom here Cyprian justly repre∣hends; though yet he urgeth the mixture of both too vehemently and upon too slender grounds. Had he left it as a thing indiffer∣ent and not pressed it as necessary (for which Chemnitius justly blames the Council of Trent) it needed not to have been ranked among his errors.* 1.1462

5. He seems to allow of the admission of Infants or those not come to years of di∣scretion,* 1.1463 unto the Lords Supper; (its like to have been the common error of that time) as appears by the story he relates of a young Girl, who had been partaker of the Idol Sacrifices: Afterward coming with her

mother unto the Christian Assembly, puella mixta cum sanctis (to give you his own words) precis nostrae & orationis impatiens, nunc ploratu concuti, nunc mentis astu coepit fluctuabunda jactari, & velut tortore cogente, quibus poterat indi••iis, conscientiam facti in simplicibus adhuc anuis (facinus enim com∣missum tam loqui & indicare non potuit, quàm nec intelligere prius potuit, nec arcere) rudis anima fatebatur. Vbi verò solennibus ad∣impletis, cali••em diaconus offerre praesenti∣bus coepit, & accipientibus caeteris locus ejus advenit; faciem suam parvula instinctu Di∣vinae Majestatis avertere, os labiis obturau∣tibus premere, calicem recusare. Perstitit ••••men Diaconus, & reluctanti licet, de Sacra∣mento calicis infudit. Tunc sequitur singul∣•••••• & vomitus. In corpore & ore violato Eucharistia permanere non potuit. Sanctifi∣catus in domini sanguine potus, & de polu∣tis visceribus erupit; tanta est potestas Do∣mini, tanta Majest••s. The necessity of this and the other Sacrament he seems to con∣clude from. Iohn 3. 5. Except a man be ••orn of water and the spirit, he cannot en∣ter into the kingdom of God; And,* 1.1464 I••hn 6. 53. Except ye eat the flesh of the Son if man and drink his blood, ye have no life in you.

6. But the greatest errour to be noted in him, (which yet, oh how small, in compa∣rison of some in many other of the ancients) was that about rebaptization,* 1.1465 by Chemnitius too harshly called a fundamental errour: Ha 〈◊〉〈◊〉, inquit, errorem in fundamento. His

judgment was this, that those who having been baptized by Hereticks, did forsake their Heresies, and return unto the Church, were to be received by Baptism. In this opinion many Bishops,* 1.1466 not of Africa only, but of A∣sia also, consented with him: about which, there having been three Councils convened at Carthage; in the third (wherein Cyprian was President) it was agreed in the affirmative, upon this ground chiefly, because they thought the Baptism of Hereticks to be a nul∣lity.

Great was the contest between the African and Western Churches about this controver∣sie:* 1.1467 these latter holding with the Bishop of Rome, that Hereticks returning unto the Church, were to be received only by prayer and imposition of hands: wherein they are to be conceived no less erroneous than the former; for that they allowed the Baptism of all sorts of Hereticks,* 1.1468 without making any distinction between them: whereas, not long after in the Council of Nice, if any one flie unto the Catholick Church from the Paulia∣nists (meaning the Samosatenians,* 1.1469 called by either name from the Author Paulus Samo∣satenus) and Cataphrygians, it is ordained or decreed that they ought altogether to be rebaptized. The reason was, because these Hereticks holding Christ to be none other than a meer man, they baptized not in the name of Christ; and so the substance and true form of Baptism not being retained by them, it was adjudged to be no Baptism. And in∣deed whoever is baptized by such an Heretick as openly denies the Holy Trinity, ought to

be rebaptized:* 1.1470 so that it was the errour of Stephen, and those who joyned with him, that they excepted not such Hereticks as these; as Cyprian erred in excepting none.

But Stephen, though he were little less er∣roneous than Cyprian herein, yet did he differ much in his disposition and carriage:* 1.1471 for ac∣cording unto his hot and cholerick temper, he declared publickly against Firmilian Bishop of Cesarea in Cappadocia (of Cyprian's opini∣on) and excommunicated all those that dis∣sented from himself. Contrariwise, Cyprian discovering herein the mildness of his spirit, thus bespeaks his colleagues in the Council of Carthage: (Ierom in commendation of him,* 1.1472 cites two passages of his to the same purpose, the one ex Epistolâ ad Stephanum Episcopum Romanum: the other ex Epistolâ ad Iubaia∣num: In the former his words are these, Quâ in re, inquit, nec nos vim cuiquam faci∣mus aut legem damus; cum habeat in Ecclesiae administratione voluntatis suae liberum arbitri∣um unusquisque praepositus, rationem actus sui Domino redditurus.)* 1.1473 It remains, saith he, that we produce what each of us thinks con∣cerning this thing, judging no man, or re∣moving any of another judgment from the right of Communion: for none of us makes himself a Bishop of Bishops, or with tyran∣nical terrour drives his collegues to a necessity of obeying: seeing every Bishop hath a pro∣per judgment, according unto his own liber∣ty and power; as, who cannot be judged by another, seeing that he himself cannot judge another. But we all expect the judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ, who only and alone

hath power of preferring us in the Govern∣ment of his Church, and of judging our acti∣ons.* 1.1474 Oh how much is Augustin taken and delighted with the peaceableness, charity and moderation of Cyprian herein, for which he greatly admires and commends him.* 1.1475 And, saith he, the Lord therefore did not discover this truth unto him, that his pious humility and charity in wholsomly keeping the peace of the Church, might be the more open and manifest, and taken notice of as a remedy, not only by the Christians of that time, but also by posterity, &c.

Moreover, let me add (as making much to his praise) that he was not obstinate in his errour; for as he was learned and skilful to teach oth••rs, so was he also docil and pat••ent to learn of others:* 1.1476 which I doubt not, saith Augustin, he would have demonstrated, had he discussed this question with holy and learned men. Yea, saith he, perhaps he did correct his errour, but we know it not: for neither could all things, which at that time were done among the Bishops, be committed to memory and writing; nor do we know all things that were so committed.* 1.1477 Again, we do not find, saith he, that he corrected his errour; yet may we imagine not incongru∣ously of such a man, that he did correct it, and that it was perhaps suppressed by those who were too much delighted with this er∣rour, and were unwilling to want so great a patronage. And this hath been by some so far charitably believed, that they have plainly af∣firmed so much, that he did, being convinced by the Orthodox, renounce his errour herein:

so Bede,* 1.1478 quoted by Pamelius, Supplement, Bergomens. Platina in vitâ Lucii: Scaliger in Elench.* 1.1479 Trihaeres••i Nicolai Serari, cap. 31. And Baronius, who tells us that none can justly doubt of it, seeing both the Eastern and We∣stern Churches have always used to celebrate the Birth Day of the Martyr Cyprian. Brief∣ly, either he was not,* 1.1480 saith Augustin, of the opinion that you the (Donatists) report him to have been of, or he afterward correct∣ed it by the rule of truth, or else he covered this (quasi naevum) spot as it were of his white Breast,* 1.1481 with the pap or veil of charity; while he most copiously defended the unity of the Church increasing through the whole world, and most perseveringly detain'd the bond of peace.

§ 7. As touching his Martyrdom,* 1.1482 it is re¦corded, that upon his first entrance into Cu∣••ubis (the place of his banishment) it was revealed unto him in a Vision (whereof he had divers,* 1.1483 and attributed much unto them) that upon that same day in the year following he should be consummate and crowned;* 1.1484 which accordingly fell out: For being by Galerius Maximus (who succeeded Paternus in the Proconsulship) recalled from his banishment,* 1.1485 he according unto the Impe∣rial Edict, abode a while in his own Garden; from whence, being certified that certain Of∣ficers were sent to bring him unto Vtica (a famous Town not far from Carthage) he withdrew for certain days,* 1.1486 by the perswasion of his dearest Friends, unto whom herein he consented, and, as himself saith, not with∣out

just cause; for that it is meet a Bishop should in that City wherein he is set over the Lord's Church, there confess the Lord, and so make the whole people famous by the con∣fession of their present Overseer: for whatso∣ever in that moment of Confession, the Con∣fessour Bishop speaketh, God inspiring him, he speaks with the mouth of all. If it should be otherwise, the honour of our so glorious a Church shall be maimed, &c. Here there∣fore lying hid, we expect the coming of the Proconsul, saith he, returning unto Carthage, that we may hear what the Emperour shall command, and speak what the Lord shall give in that hour. Accordingly there came suddenly (upon the Ides of September) two Apparitours to bring him before the new Prò∣consul Galerius;* 1.1487 but being put off till the next day (the Lord so willing that he might dispose of the affairs of the Church) he was brought then into the Court of Judgment, where he received this sentence, that having been the Standard bearer of his Sect,* 1.1488 and an Enemy of the gods, and one that would still be an example unto his own, refusing to of∣fer sacrifice, It is my pleasure, saith Galerius, that he be beheaded. Which Sentence being passed, he was led away unto a certain place called Sexti, about four miles (six saith Baronius) from the City,* 1.1489 a great multitude following him, and crying, Let us die toge∣ther with the Holy Bishop. Being come un∣to the place, he submitted himself unto the stroke of the Sword, by which his Head being severed from his Body, he changed this frail for an eternal life, being the first of

the Bishops of Carthage that sealed the truth with his blood.* 1.1490 He suffered under the Em∣perours Valerian and Galerius, anno Christi, 259.

The Carthaginians did so highly honour,* 1.1491 and had him in such veneration, that they e∣rected unto him a most magnificent Temple, and kept a yearly Festival in memory of him, which from his name they call Cypriana: as Mariners do also a certain storm that usually falls out about the same time.

Lactantius.

§ 1. LVcius Caelius was his name,* 1.1492 unto which his eloquence gained him the addition of Lactantius, from his milky and smooth kind of speaking: as his Country that of Firmianus, being an Italian by Birth,* 1.1493 (not an African, as Baronius and Posseviue imagine, because he was the Scholar of Arnobius that was so) of the Province called Picenum of old, but afterward by the Lombards, Marchia Anconitana, from the chief Town therein,* 1.1494 Ancona: as also Mar∣chia Firmiana, from the strong Town Firmi∣um, heretofore the Head City of the Piceni, which Country is a part of the Land of the Church under the Government of the Popes of Rome. Some do contend that he was of the German Race;* 1.1495 and that at this day there is a Family not obscure among the Germans, which, bearing the name of the Firmiani, do boast themselves to be the posterity of Lactan∣tius: but the general consent of Authors shews this to be but a vain conceit.

He was at first the Scholar of Arnobius,* 1.1496 Professour of Rhetorick at Sicca in Africa; as also some time at Rome, where Lactantius heard him, and profited much in the study of eloquence; who also instructed him in the

Christian Religion, which it seems, he had embraced before he came into Bythinia; whither, under Di••olesian the Emperor, he was called, unto the City of Nicomedia, wherein for some while he professed the Art of Rhetorick, whereof he had been a learner before. But being a Latine in a Greek City,* 1.1497 his auditory grew thin, so that he was de∣stitute of hearers: hereupon laying aside the work of teaching he betook him unto his pen and fell to writing; being provoked unto, and put upon it by a couple of im∣pure and foul-mouthed Philosophers,* 1.1498 who either of them had belched out their books, against both the Religion and name of Chri∣stians.

He was at length in France made Tutor unto Crispus,* 1.1499 the son of Constantine the great (and his great friend) who committed him for his breeding unto the c••re of Lactan∣tius; an evident argument both of his fame and faithfulness.

§ 2. He was a man of great Learning,* 1.1500 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eruditione clarus; abundanter 〈◊〉〈◊〉, inqui•• Trithemius: a very grave Au∣thor, saith Hospinian; one notably skilled 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Art of Rhetorick, and in all Philosophy; having diligently perused the writings of all sorts of Humane Authors,* 1.1501 as his books do suf∣ficiently testifie in which he omitted almost ••one of any science, or Profession, whose te∣stimony he made not use of: and so excelled in ••loquence of speech,* 1.1502 that therein he was judg∣ed to be superior even unto his Master Arno∣lius, who yet was of chief note among Ora∣tors.

He is for this cause often stiled Orat•••• disertissimus,* 1.1503 the most eloquent and elegant Lactantius, who among the Latines especi∣ally added Ornament unto Christian Do∣ctrine; the very top, and most eminent of the Latine Rhetoricians: & in Divinis Scri∣pturis nobiliter institutus.* 1.1504

His great abilities he notably improved for the publick good;* 1.1505 for though he were somewhat defective in the inward knowledg of Divine Mysteries, and far inferiour unto many others for his skill in delivering and confirming the Doctrine of Christianity; yet was he a stout Champion for the truth and gave good testimony of his zeal thereunto in opposing with all his might the adversaries thereof; for which work he was excellently furnished, having such a dexterity herein, that he easily refuted and overcame them. Vtinam,* 1.1506 inquit Hieronymus, tam nostra con∣firmare potuisset, quàm facilè aliena destruxit. For observing the Christian Religion to be destitute of those that should eloquently de∣fend it, the opposers of it being such, I, saith he, undertook this task; being grieved with the sacrilegious writings which they published;* 1.1507 and stirred up hereunto with their proud impiety, and conscience of the truth it self: that so with all the strength of my wit, I might reprove the accusers of righteousness: not that I might write against them, who might have been confounded in few words; but that I might at once, by one assault, put to flight all those, who every where do, or have undertaken the same work. A most laudable enterprise, wherein as he

manifested no small love unto the truth in at∣tempting it, so did he manage it with no less dexterity; for which he hath been de∣servedly famous in the Church of Christ unto this day: His challenge that he makes of all the Heathen is remarkable.* 1.1508 Si qua, inquit, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fiducia est vel in philosophiâ, vel in eloquen∣tiâ, arment se, ac refellant haec nostra; si pos∣sunt, congrediantur comminus, & singul•• quae{que}; discutiant. Decet cos suscipere defen∣••••onem Deorum suorum, ne si nostra invalue∣rint, ut quotidie invalescunt, cum delubris 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ac ludibriis deserantur.—Procedant in medium Pontifices, seu minores, seu maximi flemines, augures, item reges, sacrificuli, qui{que}; sunt sacerdotes & antistites religionum. Convo∣cent nos ad concionem, cohortentur nos ad su∣scipiendos cultus Deorum, persuadeant multos esse, quorum numine ac providentiâ regantur ••••nia, ostendant origines, & initia sacrorum, ac deorum, quomodo sint mortalibus tradita, qui sons, quae ratio sit, explicent, proferant, quae ••••rces in cultu, quae poena in contempta maneat, quare ab hominibus se coli velint, quid illis, si beati sunt, humana pietas conferat. Quae ••mnia, non asseveratione propriâ, (nec enim ••••let quicquam mortalis hominis authoritas) sed divinis aliquibus testimoniis confirment, ficuti nos facimus.—Doccant isti hoc modo, si qua illis fiducia veritatis est, loquantur, au∣deant, inquam, disputare nobiscum aliquid ejusmodi, jam profecto ab aniculis, quas•• con∣••emnunt, & à pueris nostratibus error illorum ac sultitia irridebitur, &c.

§ 3. Of the books that he wrote, many

have been devoured by time, which hath left scarce any thing of them remaining be∣sides the names, of which I find men∣tioned,

1. His Symposium or banquet, which he wrote in Africa,* 1.1509 while he was but a youth in the Schools; or (say the Centurists) unto the youths of Africa: and (as Trithe∣mius hath it) in Hexameter verse.

2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or his journey from A∣frica unto Nicomedia,* 1.1510 in Hexameter verse: (this shews him to have been also an excel∣lent Poet) of which I conceive Damasus is to be understood,* 1.1511 (if not rather of his Epistles or of both) who gives us an ac∣count of the number and nature of them; thus: I confess unto you that those books of Lactantius which you sent me of late, I there∣fore willingly do not read, because in them many Epistles are extended unto the space of a thousand verses or lines,* 1.1512 and they do rarely dispute of our Doctrine: whence it comes to pass, both that their length begets a loathing in the Reader, and, if any be short, they are more fit for the Schools then for us, disputing of verse or meeter, of the Situation of Regions or Countries, and Phi∣losophers.

3. His book, which he Entituled Gram∣maticus.

4. Ad Asclepiadem, lib. 2. apud Trithe∣mium, l. 1.* 1.1513

5. Of Persecution.

6. Four books of Epistles unto Probus.

7. Two books of Epistles unto Severus.

8. Two books of Epistles unto Demetrian his Auditor or Scholar.

All these Ierom reckons up in his Cata∣logue.* 1.1514 He also make mentions of the eighth book of his Epistles unto Demetrian: so that it seems he wrote so many unto him: Unless we may suppose, that all his Epistles were gathered into one volume, which make up the number of eight books; whereof the two last (and so one of them, the eight) were un∣to Demetrian.

9. His book of Paradise, in Hexameter verse;* 1.1515 All these are lost and perished, none of them being now to be found.

Those that at this day are extant under his name, are these that follow, viz.

1. Seven books of Institutions,* 1.1516 against the Gentiles, which with an high and Heroick Spirit he wrote under Constantine the Great; for so he himself speaks; Hoc opus, inquit, nunc nominis tui auspicio inchoabimus Constan∣tine Imperator maxime. Baronius calls them luculentissimos libros.

That which occasioned the writing of them was the cunning and calumniating books, especially of two great enemies of Christianity: the one whereof, professing himself a man of chief note among the Phi∣losophers, wrote three books against the Christian Name and Religion; whom Ba∣ronius supposeth to be Porphyrius, an Apo∣state, who at this time excelled among the Platonicks, and set forth bitter Commentaries against the Christians; (which then no other Philosopher did.) And therefore

by Cyril not unjustly stiled, the father of Calumnies.

The other, (being of the number of the judges, and one that was the principal Au∣thor of the persecution then raised against the Christians, in the City of Nicomedia and whole province of Bithynia) wrote two books not against the Christians, lest he should seem enviously to inveigh against them; but unto the Christians, that he might be thought gently and with humanity to ad∣vise them: which books he intituled, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Baronius thinks his name to be Hierocles, a crafty fellow, concealing the wolf under the sheeps skin, that by his falla∣cious title he might ensnare the Reader. To confute these, and to render the truth op∣pressed with reproaches, more illustrious and shining with her own beauty, Lactantius un∣dertook this Noble task of Writing his seven most excellent books of Institutions. Thus Baronius. in annal. ad an. 302. § 43. ad 61. Of which in general Lactantius himself thus speaks. Quanquam, inquit, Tertullianus can∣dem causam plenè peroraverit, in co libro, cui Apologetico nomen est, tamen quoniam aliud est accusantibus respondere, quod in defensione aut negatione solâ positum est; aliud instituere, quod nos facimus, in quo necesse est totius doctrine substantiam contineri; non defugi hunc labo∣rem, ut implerem materiam, quam Cyprian••s non executus est in eâ oratione, quâ Demetria∣num, sicut ipse ait, oblatrantem at{que}; obstrepen∣tem veritati redarguere conatur. Loctant. In∣stitut. Lib. 5. cap. 4.

The several books are Entituled by these several Names:

1. Of False Religion;* 1.1517 wherein he shews the Religion of the gods to be false: After the proem, asserting providence, and that there is but one God, which he proves by the testimonies and Authorities of the Pro∣phets, Poets, Philosophers, Sibyls, and of Apollo: also (refuting the Gentile gods and their Religion in the general, and of the Ro∣mans in particular) he proveth that they were born at a certain time, lived most wick∣edly, and at length did undergo the Law of all Mortals. Of this, and his book de opi∣ficio dei, Chytraeus thus speaks; Prima pars operis, inquit, quae Ethnicas idolomanias & Philosophicas de deo & summo bono opiniones taxat,* 1.1518 & liber de opifieio Dei in structurâ corpo∣ris & animo humano, eruditus & lectu utilissi∣mus est.

2. Of the Original of error, and that the Religion of the Gods is vain which he evin∣ceth by divers arguments, shewing that the causes of all errors in this kind are these two. First, The defection of Cham and the poste∣rity of pious Noah, from God. Secondly, The cunning and craft of the Devil. Third∣ly, Of false Wisdom; wherein he demon∣strate; the vanity of Philosophy and Philoso∣phers, instancing in the Epicures, Stoicks, Pythagoreans and the rest, shewing how false their chief tenets and opinions be, and lastly that Philosophy is not true wis∣dom.

4. Of true Wisdom; which compre∣hends the Doctrine of Christ, his Person, Name, Nativity, two Natures, Miracles and Passion; and afterward he declares the causes of Heresies to be Avarice, Pride, Ignorance of the Scripture, and admiration of false Prophets.

5. Of Justice: that 'tis not to be found among the Gentiles; and that they are de∣ceived, who think Christians to be fools; and that their sin is great and inexcusable; who persecute the Church pretending it to be for their good, viz. That they may bring them unto a right mind.

6. Of true Worship: which consists in this, that the mind of the worshipper be presented blameless unto God, discoursing at large of vertue and vice, as the ways leading unto heaven and hell; and con∣••luding, that the best Sacrifices which we can offer unto God are these two, integrity of mind, and the praise of his name.

7. Of the Divine Reward,* 1.1519 and the last Judgment, the sum whereof he himself thus sets down; the world, saith he, was made, that we might be born; we are born that we may acknowledg God the Creator of the world, and our selves; we acknowledg him, that we may worship him; we worship him, that we may obtain immortality, as the re∣ward of our labors; we receive the reward of immortality, that we may for ever serve, and be an eternal Kingdom unto the most High God our Father.

2. Of the Anger of God; some Philoso∣phers denying it, he proves by nine several

arguments that God is angry, and answers the objections to the contrary.* 1.1520 He wrote this book unto Donatus, and it is highly commend∣ed by Ierom, who calls it a most fair or ele∣gant book, which he wrote in a learned and and eloquent stile.

3. Of the Workmanship of God;* 1.1521 un∣to Demetrian his Auditor: a learned piece and most profitable to be read. It was written by him to this end, that by the wonderful structure of man, he might prove the Providence of God: He there∣fore takes a view of, and looks into the several members of the body, and in them shews how great the power of Divine Provi∣dence is: withal removing the cavils of the Epicures against it: And toward the end, di∣scourseth of the Soul for the same pur∣pose.

4. An Epitome of his Institutions, which wants the beginning;* 1.1522 and is clearly, saith Baptista Ignatius, but a fragment: being a re∣petition of the chief heads of doctrine contain∣ed in that larger work. All these, saith Bel∣larmine, are without controversie the works of Lactantius.

There are besides these; certain Poems that appear, and have been published unto the world under his name; concerning which it is very questionable whether they be his or no: seeing, that neither Ierom nor Trithemius take any notice of them, nor did Thomasius is he tells us, find them in any Ancient▪ Copies.* 1.1523 The Titles of them are these fol∣lowing.

1. Of the Phoenix: they are not, saith Thomasius,* 1.1524 the verses of Lactantius, but writ∣ten by some most elegant Poet, who yet, I believe, saith he, was not a Christian: for he calls his Phoenix the Priest of the Sun, and speaks of Phoebus, as if he were in very deed a god.

2. Of the day of the Resurrection of the Lord; which for elegancy, is no way com∣parable unto the former;* 1.1525 whence it evident∣ly appears that they are not of the same Au∣thor and Authority. Thomasius saith, that he found them in the Vaticane Library among the works of the Christian Poet Venantius Fortunatus Bishop of Poictiers. And whereas in the Ordinary Editions the Poem begins with this Distich,

Salve festa dies.—

By the Authority of the Vaticane copy, he placeth it twenty Distichs off, immediately before that.

Mobilitas anni.—

Which from his copy he amends thus, Nobilitas anni.—and in the Pentameter, for Stridula cuncta, he puts Stridula puncta. And out of the same copy, he adds unto the Poem, ten verses more then are usually found, both because they very well agree with it, and also because in the end of the Poem be these Numeral Letters, CX. to make up which, those ten were to be added; yea, I find an hundred and twelve verses of this

Poem, in the Parisian Edition of the Poems of Venantius.* 1.1526

3. Of the Passion of the Lord; of which Poem Thomasius tells us he could no where find any footsteps at all:* 1.1527 and therefore un∣likely to have Lactantius for the Author. Yea the Author both of this and the former is ve∣ry doubtful, saith Bellarmine, because some do deny them to be his;* 1.1528 though hereof we have no certain Argument. His verses of Christs Passion, saith Mr. Perkins, are coun∣terfeit, for they contradict all his true wri∣tings in these words,

Flecte genu lignum{que} crucis venerabile adora.

Perkins problem. For (saith Illiricus, in Catalog. test. veritat. lib. 4.) He vehemently inveigheth against Images.

4. As for the Arguments upon the several Fables of Ovids Metamorphosis,* 1.1529 and the An∣notations upon Statius his Thebais, by Gesner and Glareanus attributed unto Lactantius, (which they account most worthy to be read) the diversity of the Stile speaks them not to be his:* 1.1530 they rather belong, saith Po••∣sevine, unto Luctatius Placidus a Gramma∣rian. The Commentaries upon Thebais,* 1.1531 saith Gregorius Gyraldus, are not of Lactantius; for in them many things almost word for word are taken out of Servius the Grammarian, who lived more then an age after Firmianus: they are the work of one Placidus Lactantius, or (as some Learned men call him) Placidus Luta∣tius: thus he.

§4. His stile is so accurate and polite, that he excelled all those of his time,* 1.1532 (vit omnium, inquit Eusebius, suo tempore eloquentis∣simus) and hath justly merited the name of the Christian Cicero;* 1.1533 coming nearest of any unto that Prince of Orators, in whom chiefly, the Latine Tongue was fully ripe and grown unto the highest pitch of all perfection. Ierom therefore stiles him a certain River as it were of Tullian,* 1.1534 eloquence: and he that shall Read his works, saith he, will find in them an Epitome of Cicero's Dialogues. And as he followed his Master Arnobius, so did he, saith Goddeschalcus Stewchius, almost over∣take him: for however Arnobius might go before him in the strength of his arguments, and weight of things; yet doth Lactantius so recompence that in elegancy of speech, and gravity of sentences, that it is a hard matter to know which to prefer before other: the clearness and neatness of his Language was wonderful;* 1.1535 being the most eloquent of all the Christians; his sound is plainly Ci∣ceronian; to whom Erasmus ascribes, fae∣licem facilitatem: fuit eloquentiae Ciceronia∣nae, inquit Gyraldus, inter Christianos praecipuus aemulator.

§5. There are to be found in his wri∣tings many grave sentences and excellent pas∣sages, that may be of great use unto the Reader; though in the Doctrine of Christia∣nity he come short of many others; his principal scope being the discovery and con∣futation of heathenish idolatry and supersti∣tion;

which he happily performed. Non multum potest juvare lectorem,* 1.1536 inquit Chemni∣tius, tautùm enim fer•• contra Paganismum disputat. Amongst divers things in him not unworthy of serious observation, take these that follow.

1. Speaking unto those, who, having been accustomed unto polite Orations or Poems,* 1.1537 pleasing and delightful to the ear, do there∣fore despise, as sordid, the plain and common language of the Scripture: saith he, Cannot God the former of the heart, speech and tongue, speak eloquently? Yea, but in his most wise providence he would have those things to want varnish, which are Divine: that all might understand the things which he spake unto all.

2. Again, to the same purpose; the Sacred Scriptures,* 1.1538 saith he, deliver things briefly and nakedly, neither indeed was it meet to be otherwise, as if when God would speak to men, he should assert his words with argu∣ments, as if he were not to be believed; but, as it became him, he spake as God him∣self, as the great judge of all things; for whom, 'tis not to argue, but to pronounce what is true.

3. Of the mighty force and efficacy of the Scriptures and Christian Religion, beyond all the Rules of Moral Philosophy, to expel vice and plant in men all kind of vertue, he thus speaks.* 1.1539 Da mihi virum, qui sit iracundus:— Give me, saith he, a man that is wrathful, foulmouthed, unruly, with a few words of Gods book I will make him as gentle as a Lamb; Give me one that is close fisted, co∣vetous,

greedy of money; I will send him back unto thee liberal, bountifully distribu∣ting his money with his own hands. Give me one that is fearful of torment and death; He shall soon despise crosses, and fires, and Phalaris his Bull. Give me a le••her, an adul∣terer, a haunter of brothel-houses; you shall see him sober, continent. Give me one that is cruelly disposed and blood-thirsty; that fury of his shall be changed into true cle∣mency. Give me one who is unjust, unwise, a sinner, he quickly shall be just, wise, up∣right. So great is the power of Divine Wisdom, that being infused into the brest of a man, doth at one assault expel folly, the mother of vices.—Hath any one of the Philosophers either performed these things, or can he, if he will? Who when they have worn out all their time in the study of Phi∣losophy, can make neither any other, nor themselves better, if nature a little with∣stand. Therefore their wisdom when it hath done its utmost,* 1.1540 doth not abolish, but hide vices. Whereas a•• few precepts of God do change the whole man, and, the old being put off, do make him new, that you cannot know him to be the same.

4. Of the Church: thus. The Church, saith he▪* 1.1541 is the true Temple of God, which consisteth not in walls, but in the hearts and faith of men, who believe on him, and are called faithful or believers.

5. Again, That only is the Catholick Church, which retains the true Worship of God.* 1.1542 This is the fountain of verity, this is houshold of faith, this is the temple of God,

into which who so shall not enter, or from which, who so shall depart, he is an alien from the hope of eternal life and salvation.— And because every company of Hereticks, do think that they chiefly are Christians, and theirs to be the Catholick Church; we are to know, that that is the true; wherein is Re∣ligion, Confession and Repentance, which wholsomly cures the sins and wounds unto which the frailty of the flesh is subject.

6. Of Repentance thus; He that repents of his deed,* 1.1543 understands his former error: wherefore, the Greeks do better and more significantly call it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, then we La∣tines can call it Resipiscentiam. For he repents, and, as it were, recovers his mind from madness, who grieveth for his error, and corrects himself for his folly, and confirms his mind to live more uprightly, being most wary of this, that he be not again drawn into the same snares.

7. Again, The conscience of sin and fear of punishment,* 1.1544 makes a man the more Reli∣gious: and always faith is by much more firm, which repentance resettles or puts again in its place.

8. He sets down the sum of the Law, re∣ferring it unto two heads, after this manner. The first head or chief point of the Law is to know God and to obey and worship him alone: Or, the first duty or point of righte∣ousness is to be in conjunction or communion with God: the second with man: the former is called Religion: the other is named, mercy or humanity.—Wherefore the principal bond of men among themselves, is humanity,

the which, whosoever shall break asunder, is to be accounted a wretch and a parricide. For if we all have our Original from one man, whom God formed, surely, we are of kin and of the same blood;* 1.1545 and therefore is it the greatest crime to hate a man, even an ene∣my: for which cause God hath commanded that we should never bear enmity toward any, but always take it away, to wit, that we should pacifie those who are enemies unto us,* 1.1546 by admonishing them of the alliance that is between us.

9. God, saith he, is not to be worshipped with offerings and much blood;* 1.1547 but with a pure mind and honest purpose. Temples are not to be builded unto him with stones heaped together on high; but to be hallowed by every one in his own brest. If any one think that garments and gems and other things which are had in esteem, are dear to God, he plainly knows not what God is; who thinks that he takes pleasure in those things, which, if even a man contemn, he shall be justly praised. What therefore is pure, what wor∣thy of God? but that which he himself in his Divine Law requireth. Two things there are which ought to be offered; a gift and a sacrifice: the gift is integrity of mind; the sacrifice, praise and thanksgiving.

10. There is no man so rude and of such barbarous manners,* 1.1548 but, when he lifts up his eyes unto heaven, albeit he know not by the providence of what God this universe, which he beholds, is governed, yet doth he under∣stand that there is one, by the very vastness, motion, order, constancy, utility, beauty and

temperament of thing: and that it cannot be, but that that which consisteth in such an admirable manner, is guided by some greater Counsel.

§6. These and many other the like use∣ful passages are to be found in his writings: though yet for the chief points of Religion he handles them but very slenderly, and not so plainly as he should: for there is not a clear sentence concerning faith, the benefits of the Son of God, or of any other necessary part of the Doctrine of Christianity to be met with in Lactantius throughout:* 1.1549 he being for the most part imployed in refuting the false opinions of the Gentiles; which is the ground of that speech of Chemnitius,* 1.1550 that Lactantius cannot much advantage his Reader. Many points of Religion he but toucheth only, and the most he understood not: so likewise speaks Chytraeus of him;* 1.1551 Doctrinam Evangelii propriam, de beneficiis Christi, & de fide parùm intellexit. Whence it comes to pass that his errors were neither few nor small; speaking of the weightiest doctrines very unfitly and improperly; though perhaps in some of them (as Osiander charitably conceives) he thought better,* 1.1552 and was more sound in his judgment.

His Errors were such as these.

1. Concerning God,* 1.1553 his expression is very unmeet and dangerous, viz. That God made himself, Yet may his meaning be that God had his being of himself; for so: lib. 2. 9.

'tis God alone who is not made;—he is of himself, as we said: lib. 1. and there∣fore is such as he would himself to be, viz. impassible, immutable, uncorrupt, blessed, eternal.

2. He so speaks of Christ,* 1.1554 say the Centu∣turists, that a man may well say, he never rightly understood either the person or Office of the Son of Son of God. As where he saith;

That God did produce a Spirit like him∣self,* 1.1555 who should be endued with the vertues of God his Father. Also, The Commands of his Father he faithfully observed:* 1.1556 for he taught, that God is one, and that he alone ought to be worshipped; neither did he ever say that himself was God; for he should not have been faithful, if, being sent to take a∣way the gods, and to assert one, should have brought in another beside (that) one. These and such like words he hath, that do not a little smell of Arianism. Indeed, he in this particular doth not express himself so warily as he ought; which hath occasioned such suspicions of him; but yet however, that in his judgment he neither denied nor doubted of the Deity or Eternity of Christ, seems clear from divers other places, where in so many words he acknowledgeth both; as, where he calls him the word of God; &, (inquit) meritò sermo & verbum dei dicitur,* 1.1557 qui procedentem de ore suo vocalem Spiritum, quem non utero sed mente conceperat, inexco∣gitabili quadam majestatis suae virtute, ad effi∣giem, quae proprio sensu, ac sapientiâ vigeat, comprehendit, & alios item Spiritus in angelos

••••guraverit. Also,* 1.1558 if any wonder that God should be generated of God, prolatione vocis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spiritus; when once he shall know the sa∣cred voices of the Prophet, he will certainly cease to wonder. Again, he saith, that the Jews condemned their God.* 1.1559 Lastly, Sicut ••ater,* 1.1560 inquit, sine exemplo genuit Authorem suum; sic ineffabiliter Pater genuisse credendus est Coaeternum. De matre natus est, qui ante jam fuit; de Patre, qui aliquando non fuit. Hoc fides credat, intelligentia non requirat, ne ••ut non inventum putet incredibile, aut reper∣••um non credat singulare. If therefore in some places he seem to deliver that which savors too much of Arius, or speak not so clearly of Christ as he should;* 1.1561 Thomasius, that diligent peruser of him, who com∣pared divers Copies together, is of the mind, that there his books are by some Arian corrupted; giving sundry instances herein.

3. He unadvisedly saith, that Christ after his resurrection went into Galilee,* 1.1562 because he would not shew himself unto the Jews, lest he should bring them unto repentance, and save those wicked men.

4. He is silent concerning the Priestly Office of Christ,* 1.1563 mentioning no other ends of his Incarnation or coming, and passion, but only to reveal and make known unto men the Mysteries of Religion, and to give them an example of vertue.

5. He knew nothing at all of the Holy Ghost;* 1.1564 and makes little or no mention of him in his books now extant. Or,* 1.1565 if he knew any thing, Ierom acquaints us what

his apprehensions of him were; In his books, saith he, and especially in his Epistles unto Demetrian, he denies the substance of the holy Ghost, saying, according to the error of the Jews, that he is referred either unto the Father, or the Son; and that the sanctificati∣on of either person, is demonstrated under his name. So that, what Ierom spake of Origen, may not unfitly be applied unto him also,* 1.1566 viz. that his opinion of the Son was bad, but concerning the holy Ghost was worse.

6. He conceited, that the Angels were given unto men to be their guardians,* 1.1567 lest they should be destroyed by the Devil, unto whom at first the power of the earth was gi∣ven. And that those guardian Angel, being allured to accompany with women were for this their sin cast down from heaven; and so of the Angels of God, became the Ministers of the Devil.

7. Also,* 1.1568 That God created an infinite number of souls, which he afterward put into frail and weak bodies that being in the midst between good and evil, and vertue be∣ing propounded unto man consisting of both natures, he might not with ease and delicacy obtain immortality, but with great diffi∣culty and labor get the reward of eternal life.

8. He speaks nothing of the righteous∣ness of faith;* 1.1569 but that salvation is merited by good works;* 1.1570 and that if a man serve not the earth, which he ought to tread underfoot, he shall merit everlasting life.* 1.1571 Cum lib. 5. & 6. (inquit Chytraeus) orationem de justitiâ Chri∣stiana

ex professo instituerit, tamen de philosophi∣es tantum sen legis justitia disputat & justitiae ••••dei, quae Evangelii propriâ est, nullam ferè men∣tionem facit.

9. Of Prayer, saith he, As often as a man asks, he is to believe that he is tempted of God,* 1.1572 whether he be worthy to be heard: Of pardon of sin thus, that God vouchsafes it unto them that sin ignorantly, but not unto them that sin of knowledge and wittingly. Also that a man may be without sin, which yet he contradicts within a few lines after.

10. He hath many superstitious things con∣cerning the virtue of the sign of the Cross, viz. That it is terrible unto the Devils, qui adjurati per Christum, de corporibus quae obsede∣rint,* 1.1573 fugiunt. Nam sicut Christus ipse Daemonas verbo fugabas, ita nunc sectatores ejus eosdem, spiritus inquinatos de hominibus et nomine Ma∣gistri sui et signo passionis excludunt. Cujus rei non difficilis est probatio, nam ••um diis s••is im∣molant, si assistat aliquis signatam fronte gereus, sacra nullo modo litant, nec responsa potest con∣sultus reddere vates.

11. He thinks it unlawful for a righteous man to go to war,* 1.1574 or to accuse any one of a capital crime, because Murther is for∣bidden.

12. He denyed that there were any Anti∣podes,* 1.1575 and that with much earnestness and confidence, bestowing a whole Chapter upon the maintainance of so evident a mistake, in shewing the Original, and (as he conceived) the absurdity of the Antipodian opinion, and confuting it: wondring at the folly of those that held it. What shall we think, saith he,

of them who give out that there are Antipodes walking opposite unto us? Do they speak a∣ny thing to the purpose? or are there any so stupid as to believe, that there are men whose feet are higher than their heads, or that those things there do hang which with us do lye on the ground? That the Plants and Trees spring downward, that the snow and rain and hail fall upward upon the earth? And need any man marvel that hanging Gardens are ac∣counted in the number of the seven wonders of the world, since the Philosophers have made both Fields and Seas, Cities and Moun∣tains all hanging?—What to say of these I know not, who having once erred do con∣stantly persist in their folly, and with vain de∣fend vain things, only sometimes I think that they play the Philosophers in jest, or witting∣ly and knowingly undertake to defend fals∣hood, to exercise, as it were, and shew their wit in things that are evil. Strange ignorance that accounts so palpable a truth so gross an error, yet herein was Lactantius outgone by Zachary Bishop of Rome,* 1.1576 (oh the infallibility of that Chair!) who condemned one Vigilius Bishop of Saltzburg as an heretick, only for holding that there were Antipodes.

13. That the Souls of all men are detained in one common prison,* 1.1577 until the coming of the great Judge.

14. He hath fond conceits of the coming of a great Prophet immediately before the end of the world,* 1.1578 who shall convert men unto God, and work strange miracles; unto whom he applies those passages concerning the two witnesses, me••tioned in Revel. cap. 11.

15. He is a millenary, asserteth two resur∣rections,* 1.1579 and largely discourseth of the reign of the Saints upon earth after the first, for the space of a thousand years, and what should fall out during that time. After this (saith he) shall be the last judgment, in which not all shall be judged, (the wicked being con∣demned already) but only those who know God, at what time their good works shall be weighed with their bad, and if the good do over ballance the bad they shall go into life, if otherwise they shall be condemned. A gross error and cross to plain Scriptures.

16. He thus speaks of the last judgment,* 1.1580 when (saith he) the Lord shall judge the righteous, he shall prove or try them by fire, (he seems to allude unto, 1 Cor. 3. 13.) Then they whose sins shall prevail either in weight or number shall be burnt, but those whom righteousness and maturity of virtue shall have fully concocted, shall not feel that fire: For they have somewhat that repels the force of the flame, &c.

These and other the like unsound passages are scattered up and down in the Writings of Lactantius, who is therefore to be read with much caution, (apud Lactantium inquit Hy∣perius,* 1.1581 invenies plura quae sapientem lectorem desiderant.) He made too much of Philosophy, (as did also other of the Ancients) chiefly that of Plato,* 1.1582 and too closely followed Ori∣gen, which was the cause why in so many things, he swerved and wandred from the truth, and was so great a stranger unto it: Retinuit tamen hactenus (inquit Bullingerus) suam gloriam in Ecclesiâ Christi.* 1.1583

§ 7. As concerning his death, I find no mention at all in History, where, or after what manner he ended his life. That he li∣ved unto a great Age, may be gathered from what Ierom writes of him,* 1.1584 that in his ex∣treme old Age, he was in France, Schoolmaster unto Crispus the Son of Constantine the Great, where therefore it is most likely he might end his days: But withal he was reduced to such poverty and want, (which is somewhat strange being a man of such worth and so greatly favoured by that good Emperour) that for the most part he lacked even necessa∣ries for his subsistence.* 1.1585

Athanasius.

§ 1. HE was born at Alexandria, of vetuous and godly Parents,* 1.1586 and their only Son: From his very Childhood he gave good evidences of his to∣wardliness and inclination unto piety and spi∣ritual things. One thing especially as very remarkable, and presaging his future dignity and employment, is recorded by most Histo∣rians concerning him, and it is this:* 1.1587 He with his play fellows in their childish sports, imi∣tating those things that were done in the Church,* 1.1588 was chosen by the rest for their Bishop: Who acting his part accordingly, baptized some of the boys, that had not been baptized before, according unto the due form of interrogatories and answers usually prece∣ding Baptism; giving them afterwards divers exhortations and admonitions. All which, Alexander, then Bishop of that place, passing by at a distance beheld, and understanding by examining them how he had proceeded, con∣cluded with his Presbyters, that what was done, though in childish simplicity, was va∣lid, and that those Children ought not again to be baptized.

Alexander being moved herewith, and ha∣ving sent for his Parents, earnestly besought

and charged them that he should be carefully trained up in piety and learning for the service of the Church: which accordingly they di∣ligently performed, delivering him unto a cer∣tain Notary,* 1.1589 who instructed him in the Gram∣mar: After which he spent some small time in the study of the liberal Arts; lest he should seem to be altogether ignorant in this regard; which having lightly tasted and passed thorow, he is, as another Samuel, by his Parents ac∣cording to their promise presented unto the Bishop: With him, being taken into his care and tuition, he applies himself wholly unto the study of divinity, most diligently perusing and meditating in the holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, by which means he became deeply insighted into them: hereunto he added also the study of the Law, wherein he attained unto so much skill, that Sulpitius Severus speaking of him,* 1.1590 gives him the Title of Iurisconsultus or a Lawyer.

For a while he lived with the Bishop as his Amanuensis or Scribe,* 1.1591 who afterward promo∣ted him unto the Office of a Deacon, and from thence unto the rest of the sacred orders; all which he passed through, behaving himself in an admirable manner.

The Council of Nice, (so famous even unto this day, of which Athanasius thus speaks; Nulla (inquit) est in Catholicâ Ecclesiâ synodus existimanda preter unicam Nicaenam, quae om∣nium haersi••v profligatarum ac imprinius Arianae trophaeum habenda est.* 1.1592 And Binnius thus: Patrum hujus consilii autoritas erat orthodoxae fi∣dei clypeus, impiorum terror ac luctus, ecclesia∣rum nexus & quies.) This Council, I say,

being called by the Emperor Constantine the Great, Alexander Bishop of Alexandria go∣ing thither, takes along with him young A∣thanasius, who was present not only as a spectator,* 1.1593 but an assistant unto the Bishop, now grown aged, helping him much in re∣futing the subtile Sophisms of the adversaries: wherein he gave a notable experiment of his Learning and Piety, which much endeared him unto the Orthodox, but made him from that time no less envyed and hated by the Arian Hereticks.

Alexander survived this Council but a little while, not above the space of five months: when he was upon his death bed, he would often call for Athanasius, who purposely ab∣sented himself, being unwilling to undertake the charge of that Church, which yet the old Bishop had designed him unto, using such like words as these; Athanasius, thou think∣est to escape, but thou shalt not: meaning hereby both the Bishoprick, and also the many and great conflicts that he should undergo:* 1.1594 which were such, that an Historian applies unto him those words of Christ unto Paul; I will shew him how great things be must suf∣fer for my names sake.* 1.1595

Alexander dying, Athanasius is by the ge∣neral vote chosen Bishop in his room;* 1.1596 being then about four and twenty years of age, so great was his proficiency in whatever qualifi∣cations were requisite for that Office. This his Election by an Universal consent, is testi∣fied by the Church of Alexandria in these words. We with the whole City and Pro∣vince do testifie, that the whole multitude

and people of the Catholick Church, being met together, and, as but of one body and soul, did with clamors and cries require that Athanasius might be given us for the Bishop of this Church; and that with publick pray∣ers they desired this of Christ; which that we the Clergy would do, they earnestly besought us night and day, themselves in the mean time not departing from the Church, nor per∣mitting us to depart. Whence it evidently appears how great the inclination of them all was unto him, and how honorable an opini∣on they had of him.

He no sooner undertook this weighty charge, but forthwith he applied himself di∣ligently, (and made it his main work) to il∣lustrate the truth, to assert and vindicate the Doctrine of the Eternal Deity of the Son of God, and to reduce those into the right way again,* 1.1597who had been led astray,* 1.1598 being in∣fected with the Arian Heresie: for which reason, that faction (conceiving that their cause could not thrive and prosper, while it had such an adversary in so eminent a place & dignity) became his implacable enemies, still contriving mischief against him, and endea∣vouring his disturbance by multiplied ca∣lumnies, and false accusations: So that, Ejus annorum quadraginta sex Episcopatus perpetua fuit persecutio, (inquit Espencaeus) exilium propè irremissum, fuga frequens, & latitatio diuturna. The truth here of may be seen in the following passages of his life.

His chief adversary was Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, who with his complices many ways assailed him, as,

1. They cavilled at, and found fault with his Election, as undue; but that came to nought.

2. They traduced him unto the Emperor Constantine the Great, as one that caused di∣visions and distractions in the Church, and hin∣dered concord: the ground whereof was, his refusing to receive the Heretick Arius (a Pres∣byter of Alexandriae) into Communion, whose return from banishment had been pro∣cured by a certain Presbyter about the Em∣peror, upon his fained submission and con∣sent unto the Nicene faith. Hereupon the Emperor, (giving too much credit unto the party of Eusebius) wrote menacing letters unto Athanasius, threatning to remove him from his place in case he should persist to re∣fuse Arius: But he by his Letters, gave full satisfaction unto the Emperor; shewing that such an Heretick having been proscribed and justly excommunicated by so famous a Coun∣cil, ought not to be received again, but upon his repentance manifested, and by the publick consent of the pious. This not succeeding, his adversaries.

3. Proceeded to accuse him as a fomen∣ter of sedition aiding with mony one Phi∣lumenus, who enterprised somwhat against the Emperor. But he, coming unto Con∣stantinople, cleared himself, and made his in∣nocence so to appear, that the Emperor not only acquitted him from all suspicion of the crime objected unto him, but also honorably sent him back unto Alexandria, with letters of high commendation. Being thus disap∣pointed, his restless enemies ceased not to

charge him with more heinous crimes, unto which he made his answer in the Synod of Tyre consisting of sixty Bishops, who were con∣vened for the consecration of a Magnificent temple which the Emperor had built at Hierusalem:* 1.1599 of which Binnius thus speaks: conciliabulum (inquit) & malignantium con∣ventus; ad quod convocati sunt Episcopi dun∣taxat illi, quos Eusebius & Eusebiani nefarii haeresiarchae advocandos persuaserunt. The Bishops being assembled, Athanasius is

4. Accused before them, by an impudent Harlot (whom the Arians had suborned) to have vitiated and abused her. But Ti∣motheus, a worthy Presbyter, speaking unto her, as if he had been Athanasius; did I ever, saith he, enter into thine house, or had any thing to do with thee? Unto whom she pointing at Timotheus with her finger, thus replyeth with much eagerness; Thou, thou art he that hast abused me, and dispoiled me of my chastity; By which means the fraud being thus discovered, those of the con∣spiracy were surprised with shame, yet not de∣sisting;

5. They proceed to charg him with the Murther of one Arsenius, (whom they had conveyed away and hidden) sometime a Reader, or, as some, a Deacon in the Church of Alexandria; producing and shewing forth the arm of a man, which they pretended to be his, and to have been cut off and kept by Athanasius for some Magick uses. Upon the sight whereof there was a great cry among them against Athanasius for so abominable a fact. But silence being made Athanasius demand∣ed,

whether any one there present had known Arsenius? Unto which some answering af∣firmatively he hereupon brings forth Arsenius (who had the day before come voluntarily unto Tyre, and shewed himself unto Athana∣sius) and presents him before the Council sound and having both his Arms: whereat the Conspirators were so abashed and con∣sounded, that they knew not what to say, only they cried out, that he was a Magician, and deluded the eyes of the beholders. Unto all which they yet add,

6. That Macarius a Presbyter of Alexan∣dria being sent unto Mareotis to forbid one Isehyras or Ischarion, (who usurped the Office of a Minister) to Officiate or Admi∣nister the holy things: He by the command of Athanasius (as they suggested) had over∣turned the holy Table broken the Chalice, and burned certain Books; but the falshood hereof was soon made apparent; for Ischyras repenting,* 1.1600 publickly confessed that he had slandered him, being suborned by the Mele∣tions, and enforced so to do: (these Meleti∣••••s, so called from Meletius a certain Aegyptian Bishop were in this conspiracy confederates with the Arians.) Hereat being greatly enraged, they would have offered violence unto Athanasius, which to avoid, he went out of the Synod, and betook him unto the Emperor. Being gone, they sentenced him, ••s guilty of the crimes laid to his charge, to be deposed from his Bishoprick; writing Letters unto the Bishops every where not to Communicate or have any Commerce with him. The famous Confessor Paphnutius

Bishop of the upper Thebais, being now present in this Synod, and perceiving that they purposed to proceed against Athanasi∣us, taking Maximus Bishop of Hierusa∣lem by the hand; Arise, saith he unto him, and let us depart hence, for it is not meet that we who have had our eyes put out for the word of truth, should par∣take with these wicked men, in their vio∣lent proceeding against the defenders of true piety.

The Emperor understanding what had passed, was much incensed against those Bishops, and by his Letters sharply repre∣hended them for what they had done, requi∣ring them to appear before him at Constan∣tinople: whither being come, they waving all former accusations, instil into the Em∣perors ears, another foul slander against Athanasius, viz. That he had threatned to hinder the transportation of corn (as was wont) from Egypt unto Constantinople: which begat in the Emperor such indigna∣tion against the Bishop, that without hearing he banished him into France unto the City of Triers (Galliarum metropolis,* 1.1601 inquit Athana∣sius; Treviris, ad Mosel••ae r••ipam, olim (inquie Victorius) insignis Galliae,* 1.1602 nunc Germaniae im∣perialis urbs) then belonging unto that Kingdom,* 1.1603 but since unto Germany being now the seat of one of the Ecclesiastical Electors:* 1.1604 although some conceive, that the Emperor did this for the safety of Athanasius, and in hope, that hereupon peace and unity among the Bishops would ensue.

Arius upon the banishment of Athanasius,* 1.1605 entring again into Alexandria, occasions new tumults there, which when the Emperour un∣derstood, he sendeth for him unto Constantino∣ple, requiring him by subscription to testifie his ••onsent unto the Nicen faith: this he doth ••ignedly. Hereupon the Emperour requires Alexander Bishop of Constantinople, to receive ••im into communion: Who all night long by ••arnest prayer beseecheth the Lord either to ••ake him out of this life, or else to take away 〈◊〉〈◊〉, lest by him this Church should be in∣••icted with his heresie. Arius, the next day ••oming with a great company toward the Church, in the way turns aside to ease him∣self, which while he was doing he burst asun∣der in the midst like another Iudas, so that ••is bowels came out, and dyed ignominiously ••n the place, whom the Eusebians with shame ••nough took thence and buried him. So pre∣••••lent were the prayers of the good Bishop Alexander.

Shortly after this dyeth the Emperour Con∣••••nti••e the great, leaving the Empire unto his three Sons, viz. unto Constantius the East, and the West unto the other two, Constans and Constantine. Before his death he had a pur∣pose to recal Athanasius from his banishment,* 1.1606 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being prevented he commits the doing ••ereof unto his Son Constantine, which he ac∣cordingly performed, sending him back with Letters recommendatory unto the Church of Alexandria, unto which he returned after he had been about two years and four Months in exile. But he held not his government qui∣etly above three years, for (returning with∣out

out common consent, and the decree of the Bishops) he was by the Arians accused unto Constantius (infected with,* 1.1607 and a great favour∣er of that Heresie) and thereupon by the Sy∣nod of Antioch, (wherein the Arian faction prevailed) consisting of ninety Bishops, a∣gain deposed and one Gregory set up in his Room.

Athanasius now finding it not safe for him to continue in Alexandria, fled unto Iulius Bishop of Rome; who assembling the Western Bishops, sends him back with Letters testi∣monial, and pressing his restitution: But up∣on his return unto Alexandria,* 1.1608 a great tumult being raised by the Arians wherein some were slain, the blame hereof is cast upon Athanasius, and this seconded with other calumnies: which so enraged the Emperour Constantius a∣gainst him, that he sent one Cyrianus a Cap∣tain with many Soldiers to apprehend him: Withal, by his Edicts he required all his Offi∣cers to make diligent search for him, promi∣sing rewards unto any that should bring him alive, or else his head unto the Empe∣rour.

Hereupon he is for••ed to hide himself;* 1.1609 which for sometime he did in a certain Well or Cave which was known unto none, save only to one of his familar friends, who sent him necessaries by a Servant who at length dis∣covered him: But Athanasius having timely notice hereof, the same night wherein he should have been apprehended, betook him unto another place.* 1.1610 Yet finding it not safe for him to remain in the dominions of Con∣stantius, he fled into the West unto the Em∣perour

Constance,* 1.1611 who very honourably re∣ceived him. Unto whom he makes a very sad complaint of the injuries offered him by the Arians, earnestly desiring him that a Synod might be called for the discussing of his cause. The Emperour hearkning unto him, obtains of his Brother that an universal Council both of the East and Western Bishops, should be convened at Sardica in Illiricum: Of which, Binuius thus; Concilium Sardicense, (inquit) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nicaeni appendix,* 1.1612 et a multis Nicaeni nomine umprehenditur. Sculte••us stiles it, pa••em Ni∣••enae Synodo. Where being assembled, the Eastern Bishops required,* 1.1613 that Athanasius and his sautors should he removed from the Coun∣cil: Which being denied as unjust, the East∣ern Bishops withdrew, and instituted an An∣••••synod at Philopolis in Thrace, wherein the de∣crees of the Council of Tyre against Athanasius were confirmed, the doctrine 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 concluded and agreed on, and Iulius Bishop of Rome, Hosius of Corduba, Maximinus of ••riers, and divers others for receiving Atha∣••asius unto communion, were deprived of their Bishopricks. What was the issue of these cross Councils, appears in the following words. Ex contrariis decretis harum Synodorum ortum est ••tron et diuturnum Schisma inter Orientales et Occidentales Ecclesias,* 1.1614 quod ante Gratianum et Theodosium Imperatores non desiit, ita ut invicem ••••n communicarent.

For on the contrary, the Council of Sar∣dica, having heard Athanasius clearing his in∣nocency, received him unto communion, con∣demning his accusers: Withal they confirm'd the 〈…〉〈…〉 Council, and de∣creed,

that such as defended the contrary thereunto, should not only be deprived of their Bishopricks, but also excluded from the so∣ciety and communion of the faithful.

Constantius, notwithstanding the decree of this Council of Sardica, for the restitution of Athanasius unto his Bishoprick, refuseth to admit of him: hereupon his Brother; the Em∣perour Constans writes him a short, but sharp Letter, threatning that if he should still per∣sist to oppose and hinder the return of Atha∣nasius, he himself would come with an Ar∣my, and whether he would or no, restore him again unto his place. This so far prevailed, that Constantius yields, and again and again invites doubtful and delaying Athanasius to return, by divers letters written unto him, who at length hearkens and returns ac∣cordingly.

The Emperour meeting with him at Anti∣och, gently entreats and confers with him, per∣mitting him with safety to go unto Alexan∣dria; withal promising to admit of no more accusations against him, and by his Letters ••ommended him unto the Church of Alexan∣dria for his singular piety,* 1.1615 exhorting them with all respect to receive him: But before his departure from him, he told him, that the Bishops desired one thing of him, namely, that he would grant one Church in Alexan∣dria unto those that dissented from, and could not joyn in communion with him. I am content (quoth he) so to do upon this con∣dition, that the Arians will vouchsafe one Church unto the Orthodox in the City of An∣tioch, which the Emperour inclined unto as

reasonable, but the Arians were altogether averse from it.

Athanasius, in his way to Alexandria, co∣ming unto Hierusalem, prevails with Maxi∣••••s then Bishop of that place, to call a Synod of the Bishops of the neighbouring Countries; wherein they approved of his restitution, and also by their letters signified unto the Bishops of Aegypt and Africa, their joyning in com∣munion with him.

Coming unto Alexandria, he is received with exceeding great joy and festivity, as it were in a kind of triumph, where he conti∣nued about the space of five years; viz. unto the death of Constance the defender of the Or∣thodox.

Upon his decease, (the inconstant Constan∣••••us being sole Emperour) the Arians again with might and main fall upon Athanasius; perswading the Emperour that he made con∣tinual stirs throughout Egypt and Lybia, that in his journey he had ordained Bishops and Presbyters without his jurisdiction, and that he had been the Author of dissention, between the Emperour and his Brother.

The ciedulous Emperour so far hearkens unto these accusations, that he abolisheth the decrees of the Council of Sardica, and com∣mands that those Bishops should be deprived and removed from their Churches, whom that Synod had restored: Amongst these, A∣thanasius was the chief, who by an order ob∣tained from the Emperour was to be dispatch∣ed and slain:* 1.1616 For which end a Captain that was sent with five thousand Soldiers, begirts and enters the Church, where by night Atha∣nasius

and the people were assembled together.* 1.1617 But he in a wonderful manner escapes, passing out among the rest undiscerned by the Soldi∣ers, and flying into the desert of Lybia, he abode there until the death of Constantius, being about ten years; yet sometimes coming unto Alexandria to confirm the Church: Though as some report, he lay hid all this time in Alexandria,* 1.1618 in the house of a sacred Virgin.

During the reign of Constantius, divers Councils of the Eastern and Western Bishops were convened; as at Antioch, Sardica, Sir∣mium, Millain, Ariminum, and Seleucia: chiefly intended for the promoting of the A∣rian heresie, and against the faith of the Nicene Council: which yet succeeded not according∣ly, the Eastern being still stoutly opposed by the Western Bishops. In which time also nine several forms or confessions of faith were framed, all differing from that of Nice: An evident argument of the distracted condition and state that then the Churches were in.

Upon the departure or withdrawing of A∣thanasius, George of Cappadacia, a violent Arian enters, and like a wolf in a furious mad∣ness makes havock of the Church, exercising great cruelties and inflicting grievous tortures upon the Orthodox:* 1.1619 who yet (saith Billius) was by the Arians removed, because he shewed not himself so diligent in maintaining and propagating their doctrine, as they expect∣ed.

But Iulian the Apostate succeeding Con∣stantius in the Empire, (who upon his death∣bed bewailed these three things especially:

1. That he had a hand in murthering his kin∣dred.* 1.1620 2. That he had changed the form of the Nicene Faith. 3. That he had named Iu∣lian for his Successor.) In the beginning of his Reign restoreth those Bishops unto their places again, whom Constantius had removed: which he did not out of any love unto Reli∣gion, but to impair the fame of Constantius, and out of a hope he had, that by their dissen∣tions Christianity would suffer and be shaken: Amongst the rest Athanasius returns again un∣to Alexandria.

Not long after this, the Magicians and Sor∣ceters urging and crying out, that nothing could be done by their arts, until Athanasius, the great obstacle, were taken out of the way, Iulian not only banished but also command∣ed that he should be slain: Hereupon, being about to take ship to shun the danger, and the people of Alexandria standing weeping about him;* 1.1621 saith he unto them, Be not troubled my Children, nubecula est citò transitura: 'tis but a little Cloud, and it will soon pass away: which fell out accordingly.

Flying up the River Nilus and being closely pursued by some that were sent to apprehend him, those that were with him being greatly afraid, perswaded him in this exigent speedi∣ly to get into the desert for his safety: Why are you so much troubled, quoth he: Let us rather go to meet them, that they may know he is greater that defends us, than they that do pursue us. Hereupon they direct their course accordingly, and coming near them (little suspecting any such matter) the pursu∣ers asked them if they had heard where Atha∣nasius

was? who answered, that they had lately seen him passing not far from thence. They followed him therefore as they thought with all the speed they could make, but all in vain, for by this means Athanasius escaped their hands and came safe unto Alexandria, where he lay hid until the death of Iulian, who was shortly after slain in a battel against the Persians, having reigned only one year and eight months.

In his Room Iovinianus is by the Army chosen Emperour, a most pious, Prince, who reduced from banishment the orthodox Bi∣shops: Among whom for his singular virtues he much admired Athanasius, and had him in great esteem, conferring and advising with him about matters of faith, and the right ordering of the Churches: under whom they were like to have been in a very flourishing and happy condition, had not the shortness of his govern∣ment prevented it, which the space of eight months put a period unto.

After him followed Valentinian, who asso∣ciated with him in the government of the Em∣pire, his Brother Valens: these dividing it be∣tween them, Valentinian had the West, and Valens the East for his dominion. This Va∣lens did greatly favour the Arian faction, in so much as he began to persecute the Ortho∣dox, especially Athanasius, (their great eye∣fore) sending an Officer by force to expel him out of Alexandria: Athanasius fearing what might ensue hereof, and that stirs and tumults might be raised by the common people,* 1.1622 hid himself for about the space of four months in his Fathers monument: The Citizens never∣theless

grew so seditious, that to appease and satisfie them, Valens, though unwilling, was fain to permit Athanasius quietly to enjoy his Bishoprick: which he did (and the Church of Alexandria peace) unto the end of his days. The Narration of whose life and sufferings, let me conclude in the words of Osiander.* 1.1623 Non volui in recitandâ tanti viri▪ plusquam martyris historia esse brevior, quia nihil vidi, quod rectè omitti posset.

§ 2. He was a man of such transcendent worth and every way so excelled, that he was had in very high esteem and much admired by all the lovers of piety and sound doctrine: as appears by the honourable titles given unto him by divers eminent persons among the An∣cients.* 1.1624 I saw (saith the Emperour Constantine the great, in an Epistle unto the Alexandriaus,) your Bishop Athanasius with delight, and so spake unto him as one whom I believed to be a man of God.* 1.1625 Nazianzen stiles him the great Trumpet of truth, a principal Pil∣lar of the Church, the eye of the world, that second light,* 1.1626 and (if we may use the word) forerunner of Christ, whom praising I shall praise virtue it self, for in him all virtues meet. Basil hath recourse unto him,* 1.1627 v••lut ad univer∣sorum apicem, quo consultore ac duce actionum ••••eretur. A most faithful Master (saith Vin∣centius Lyrinensis) and a most eminent confes∣sor.* 1.1628 An illustrious and famous man (saith Cyril of Alexandria) and in the Council of Nice,* 1.1629 one that was had in admiration of all: (though then but young.)* 1.1630 Theodoret calls him the most shining light of the Church of

Alexandria, who was among the Bishops thereof, as an Orient pearl, most conspicu∣ous,* 1.1631 One most approved in the judgment of all Ecclesiastical men, saith Vigilius: A pro∣found, and every way absolute Divine; in so much as he acquired,* 1.1632 and accordingly is commonly known by the name of Athanasius the Great.

He was for his natural parts more then ordinary,* 1.1633 being of a strong and excellent wit, as also of a sharp and piercing judgment; which he cultured and improved by the study of the Liberal Arts, and other Humane Learn∣ing;* 1.1634 wherein he attained unto a competent measure of skill, although he spent but a small time in them: for he chiefly intended things of an higher nature, applying himself unto diligent Meditation in the Scriptures,* 1.1635 viz. all the Books both of the Old and New Testament; by which means he so increased in the riches, not only of knowledge and Divine Contemplation, but also of an egre∣gious and shining conversation, (both which he happily joyned together;* 1.1636 being vir san∣ctitatis & eruditionis eximiae) as no man more: so that in Learning he went beyond those that were famous for their Learning, and in action the most apt for action: his life and manners were a rule for Bishops, and his Doctrines were accounted as the Law of the Orthodox Faith:* 1.1637 a man of great ability to oppose error and to defend the truth. He was adorned with all sorts of vertues; of such gentleness, that the way was open and easie for all to converse with him; free from an∣ger and passion; and very propense unto pity

and commiseration; withal of most Heroick magnanimity (inkindled in his brest by the holy Ghost) to bear any adversity, and of such invincible courage, that he could not be broken with any blows of persecution: his speech was pleasant, but his manners more; of an Angelical face; yet in his mind more Ange∣lical; he was indeed an exact picture of vertue, and pattern for Bishops; His skill was great in the Management of the affairs of the Church, and an admirable dexterity he had in the composing of differences and distempers,* 1.1638 (unto which his Authority conduced much, and was of great advantage) as appears by the addresses that Basil made unto him, earnest∣ly imploring his aid: who stiles him their only comfort against those evils, and one or∣dained by God in the Churches to be the Phy∣sician for the curing of their maladies; for which work he was abundantly furnished. In a word, he was as a Maul or Hammer unto the Hereticks (semper Arianis velut murus ob∣stitit (inquit Sulpitius Severus) heretico∣rum nugis (inquit Cyrillus Alexandrinus) in∣expugnabili quadam & Apostolicâ prudentiâ restitit.)* 1.1639 as an Adamant unto his persecutors,* 1.1640 and as a loadstone unto such as dissented from him, drawing them unto the truth.

§ 3. His works declare him to have been indefatigably industrious, being very many, penè infinita, almost infinite, (saith Trithe∣mius:) some whereof are generally held to be his,* 1.1641 and by the stile are discovered so to be: for they are destitute of those Rhetorical flourishes, so frequently to be found in Na∣zianzen,

as also of those Philosophical Spe∣culations in the works of Basil:* 1.1642 which yet (had he made use of them) would have rendred his writings more sweet and succu∣lent: but some of these Arts he shunned as diligently, as he did Heretical opinions; and others of them he useth very sparingly. Ne∣theless his labors were had in very great esteem,* 1.1643 as may be gathered from the words of Cyril who thus speaks of them; quasi fra∣grantissimo (inquit) quodam ungnento, ipsum coelum scriptis suis exhil••ravit. And the Abbot Cosmas intimates his apprehensions of their worth in these words; when, saith he,* 1.1644 thou lightest on any of the works of Athana∣sius, and hast not paper to write on, write it on thy garments. But, as many are genuine, so some under his name are dubious and questionable; and others forged and suppo∣sititious. An injury which the best Authors have not escaped, unto whom many books have been ascribed, which were not theirs; but to none more then unto Athanasius; Vt, inquit Nannius, fertilissimis agris multa Zi∣zania una cum optimis frugibus nascuntur;* 1.1645 ita optimb cui{que} autori plurimi falsi & notbi libri adscribuntur; nulli au••em plures quàm Athanasio. Indeed as they are now extant, scarce the one half do belong unto him; which Erasmus meeting with, he cast them away with indignation, and being full of them,* 1.1646 cried out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: having his fill, and unwilling to meddle more with such stuff. Among other that offered him this wrong were the Nestorian and Enty∣chian Hereticks (saith Evagrius) who set

forth divers books of Apollinarius,* 1.1647 under the name of Athanasius.

The books extant under his name both of one sort and other, I shall briefly set down in the same order that I find them in the Pa∣risian Edition; Ann. One thousand six hun∣dred twenty seven, contained in two Tomes. And they are these following.

1. An Oration against the Gentiles.

2. Of the Incarnation of the word of God;* 1.1648 (which Bellarmine thinks to be those two books against the Gentiles, whereof Ierom makes mention:)* 1.1649 by himself truly stiled the Rudiments or Character of the Faith of Christ;* 1.1650 for it contains in it an Epi∣tome of Christian Doctrine most necessary to be known, and not unpleasant to be read.

3. An Exposition of the faith; wherein the Orthodox Doctrine of the Trinity is as∣serted,* 1.1651 and the Heretical refuted. Of this Bellarmine makes question whether it be his or no.

4. His answer unto an Epistle of Liberius Bishop of Rome:* 1.1652 being a Confession of the Faith;* 1.1653 but expressed in words very impro∣per; it is also foolish in the allegations of Scripture, and therefore not to be attributed unto him.

5. An Epistle unto the Emperor Iovia∣nus;* 1.1654 yet written not by him alone, but by the Synod then assembled at Alexan∣dria.

6. His disputation against Arius in the Council of Nice: which plainly appears to be supposititious, by the very inscription;

making it to be held.* 1.1655 Ann. 310. whereas that council was celebrated. Ann. Three hundred twenty five. Also the disputation it self saith, that it was held not against Arius, but against an Arian. Again, it is said in the lose of the disputation that Arius was hereby converted of him in Ecclesiastical History. Lastly Arius herein is made to impugne the Divinity of the holy Ghost, calling him a meer creature: which Heresie he is not charged withal nor was it broached or maintained by him, but brought in by some of his followers. Bellarmine knows not whether to stile it a disputation or a Dialogue between Athanasius and some Arian:* 1.1656 nor whether it were written by Athanasius or some other.

7. An enarration of those words of Christ: Matt. 11. 27. All things are delivered unto me of my father, &c. against Eusebius and his followers. I find this,

Enarration to be much larger in the Latine Parisian Edition by Articus Albulei:* 1.1657 Printed An. One thousand five hundred eighty one, then in the Greek and Latine Edition: Ann. One thousand six hundred twenty seven, & the for∣mer to have annexed unto it a Compendium, ta∣ken out of the above written, against those who say that the holy Ghost is a creature: which Compend is mentioned by the Centurists, Bellarmine and Possevine.

8. An Epistle, or, as others, an Oration against the Arians; unto Adelphius a Brother and Confessor.

9. An Epistle, or Oration unto Maximus a Philosopher, of the Divinity of Christ: of

this the Centurists make some question whe∣ther it be his or no.* 1.1658

10. An Oration or Epistle unto Serapion Bishop of Thmuis a City of Egypt,* 1.1659 ordained by Athanasius, and his familiar friend; who for the elegancy of his wit was surnamed Scholasti••ns.

11. A second Epistle unto the same Sera∣pion;* 1.1660 both against those that make the holy Ghost to be a creature.

12. A third Epistle unto the same Person,* 1.1661 upon the same subject: which Scultetus (with Erasmus) conceives to be the work of some idle and witless man, who would fain imitate Athanasius his book unto Sera∣pion. It contains a strange heap of places and confusion of reasons, together with a irksom repetition of things before spoken of:* 1.1662 Besides the Author cites a place out of the Prophet Micah which is no where to be found: it's therefore ranked, and justly; among the su∣spected works of Athanasius by the Centurists and Mr. Perkins.

13. Certain testimonies out of the Sacred Scriptures, concerning the natural Commu∣nion of the (Divine) essence between the Father,* 1.1663 the Son, and the holy Ghost: Col∣lected not by Athanasius, but some other, as appears in that the compiler hath transcribed divers things verbatim out of the questions unto Antiochus, whereof Athanasius is not the Author.

14. An Epistle, shewing that the Council of Nice, well perceiving the craftiness of Eusebius, did in congruous and pious words, expound their decrees against the Arian Heresie.

15. Five Orations against the Arians' wherein he useth great strength of Argu∣ment, fortifyed with clear testimonies and de∣monstrations from the Sacred Scripture. So that these alone may abundantly suffice for the confutation of all Arianism:* 1.1664 yea he that shall say, that Gregory the Divine, and Basil the Great did from this fountain derive those egregious and pure streams of their books against the same Heresie, verily he shall not say amiss.

16. An Epistle, concerning the Opinion of Dionysius somtime Bishop of Alexandria; wherein he proves the Arians did belie him, in affirming that he was an assertor of their opinion.

17. An Epistle unto all the brethren every where throughout Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia: ranked among those that are su∣spected.

18. A refutation of the Hypocrisie of Meletius,* 1.1665 Eusebius, and Paulus Samosatenus, concerning the consubstantiality of the Father and the Son: it's suspected.

19. An Epistle unto the Antiochians,* 1.1666 which seems to be a fragment of some intire book.

20. An epistle unto Epictetus Bishop of Co∣rinth,* 1.1667 against the Apollinarists, it is the most famous among all his Epistles.

The Orthodox in the time of Cyril of Alex∣lexandria made much use of it, in confuting the heresie of Nestorius, to avoid the dint and force thereof those hereticks did boldly adul∣terate it, substracting some things and putting in other, that it might seem to favour of the

doctrine of Nestorius. So much Cyril gives us to understand, his words are these. Cog∣novimus quod celeberrimi patris nostri Athanasii ad beatum Epictetum epistolam, orthodoxè lo∣quentem, nonnulli a se corruptam ediderunt, ita ut hinc multi laedantur. Epist. 28. Again, speaking of this Epistle: Quia ex eâ (inquit) Nestorius arguebatur, cum legentes eam defenso∣res rectae fidei cohiberent, etiam eos qui probantur similia sentire Nestorio, correptionem suae confuta∣tionis ex eâ impii formidantes, machinati sunt ••cerbissimum quiddam, et haeretica pravitate dig∣••issimum. Praefatam namque adulterant episto∣lam, sublatis ex eâ quibusdam, aliis suppositis ediderunt, ita ut putaretur ille similia Nestorio sapuisse, in▪ Epist. ad successum Episcopum po∣steriori.

21. A Sermon of the incarnation of the Word of God against Paulus Samosatenus,* 1.1668 it's doubted of whether it be his or no.

22. A Sermon or Tome of the humane na∣ture, assumed by the only begotten Word, a∣gainst the Arians and Apollinarius.

23. An Epistle or Treatise of the incarnation of Christ against Apollinarians.

24. An oration or treatise of the healthful coming of Christ, against Apollinarius; it is perplex,* 1.1669 intricate, and obscure: and by Cook it is thought to be supposititious. The Sermons against Apollinarins do excel in grace and or∣nament, say the Centurists.

25. An oration of the eternal substance of the Son and holy Spirit of God, against the company or followers of Sabellius.

26. An oration that Christ is one,

27. An Epistle unto Serapion concerning the death of Arius.

28. An Apology unto the Emperour Con∣stantius, wherein he freeth himself from divers imputations, and defends his flight into the Wilderness.

29. An Apology for his flight.

30. Another Apology for his flight, where∣in he professeth his innocency.

31. An Epistle unto the Africans, which is Apologetical.

32. A Catholick Epistle unto the Bishops of Aegypt, Syria, Phaenicia and Arabia, ex∣horting them to leave the Arians,* 1.1670 and to joyn with the Orthodox.

33. An Epistle unto all those, who any where do profess or lead a solitary life.* 1.1671 The former part whereof only (viz. from the be∣ginning unto those words, The Grace of our Lord Jesus Crist be with you, Amen.) is the Epistle unto the Monks; and ought to be pla∣ced before the five orations against the Arians, as a dedicatory Epistle unto those Books. The following part thereof is without doubt a frag∣ment (suspected whether his or no) of some other work,* 1.1672 wanting a beginning; to make up which defect, that Epistle was added unto it. Herein he recounts his own and the Church's calamities.* 1.1673 Athanasius ipse (inquit Possevinus) labores & persecutiones suas ubere epistolâ ad so∣litariam vitam agentes ob oculos ponit, quamobrem et illam perlegisse neminem penitebit.

34. The protestation of the people of Alexandria,* 1.1674 ferè nihil continet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

35. An epistle concerning the Synods held at Ariminum in Italy and Seleucia in Isauria; wherein is set forth the levity and inconstancy of the Arians there present, in the matter of

the faith.* 1.1675 This Bellarmine supposeth may well be taken for his book against Valens and Vr∣satius (mentioned by Ierom) two Arian Bi∣shops,* 1.1676 who (saith Marianus) deceived the Fathers in those Synods, faining themselves Orthodox.

An Epistle of Athanasius and ninety Bishops of Egypt and Lybia, unto the Bishops in Africa against the Arians: wherein the decrees of the Council of Nice are defended, and the Sy∣nod of Ariminum is shewn to be superfluous, that of Nice being sufficient.

37. An Epistle unto all the Orthodox wherever, when persecution was by the Ari∣ans raised against them.

38. An Epistle unto Iohn and Antiochus two Presbyters; also another unto Palla∣dius,* 1.1677 nihil continent 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

39. An Epistle unto Dracontius, whom fly∣ing away,* 1.1678 he by divers arguments perswades to return unto the Church of Alexandria, whereof he was Bishop elect, and that he would not hearken unto those that would de∣ter him from so doing:* 1.1679 It is (saith Espencaeus) a learned Epistle.

40. An Epistle unto Marcellinus, concern∣ing the interpretation of the Psalms,* 1.1680 which seems to be the same that Ierom calls; of the Titles of the Psalms: stiled by Sixtus Senen∣sis thus:* 1.1681 In Psalterium Davidis ad Marcellinum de titulis et vi psalmorum, Isagogicus libellus. Of which Cassiodorus thus: Testis est (inquit) Athanasii, episcopi sermo magnificus, qui virtu∣tes psalmorum indagabili veritate discutiens, omnia illic esse probat, quaecunque sanctae scri∣pturae ambitu continentur. It is by Mr. Perkins

put among the suspected works.* 1.1682

41, A treatise of the Sabbath and Circum∣cision, in the Latine Parisian Edition, Anno, 1581. It is joyned as his enarration upon those words, Matth. 11. 27. All things are de∣livered unto me of my Father, &c. being the seventh in this Catalogue. Unto which is added in the same Latine Edition, a Compen∣dium of what had been formerly written a∣gainst those who affirm the Holy Ghost to be a creature.

42. Upon those words, Matth. 12. 32. Whosoever speaketh against the Son of man, &c. suspected.* 1.1683

43. A Sermon upon the passion and cross of the Lord: the phrase (saith Erasmus) sa∣voureth not of Athanasius:* 1.1684 Also it altogether forbids oaths which Athanasius doth not: It is therefore supposititious.* 1.1685 Herein also the questions unto Antiochus are cited, which are not of this Author. Besides the Author fool∣ishly makes Christ to feign words of humane frailty,* 1.1686 when hanging upon the Cross he so cryed out, Eli, Eli, Lama Sabachthani: which yet, the true Athanasius saith, were truly spo∣ken of him according to his humane nature. Sixtus Senensis calls it eloquentissimam concio∣nem.* 1.1687

44. A Sermon upon Matth. 21. 2. Go into the village over against you, &c. It seems to be a fragment taken out of some other work or commentary:* 1.1688 wherein the Author (as play∣ing with them) wresteth the Scriptures, saith Erasmus,* 1.1689 it is forged.

45. A Sermon of the most holy Virgin, the Mother of God or of the Annunciation:

it is evidently spurious:* 1.1690 for the Author is large in refuting the error of Nestorius, and presseth the Monothelites, both which errors were unknown, as not sprung up in the time of Athanasius. The Author also lightly and almost childishly derives the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and moreover saith, that the attributes of God are not the very substance of God, sed circa substantiam versari, which is discrepant from the manner of Athanasius, who is wont to speak very considerately. It appears by many passages that the Author hereof lived after the sixth general Coun∣cil.

46. Of Virginity,* 1.1691 a Sermon or Meditation it is dubious:* 1.1692 If it be of Athanasius's penning, he did (saith Erasmus) strangely let fall his stile, and I may add (saith Seultetus) that he also laid aside his Theological gravity, if he prescribed those childish rules unto a Virgin, which (saith the Author) whoso observeth shall be found among the third order of An∣gels, and also teacheth that no man can be assured of his salvation before his death.

47. An homily of the sower;* 1.1693 it is suspect∣ed as being found only in an English book.

48. A Sermon against all heresies,* 1.1694 it is none of his but some doting fellow, est vilis et con∣fusus ut plurimum.

49. An oration of the ascension of Christ, which because of the flourishing stile thereof, Scultetus is scrupulous to ascribe it unto Atha∣nasius••.* 1.1695

50. An oration or history of Melchisedech,* 1.1696 in the end whereof, the Author speaks of the fathers of the Nicene Council, as dead long before; it's therefore spurious.

51. A brief oration against the Arians. I find no where mentioned, but in the Parisian edition by Nannius.

52. The declaration of Leviticus,* 1.1697 it is su∣spected.

53. Short colloquies between Iovianus and certain Arians against Athanasius. Also.

54. Of the incarnation of the Word of God both which are no where to be found,* 1.1698 but in the last Parisian edition.

55. The Symbol or Creed of Athanasius, by Scultetus judged to be dubious, he having met with it in no book among the works of Athanasius, only in one it is read without the name of the Author. It hath been a great dispute among the learned (saith Pelargus) whose it should be: Some ascribing it unto Athanasius,* 1.1699 and others unto some later Au∣thor as yet unknown.

56. An Epistle of Iovianus the Emperour unto Athanasius, and Athanasius his answer ther••unto.

57. An Epistle unto Ammun a Monk, it is dubious.

58. A fragment of a festival Epistle, con∣taining a catalogue of the canonical books of the old and new Testament,* 1.1700 it is dubious, I believe it (saith Scultetus) to have been taken out of his Synopsis.* 1.1701

59. An Epistle unto Ruffinianus.

60. Theological definitions, said to be col∣lected by Clement and other holy men:* 1.1702 It is supposititious and by Scultetus ranked among those which seem to be written with no judg∣ment.* 1.1703 It seems not to have been of Athana∣sius his writing, because therein Gregory Nyssene

is cited, who (in all likelyhood) had not begun to write, till after the death of Athana∣sius. Besides the Author speaks so distinctly of the two Natures of Christ in one Hyposta∣sis, that it seems to be altogether of a later date then the Council of Chalcedon.

61. A brief Synopsis or Compendium of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testa∣ment; Wherein, first, he sets down a Cata∣logue of the Canonical and Non-canonical books.* 1.1704 Secondly, he shews by whom each was written, whence it had its name, and what it doth contain. Thirdly, he names the books of both Testaments that are contradi∣cted or accounted Apocryphal.

62. Five Dialogues of the Trinity. Also,

63. Twenty Sermons against divers He∣sies;* 1.1705 which are Pious and Learned, and therefore most worthy to be read. The phrase shews them to have been both written by the same Author; not Athanasius, but one Maximus a very Learned Man, many years after the death of Athanasius. Scultetus tells us that he hath seen the name of Maximus upon a certain old Parchment,* 1.1706 in which these Dialogues were wrapt up. This Maxi∣mus was a Constantinopolitane Monk, who li∣ved in the time of Pope Honorius a Mono∣thelite, and died, Ann. Six hundred fifty se∣ven. The Catalogue of whose book men∣tioned by Photius, or which are in the Vaticane Library, contains divers that have the very same title, with those which are inserted among the works of Atha∣nasius.

64. A book of divers questions of the Sa∣cred Scripture, unto King Antiochus: which appears to be supposititious,* 1.1707 because: first, A∣thanasius himself is therein cited, quaest. 23. and that under the name of Athanasius the Great, which would have argued too much arrogance: Secondly, Many things are to be found therein which are dissonant from the judgment of Athanasius.* 1.1708 Thirdly, The My∣stical Theology of Dionysius Areopagita is al∣ledged therein, which I suppose (saith Sixtus Senensis) was altogether unknown in the time of Athanasius:* 1.1709 he conjectures it to have been collected out of the writings of the Fa∣thers by some studious man.* 1.1710 Fourthly, The questions are variously reckoned; in some Copies there being only fourty and six; in others one hundred sixty and two. Fifthly, Gregory Nazianzen is twice named in it: Also, there are cited Gregory Nyssen and Epi∣phanius as ancient authors: yet was Athana∣sius before them: also Chrysostom, Scala Io∣hannis, Maximus, Nicephorus, &c. all of them juniors unto Athanasius. Sixthly, Yea, quaest. 108. the Romans are said to be a kind of Franks;* 1.1711 whence he evidently appears to be a late author: for all those of the West are cal∣led Franks in the Turks Dominions. Luce ergò clarius est (inquit Cocus) libellum hunc filium esse populi,* 1.1712 nec novisse parentem suum. Yet is the authority hereof urged by many of the Romanists to prove, that there are nine orders of Angels, that the Saints de∣parted do know all things,* 1.1713 images lawful, distinction of sins, orders of Monks, necessity of baptism, Sacrament of pennance, prayer

for the dead, Antichrist to be a certain per∣son, the sacrifice of the Altar, &c.

65. Questions of the words and interpre∣tations of the Evangelical parables: they are supposititious;* 1.1714 for they are gathered out of Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria and Gregory Nyssen; their very names being ex∣pressed.

66. Certain other Anonymous questions which appear to be spurious:* 1.1715 in all likelyhood the work of some late Greek; for in them the procession of the holy Ghost from the Son is denied.

67. The life of Antony the Monk:* 1.1716 That such a narration was written by Athanasius both Nazianzen and Ierome do affirm: But that this now extant should be the same, be∣lieve it who will;* 1.1717 I doubt not, saith Sculte∣lus, but that it is the figment of some foolish man; for endeavoring to shew how in the whole course of his life, Antony imitated Christ, he talks childishly and ridiculously: and there are many things in it,* 1.1718 saith Tossanus, that are fabulous, and savour not of the gra∣vity and simplicity of Athanasius. Besides, some report Antony to have been a Lawyer and very learned; but this Author makes him altogether illiterate. But that this is an Ancient Legend, appears from hence, that Damaseen cites a place out of it: Yet is it but a Fable and no more,* 1.1719 notwithstanding all Bellarmines vain confidence to the con∣trary.

68. A Sermon in Parasceuen, or the prepa∣ration, which I find no where mentioned, but in the Parisian Edition by Nannius: only

Possevine saith, that it was first set forth in Greek and Latine in the Antwerp Edi∣tion.

69. Certain fragments of Athanasius up∣on the Psalms taken out of Nicetas his Ca∣tena: with some other, out of other Au∣thors.

70. Eleven books of the united Deity of the Trinity:* 1.1720 others reckon but seven: they are found only in Latine; and seem to have been written in that Language, and not Translated out of the Greek; as appears partly from the Stile; and partly because the Author tells us how those things are expressed by the Greeks, which he wrote in Latine; he also confutes one Vrbicus Potentinus,* 1.1721 a disciple or follower of Eunomius; which Athanasius could not do.

71. A disputation concerning the Faith held at Laodicea, between Athanasius and Arius: it is clearly Commentitious and Counterfeit; nor can it be a true disputation between those two; for Athanasius is here brought in as a Deacon disputing in the se∣cond year of Constantius: whereas it appears that Athanasius was made Bishop long be∣fore, viz. In the one and twentieth year of Constantine the Great: and Arius infamously died in the one and thirtieth year of the same Emperor who therefore could not dispute in the Reign of Constantius. 2. Herein is men∣tion made of Photinus, the Heretick, as if from him Arius had Learned his Heresie; whereas Photinus was after Arius: It seems rather to be that Dialogue which was written by Vigilius Bishop of Trent, against Sabellius,

Photinus and Arius; which he therefore set forth under the name of Athanasius,* 1.1722 that, saith he, persons present might seem to deal with those that were present.

72. An exhortation unto the Monks; It is forged.

73. An Epistle unto Pope Mark,* 1.1723 for the exemplars of the Nicene Council; with the answer of Mark thereunto;* 1.1724 both which without doubt are supposititious: for this Mark was dead at that time, when, as 'tis pretended, this answer was written: also, at this time was Athanasius in banishment in France; and so could not write from Alexan∣dria: So that both these Epistles, and also the seventy pretended Canons of the Council of Nice contained in them,* 1.1725 are none other then a meer forgery.

74. A Sermon upon the passion of our Saviour; which is a meer patch, taken almost verbatim, out of the Sermon upon the same subject; being the forth in this Cata∣logue.

75. Of the passion of the image of Christ Crucified at Beryth in Syria:* 1.1726 It savors of the Golden Legend; And that it cannot be the work of Athanasius, may evidently appear from the title that Anciently was wont to be prefixed hereunto: which was this: D. A∣thanasii Archiepiscopi Alexandrini, de passione imaginis Domini nostri Iesu Christi, qualiter crucifixa est in Syria, in urbe quae Berythus di∣citur temporibus Constantini senioris & Irenae uxoris ejus. Now it is known unto all, that Athanasius was dead some Centuries of years, before the reign of those two abovemention∣ed.

This Fable is by Sigebert referred unto the year,* 1.1727 Seven hundred sixty five, about which time the question about worshipping of images was agitated. It must needs there∣fore be the work of some later Author, (saith the Learned Daille) so tastless a piece,* 1.1728 and so unworthy the gallantry and clearness of that great wit, that he must be thought, not to have common sense that can find in his heart to attribute it unto him.

76. A fragment taken out of Athana∣sius, concerning the Observation of Sab∣baths.

Unto these there are added seven homi∣lies more (never before extant) by Lucas Holsteinius, out of the French Kings, the Va∣tican, and Oxford Libraries; and they are these following.

1. Of the taxing of the Virgin Mary; upon Luke 2. 1.

2. Upon Matth. 21. 2. Upon whi••h text we had an Homily before, viz. the 41. in this Catalogue.

3. Upon Luke 19. 36. which with the former Holstein verily believes to be of Atha∣nasius.* 1.1729

4. Upon the Treason of Iudas:* 1.1730 which, as also the following, hath the Character of Athanasius by Photius.

5. Upon the holy Pascha; which, of all, is the best and most Elegant.

6. Upon the man that was born blind, Iohn 9. 1. which,* 1.1731 together with the follow∣ing hath nothing of Athanasius in it; (nec vola nec vestigium) but the title only.

7. Upon the Fathers and Patriarchs: a most foolish, rustick and barbarous piece. They may all well be conceived to be of very small credit, having lain so long dor∣mant.

Also certain Commentaries upon the Epi∣stles of Paul,* 1.1732 are by some ascribed unto Atha∣nasius; which yet are not his, but Theophy∣lacts.

Some of his works are lost, of which the Names or Titles are these that fol∣low.

1. Commentaries upon the whole book of Psalms;* 1.1733 which I think (saith Holstein) to be Palmarium Athanasii opus; the chief of Atha∣nasius his works.

2. Upon Ecclesiastes.* 1.1734

3. Upon the Canticles.

4. A Volum upon Iohn.* 1.1735

§ 4. Athanasius hath a peculiar stile or manner of speech;* 1.1736 making use of words which were known only unto the age where∣in he lived, and neither before nor after: The subject, whereof he for the most part treateth, being very high, viz. of the Trinity: of the Son begotten of the Father before all time, equal unto him, but distinct in person from him, &c. Yet making use of terms very apt to express those hidden and mysterious things by, which cannot well be rendred in the Latine or other Tongue, without loss or lessning the grace of them, such are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. He shunneth all flourishes, and expresseth the Mysteries of

the Kingdom of God in Evangelical words. In his speech he useth much simplicity,* 1.1737 gra∣vity and energy; and (saith Erasmus) he is wonderful in teaching. He is most plain in his Commentaries, yet in all his writings perspi∣cuous, sober and candid: in his five books against Arius vehement and profound, ma∣naging his arguments very strongly: more∣over so fruitful is he and abundant, as is in∣deed very admirable. But his Epistles (especially those, wherein by way of Apo∣logy he excuseth his flight) are both elegant and splendid, and composed with much clear∣ness, flourishing with such neatness and force of perswasion, that it is pleasant to hear how he pleads for himself.

§ 5. Many are the memorable and wor∣thy passages that are to be found in his works; for a tast I shall present you with these that follow,

1. His Symbol or Creed: every where received and recited in the Churches, both of the East and West: it was so famous and generally approved of, that it was embraced with an unanimous consent as the distinguish∣ing Character between the Orthodox and Hereticks. Nazianzen calls it a magnificent and princely gift.* 1.1738 Imperatori, inquit, donum verè regium & magnificum offert,* 1.1739 Scriptam ni∣mirum fidei confessionem adversus novum dogma nusquam in Scripturâ expressum: ut sic & Im∣peratorem Imperator, & doctrinam doctrina, & libellum libellus frangeret at{que} opprimeret. It is as it were an interpretation of those words of Christ, Iohn 17. 3. This is life

eternal,* 1.1740 to know thee the only true God, and Iesus Christ whom thou hast sent: And may be divided into these two parts: 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Athanasius (saith Doctor Andrews in his speech against Mr. Trask) was great for his Learning, for his Vertue, for his Labors, for his sufferings, but above all Great for his Creed.

The words whereof are these.

Whosoever will be saved; before all things it is necessary that he hold the Catho∣lick Faith: which Faith except every one do keep whole and undefiled, without doubt he shall perish everlastingly.

And the Catholick faith is this;

That we worship one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity. Neither confound∣ing the Persons, nor dividing the Substance. For there is one Person of the Father, ano∣ther of the Son, and another of the holy Ghost. But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the holy Ghost is all one; the glory equal, the Majesty Coeternal. Such as the Father is, such is the Son, and such is the holy Ghost. The Father uncreate, the Son uncreate, and the holy Ghost uncreate. The Father incomprehensible, the Son in∣comprehensible, and the holy Ghost incom∣prehensible. The Father eternal, the Son eternal, and the holy Ghost eternal. And yet they are not three eternals, but one eter∣nal. As also, there are not three incompre∣hensibles,

nor three uncreated; but one un∣created, and one incomprehensible. So like∣wise, the Father is Almighty, the Son Al∣mighty, and the holy Ghost Almighty; and yet they are not three Almighties, but one Almighty. So, the Father is God, the Son is God, and the holy Ghost is God; and yet they are not three Gods, but one God. So likewise, the Father is Lord, the Son Lord, and the holy Ghost Lord; and yet not three Lords, but one Lord. For like as we be compelled by the Christian verity, to ac∣knowledge every Person by himself to be God and Lord: so are we forbidden by the Catholick Religion, to say there be three Gods, or three Lords.

The Father is made of none, neither crea∣ted, nor begotten. The Son is of the Fa∣ther alone; not made, nor created, but be∣gotten. The holy Ghost is of the Father and of the Son; neither made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding. So there is one Father, not three Fathers; one Son, not three Sons; one holy Ghost, not three holy Ghosts. And in this Trinity, none is afore, or after other, none is greater, or less then another. But the whole three Persons be co∣eternal together, and coequal. So that in all things as is aforesaid the Unity in Trinity, and the Trinity in Unity is to be worshipped. He therefore that will be saved, must thus think of the Trinity.

Furthermore, it is necessary to everlasting salvation; that he also believe rightly in the

incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ. For the right faith is, that we believe and con∣fess, that our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is God and Man. God of the sub∣stance of the Father begotten before the worlds: and Man of the substance of his Mo∣ther, born in the world. Perfect God, and perfect Man, of a reasonable soul, and hu∣mane flesh subsisting. Equal to the Father as touching his Godhead: and inferior to the Father, touching his manhood. Who though he be God and Man, yet is he not two but one Christ. One, not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh; but by taking the man∣hood into God. One altogether; not by confusion of substance; but by unity of Person. For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one Man; so God and Man is one Christ.

Who suffered for our salvation; descend∣ed into hell; rose again the third day from the dead: He ascended into heaven; he fifteth on the right hand of the Father, God Almighty: from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. At whose coming all men shall rise again with their bodies; and shall give account for their own works; And they that have done good, shall go into life everlasting; and they that have done evil into everlasting fire. This is the Catholick Faith, which except a man believe faithfully, he cannot be sa∣ved.

As for the censures annexed hereunto, viz.

1. In the beginning (except a man keep the Catholick faith.) 2. In the middle (he that will be saved must thus think.) and 3. In the end (this is the Catholick faith, which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved.) I thought good to give you Dr. Hammond's apprehensions of them, how they ought to be understood: His words are these. I sup∣pose (saith he) they must be interpreted by their opposition to those heresies that had in∣vaded the Church,* 1.1741 and which were acts of carnality in them that broach'd and maintain'd them against the apostolick doctrine, and con∣tradictory to that foundation which had been resolved on as necessary to bring the world to the obedience of Christ, and were therefore to be anathematiz'd after this manner, and with detestation branded, and banished out of the Church. Not that it was hereby defi∣ned to be a damnable sin to fail in the under∣standing or believing the full matter of any of those explications before they were pro∣pounded, and when it might more reasonably be deemed not to be any fault of the will, to which this were imputable. Thus he.

2. The canonical books of the old and new Testament owned by him, are the same with those which the reformed Churches acknow∣ledge for such, of which he thus speaks. All scripture of us who are Christians was divinely inspired.* 1.1742 The books thereof are not infinite but finite, and comprehended in a certain Canon, which having set down of the Old Testament, (as they are now with us) he adds, the Canonical books therefore of the Old Te∣stament

are twenty and two, equal for number unto the Hebrew Letters or alphabet, for so many elements of Letters there are among the Hebrews. But (saith he) besides these there are other books of the Old Testament not Ca∣nonical, which are read only unto the Cate∣chumens, and of these he names, the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Iesus the Son of Syrach, the fragment of Esther, Iudith, and Tobith,* 1.1743 for the books of the Maccabees he made no account of them, yet he afterward menti∣ons four books of the Maccabees with some others. He also reckons the Canonical Books of the New Testament, which (saith he) are as it were certain sure anchors and supporters or pillars of our Faith, as having been written by the Apostles of Christ themselves, who both conversed with him, and were instruct∣ed by him.

3. The sacred and divinely inspired Scri∣ptures (saith he) are of themselves sufficient for the discovery of the truth:* 1.1744 In the reading whereof this is faithfully to be observed, viz. unto what times they are directed, to what per∣son, and for what cause they are written: lest things be severed from their reasons, and so the unskilful, reading any thing different from them, should deviate from the right under∣standing of them.

4. As touching the way whereby the know∣ledge of the Scriptures may be attained,* 1.1745 he thus speaks. To the searching and true un∣derstanding of the Scriptures, there is need of a holy life, a pure mind, and virtue which is according to Christ, that the mind running thorow that path, may attain unto those things

which it doth desire, as far as humane nature may understand things divine.

5. The holy Scripture (saith he) doth not contradict it self, for unto a hearer desirous of truth, it doth interpret it self.

6. Concerning the worshipping of Christ▪ we adore (saith he) not the Creature, God forbid.* 1.1746 Such madness belongs unto Ethuicks and Arians, but we adore the Lord of things created, the incarnate Word of God, for al∣though the Flesh be in it self a part of things created, yet is it made the Body of God: Neither yet do we give adoration unto such a body by it self severed from the word, neither adoring the Word do we put the Word far from the Flesh, but knowing that it is said, the Word was made Flesh, we acknowledge it even now in the Flesh to be God.

7. He gives this interpretation of those words of Christ, Mark. 13. 32. But of that day and that hour knoweth no man, no not the Angels which are in heaven, neither the Son but the Fa∣ther. The Son (saith he) knew it as God but not as man:* 1.1747 wherefore he said not, neither the Son of God, lest the divinity should seem to be ignorant, but simply, neither the Son: that this might be the ignorance of the Son as man. And for this cause when he speaks of the Angels, he added not a higher degree say∣ing, neither the Holy Spirit, but was silent here, by a double reason affirming the truth of the thing: for admit that the Spirit knows, then much more the Word as the Word (from whom even the Spirit receives) was not ig∣norant of it.

8. Speaking of the mystery of the two na∣tures

in Christ;* 1.1748 What need is there (saith he) of dispute and strife about words? it's more profitable to believe, and reverence: and si∣lently to adore. I acknowledge him to be true God from heaven imp••ssible: I acknow∣ledge the same of the seed of David as touch∣ing the Flesh, a man of the earth passible. I do not curiousty inquire why the same is pas∣sible and impassible, or why God and man: lest being curiously inquisitive why and how, I should miss of the good propounded unto us. For we ought first to believe and adore, and in the second place to seek from above a rea∣son of these things: not from beneath to in∣quire of Flesh and Blood, but from divine and heavenly revelation.

9. What the faith of the Church was con∣cerning the Trinity,* 1.1749 he thus delivers. Let us see that very tradition from the beginning, and that Doctrine and Faith of the Catholick Church which Christ indeed gave, but the A∣postles preached and kept: For in this Church are we founded, and whoso falls from thence cannot be said to be a Christian. The holy and perfect Trinity therefore in the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, receives the reason of the Dei∣ty, possesseth nothing forraign or superindu∣ced from without, nor consisteth of the Crea∣tor and Creature, but the whole is of the Creator and Maker of all things, like it self and indivisible, and the operation thereof one. For the Father by the Word in the holy Spirit doth all things, and so the unity of the Tri∣nity is kept or preserved, and so one God in the Church is preached, who is above all and through all and in all: viz. above all as the

Father, as the beginning and fountain, but through all by the Word, moreover in all in or by the holy Spirit. But the Trinity is not in name only, or an empty form of speech: but in truth and reason of subsisting, the Tri∣nity: For as the Father is that very thing that he is, so also the Word God over all, is that very thing that he is; so also the Holy Ghost is not any inessential thing, but truly existeth and subsisteth.

10. According to the Ecclesiastical Canons (saith he) as the Apostle commanded,* 1.1750 the peo∣ple being gathered together with the Holy Ghost, who constitute a Bishop, publickly and in the presence of the Clergy, craving a Bishop, inquisition ought to be made, and so all things canonically performed.

11. Concerning the lawfulness of flight in time of persecution,* 1.1751 he thus speaks. I be∣took me to flight not for fear of death, lest any should accuse me of timidity, but that I might obey the precept of our Saviour whose command it is that we should make use of flight against persecutors, of hiding places a∣gainst those that search for us, lest if we should offer our selves unto open danger, we should more sharply provoke the fury of our persecu∣tors. Verily it is all one both for a man to kill himself, and to proffer himself unto the enemies to be slain: but he that flees as the Lord commands, knows the Articles of the time, and truly provides for his persecutors: lest being carried out even to the shedding of blood, they should become guilty of that pre∣cept that forbids murther. Again concerning the same thing;

12. That law (saith he) is propounded unto all in general,* 1.1752 to flee when they are pur∣sued in time of persecution, and to hide them∣selves when they are sought: for neither should they be precipitate and rash in tempting the Lord, but must wait until the time ap∣pointed of dying do come, or that the Judge do determine something concerning them, as shall seem good unto him: But yet would he have us always ready, when either the time calls for it, or we are apprehended to contend for the Church even unto death. These things did the blessed Martyrs observe, who while they lay hid did harden themselves, but being found out they did undergo Martyrdom. Now if some of them did render themselves unto their persecutors, they were not thorough rashness moved so to do, but every where professed unto all men, that this promptness and offering of themselves did proceed from the Holy Ghost.

13. He giveth this character of an heretick,* 1.1753 Heresie (sa••th he) or an heretick may thus be known and evinced, that whosoever is dear unto them and a companion with them in the same impiety, although he be guilty of sundry crimes & infinite vices, & they have arguments against him of his hainous acts; yet is he ap∣proved and had in great esteem among them, yea, and is forthwith made the Emperour's friend, &c. But those that reprove their wickedness, and sincerely teach the things which are of Christ, though pure in all things, upon any feigned Crime laid to their charge, they are prefently hurried into Banish∣ment.

§ 6. The defects and blemishes of this e∣minent Father and Champion of Jesus Christ, were neither so many nor so gross, as are to be found in most of the Ancients that were be∣fore him: yet was he not altogether free but liable to error as well as others, as appears from somewhat of this kind that dropt from his pen, which were especially such passages as these in his genuine works, for as for the apparently supposititious, I shall forbear to meddle with them, having in them so much hay and stubble as we cannot imagine should pass thorow the hands of so skilful a Master-builder.

1. He affirms the local descent of Christ into Hell.* 1.1754 He accomplished (saith he) the condemnation of sin in the earth, the abolition of the curse upon the Cross, the redemption from corruption in the Grave, the condem∣nation of death in Hell: Going through all places that he might every where perfect the salvation of the whole man, shewing himself in the form of our image which he took up∣on him.

Again. The body descended not beyond the grave,* 1.1755 the Soul pierced into Hell, places severed by a vast distance, the Grave receiving that which was corporeal, because the body was there, but Hell, that which was incor∣poreal. Hence it came to pass that though the Lord were present there incorporeally, yet was he by death acknowledged to be a man: that his Soul, not liable unto the bands of death but yet made as it were liable, might break a∣sunder the bands of those Souls which Hell detained, &c.

2. Concerning the state of the Fathers be∣fore Christ,* 1.1756 that they were in Hell; he thus speaks. The Soul of Adam detained in or un∣der the condemnation of death, did perpetu∣ally cry unto the Lord, and the rest who by the law of nature pleased God, were detain'd together with Adam, and were and did cry with him in grief. In which passage we have also a third error of his, viz.

3. That men by the law of nature may please God, contrary unto what we find in Heb. 11. 6.

4. He maketh circumcision a note or sign of Baptism.* 1.1757 Abraham (saith he) when he had believed God, received circumcision for a note or sign of that regeneration which is obtained by Baptism: wherefore, when the thing was come which was signified by the figure, the sign and figure it self perished and ceased. For circumcision was a sign, but the laver of regeneration the very thing that was signified.

Besides these there are in him some other passages, not so aptly nor warily delivered as they ought to have been, viz.

1. Concerning the freedom of mans will,* 1.1758 he thus speaks. The mind (saith he) is free and at it's own dispose, for it can, as incline it self unto that which is good, so also turn from it, which beholding its free right and power over it self, it perceives that it can use the members of the Body either way, both unto the things that are, i.e. good things, and also unto the things that are not, i.e. evil.

2. He is too excessive and hyperbolical in* 1.1759

the praise of Virginity. The Son of God (saith he) our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, among other his gifts bestowed upon us in vir∣ginity, an example of angelical holiness. Cer∣tainly Virgins endowed with that virtue, the Catholick Church is wont to call the Spouses of Christ; whom being beheld by them the ve∣ry heathen do prosecute with admiration, as the Temple of Christ.

There is a large encomium hereof, in the end of the treatise of Virginity, which being but a vain rhetorical flourish, and because the Treatise it self is justly suspected not to belong unto Athanasiùs, I shall forbear to set it down as being unworthy to be ascribed unto so grave and found an Author.

3. He seems to assert the worshipping or a∣doration of the Saints,* 1.1760 thus: If (saith he) thou adore the man Christ, because there dwel∣leth the Word of God, upon the same ground adore the Saints also, because God hath his habitation in them. It is strange (say the Centurists) that so great a Doctor should so write,* 1.1761 but they do erre, (saith Scultetus) not considering that he there speaks upon the sup∣positition of Samosatenus, who thought that Christ as man was to be adored, because of the Word dwelling in him, which is the thing that Athanasius denyeth, convincing Samosa∣tenus of falshood from an absurdity that would follow: For seeing the Word dwelleth also in the Saints, it would thence follow that they are to be worshipped, which Athanasius in the same place affirmeth to be extreme impiety. And indeed he expresly elsewhere saith,* 1.1762 that adoration belongeth unto God only.

§ 7. As touching his death, it was very remarkable in this regard: that in the midst of a most vehement storm and tempest (the cruel persecution under the Emperour Valens) he should so quietly arrive at the haven. For being forc'd to hide himself (as hath been said) in his Fathers monument about the space of four months, the people that greatly loved him, and had him in very high esteem, grew so impatient of his absence from them, that they began to be tumultuous, threatning to burn the ships and publick edifices, unless A∣thanasius were permitted to return unto them again.* 1.1763 The Emperour hereupon fearing what the issue might be, gave way to their fury (be∣ing a hot and hasty kind of people) and suffer∣ed him to enjoy his Bishoprick again, from that time tempering himself from troubling Alex∣andria and the Country of Aegypt. By this means it came to pass,* 1.1764 that after so long la∣bour and sweat for Christ, so many encounters for the Orthodox faith, so frequent and famous flights and banishments, having given many things in charge unto Peter his successor, he did at Alexandria in peace and a good old age,* 1.1765 pass from this vale of trouble unto the rest a∣bove, after he had governed that Church by the space (though not without intermissions) of forty and six years,* 1.1766 in the seventh year of the Emperour Valens, and of Christ, about 371.

Hilarius Pictaviensis.

§ 1. HE was born in France, and yet not Gallus;* 1.1767 as himself answered Leo Bishop of Rome in a certain Council, asking him at his entrance in a proud insulting manner: Tune es Hilarius Gallus? At ille. Non sum, inquit, Gallus, sed de Galliâ: ac si diceret: non sum natione Gallus, sed de Gal∣liâ praesul. Erat enim gente Aquitanicus; pontificali autem dignitate praeminebat Gallis: for he was Bishop of Po••ctiers the chief City of the Celtae or Galli.* 1.1768 For France of old was divided into three parts or Provinces, viz. Belgicam, Aquitanicam, (bodie Guienne voca∣tur) & Celticam. Now the inhabitants of this later were properly those called Galli; ipsorum linguâ Celtae, nostrâ (inquit Caesar) Galli appellantur.* 1.1769 So doth Sulpitius Severus distinguish his Country men into these three sorts, Aquitanes, Galli and Brittaines: the two former are so far differing the one from the other (saith Strabo) both in habit and Language, that the Aquitanes are more like unto the Spaniards, then unto the Galli.

It is reported of him, that in his younger years applying himself unto study,* 1.1770 and not profiting as he desired, (which made him to doubt whether he should ever attain unto

that which he aimed at) he left the Schools, purposing to fall upon some other course: and passing along by a certain well in the way, walled up with great stone, he observed that those stones were much worn and hollowed in some places, by the often rubbing of the Rope upon them, wherewith they used to draw the water: Hereupon he fell into this consideration with himself: if this Cord, that is much softer, hath by frequency of fretting made this hard stone hollow; then surely may I also, by continuance of time, both pro∣fit and perfect or accomplish my desire: Accordingly, he betook him again unto the Schools, where by assiduity and constancy in study he at length became a most Learned and accurate Scholar.

He seems to have been at first an Ethnick,* 1.1771 at what time perceiving and considering with himself how vain the opinions and conceits were which the Philosophers had of the gods, musing much hereupon, he at length light upon the books of Moses,* 1.1772 the Prophets, and the Apostles, by the diligent perusal whereof he came to the knowledge of the truth, and to embrace the Christian Religion; being now well stricken in years: yet in a short time did he so much profit in the Doctrine of Christianity,* 1.1773 that he was deservedly esteem∣ed a chief Doctor and pillar of the Catholick Church.

His Country men, coming to understand of his great worth, soon advanced him unto a high degree of dignity; though a married man, he being by them chosen to be Bishop of Poictiers, chief City of the Province of Poi∣ctou.

About this time, the persecution under the Emperor Constantius,* 1.1774 grew very hot; in so much that many eminent Bishops for hold∣ing fast and sticking close unto the Catholick Faith, were exiled and driven into banish∣ment. Hereupon Hilary with divers other Gallicane Bishops, convening together, with mutual consent did by a Decree separate Sa∣turninus, Valens and Vrsatius (who were violent Arians) from their Communion: adding withal, that if any, being admonish∣ed to shun their society, did not herein obey the sentence of the Catholick Bishops, they should be excommunicated. Saturninus who was Bishop of Arles (a factious and mischie∣vous man) took this very grievously,* 1.1775 that he should be Anathematized and excluded from Communion with the rest of the Bi∣shops; (yet after this was he sor heinous crimes cast out of the Church) wherefore by the favor of Constantius he procured Synods to be congregatted at Byterris, and at Arles Cities of France, unto which the Catholick Bishops should be forced to come: Hilary, being one of those who were present in these Synods, fearing least by the subtilty of the Arians (as was their manner) the Orthodox through simplicity might be circumvented, offereth a libel to be read, wherein the close conveyances, crafty fetches, and blasphemous Heresies of the Arians were laid open and discovered unto all. But the adversaries withstanding the Reading thereof, prevailed so far, that Hilary refusing to subscribe unto their ambiguous and captious contessions and decrees (for he was very circumspect and

quick sighted to discern and avoid their cun∣ning devices and impostures) was banished into Phrygia in the East, where he continued for the space of three whole years and up∣ward.

In the fourth year of his banishment,* 1.1776 the Emperor commands a Synod of the Eastern Bishops to assemble,* 1.1777 at Seleucia a City of Isauria, (about the time that those of the West met at Ariminum) at the which Hilary was compelled by the Emperors deputy, to be present among the rest: this the Officers did by vertue of a General Command that they had received, for the convening of all the Bishops, having no particular order concern∣ing Hilary: which yet came to pass, not without the special hand of God so disposing it, that a man so well instructed in the know∣ledge of Divine Truth, should be present, when matters of faith were to be disputed of. Being come, and received with a great deal of respect by the Orthodox the minds of all being toward him; they first demanded of him, what was the Faith of the Gallicane Churches, (for by the false reports of the Arians, they were suspected by the Eastern Bishops to be tained with the Heresie of Sa∣bellius:) wherein having given them good satisfaction, and shewed them that in the Faith they agreed with the Council of Nice, he was taken into their society, and added unto the Council: in the which, the Arians after much debate, were condemned by those that were but little better, being Half-Arians.

Some are sent unto the Emperor, to give him an account of what had passed in the Synod.* 1.1778 Whither being come (those, who had been condemned, going thither also, presuming upon the strength of their party, and the Emperors favor, who was of their faction) they there found the delegates of the Orthodox partly that had met at Arimi∣num: who, partly through fear of the Em∣peror, and partly through the fallacy of the Arians, were compelled to joyn in Commu∣nion with the Hereticks, there having been delivered unto them a specious form of the Faith, wrapt-up in fallacious terms and ex∣pressions, which indeed seemed to be Catho∣lick, but had the contrary doctrine closely couched under them.

Unto this, the Emperor required those of the Council of Seleucia to subscribe, threat∣ning banishment unto them that refused so to do: in so much as the greater part were drawn to yield hereunto, some by one means, and some by another. Hilary being present with the Emperor, waiting upon him to know his mind whether he should again re∣turn into exile or no; and seeing the Faith in so much danger, the Western Bishops de∣ceived and the Eastern deterred, and both overcome: he did most importunately by three petitions crave audience, and that he might be permitted to dispute the matter in controversie with the adversaries: which the Arians shunned and altogether refused. At length Hilary is commanded (as being the seminary of discord and disturber of the East) to return into France again.

Whither being come,* 1.1779 he out of a mind burning with holy zeal, applyed himself with greatest care and industry unto this work chief∣ly, viz. To reduce into the right way again the Western Bishops that had been miserably deceived by the Arians. For which end di∣vers Synods were assembled in France, where∣in by his means the thing he intended, and so much desired, was at length happily effected: for the seduced were brought to see, acknow∣ledge and amend their error, condemning what had been done and decreed at the Coun∣cil of Ariminum, and so was that Church re∣formed and the saith therein restored unto its ancient state again.* 1.1780 For which great benefit the Gallicane Churches were (as is evident un∣to all) beholding chiefly unto Hilary to whom they owe their freedom: By the brightness of whose beams (as also of Eusebius Bishop of Vercellis) the thick mists of error that had so much darkned those Countries,* 1.1781 (viz. of Iuyri∣cum,* 1.1782 Italy and France) were dispelled and scattered.* 1.1783

§ 2. He was a very learned man,* 1.1784 and of wonderful eloquence,* 1.1785 wherein he so far ex∣celled, that Ierom calls him a most eloquent man,* 1.1786 rhe most elegant of his time, even a Rho∣danus of Latine eloquence: Of a notable fa∣culty to perswade and win men unto the truth,* 1.1787 so that he was one of the most eminent lights of the age he lived in, and in France shining as the Moon at the full in the Temple of God:* 1.1788 In whom this among the rest deserveth admi∣ration,* 1.1789 that (though he were otherwise learn'd yet) being for the most part ignorant of Ec∣clesiastical

controversies,* 1.1790 he should in so short a time as he did, become so great a Doctor and Antagonist against the Arians, as to be wor∣thily esteemed a chief pillar of the Catholick Church,* 1.1791 being the first among the Latines that wrote against that heresie, of which he was a bitter enemy, branding the maintainers thereof with the black marks & characters of impious,* 1.1792 blasphemous, pests, Antichrists, travelling and taking exceeding great pains for the stop∣ping of its current and the curing and recove∣ring of the infected world, this contagion ha∣ving spread it self far and near.

He was excellently skilled in the knowledge of the Scriptures and divine mysteries,* 1.1793 so that he was of great fame and authority in the Church, as appears by the venerable mention that Ierom oftentimes makes of him.* 1.1794 Many were the the rare gifts wherewith he was rich∣ly adorned, and among others with a singular dexterity in teaching, and a notable faculty of perswading:* 1.1795 unto which we may add, his a∣cuteness in discerning and discovering the cun∣ning conveyances and impostures of the He∣reticks.* 1.1796 Sixtus Senensis stiles him an incom∣parable Bishop; and Ierom, the Confessor of his time, who stoutly maintained the truth, and constantly opposed the adversaries thereof, though in so doing he many times exposed himself to no small perils.

He was of a sweet and mild temper,* 1.1797 very venerable in his life and manners,* 1.1798 and of such modesty and humility, that though he were deservedly ranked among thosee of chiefest note in his time,* 1.1799 yet did he account himself the most unskilful and unlearned of them all.* 1.1800 In a

word, he was a man (saith Sozomen) truly divine in respect both of his life and learning, yet in this latter not a little defective, in that he had but small skill in the Greek and Hebrew languages:* 1.1801 Hebraei sermonis (inquit Hierony∣mus) ignarus fuit, Graecarum quoque literarum quandam aurulam ceperat;* 1.1802 sed ab Hiliodorio pres∣bytero, quo ille familiariter usus est, ea quae in∣telligere non poterat, quomodo ab Origene essent dicta,* 1.1803 quaerebat. Yet withal he adds, I dare not (saith he) reprehend so great a man, and the most eloquent in his time,* 1.1804 (vocalem illam Ecclesiae Catholicae tubam, inquit Erasmus) who both for the merit of his confession, industry of his life, and famousness of his eloquence, is spoken of as far as the Roman name reacheth.* 1.1805 I may not omit a passage in Agobardus Bishop of Lyons concerning him. Quâ cantela (in∣quit) Iudaeorum semper et haereticorum devita∣vit Hilarius profana consortia, vita ejus scripta fatetur: quòd it a scilicet hujusmodi hostes Eccle∣siae fuerit execratus, ut non solum convivium, sed ne salutatio quidem ei extiterit, cum his praetere∣unti communis.

I shall close his encomium in the words of Venantius, who was also Bishop of Poictiers, about the year of Christ, 575.* 1.1806 And a Poet of chief note according to the time he lived in, He in four books of Heroick Verse wrote the life of S. Martin, by whose help he had been cured (as it is reported) of a great pain in his eyes, in the first of which books he thus speaks in the praise of our Hilary.

—Summus apex fidei,* 1.1807 virtutis, amoris, Hilarius famae radios jactabat in orbem:

Buccina terribilis, tuba legis, praeco Tonantis: Pulchrior electro, ter cocto ardentior auro, Largior Eridano, Rhodano torrentior amplo, Vberior Nilo, generoso sparsior Hystro, Cordis inundantis docilis ructare fluenta, Fontibus ingenii sitienta pectora rorans. Doctor Apostolicus, vacuans ratione sophistas, Dogmate, luce, side informans virtute sequaces.

Which may be thus Englished:

Hilary, top of honour, faith and grace, Whose fame doth dart its rays in every place, The laws shrill Trumpet, preacher of the most High Fairer than Amber, sparkling far and nigh, More than refined Gold, larger than Po, More vehement than Rhone of swiftest flow, For fruitfulness passing th' Egyptian Nile, Outstretching generous Ister many a Mile: Whose swelling heart freely its streams out spues, And with his wit the thirsty brests bedews: Doctor Apostolick skilful to unty, The cunning knots of subtile Sophistry, And by sound doctrine to inform aright His followers with virtue, faith and light.

§ 3. As for the Writings of this Worthy many of them have felt the force of time, which hath rak'd them up in the dust, so that, they are withdrawn from the view and use of the present, as also of some preceding Ages. The little of them which with their names have been preserved unto this day, is that which follows, viz.

1. His commentary or tractates upon the Book of Iob,* 1.1808 which is little else than a tran∣slation

of Origen: For herein (and in his com∣ment upon the Psalms) are to be found almost forty thousand verses* 1.1809 (quadraginta fermè mil∣lia versuum Origenis in Iob et Psalmos transtu∣lit) translated out of that Author,* 1.1810 in which he keeps to the sence though not unto his words.* 1.1811 These were extant in Ieroms time, for he had the sight of them.

2. His comment upon the Canticles,* 1.1812 which Ierom only heard of, but it came not to his hands.

3. Of Mysteries.* 1.1813

4. Of the Septenary or uneven number, a book mentioned by Ierom,* 1.1814 dedicated unto Fortunatus: This book (saith Victorius) is extant under the name of Cyprian,* 1.1815 but that 'tis rather Hilary's, appears (saith he) from the stile, Ieroms authority ascribing it to him, and its dedication unto Fortunatus, who was Hilary's great friend, as his Poems do te∣stifie.

5. His book or commentary (as Possevin calls it) against Dioscorus a Physician,* 1.1816 or a∣gainst Salust a Prefect:* 1.1817 wherein (though it were but short, yet was it a learned and accurate piece) he shewed what he could do with his Pen, putting out all the strength both of his wit and eloquence:* 1.1818 which is wanting, not without the great loss of the History of the affairs of France, and other Countries.

6. His book against Valens and Vrsatius,* 1.1819 (two pestilent Arians, who had infected with their heresie, Italy, Illiricum, and the East,) containing the History of the Acts of the coun∣cils of Ariminum and Seleucia,* 1.1820 which is lost, unless perhaps it be contained in his book of of Synods.

7. A defence of the Catholick Faith.* 1.1821

8. Of heresies.

9. A book of Chronicles,* 1.1822 or an history from the beginning of the world unto the time of Christ.

10. A book of hymns,* 1.1823 he was the first a∣mong the Catholicks, that set forth hymns and verses.* 1.1824 Declarat (inquit Erasmus) phra∣sis et compositio Hilariani sermonis, in carmine non infoelicem fuisse. Et fortassis aliquot hym∣ni, quos hodiè canit ecclesia, non indoctos sed in∣certi authoris, illius sunt.

11. Divers Epistles, a work mentioned by Sulpitius Severus,* 1.1825 which reporteth the great age of Osius the famous Bishop of Corduba, as being above an hundred year old.* 1.1826 The most of them seem to have been written after his return from banishment into France, wherein condemning the Arian heresie, he labours to reduce therefrom those Western Bishops, who by the Eastern in the Council of Seleucia had been by cunning and craft deceived and drawn into it.

12. Whereas the Centurists speak of a book of his concerning the rebaptization of here∣ticks,* 1.1827 I suppose it belongs not to our,* 1.1828 but a∣nother Hilary,* 1.1829 who was a Deacon in the Church of Rome, and of Cyprian's mind in the point of rebaptization of those that had been baptized by hereticks, and particularly the Arians. He indeed wrote certain books upon this subject: of whom Ierom is to be under∣stood, calling hlm the Worlds Deucalion, as one that thought the whole World would have perished in the baptism of Hereticks as in a se∣cond flood,* 1.1830 had not he restored it by another Baptism.* 1.1831

There are extant to this day these follow∣ing books, which are generally conceived to be his.

1. Twelve books of the Trinity against the Arians,* 1.1832 which he wrote when he was banish∣ed into Phrygia, being the first among the La¦tine Fathers that dealt upon this subject: A work in this regard of no small advantage un∣to the Reader,* 1.1833 that therein he expounds divers places not a little obscure, in the Gospel of Iohn and Epistles of Paul, no less happily than accurately.* 1.1834 The first of these books as it seems he writ last, for it contains an account or sum of the whole work, setting down particularly the subjects or contents of each of the other books.* 1.1835 It is an elaborate piece, of much strength, and commended even by the adver∣saries themselves.

2. Three books or Apologues unto Constan∣tius the Emperour,* 1.1836 who much favoured the faction of the Ariaus:* 1.1837 All which Erasmus thinks to be imperfect, for (saith he) they promise something exact and laborious, but perform not accordingly, being as it were sud∣denly silent. The first of these he conceives to have been written after the death of that Emperour, because he therein deals more freely and sharply with him; whereas in the other two he is more fair and moderate, Baronius supposeth the first as well as the two later, to have been written while the Emperour was a∣live, and therefore that the book mentioned by Ierome to be written after the death of Con∣stantius,* 1.1838 is not now extant; because he saith that by this free confession, he tended to mar∣tyrdom, whereunto he exhorteth others by

the like liberty of speaking, which would have seemed ridiculous if the persecutor had been now dead.* 1.1839 But (saith Bellarmine) perhaps these different opinions may be reconciled, by thus saying: That at the Writing of the first Epistle, Hilary thought him to have been dead, though indeed he were then alive.

3. His book against the Arians or aga••nst Auxentius Bishop of Millain,* 1.1840 written unto the Bishops and people detesting the Arian heresie: which by Ierom is stiled an elegant book:* 1.1841 wherein he accuseth the said Bishop as infected with Arianism. To which is annexed an E∣pistle of Auxentius, wherein he cleareth him∣self, as not guilty of the crime laid to his charge.

4. His book of Synods unto the Bishops of France,* 1.1842 whom he congratulates that in the midst of so great tumults as are in the world, they had kept themselves free from the Arian faction; wherein he declares in what meetings of the Bishops the Arian heresie had been con∣demned. This book (as himself testifieth) he translated out of Greek, but with this liberty that neglecting the words he kept still to the sense, and where the place invites him so to do,* 1.1843 he adds and intermingles somewhat of his own. Of which, Chemnitius thus speaks. He gathered together (saith he) the opinions of the Greeks concerning the Trinity, and un∣less he had collected the decrees of the Eastern Synods, we should have known nothing of them as touching their opinions and do∣ctrin••s.

5. His commentary upon the Gospel of Matthew,* 1.1844 which he divided into thirty and

three Canons,* 1.1845 by which name it is called of some: Going through almost the whole of that Evangelist, in a succinct and brief, but learned and solid explanation: Being more delighted with the allegorical than literal sense herein imitating Origen, out of whom I doubt not (saith Erasmus) he translated this whole work;* 1.1846 it doth so in all things savour both of the wit and phrase of Origen. For as it con∣taineth many choice things which do proclaim the Author to have been most absolutely skil∣led in the sacred Scriptures, so is he sometimes too superstitious and violent in his allegories, a peculiar fault to be found in almost all the commentaries of Origen.

6. His commentary upon the Psalms, not the whole but upon the first and second: then from the one and fiftieth unto the sixty and second:* 1.1847 according to Ierom's reckoning, but as now extant in Erasmus his edition, from the one and fiftyeth unto the end of the sixty and ninth: which addition Sixtus Senensis saith he had read being printed.* 1.1848 Also from the hundred and nineteenth unto the end of the book: only that upon the last Psalm is im∣perfect,* 1.1849 the last leaf (saith Erasmus) in the manuscripts being either torn or worn away, as it oftentimes falls out. This work is rather an imitation than a translation of Origen: for he adds somewhat of his own, some do affirm that he set forth tractates upon the whole book of the Psalms, and that it was extant in Spain, But commonly no more is to be found than the above mentioned.* 1.1850 as also his book of the Synods, being very large, Ierom transcribed with his own hand at Triers

for he had him in very high esteem.

There are also some books abroad under his name, which are justly suspected and taken for spurious▪ As,

1. An Epistle unto Abram or Afram his Daughter,* 1.1851 which is a mere toy of some idle and unlearned man, it hath nothing in it wor∣thy of Hilary, much less that which fol∣lows, viz.

2. An Hymn which hath in it neither rhythm nor reason, yet doth Ierom testifie of Hilary, that he wrote in verse,* 1.1852 and perhaps some of those hymns which at this day are sung in the Church, whose Author is unknown, may be his:* 1.1853 He was so far skill'd this way, that Gy∣raldus gives him a place and ranks him among the Christian Poets. Bellarmine and Possevin had but small reason upon so slender a ground, as they have, to affirm both of these to be his without doubt.

3. A book of the unity of the Father and the Son,* 1.1854 which, whether it were his or no, seems very uncertain; seeing Ierom makes no mention of it. It seems to be a rhapsody of some studious man,* 1.1855 taken partly out of the second, but for the most part out of the ninth book of the Trinity; who omitted and added what he pleased. With this as a distinct book from it, Bellarmine joyns another, of the es∣sence of the Father and the Son, which yet I find not named by any other Author. Indeed there is an appendix unto the former of the various names of Christ,* 1.1856 (which Bellarmine mentions not) the phrase whereof differs much from Hilary's.* 1.1857 The Author whereof would fain imitate Hilary, which he was not negli∣gent

in the performance of:* 1.1858 They are grave and learned books (saith Bellarmine of his two) and not unworthy the spirit and eloquence of Hilary.

4. An Epistle unto Augustine, concerning the remains of the Pelagian heresie, which cannot be Hilary's,* 1.1859 because that heresie was not known in his time.

5. Another Epistle unto Augustine, being the eighty and eighth in number among Au∣gustines:* 1.1860 in which he propounds certain que∣stions to be resolved,* 1.1861 but neither this nor the ••ormer are our Hilary's, who was dead before Augustine became a Christian, and yet in his answer he stiles him his Son.* 1.1862 They both seem to belong unto another Hilary, that was af∣terward made Bishop of Arles; who together with Prosper of Aquitain, defended the cause of Augustine against the French Semipelagians, The former of the Epistles gave occasion unto Augustine to write his treatises of the predesti∣nation of the Saints and of the good of perse∣verance, to which are prefix'd this Epistle, to∣gether with one from Prosper concerning the same matter.

6. A fragment concerning the things that were done in the Council of Ariminum,* 1.1863 re∣jected by Baronius.

7. An heroick Poem,* 1.1864 stiled Genesis written unto Pope Leo, who lived Ann. 440. at what time Hilary had left this life: And therefore it cannot be his, but may better be ascribed unto the abovenamed Hilary Bishop of Arles.

8. A fragment of the Trinity,* 1.1865 which con∣tains his creed, but of little credit as being no

where else mentioned. It might happily be an extract out of his work upon this subject.

§ 4. As for his stile, it is perplex and th••r∣ny,* 1.1866 such, as should he handle matters in them∣selves very clear, yet would it be both hard to be understood and easie to be depraved. Very lofty he is after the Gallicane manner,* 1.1867 for this seems to be peculiar unto the wit and genius of that nation; (as appears in Sulpitius Severus Eucherius, and of late the famous Budaeus, adeo sublimis, ut tubam sonare credas non bo∣minem; adeò faeliciter elaboratus, ut erudi∣tum lectorem nunquam satiet,* 1.1868 trivialiter literatos procul submoveat.) and being adorned with the Flowers of Greece, he is sometimes involved in long periods, so that he is far above the reach of, and in vain perused by unskilful Readers, which yet Sixtus Senensis thinketh ought to be referred unto his books of the Trinity,* 1.1869 wherein he imitated Quintilian both in his stile,* 1.1870 and also the number of the books: for in that work though the subject it self were profound, yet did he affect the praise of sub∣tlety in the handling of it: which inconve∣nience (saith Erasmus) may be lessened in the Reader through custom and familiarity.* 1.1871 But in his commentaries upon the Psalms and Go∣spel of Matthew,* 1.1872 his stile is succinct without any affection of art, solid yet sometimes ob∣scure, but far from all swelling haughti∣ness.

§ 5. There are many things in his works well worthy of note; I shall present you with a few which I shall chuse to do in his words

lest they should lose too much of their weight, by the translation of them.

1. His Creed or the sum of his faith,* 1.1873 which he thus pithily sets down. Intelliges (inquit ad imperatorem Constantium) a me praedicari u∣num Deum Patrem, ex quo omnia; et quem misit Iesum Christum, per qnem omnia, natum ex Deo, qui est ante tempora aeterna, et erat in principio, apud Deum, Deus Verbum, qui est imago Dei invisibilis, in quo habitat omnis plenitudo divi∣nitatis conporaliter: qui cum in forma Dei esset, humilians sese salutis nostrae causâ, formam servi ex conceptu Spiritus sancti de Virgine accepit, factus obediens usque ad mortem, mortem autem crucis, et post resurrectionem mortis deinde in cae∣lestibus sedens, aderit judex vivorum et mortuo∣rum, et Rex omnium aeternorum saeculorum. Est enim unigenitus Deus, et Deus verus et Deus magnus, super omnia Deus, et omnis lingua confitebitur, quia dominus Iesus Christus in gloriâ Dei Patris est.

2. Of the Scriptures,* 1.1874 as containing in them all things necessary to be known: Quae (in∣quit) libro legis non continentur, ea nec nosse de∣bemus.

3. Of God thus.* 1.1875 Inter haec (speaking of his doubts concerning the heathen Gods) animus sollicitus, devinum et aeternum nihil nisi unum esse et indifferens pro certo habebat, quia id quod sibi ad id quod est autor esset, nihil necesse est ex∣tra se quod sui esset praestantius reliquisse. At{que} ita omnipotentiam aeternitatemque non nisi penes unum esse, quia neque in omnipotentiâ validius infirmiusque, neque in aeternitate posterius ante∣riusve cougrueret. In Deo autem nihil nisi ae∣ternum potensque esse venerandum.

4. Much to the same purpose.* 1.1876 Deus (in∣quit) beatus at{que} perfectus profectu non eget cui nihil deest, demutatione non novus est, qui origine caret. Ipse est, qui quod est non aliunde est, in sese est cum est, ad se est, s••us sibi est, & ipse sibi omni•• est, carens omni de∣mutatione novitatis, qui nihil aliud quod in se posset incidere per id quod ipse sibi totum totus est reliquit.

5. Of Christ thus:* 1.1877 Hic unus est disponens ad Abraham, loquens ad Mosen, testans ad Israel, manens in Prophetis, per Virginem natus, ex Spiritu Sancto, adversantes nobis inimicas{que} virtutes ligno passionis affigens, mor∣tem in inferno perimens, spei nostrae fidem re∣surrectione confirmans, corruptionem carnis hu∣manae gloriâ corporis sui periniens.—Deo haec unigenito soli propria sunt.

6. Of the Anger of God,* 1.1878 thus: Poena pa∣tientis, ira esse creditur, decernentis. At{que} ita irascitur Deus, cum per poenae dolorem iram decreti in se sentiat esse punitus, quae non per dem••tationem naturae in iram ex, placabili∣tate commota est, sed ex constitutione poenae ir•• sit puniendis.

7. Of faith,* 1.1879 thus: Pietas est non ambigere, & justitia est credere, & salus confiteri. Non in incerta diffluere ne{que} ad stultiloquia effervere, ne{que} modo circumscribere potestatem, ne{que} cau∣sas investigabilium sacramentorum retractare, Dominum Iesum confiteri, & à Deo suscitatum à mortuis credere salus est. Quae vr••ò insania

est, qualis & oujusmodi sit Iesum calumniari, ••um saelus sola sit hoc solum scire, quòd Dominus sit. In simplicitate ita{que} fides est, in fide ju∣stitia est, in confessione pietas est. Non per dif∣ficiles nos Deus ad beatam vitam quaestiones vocat nec multiplici eloquentis facundiae gener•• solicitat. In absoluto & nobis ac facili est aeternitas, Iesum suscitatum à mortuis per Deum credere, & ipsum esse Dominum con∣fiteri.

8. Of the evil of divisions thus,—usus inolevit, qui postquàm nova potiùs coepit condere, quàm accepta retinere, nec verterata defendit, nec innovata firmavit, & facta fides temporum potiùs▪ Evangeliorum, dum & secundum annos scribitur, & secundum confessionem ba∣ptismi non tenetur. Periculosum nobis admo∣dùm, at{que} etiam miserabile est, tot nu••c fides existere, quot voluntates: & tot nobis doctrinas esse, quod mores & tot causas blasphemiarum pullulare, quot vitia sunt: dum aut ita fides scribuntur ut volumus, aut ita ut volumus, in∣telliguntur: & cum secundum unum Deum & unum Dominum, & unum baptisma, etiam fides una sit, excedimus ab eâ fide quae sola est, & dum plures fiunt, ad id coeperunt esse, ne ulla sit.

9. Of Hereticks,* 1.1880 thus; Quis Doctrinae pro∣fectus est, placida magis quàm docenda conqui∣rere? Aut quae doctrinae Religio est, non docenda desiderare, sed ••esideratis coac••rvare doctrinam? Sed baec seducentium Spirituum incentiva sup∣peditant, & simulatae religionis falsiloquia con∣firmant. Sequitur enim fidei defectionem hy∣poerisis

m••ndax, ut sit vel in verbis pietas quam amiserat conscienti••.

10. Of pardon of sin,* 1.1881 thus: Ex copiâ bo∣nitatis suae misericordiam in peccatorum remis∣sionem largitur Deus; & peccatorum remissio non probitatis est meritum, sed spontaneae indulgen∣tiae voluntas ex bonitatis divitiis ad miserandi ••unus exuberans.

11. Of merit,* 1.1882 thus, Virgines prudentes fa∣tuis petentibus ut oleum mutuent; responderunt, non posse se dare, quia non sit fortè quod omni∣bus satis sit, alienis scilicet operibus ac meri∣tis neminem adjuvandum quia unicui{que} lampa∣di suae emere oleum sit necesse. Suitable here∣unto is that remarkable story recorded by Melchior Adams;* 1.1883 to this purpose that a little before the time of Gobelinus, there was set forth a play at Isenach in Germany, of the wise and foolish Virgins; wherein the foolish desiring oyl of the wise, (which the Actor thus interpreted; that they would intercede unto God for them that they might be ad∣mitted unto the Marriage, i. e. the Kingdom of heaven) they utterly denied to lend them any. The foolish fell to knocking, weeping and instant praying, but could not prevail a jot; but were bidden to be gone and buy oyl. Hereat Prince Frederick (being present) was greatly amazed, crying out Quid est fides nostra Christiana, si neque Maria (she was one of the five Saints that represented the wise Virgins) ne{que} alia sancta exorari potest: ut deprecetur pro nobis? quorsum tot merita & bona opera, ut Sanctorum apud Deus intercessionem

nobi•• conciliemus, & gratiam impetremus: This consternation was such, that through it he fell into a sore and dangerous disease, which ended in an apoplexy whereof he died about four days after.

12. Of the qualifications of a Bishop or Pastor:* 1.1884 thus, Quae propria disciplinae ac morum sunt, ad sacerdotii meritum utilia esse significat Apostolus,* 1.1885 si etiam haec quae ad docendae ac tu∣endae fidei scientiam necessaria sunt, inter re∣liqna non deerunt. Quia non statim ••oni at{que} utilis sacerdotis est, aut tantummodo innocenter agere, aut tantummodo scienter praedicare, cum & innocens sibi tant••m proficiat, nisi doctus sit: & doctus sine doctrinae sit autoritare nisi inno∣cens sit. Non enim Apost••licus sermo probitatis bonestatis{que} praeceptis hominem tantùm seculo conformat ad vitam, ne{que} rursum per doctrine scientiam scribam synagogae instituit ad legem, sed perfectum Ecclesiae principem perfectis maxi∣marum virtutum bonis instruit, ut & vita ••jus orn••tur docendo, & doctrina vivendo.

13. Of Scandal,* 1.1886 thus. Differt laqueus à seandalo: Laqueus enim est adhortatio volupta∣tum, & ingenium appetitionis inhonestae, quod modo laquei fallens capit. Scandalum autem est uxor irreligiosa, filius iniquus, & caetera de∣inceps domi nomina, & omnis ex Ecclesiâ frater, aut contumeliosus, aut avarus, aut ebriosus, aut turpis. In his enim nobis est scandalum, quoti∣cus ad necessitatem irascendi, inhibendi, vindi∣candi ex illâ quietâ fidei nostrae mansuetudine provocamur.

14. Of being under the power of corrup∣tion,* 1.1887 thus, Animae captivitas quàm infoelix est Avarus cariturus semetipso, carere timet pecuniâ, negociosus, tristis, anxius, sine requi•• ulla, domni metu semper detinetur: honestatis immemor est, amicitiarum inobservans, huma∣nitatis fugax, religionem nescit, bonitatem omninò odit. At verò cui libido domina est, in quo coeno dedecoris volutatur? Pendet ad occa∣siones adulteriorum, anxius circa lasciviae suae fervorem, oculis, mente, corpore totus in scortis est. Videns quotidie at{que} audiens humanas in adulteros leges, adulterium in ipso foro cogitat: quod agit timet, & quod timet non fugit. Quid verò infaelicius ebrietatis dominatu? Ven∣tri ultra capacitatem infundere, sensuirationem a dimere, non loqui, non meminisse, non stare, & mortem quandam naturae incolumi imperare? quàm dedecorosus autem est furentium motus, temeritatis impetus, odiorum stimulus, livoris anxietas? Quanta ergò perturbatio eorum est, quanta calamitas, qui suprà memoratis malis serviunt?

§ 6. These and such like passages worthy of note, are frequently to be met with in the writings of this Father; wherein there also some things that call for the caution of the Reader, as not so warily and fitly uttered as they should have been, nor altogether allow∣able and to be approved of. Such are these that follow.

1. Suam cui{que} personam distribuens,* 1.1888 aeterni∣tatem adsignat patri, imaginem filio, usum

Spiritui Sancto. In the explication of which place,* 1.1889 Augustine much troubled himself, as not knowing what he should mean by the word Vsus.

2. Videtur Christo tribuere corpus & ani∣mam,* 1.1890 nullis obnoxiam molestis affectionibus, e.g. hominem (inquit) verum secundum similitudi∣nem nostri hominis non deficiens à se Deo sumpsit Christus, in quem quamvis aut ictus incideret aut vulnus descenderet, aut nodi concurrerent, aut suspensio elevaret, afferrent quidem haec impeturae passionis, non tamen dolorem passionis inferrent, ut telum aliquod aut aquam perforans, aut ignem compungens, aut aera vulnerans— homo ille de Deo est habens ad patiendum quidem corpus, & passus est, sed naturam non habens ad dolendum.

3. Parùm benè ab eo dictum est:* 1.1891 Mariam Virginem praeter concipiendi,* 1.1892 gestandi & pari∣endi ministerium, nihil addidisse de suo: ac fi Christus non ex substantiâ corporis Mariae carnem & sanguinem suam sumpsisset.

4. Asserit,* 1.1893 nos cum filio & patre unum esse naturâ, non adoptione, neque consensu tan∣tùm.

5. De creatione sensit:* 1.1894 omnia creationis opera simul & semel, sine intervallis aut ordine operum aliorum post alia creatorum, extitisse; quae opinio manifestè cum 1. capite Geneseos pugnat.

6. De libero arbitrio non satis videtur cauté

locutus:* 1.1895 cum ait. In Psal. 119. 33. Prius (in∣quit) quae à Deo sunt cum honore praeposuit, & tunc quae à se cum confessione subjecit. Orat igitur ut Deus tribuat. Est ergò à nobis cum oramus exordium, ut munus ab eo sit: dehinc quia de exordio nostro munus est ejus, ex nostro rursum est, ut exquiratur, & obtineatur, & maneat.* 1.1896 Item. Est quidem in fide manendi à Deo munus, sed impediendi à nobis origo est. Et voluntas nostra hoc proprium ex se habere debet, ut velit Deus incipienti crementum dare; quia consummationem per se infirmitas nostra non obtinet, meritum tamen adipiscendae con∣summationis est ex imtio voluntatis.

§ 7. As concerning his end,* 1.1897 I find this: that upon the death of Constantius, Iulian his successor granting liberty of re∣turning unto all those that by Constantius had been banished,* 1.1898 Hilary among the rest returned into his own country, where having remain∣ed by the space of six years he peaceably end∣ed his days,* 1.1899 in the Reign of the Emperors Valentinian and Valens;* 1.1900 A••n. Christ, Three hundred sixty six, or as others, Three hun∣dred sixty nine.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  So is Luther called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 qui divino motu fertur, numi∣ne afflatus: by Urban Rhe∣gius in loc. com. vid. E∣pist. Joan. Frederi in ante Rhegit loc. com. Ni∣cephor. l. 2. c. 35. Magd. cent▪ 2, c. 10.
• * 1.2

  Ubi supr••.
• * 1.3

  Mat. 18. 2, 3.
• * 1.4

  Cent. ib.
• * 1.5

  Hieronym. Catalog. Scultet, in Medul.
• * 1.6

  Episcopus post Petrum Antiochi•• secundus. Origen. hom. 6. cap. 1. in Lucam. in Synopss. Eccles hist. l. 3. c. 19. Merid. Han∣••••••rs Chronol.
• * 1.7

  Cent. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.8

  Baron. an∣nal. an. 109. § ••.
• * 1.9

  Ib. § 1••.
• * 1.10

  Baron. an. 109 § 5. Posseum. apparat.
• * 1.11

  Usher Ignat. Epist.
• * 1.12

  Theodoret. Dialog. 1. Serm. 7. in Psal. qui ha∣bitat. Montac••te. apparat.
• * 1.13

  Euagr. hist. l. 1. c. 16. Eus. l. 3. c. 32. Scultet. Medul. Trithem. de Script.
• * 1.14

  ••ivet. Crit. Sac.
• * 1.15

  Baron. an. 109. § 12.
• * 1.16

  Ibid § 5.
• * 1.17

  Ibid. § 11.
• * 1.18

  Exercitat, § 15.
• * 1.19

  Hist. 3. cap. 32. in cata∣log. Script. Ignat. Epist. cap. 2.
• * 1.20

  In catalog.
• * 1.21

  Exercitat. 16. cap. 426.
• * 1.22

  Hist. lib. 3. cap. 33.
• * 1.23

  Cap. 17.
• * 1.24

  Cent. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.25

  Examen pat. 1. pag. 198.
• * 1.26

  In censur.
• * 1.27

  Crit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.28

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.29

  Scultet. in medull.
• * 1.30

  Lib. 3. ad∣vers. Pelagi.
• * 1.31

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.32

  Ignat. E∣pist. cap. 6. & 18.
• * 1.33

  Idem ibid. cap. 6.
• * 1.34

  Coci Censur. Usher Ignat.
• * 1.35

  Geograph. lib. 12. Hist. lib. 5. c. 25.
• * 1.36

  Cesarea Au∣gusta Plinio, quae priùs Anazarba. Ptolem.
• * 1.37

  Geograph. lib. 5. c. 8. Lect. antiq. lib. 12. cap. 19.
• * 1.38

  Vadian. E∣pit.
• * 1.39

  Lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.40

  In Geograph▪ Asi••.
• * 1.41

  Ibid.
• * 1.42

  So also Ca∣stabala, op∣pidum Cili∣ciae. Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 5. c. 8.
• * 1.43

  Usher Ignat. ep. cap. 19.
• * 1.44

  Biblioth. patr.
• * 1.45

  In Epist.
• * 1.46

  Epist. ad Heronem.
• * 1.47

  Ad an. 109. § 19.
• * 1.48

  Ignat. Epist.
• * 1.49

  Coci censur. Epist. ad Tarsens.
• * 1.50

  Epist. ad Philip.
• * 1.51

  Ibid.
• * 1.52

  Epist. ad An∣tioch.
• * 1.53

  Epist. ad Po∣lycarp.
• * 1.54

  In medull. in notis in Epist.
• * 1.55

  Lib. de Script. quaest. 6.
• * 1.56

  Ad an. 109. § 19.
• * 1.57

  Usher. Ignat. Epist. •• cap. 18.
• * 1.58

  Descript. Eccles.
• * 1.59

  Ad an. 109. § 34.
• * 1.60

  Apparat.
• * 1.61

  Coci censur.
• * 1.62

  Praefat. ad Epist. Ignat. in Biblioth. patrum. edit. Paris. 1586. per Magarinum la Bigne.
• * 1.63

  Nihil naeniis illis, quae sub Ignatii no∣mine editae sunt, putidi∣us. Calvin. Institut. l. 1. c. 13. § 29.
• * 1.64

  Ad an. 109. § 20.
• * 1.65

  Scultet in Medull. Vedelius. ex Usher. Igna. Epist.
• * 1.66

  Jerom. in Catalog. ex Epist. ad Roman Ex editione Usheri.
• * 1.67

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.68

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.69

  Ieron. ib. ex Epist. eade••••.
• * 1.70

  Euseb. lib. ••. cap. 33.
• * 1.71

  Epist. ad Magnesian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.72

  In epist. ad Ephes.
• * 1.73

  In Epist. ad Magnesian.
• * 1.74

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epist. ad Ephes. &c.
• * 1.75

  Epist. ad Magnesian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.76

  Ibidem.
• * 1.77

  Epist. ad Philadelph. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.78

  Epist. ad Ephes.
• * 1.79

  Epist. ad Ephes.
• * 1.80

  Epist. ad Trallens.
• * 1.81

  Epist. ad Roman.
• * 1.82

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.83

  Baron. ad an. 110. § 2.
• * 1.84

  In Epist. ad Roman. Baron. ad an. 110.
• * 1.85

  Baron. ad an. 71. § 11.
• * 1.86

  Id. ad an. 11••
• * 1.87

  Zonaras. Tom. 2.
• * 1.88

  P. Orosius. l. 7. c. 12.
• * 1.89

  In vitâ Trajani.
• * 1.90

  Apolog. 2. John 4. 5. Adrichom in Theatro Ptolem. Ge∣ograph. lib. 7. cap. 16. Jos. 20. 7. Plin. lib. 5. cap. 13. Magnin. Geograph. Epiphan. lib. 1. Tom. 3. in colloq. cum Tri∣phon.
• * 1.91

  Apolog. 1.
• * 1.92

  In colloq. cum Tri∣phon.
• * 1.93

  Antonin. Chronic.
• * 1.94

  Cent. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.95

  Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 8.
• * 1.96

  Acts 18. 24.
• * 1.97

  In Epist. ad Lect. ante opera justin.
• * 1.98

  Epiphan. Haeres. 46.
• * 1.99

  Trithem. de Script.
• * 1.100

  Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 1.
• * 1.101

  Hieronym. Epist. 84.
• * 1.102

  Euseb. lib. 4. ca. 13. & 25. & lib. 5. cap. 19.
• * 1.103

  Photius in Biblioth. num. 125.
• * 1.104

  In Colloq. cum Tryph.
• * 1.105

  Epist. ad lect.
• * 1.106

  Imperato∣rem benig∣num erga Christianos homines fe∣cit. O••os. lib. 7. ca. 14.
• * 1.107

  Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 13.
• * 1.108

  lib. 4. ca. 18. In the know∣ledge of the h••ly Scri∣ptures are very dili∣gently exer∣cised therein. Bellarm. de Script.
• * 1.109

  In catalog.
• * 1.110

  Quae ad no•• pervenit. in∣quit Euseb. lib. 4. ca. 18. de Script.
• * 1.111

  Euseb. ibid.
• * 1.112

  de Script. Cent. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.113

  Biblioth. num. 125.
• * 1.114

  Cent. ibib.
• * 1.115

  In catalog.
• * 1.116

  In appa••at.
• * 1.117

  Omnium consensu ip∣si tribuuntur Scultet. in Medull. E∣dit. Parisi∣ens. 1636. gr. & lat. Scultet. Medullâ.
• * 1.118

  Ibid.
• * 1.119

  De Script. Eccles. & Baron. ad an 164. § 14.
• * 1.120

  Aelius, A∣drianus.
• * 1.121

  Baron. ad an. 150. § 2.
• * 1.122

  In praefat••ad opera Justi∣ni.
• * 1.123

  Cont. 2. c. 10▪
• * 1.124

  Possevin. in apparat.
• * 1.125

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.126

  Scultet. in Medul.
• * 1.127

  Scultet. in Medul. Ri∣vet. crit. sac.
• * 1.128

  In observat. Ri et. crit. sat.
• * 1.129

  Note in Hieronym. Catalog. in Bibloth. Eccles.
• * 1.130

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.131

  Cent. ••. cap. 10. Scultet. in Medul.
• * 1.132

  Bellarm. de Scrip.
• * 1.133

  Ibid.
• * 1.134

  Scultet. ibid.
• * 1.135

  In apparat. ad an. 165. § 8.
• * 1.136

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.137

  Bellar. ibid. & Possevin. in apparat.
• * 1.138

  Cent. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.139

  In apparat. de Scrip.
• * 1.140

  Scultet. in Medull. & Coci censur. & Cent. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.141

  In Dialog. cum Try∣phon.
• * 1.142

  Bibliotia. lib. 4.
• * 1.143

  Sylburg. in Annotat. Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.144

  Dr. James corruption of the Futhers. Coci. censur.
• * 1.145

  Cent. 2. Cap. 10.
• * 1.146

  Apolog. 2.
• * 1.147

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Pre∣sident.
• * 1.148

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: with all his might or ear∣nestly: Thorndike of religious assembl. and service, cap. 7. rendred, Langus, quamtum pro virili suâ potest. by Gelenius; quantum potest.
• * 1.149

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.150

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.151

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.152

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.153

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.154

  Dialog. cu•• Triphon.
• * 1.155

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.156

  Apolog. 1. pag. 31. gr. lat. Edit.
• * 1.157

  Dialog. cum Tryphon. pag. 312.
• * 1.158

  Ibid. pag. 315.
• * 1.159

  Pag. 308.
• * 1.160

  Dialog. cum Tryphon. pag. 289.
• * 1.161

  Apolog. 2. p. 93. 94.
• * 1.162

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪
• * 1.163

  ibid. p. 54▪
• * 1.164

  Apolog. 2. p. 78.
• * 1.165

  ibid. p. 83.
• * 1.166

  Exhortat. ad Graecos. p. 13.
• * 1.167

  Exhortat. ad Graecos pag. 34.
• * 1.168

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.169

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.170

  Victor. Schol. in Hi∣eronym. ca∣talog. Hie∣ronym. in ca∣talog.
• * 1.171

  Hieronym. ibid. Euseb. lib. 3. c. 36.
• * 1.172

  pag, 30••. E∣dit. Gr. & Lat. Paris.
• * 1.173

  Apolog. 1. page 44.
• * 1.174

  Sixt. Senens. Biblioth. lib. 5. annot. 70.
• * 1.175

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Apolog. 1. p. 51.
• * 1.176

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.177

  Epit. Hist. Eccles. Cent. 2. lib. 4. c. 4.
• * 1.178

  Apolog. 2. interprete Gelenio.
• * 1.179

  Apolog. 1. pag. 46.
• * 1.180

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.181

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.182

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.183

  Cent. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.184

  Baron.
• * 1.185

  Cent. 2. c. 10. Graecus Asi∣anus & fortè Smyrnaeus fuit. Possev. apparat.
• * 1.186

  Euseb. l. 4. c. 15. in Ep, Smynens.
• * 1.187

  Eus. l. 4. c. 18.
• * 1.188

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. hae∣res 24. Hie∣••••••mym. in Ca••••log.
• * 1.189

  Greg. Tu∣••onens. l. 1. hist. c. 27.
• * 1.190

  In catalog. l. hist. 5. c. ••.
• * 1.191

  Cent. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.192

  Eus. l. 5. c. ••▪
• * 1.193

  Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 5.
• * 1.194

  Baron. ad a••. 180. § 1.
• * 1.195

  Fevard. in vitâ Irenaei.
• * 1.196

  Cent. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.197

  Theodoret. h••ret. f••bul. lib. 1.
• * 1.198

  Baron. ad▪ an. 180.
• * 1.199

  Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 21. 23.
• * 1.200

  Cent. 2.
• * 1.201

  Gallic•• San∣ctâ{que} liber∣tate objur∣gat. Feuard. in vita ejus.
• * 1.202

  In vitâ Ire∣naei.
• * 1.203

  Vir Aposto∣licorum temporum, & Papiae, au∣ditoris E∣gelistae Joan∣nis discipu∣lus. Hiero∣nym. Epist. 29.
• * 1.204

  Theodoret. dialog. 1. & haeret. fab. lib. 1.
• * 1.205

  August. lib. 1. contra Julian. tom. 7.
• * 1.206

  Baron. ad an. 205. •• § 30.
• * 1.207

  Sixt. Sen••ns. Biblioth. lib. lib. 4 Haeres. 32.
• * 1.208

  Cent. 2. cap. 10. ••
• * 1.209

  Trithem. de Script.
• * 1.210

  F••uard. in vitâ Iren.
• * 1.211

  Epist. ante I∣ren.
• * 1.212

  Cent. 1. ibid.
• * 1.213

  Tertull. ad∣vers. Valen∣tin.
• * 1.214

  Epiphan. Haeres. 31.
• * 1.215

  Illyric. in catalog.
• * 1.216

  Epist. Nun∣cupat. ante Iren.
• * 1.217

  Hieronym. in catalog. Miaeus. Schol. in ca∣talog. Hiero∣nym.
• * 1.218

  Euseb. lib. 5. cap. ••4.
• * 1.219

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Hieronym. ibid.
• * 1.220

  Ibid.
• * 1.221

  Possevin. apparat.
• * 1.222

  Cent. 2. cap. 10. in cata∣log▪
• * 1.223

  Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 18. Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.224

  Tom. 2. Epis. 63.
• * 1.225

  Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 18. & 22.
• * 1.226

  Anthropo∣log. lib. 16.
• * 1.227

  Biblioth. lib. 4.
• * 1.228

  Liber doctis∣simo & elo∣quentissimo sermone compositus. Hieronym. Epist. 29.
• * 1.229

  Lib. 5. cap. 7. Biblioth. 120▪
• * 1.230

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.231

  Bellarm. ca∣talog. Script.
• * 1.232

  Registr. lib. 9. Epist. 5••.
• * 1.233

  Epist. nun∣cupat. ante Iren.
• * 1.234

  Ibid.
• * 1.235

  Bellarm. in Catalog. Scrip.
• * 1.236

  In Epist. nuncupat. ante Iren.
• * 1.237

  In vita Iren. Rivat. crit. ••ac.
• * 1.238

  Ad An. 180. § 5. Biblioth. lib. 4.
• * 1.239

  In Annotat. in lib. Ter. tull. advers. Valent. also our learned Fulke. Ire∣neus wrote in Greek, and is tran∣slated into Latine by one that fol∣lowed very much the vulgar La∣tin Text in his Preface to the E∣pist. dedicat. ante Ter∣tull.
• * 1.240

  In Praefat. ad Epiphan.
• * 1.241

  In Epist. ad. Thomsonum num. 239.
• * 1.242

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.243

  Chitraeus. in Orat. de stud. Theo∣log.
• * 1.244

  Feuard. commonit. in 5. ab. I∣renaei.
• * 1.245

  Rivet. crit. ••ac.
• * 1.246

  In praefat. ante Iren.
• * 1.247

  In Argu∣ment. lib. 2.
• * 1.248

  In Epist. ante Iren.
• * 1.249

  Cent. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.250

  In Prooem. lib. 1.
• * 1.251

  Erasm. in Epist. nun∣cupat.
• * 1.252

  Erasm. Prae∣fat. ante Hilarium.
• * 1.253

  Lib. 1. cap. 2.
• * 1.254

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Dispositi∣ones Dei. So doth the Centurists render it.
• * 1.255

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.256

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.257

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.258

  In prooem. lib. 4.
• * 1.259

  Lib. ••. cap. 20.
• * 1.260

  Domestici∣tatem.
• * 1.261

  Lib. 2. cap. 46.
• * 1.262

  Lib. 2. cap. 47.
• * 1.263

  Lib. 4. cap. 13.
• * 1.264

  Lib. 3. 11.
• * 1.265

  Lib. 2. cap. 58.
• * 1.266

  Dictiones.
• * 1.267

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.268

  Lib. 5. pag. 613. cap. 28. Feuardent. edit.
• * 1.269

  Estenim dies Dominl.
• * 1.270

  Irenaeus an∣tiquissimus theologus hoc nomen tanquam valdè con∣sentaneum huic myste∣rio divinâ sagacitate indagavit. Paraeus Comment. in Apoc. 13. 18 lib. 5. ca. 30. Edit. Feuar∣dent.
• * 1.271

  lib. 3. cap. 1.
• * 1.272

  lib. ••. cap. 2.
• * 1.273

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 sunt dictae.
• * 1.274

  lib. 4. ca. 43.
• * 1.275

  Ch••risma.
• * 1.276

  lib. 3. ca 25.
• * 1.277

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.278

  Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 23. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Divini senis verba no∣••anda. Ca∣saub. exerci∣tat. 13. p. ••35.
• * 1.279

  iib. 2. ca. 49.
• * 1.280

  lib. 4. ca. 71.
• * 1.281

  lib. 4. ca. 72.
• * 1.282

  Ibid.
• * 1.283

  lib. 3. ca. 19.
• * 1.284

  lib. 2. ca. 39.
• * 1.285

  Ibid.
• * 1.286

  lib. 2. ca. 40.
• * 1.287

  In catalog. Papias.
• * 1.288

  In argum. in lib. Irenaei.
• * 1.289

  Crit. sac.
• * 1.290

  Commentar. atas. 6. c. 11. Hist. lib. 1. c. 27. ad an. 205. § 28.
• * 1.291

  Ad an. 196. § 22.
• * 1.292

  Baron. ad an. 205. § 28.
• * 1.293

  Lib. 6. c. 12. Biblioth. num. 111.
• * 1.294

  Cent. 2. c. 10. Patria ••uit Atheniensis. Baro. ad an. 196. § 22. Communis quaedam In∣stitutionis & eruditionis officina. Diodor. Si∣cul. biblioth. lib. 13. Lib. de Aca∣dem. c. 1. haeres. 32. Nobilissi∣mum orbi∣terrarum gymnasium. Cicero. in epist. famil. l. 4. Ep. 12.
• * 1.295

  Cent. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.296

  Baron. ad. an. 169. § 23.
• * 1.297

  Hieronym. in Catalog. Rhenan. in Tertul. lib. De poeni∣tent. ex Eu∣seb. l. 6. c. 5.
• * 1.298

  Epist. 24.
• * 1.299

  Cent. 2. c. 10.
• * 1.300

  Of these Schools. see Hospin. de orig. tem∣plor. cap. 5.
• * 1.301

  Cent. 2. c. 7. Hospin. ibid. Cent. 1. l. 2. cap. 2.
• * 1.302

  Orat. 24.
• * 1.303

  De benefic. lib. 1. c. 15.
• * 1.304

  Geograph.
• * 1.305

  Cent. 3. c. 10
• * 1.306

  Hieronym. in Catalog. Magister il∣lius Ecclesi. Ruffin. in Apolog. pro Origine. Baron. ad an. 196. § 23.
• * 1.307

  Cent. 2. c 10.
• * 1.308

  Baron. ib.
• * 1.309

  Hieronym. in Catalog.
• * 1.310

  Chemnit. examen. par. 1. Baron ad. an. 196. § 22. Ep. 84. Mag. Idem. in Catalog. Trithem. de script. Bergoma. supplem. chron. Nicet. Coniat. Or∣thodox. l. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.311

  Casaub. exer∣citat. 1. In praefat. ad annotat. in Clem. Contra Juli∣an. l. 10.
• * 1.312

  Cent. 2. c. 10▪ Trithem. de∣script. Euseb. l. 6. c. 13.
• * 1.313

  Hieronym. in Catalog.
• * 1.314

  Lib. 4. c. 33.
• * 1.315

  In Catalog. Lib. 6. c. 12.
• * 1.316

  Lib. 4. c. 33. Apparat.
• * 1.317

  Ibid.
• * 1.318

  Honor. August. de Script. Eccles. cap. 39.
• * 1.319

  De Script. Eccles. Cent. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.320

  Cent. ibid. Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.321

  P••otius in Biblioth. Numb. 111.
• * 1.322

  Cent. ibid. Nicephor. lib. 4. cap. 33. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it. in Clement.
• * 1.323

  In Biblioth. num. 19.
• * 1.324

  In edit. Clement. in not. ad mar. in apparat.
• * 1.325

  Photius. Biblioth. numb. 110. Cent. cap. 10.
• * 1.326

  Lib. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.327

  Trithem. de Script. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 12.
• * 1.328

  Biblioth. lib. ••.
• * 1.329

  In catalog.
• * 1.330

  Nicephor. l••b. 4. cap. 33.
• * 1.331

  Strom. lib. 4.
• * 1.332

  Strom. lib. 6.
• * 1.333

  In Animad∣vers. in A∣thenaeum. lib. 1. cap. 4.
• * 1.334

  Schol. in Hi∣eronym. E∣pist. 65.
• * 1.335

  In vitâ Ori∣gen. bibli∣oth. lib 3.
• * 1.336

  In Epist. an∣te Strom.
• * 1.337

  Treat. of the right use of the Fathers. lib. 1.
• * 1.338

  Exercitat. 1. ad apparat. Annal. Ba∣ron.
• * 1.339

  In Epist. ante opera Clem.
• * 1.340

  Heinsius in annotat. in Clement.
• * 1.341

  Scultet. in Maedull.
• * 1.342

  Heinsius in annotat.
• * 1.343

  Ibid.
• * 1.344

  Possevin. in apparat.
• * 1.345

  Libri stro∣mateon octo sunt, adver∣sus Paganos atque haere∣ses pugnath instituentes. Photius. num. 3. Heb. 5. 14.
• * 1.346

  H••i••s. ibid.
• * 1.347

  Strom. lib. 7.
• * 1.348

  Strom. lib. 1.
• * 1.349

  Strom. lib. 6.
• * 1.350

  Quest. 2. de vitâ & opi∣bus Dionys. Areopagit.
• * 1.351

  Contra Cel∣sni. pag. 774.
• * 1.352

  Strom. lib. 1.
• * 1.353

  Heins. in An∣notat.
• * 1.354

  In Biblioth.
• * 1.355

  In Medul.
• * 1.356

  In Annotat.
• * 1.357

  Chron. tom. 2. lib. 2. cap. 27.
• * 1.358

  Biblioth. pa∣trum, tom. 1. Ad an. 196. §. 24.
• * 1.359

  Rivet. Crit. Sac.
• * 1.360

  Lib. de An••∣mâ.
• * 1.361

  Rhodig. Iect. antiq. lib. 18. cap. 1.
• * 1.362

  Biblioth. num. 110.
• * 1.363

  Ibid. cap. 25.
• * 1.364

  Erasm. adag.
• * 1.365

  Strom. lib. ••. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.366

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.367

  Strom. lib. 4.
• * 1.368

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hesychius.
• * 1.369

  Strom. lib. 2.
• * 1.370

  Strom. lib. 7.
• * 1.371

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.372

  In protrep∣tico.
• * 1.373

  Paedagog. lib. 2. cap. 4.
• * 1.374

  Strom. lib. 1.
• * 1.375

  Strom. lib. 4.
• * 1.376

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.377

  Strom. lib. 6.
• * 1.378

  Strom. lib. 6.
• * 1.379

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.380

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.381

  Paedgog. lib. 1. cap. 8.
• * 1.382

  Strom. lib. 6.
• * 1.383

  Euseb. lib, 6. cap. 13.
• * 1.384

  Niceph. lib. 4. cap. 33.
• * 1.385

  Strom. lib. 2.
• * 1.386

  Euseb. Ni∣c••ph. ibid.
• * 1.387

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.388

  Augustin. de Heres. He∣ins. annotat.
• * 1.389

  Lib. 6. ca. 12. in Biblioth.
• * 1.390

  Strom. lib. 7.
• * 1.391

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.392

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.393

  Comment. in Augu∣stin. de Hae∣res. cap. 1. § 2.
• * 1.394

  Lib. 6. cap. 5.
• * 1.395

  Strom. lib. 4.
• * 1.396

  In protrep∣tico.
• * 1.397

  Gratian. part. 1. di¦stinct. 15. 〈…〉〈…〉 19••. § 26.
• * 1.398

  Because La∣ctantius de∣ny••d the sub∣stance of the holy Ghost; quis mihi interdicere potest, ne le∣gem institu∣tionum ejus libros, qui∣bus contra gentes scrip∣sit fortissi∣mè, quia superior sententia dete••tanda est. Hiero∣nym. Epist. ad Pam∣mach. & Oceanum, de errorib. Origen.
• * 1.399

  Strom. lib. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.400

  Strom. lib. 1.
• * 1.401

  Exercitat. 1. § 26.
• * 1.402

  Strom. lib. 6.
• * 1.403

  Ibid.
• * 1.404

  In examin. parte 1. de∣tradit.
• * 1.405

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.406

  In protrep∣tico.
• * 1.407

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.408

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.409

  Strom. lib. 2.
• * 1.410

  Ibid.
• * 1.411

  Ce••t. 2. cap. 4.
• * 1.412

  Lib. advers. H••rmogen.
• * 1.413

  In argumen. lib. Tertull. advers. Va∣lentinian.
• * 1.414

  Coloss. 2. 8.
• * 1.415

  Epist. ad Pammac••. & Oceanu•• de orrorib. Orig.
• * 1.416

  Patrum non∣nulli sunt, qui pro eâ quâ imbuti fue∣runt adoles∣centes in Scholis eth∣nicorum Philosophiâ naturae viri∣bus plus ae∣quo tribu∣••••t. Ar∣rowsm. Tactic. lib. 2. cap. 2. § 2.
• * 1.417

  Cent. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.418

  Comment. in Rom. 8. 7.
• * 1.419

  Strom. lib. 1.
• * 1.420

  Cent. 2. cap. 5.
• * 1.421

  Strom. lib. 3. & 5.
• * 1.422

  Cent. 2. cap. 4.
• * 1.423

  Cent. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.424

  In Catalog.
• * 1.425

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ Tertull.
• * 1.426

  Geograph. lib. 10. Hist. natu∣ral. lib. 15. cap. 18.
• * 1.427

  Pamel. ibi••••
• * 1.428

  Hieron. in catalog. ••
• * 1.429

  Baron. ad an. 197. §. 18.
• * 1.430

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 3.
• * 1.431

  Lib. 2. cap. 2.
• * 1.432

  Lib. 2. cap. 8.
• * 1.433

  Advers. Jo∣vinian. lib. 1. Ad an. 197. § 19.
• * 1.434

  In catalog. Nicephor. lib. 4. c. 34.
• * 1.435

  In vitâ Ter-Tertull.
• * 1.436

  In Apolog.
• * 1.437

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ Tertull.
• * 1.438

  Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 2.
• * 1.439

  Clericorum nominatissi∣mis Romanae urbis. Opus detemporib. mundi.
• * 1.440

  In vitâ Ter∣tull.
• * 1.441

  In catalog. cent. Rhe∣nan Platina. Nicephor, &c.
• * 1.442

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.443

  Pa••el. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.444

  Scultet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Medull.
• * 1.445

  Lib. de pati∣ent.
• * 1.446

  Pamel. in vit••. concil. tom. 1 Bin∣nii notae in∣vit. Victor.
• * 1.447

  Rhenan. in argument. lib. Tertull. advers. Va∣lentinian.
• * 1.448

  Baron. ad an. 201. con∣trovers. Tract. 2. q. 23. § 23.
• * 1.449

  Baron. ad an. 201. § 10. 11.
• * 1.450

  Lib. advers. Valentinian
• * 1.451

  In annotat. in loc.
• * 1.452

  Baron. ••ibid.
• * 1.453

  Hilar. in Math. ••.
• * 1.454

  Gratian. par. 1. distinct. 15.
• * 1.455

  Cent. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.456

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.457

  Tom. 2. E∣pist. 1.
• * 1.458

  Augustin. de haeres. c. 86.
• * 1.459

  Praefat. ant. opera Tert.
• * 1.460

  Rhenan. in argument. in Tertul. ex∣hort. ad ca∣stitat.
• * 1.461

  Hoc tum A∣postolis, tum ••ypriano (in exhortat.
• * 1.462

  Martyri•• quoniam in∣quit, in fine 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.463

  August. de haeres. c. 86.
• * 1.464

  Baron ad an. 216. § 17.
• * 1.465

  Gal. 2. 1••.
• * 1.466

  Gal. 3. 3.
• * 1.467

  1 Cor. 10. 12.
• * 1.468

  Treatise of the use of the Fath••rs lib. 2. cap. 4.
• * 1.469

  Vid. lib. de Mon. cap. 2. Et li. contr. Psych. cap. ••. S•• also Meri•• Casaubon, it's true he bacame a M••nt••nist or was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so at least; though in very deed he never was of his Congre••ation or Belief, gene∣rally: but in matter of private Revelations only. Treatise of Enthusias••••.
• * 1.470

  Rhenan. in praefat. & in annotat. in lib. de cor. milit. item in arg••m. in li. de carne Christi. pri∣mus Latino∣rum qui qui∣dem extet.
• * 1.471

  Theologus Aventi•• an∣nal. Rhenan. in praefat.
• * 1.472

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.473

  Zeph. in ar∣gum in apo∣goletic.
• * 1.474

  Rhenan. in argu••. in li∣de patient.
• * 1.475

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in∣stitut. lib. 5. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1.
• * 1.476

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Mag∣••••
• * 1.477

  Epist. 128.
• * 1.478

  Rhenan. in praefat.
• * 1.479

  Cent. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.480

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.481

  In praefat. in Hilarium.
• * 1.482

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.483

  Cent. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.484

  Erasm. in prolegom. a••te Grigen. Cent. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.485

  Rhenan. ar∣gum. in lib. de patient.
• * 1.486

  Danzus. in Aug. de hae∣res. cap. 86.
• * 1.487

  Baro. ad an. ••01. §. 8.
• * 1.488

  Contra hae∣res. c. 24.
• * 1.489

  In Aug. in heres. c. 86.
• * 1.490

  Hieronym•• in catal.
• * 1.491

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.492

  Diogen. La∣ert. in vitâ ejus.
• * 1.493

  Fertur mul∣ta, quae non extant opus∣cula condi∣didi••le. Hie∣ron. in cata. Hieronym. advers. Jo∣vinian. lib. 1. In vitâ Ter∣tul. annal. ad an▪ 197. § 20.
• * 1.494

  Epist. 128.
• * 1.495

  Hieronym. in catal. de Papiâ.
• * 1.496

  lib. de A••i∣mâ. cap. 55.
• * 1.497

  Tertul. lib. de carne Christi c. 8. Epiphan. haeres. 44.
• * 1.498

  De heraes. c. 23. In annot. in li. de carne Christi. Ter.
• * 1.499

  Pamel. frag∣ment. Tert.
• * 1.500

  Hieronym. in cat.
• * 1.501

  Rhenan. praefat. in o∣pera Tertu.
• * 1.502

  In vitâ Ca∣listi.
• * 1.503

  De Script. Eccles. cap. 54.
• * 1.504

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.505

  Contra Marcion. lib. 1.
• * 1.506

  Abdiam Prophet.
• * 1.507

  Inproleg. ante lib. Tertul. ad Nationes.
• * 1.508

  In argumen. lib. Trrtul. de resur∣rect. ••arn.
• * 1.509

  Hyper. de rat. stud. Theolog.
• * 1.510

  Scultet. Medull.
• * 1.511

  Rhenan. argument. in l••b.
• * 1.512

  August de heres. cap. 23.
• * 1.513

  In Apolog. pro Zuingl. Cent. 3. cap. 4.
• * 1.514

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.515

  Mynfinger. Schol. in mistitut. Just. lib. 2. In vocabu∣lario.
• * 1.516

  In Medull.
• * 1.517

  See also Chamier. tom. 1. lib. 2. cap. 8.
• * 1.518

  Baron. ad an. 201. § 8. Epist. de discer. Spi∣••itib.
• * 1.519

  Rhenan. in argument. Pamel. in arg••ment.
• * 1.520

  lib. 4. cap. 14.
• * 1.521

  Epiphan. haeres. 42. Augustin. de haeres. cap. 22.
• * 1.522

  Rhenan. in annotat.
• * 1.523

  Rhenan. in argument.
• * 1.524

  Idem. in annotat.
• * 1.525

  Dan••us in August. de haeres. cap. 11.
• * 1.526

  Nicet. Cho∣niat. The∣saur. Orth. ••id. lib. 4. cap. 4.
• * 1.527

  Pamel. & Rhenan. in argument.
• * 1.528

  Rhenan. Ibid. Pamel. in vita.
• * 1.529

  Rhenan. in argument.
• * 1.530

  Augustin. de haeres. cap. 41. Danaeus in hunc lib. ••ap. 36.
• * 1.531

  Pamel. in paradox. Tertull.
• * 1.532

  In admonit. de Tertull. dogmat.
• * 1.533

  Tertull. principio lib. Rhenan. in argumen••▪
• * 1.534

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.535

  Rhenan. ibid.
• * 1.536

  ••e kins. problemat.
• * 1.537

  In Annotat. numb 30.
• * 1.538

  Rhenan. in argument.
• * 1.539

  Rhenan. in annotat. Pamel. in annotat.
• * 1.540

  Rhenan. in argum.
• * 1.541

  Pamel. in argum.
• * 1.542

  Rhenan. in argum.
• * 1.543

  Tertul. ad uxor. lib. 2▪ sub finem.
• * 1.544

  Rhenan. in argum▪
• * 1.545

  ••pist. de fu∣•••• in perse∣cut.
• * 1.546

  ••d an. 205. § 15.
• * 1.547

  Rhenan. in argum.
• * 1.548

  Rhenan. ••n argum.
• * 1.549

  Scultet. in M••dull.
• * 1.550

  Rhenan. in argum.
• * 1.551

  Pamel. in vitâ. Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.552

  Rhenan. in argum.
• * 1.553

  Pamel. in argum.
• * 1.554

  Tertul. de 〈…〉〈…〉 animae.
• * 1.555

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.556

  Treatise of the right use of the Fa∣thers, lib. 2. cap. 4.
• * 1.557

  Lord Dig∣by's second Letter.
• * 1.558

  In his an∣swer to the Iesuits chal∣lenge.
• * 1.559

  cap. ult. d•• animâ.
• * 1.560

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ Tertul.
• * 1.561

  Brisson. de formul. li. 8.
• * 1.562

  Baron. ad an. 206. § 4.
• * 1.563

  Pamel. in an∣notat. num. 1.
• * 1.564

  Tertul. de baptism.
• * 1.565

  Pamel. in argum.
• * 1.566

  Scultet. in Medul.
• * 1.567

  In annot. in hunc lib.
• * 1.568

  Advers. Vi∣gilant.
• * 1.569

  Baron. ad an•• 205. § 19. This was also the Doctrine of Basilides the Heretick▪ See Origen. Tom. 2. in Math. Tract. 28.
• * 1.570

  Pamel. in vi∣ta Tertul.
• * 1.571

  Pamel. in argum.
• * 1.572

  Scultet. in Medul.
• * 1.573

  Baron. ad an. 216. § ••. In hoc libr•• est vehemen∣tior.
• * 1.574

  Lib. de pudi∣cit. paulo post initium▪
• * 1.575

  Veteres bo∣ni ominis causa•• Bonū factū praefari solebant in edictis. Tu••∣neb. adversa. l. 3. c. 22.
• * 1.576

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.577

  Epist. Da∣maso. num. 146.
• * 1.578

  Math. 9. 6.
• * 1.579

  ••ame. in ad∣notat.
• * 1.580

  See Rhenan. annot. in lib. Tertul. ad∣vers. Praxe•• Scultet. in Medul.
• * 1.581

  Baron. ad an. 201. § 14.
• * 1.582

  Comment. in Math. Scult••t. in Medul.
• * 1.583

  Biblioth. sanct. l. 4.
• * 1.584

  This was written by him in the Latine Tongue, saith Nicephorus, l. 2. c. 8. but translated into Greek.
• * 1.585

  Pamel. in argument.
• * 1.586

  In Epist. ad Magnum. 84 Zephyr. in argument.
• * 1.587

  Panel. in vi∣tâ Tertul.
• * 1.588

  Ibid.
• * 1.589

  Baro. ad an. 201. § 37.
• * 1.590

  De haeres. lib. 18.
• * 1.591

  In prolego. ante notas in l. Tertul. ad nationes.
• * 1.592

  Epist. ad Magnū. 84. Novatianus scripsit de cibis Judai∣cis. Honor. Augusto du∣nens. descrip. Eccles. also, Hieronym. in catalog. Scultet. in Medul.
• * 1.593

  Pamel. edit. Tertull.
• * 1.594

  In catalog. script.
• * 1.595

  Ctitic. Sac.
• * 1.596

  Ruffin. in apolog. pro Origin. Pamel. in argument. Sixt. Seneus. Bibloth. Sanct. l. 4.
• * 1.597

  In Apolog. advers. Ruff.
• * 1.598

  Rivet. Crit. Sac. In Catalog. Parker. de descens. l. 4. § 10.
• * 1.599

  Pamel. in frag. Tertul.
• * 1.600

  In Catalog. script. & controvers. de Christo. l. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.601

  Pamel. in argument.
• * 1.602

  Cent. 3. l. 10.
• * 1.603

  In Medul.
• * 1.604

  Ba••on ad an. 116. § 19
• * 1.605

  Rhenar. in argument.
• * 1.606

  Ibid.
• * 1.607

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.608

  Index ex∣purgat. pe•• Francise. Junium.
• * 1.609

  Cent. 3. c. •• Rivet. Crit. Sac.
• * 1.610

  In argumen••.
• * 1.611

  Treat. of the use of the Fathers part. 1. cap 3.
• * 1.612

  In argum. ad an. 216. § 18.
• * 1.613

  Pamel. Edit. Tom 4.
• * 1.614

  Biblioth. Patr. Tom. 8.
• * 1.615

  Praefat. in Tom. 4.
• * 1.616

  In Epist. an∣te ••ilar. de ••eres. ca. 86. Nicephor. Hieronym. Epist. 13. Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.617

  In vitâ Ter.
• * 1.618

  Lactant. inst. lib. 5. cap. 1.
• * 1.619

  Instit. lib. ••▪ cap. 13. § 28.
• * 1.620

  In argum. in Apologetic.
• * 1.621

  Casau••. ex∣ercitat. fa∣cundia ejus fe••rea.
• * 1.622

  Erasm. E••▪ ante Hilar.
• * 1.623

  Pet Crini∣tus. lib▪ 1. de poetis Lat.
• * 1.624

  De honest. disciplin. li. 8. cap 3.
• * 1.625

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.626

  Lib. de tra∣dend. discip.
• * 1.627

  Epist. ante Hilar.
• * 1.628

  Epist. 3. ad He••iodor.
• * 1.629

  Pamel. in vi∣t•• Tertul. Brerewoods Inquiries cap▪ 4.
• * 1.630

  Pamel. Inad∣not. in lib. de praescript. num. 1.
• * 1.631

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ Tertul. In Aug. do haeres. c. 8••.
• * 1.632

  Biblioth. sanct. lib. 4.
• * 1.633

  Novator vo∣cabulorum Tertullianus Pamel. in ad∣not. in lib. de prescript. num. 125. & Rhenan. in annot. in lib. eundem. Epist. ante Hilar.
• * 1.634

  Hieronym. in ••atal. duri in genil.
• * 1.635

  Baron ad ••n. 197. § 19.
• * 1.636

  Pamel. in ••∣pist. dedicat. Rhenan. in argum. lib. ad ers. Va∣lentin.
• * 1.637

  In praefat. ante Tertul▪
• * 1.638

  Bond. in E∣p••st. ad lecto∣rem.
• * 1.639

  In annot. in lib. Tertul. advers. Va∣lentin.
• * 1.640

  Hoc erat il∣lius aetatis praeter S. Scripturas neminem nominatim citare Eras. Epist. ante Hilar. In vita Ter∣tul.
• * 1.641

  Rhenan. in annot. in lib. a••vers. Va∣lentin.
• * 1.642

  lib. 1. cap. 5.
• * 1.643

  Lib. de ve∣land. virg. l. de praes••rip. ad••er. h••res. pri••oomniū emissu••.
• * 1.644

  Delatum.
• * 1.645

  Vicariā vim Sp Sancti. qui agat.
• * 1.646

  Factâ utri∣us••; partis resuscitati∣one.
• * 1.647

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. B.
• * 1.648

  Lib. advers. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.649

  De praescrip∣potat.
• * 1.650

  Pamel. in notis.
• * 1.651

  Martyrio exhortatnr.
• * 1.652

  Lib. de prae∣script.
• * 1.653

  In Apolog. quasi manu factâ ambia∣mus.
• * 1.654

  Pro••statu sculi. pro morâ finis.
• * 1.655

  Densamus.
• * 1.656

  In Apolog.
• * 1.657

  Praegustetur
• * 1.658

  In Apolog.
• * 1.659

  In Apolog. & lib. ad Scapulam.
• * 1.660

  In Apolog.
• * 1.661

  Lib. de re∣surrect. carn.
• * 1.662

  In Apolog.
• * 1.663

  Lib. advers. Hermogen.
• * 1.664

  Lib. de carn. Christ.
• * 1.665

  Glebae, saxa. calculi.
• * 1.666

  Lib. de pa∣tient.
• * 1.667

  Remissa.
• * 1.668

  Lib. de re∣surrect.
• * 1.669

  Fidelissi∣mum seque∣strem dei & hominum.
• * 1.670

  Seponitur.
• * 1.671

  Lib. de spe∣ctacul.
• * 1.672

  Vita suffi∣ciens.
• * 1.673

  Of Marri∣age.
• * 1.674

  Lib. 2. ad uxorem.
• * 1.675

  Angeli re∣nunciant obsignatum.
• * 1.676

  Volutantur.
• * 1.677

  So Albaspin. in notis.
• * 1.678

  In annotat. in loc.
• * 1.679

  Womans ornaments.
• * 1.680

  Lib. de cult. foeminar.
• * 1.681

  Lib. de spectacul.
• * 1.682

  Lib. de prae∣script.
• * 1.683

  Of Here∣ticks.
• * 1.684

  Ipsum esse illic pro. meter•• est.
• * 1.685

  Osiand. E∣pit. Hist. cent. 3. lib. 1. cap. 5.
• * 1.686

  August. de Haeres. cap. 86.
• * 1.687

  Lib. advers. Praxeam.
• * 1.688

  Aug. ibid.
• * 1.689

  Lib. advers. Hermog.
• * 1.690

  Lib. de carne Christi.
• * 1.691

  Lib. advers. Praxeam.
• * 1.692

  Lib. 5. ad∣vers. haeres.
• * 1.693

  Lib. de Tri∣nitat.
• * 1.694

  August. de▪ h••res. c. 86.
• * 1.695

  Lib. de Tri∣nitat.
• * 1.696

  ••ib. advers. Praxeam.
• * 1.697

  Controvers. de Christo. lib. 1. cap. 10.
• * 1.698

  In argum. lib. de carue Christi.
• * 1.699

  In argum. lib. advers. Praxeam.
• * 1.700

  Epist. 76. Tranquil∣lino.
• * 1.701

  1 Thess. 5. 21.
• * 1.702

  Hieronym. Epist. Pam∣mach. & O∣ceano. N. 65.
• * 1.703

  Lib. de re∣surrect. car∣nis. & sae∣pius alibi. lib. advers▪ Praxeam. initio.
• * 1.704

  Hieronym. advers. Vi∣gilant. Rhe∣nan. in an∣notat in lib. ad••ers. Praxeam.
• * 1.705

  Lib. de prae∣script.
• * 1.706

  Sculte•• in Medul. lib. lib. 7 cap. 42. Erasm. in vitâ Origen.
• * 1.707

  Lib. 2. ad∣vers. Marci∣••n.
• * 1.708

  L••k 17. 21. Lib. 4 ad∣vers. Marci∣on.
• * 1.709

  Lib. advers. Judaeos.
• * 1.710

  Exhortat. ad castitat. lib. develand. Virginib.
• * 1.711

  Lib. de fug. in persecut.
• * 1.712

  Lib. de ido∣lolatr.
• * 1.713

  Lib. de ha∣bit. muliebr.
• * 1.714

  Lib. 3. ad∣vers. Mar∣cion.
• * 1.715

  Lib. de ani∣m••.
• * 1.716

  ••x traduce.
• * 1.717

  Lib. de hae∣res. cap. 86.
• * 1.718

  In vitâ Ter∣tull.
• * 1.719

  In lib. Au∣gust. de haeres. cap. 86.
• * 1.720

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.721

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. part. 1.
• * 1.722

  Lib. de coron. m••∣lit.
• * 1.723

  Trithem. de Script.
• * 1.724

  Hieronym. in Catalog.
• * 1.725

  In vitâ Ter∣tull.
• * 1.726

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.727

  In vitâ Ter∣tull.
• * 1.728

  Erasm. adag. Didymus Scripsisse super ter mille & quingentos libros per∣hibetur. Meurs. in notis in Hesych. de illust. Epist. 18. Marcello. Victor. Schol. in Hieronym.
• * 1.729

  Biblioth. cap. 118.
• * 1.730

  Erasm. in vitâ Orig.
• * 1.731

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 1.
• * 1.732

  In verb. Ori∣gen.
• * 1.733

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 1.
• * 1.734

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.735

  Erasm. in vi∣tâ Origen.
• * 1.736

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.737

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.738

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.739

  Gabriel Powel in his discourse of the unlaw∣fulness of to∣leration, speaking of this Paulus, and this very passage, adds (as I think, saith he, Samosate∣nus) who was Bishop of Antioch: as Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 26.
• * 1.740

  Erasm. in vi∣tâ Origen.
• * 1.741

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.742

  Tom. 2. in Severo.
• * 1.743

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.744

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 7.
• * 1.745

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.746

  Hieronym. in catalog. & Epist. ad Pammach. & Ocean.
• * 1.747

  Euseb. 6. cap. 14.
• * 1.748

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 7.
• * 1.749

  ••rasm. in vi∣tâ Origen.
• * 1.750

  In Virgil. Aeneld. lib. 6.
• * 1.751

  Suidas in verbo. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.752

  Genial. dier. dier. lib. 5. cap. 17.
• * 1.753

  Advers. Jo∣vinian. lib. 1. & in Epist. ad Ageru∣chiam vidu∣am de Mo∣nogamiâ. n. 11.
• * 1.754

  Lect. antiq. lib. 31▪ cap. 6.
• * 1.755

  Alex. ab. A∣lex. ibid. lib. 4. cap. 17.
• * 1.756

  Hist. Natu∣ral. lib. 25. cap. 13.
• * 1.757

  In exam. part▪ 3.
• * 1.758

  Can. 1. Bin. Concil.
• * 1.759

  Can 21. 22.
• * 1.760

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 13. Ad an. 220. § 6.
• * 1.761

  Erasm. in vitâ Origen.
• * 1.762

  In catalog. Epiphan. Haeres. 64.
• * 1.763

  Hieronym. in catalog. & Schol. Miraei in loc.
• * 1.764

  Euseb. lib. ••. cap. 1••.
• * 1.765

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.766

  Osiand. E∣pit. hist. cent. 3. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.767

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.768

  Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 14.
• * 1.769

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 19.
• * 1.770

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 20.
• * 1.771

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.772

  Hist. Eccles. Epit.
• * 1.773

  N••••cler. Zonoras.
• * 1.774

  Chronic. Ur∣spergens. Osiander. Hist. Eccles. Epit.
• * 1.775

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 21.
• * 1.776

  Erasm. in vi∣tâ Origen.
• * 1.777

  Ibid.
• * 1.778

  Ad an. 220. §. 11.
• * 1.779

  In notis in Hieronym. catalog. in Hyppolyto.
• * 1.780

  Adversar. lib. 14. c. 24.
• * 1.781

  Lib. 14. Ep••gr. 176.
• * 1.782

  So Jerom calls Nepo∣tian. Epist. ad Helio d••∣rum. num. ••.
• * 1.783

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.784

  Cent. 3. cap. ••0.
• * 1.785

  Eras••. in vi∣tâ Origen. Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.786

  Ad an. 230. § 7.
• * 1.787

  Eras••. ibid. Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.788

  Osiand. cent. ••. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.789

  Niceph. lib. 5. cap. 18.
• * 1.790

  ••••eronym. in catalog.
• * 1.791

  Euseb. lib 6. cap. 7. & 2••.
• * 1.792

  Ut rem Piam & fortem approbave∣rat. cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.793

  Erasm. in vi∣tâ Origen.
• * 1.794

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 29.
• * 1.795

  Ad refor∣mationem Ecclesi•• su•• Osiander. in Epitom. Fra••m. in vi∣tâ Origen. Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 26.
• * 1.796

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.797

  Baron. adan. 266. § 23.
• * 1.798

  Euseb. l. 6. cap. 32.
• * 1.799

  Hieronym. In Catalog. Angelocrat. in epit. Con.
• * 1.800

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 36.
• * 1.801

  De h••res. cap. 83. & Dan••us in com. in loc.
• * 1.802

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 37.
• * 1.803

  Epip. h••r. 53.
• * 1.804

  Euseb. l. 6. cap. 35.
• * 1.805

  Eras. in vitâ Origen. Jam scil. quando in eo erat vitae gravitas & maturitas ••∣tatis & mul∣t•• experien∣ti•• authori∣tas. Haymo. eccles. hist. lib. 6. cap. 3.
• * 1.806

  T••••ihem. de script.
• * 1.807

  Hieronym. epist. ad Pammach. n. 63.
• * 1.808

  In vitâ Orig. In epist. ante opera Orig.
• * 1.809

  Eras in vitâ Origen.
• * 1.810

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.811

  In vitâ Orig.
• * 1.812

  Optimis di∣sciplinis om∣nifariam ex∣cultus. Rhenan. In epist. ante opera Orig.
• * 1.813

  Eras. in vitâ Origen. See Polydor. Virg. de•• in∣ventor. rec. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.814

  In Catalog.
• * 1.815

  Euseb. l. 6. cap. 18.
• * 1.816

  Baron. ad an. 248. § 3.
• * 1.817

  In praefat. ad lib. 19. lect. antiq.
• * 1.818

  Eras. in vitâ Origen.
• * 1.819

  Opus de temp-mundi.
• * 1.820

  Socrates. l. 6. cap. 12.
• * 1.821

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 17. 19.
• * 1.822

  Bacon. Essay. 29.
• * 1.823

  Hieronym. Epist. 18.
• * 1.824

  Epist. 65.
• * 1.825

  Trithem. de script. Eras. in vit•• Origen.
• * 1.826

  Epist. Pam∣mach. n. 65.
• * 1.827

  Ibid.
• * 1.828

  Eras. in vit•• Origen.
• * 1.829

  Ibid.
• * 1.830

  Grinaeus in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ante Origen. in Genes.
• * 1.831

  Trithem de script. Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.832

  Hieronym. epist. 25. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Paulam.
• * 1.833

  Hieronym. Epist. 65. Pamach. & Oceano.
• * 1.834

  In Epist. an∣te opera O∣rigen.
• * 1.835

  Biblioth. l. 4.
• * 1.836

  Ratio verae Theologiae.
• * 1.837

  Tarinus in Epist. ante Philocal.
• * 1.838

  In Polycro∣nic.
• * 1.839

  Epist. 62. & 65.
• * 1.840

  In praefat. ante li. Heb. nom.
• * 1.841

  In prooem. quaest. in Ge∣nes.
• * 1.842

  Hieronym. Epist. 65.
• * 1.843

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.844

  In Orat. pa∣negyric. ad Origenem.
• * 1.845

  Fascicul. temp.
• * 1.846

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.847

  Trithem. de Script.
• * 1.848

  Euseb. ibid. Erasm. invi∣tâ Origen.
• * 1.849

  Suidas.
• * 1.850

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.851

  Lib. 2. annal. ••••ior••m.
• * 1.852

  Contra hae∣res. cap. 2••.
• * 1.853

  In Math. 12. 32. & in de∣cret. Nicen. Synod.
• * 1.854

  Erasm. in vi∣t•• Origen.
• * 1.855

  Eras••. ibi••.
• * 1.856

  Ruffin. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ad Chromatium
• * 1.857

  In perorat. Translator. Sixt. Senens. Bibl. lib. 4.
• * 1.858

  Chap. 4. of Rhetorical Enthusiasm.
• * 1.859

  Such a one was Boethus cujus facili∣tas apud Tarsenses maxima vi∣debatur, a∣deo ut ex tem••ore meo magno, impetu ad—omnem datam materiam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ret. Strab. Geo-graph. lib. 14.
• * 1.860

  Erasm. in vi∣tâ Origen.
• * 1.861

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.862

  Erasm. in vi∣tâ Origen.
• * 1.863

  Frasm. ibid. Euseb. lib. 6. cap 21.
• * 1.864

  De 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.865

  Vir nobilis & non inele∣gantis inge∣nii. Hiero∣nym. in Ca∣talog.
• * 1.866

  Apolog. ad∣vers. Ruffin. lib. 2.
• * 1.867

  Epist. 65. Pammach.
• * 1.868

  Is••dor. Hi∣spal. in Orig. lib. 6. cap. 7.
• * 1.869

  Apolog. ad∣vers. Ruffin. lib. 2.
• * 1.870

  Hieronym. Epist. 65. Vincent. Lyrineus.
• * 1.871

  Aul. Gell. ••oct. Attic. lib. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.872

  Hist. Nat. lib. 29. c. 4.
• * 1.873

  August. de Civit. dei. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.874

  Mir••us in not. in Hie∣ronym. ca∣talog.
• * 1.875

  In notis in Hesych. de viris illu∣strib.
• * 1.876

  Epist. 88.
• * 1.877

  In censur. Orig. in lib. Job. Treat. of the use of the Fathers: lib. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.878

  In Prolog. ante homil. Origen. in Ezech.
• * 1.879

  In censur. in lib. Origen. Vid. Sixt. Senens. lib. 3. vacatio∣nes. p. 167. cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.880

  Sixt. Senens. biblioth. lib. 3.
• * 1.881

  In vitâ O∣rigen.
• * 1.882

  Isido. Hispa. Orig. lib. ••. c. 8.
• * 1.883

  Epist. 65. Pam••ach.
• * 1.884

  Sixt Senens∣••ibl. lib. 4.
• * 1.885

  Erasm. in censur. lib. Origen.
• * 1.886

  Scultet in Medull.
• * 1.887

  In Apolog. ••. advers. Ruffin.
• * 1.888

  Hieromyn. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 65. & Apolog. 1. ad••ers. Ruffin. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.889

  Baron. ad an. 231.
• * 1.890

  Hieronym. in praefat. in Josuam.
• * 1.891

  Field of the Church. lib. 4. c. 26.
• * 1.892

  Lib. de Mensur.
• * 1.893

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 16. E∣piphan. lib. de mensur. Miraeus. in notis in Ca∣talog. Hie∣ronym.
• * 1.894

  Buxtorf. Epist. de∣dicat. ante lex Hebr.
• * 1.895

  Miraeus in auctar. de S••ript. Ec∣cles.
• * 1.896

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.897

  Sixt. Senens. bibl. lib. 4.
• * 1.898

  Buxtorf. Ibid.
• * 1.899

  Praefat. in lib. Job.
• * 1.900

  Bellarm. de verb. dei. lib. 2. cap. 5
• * 1.901

  Hieronym. praefat. in Dan.
• * 1.902

  Sixt. Senens. bibl. lib. 4.
• * 1.903

  Bellarm. Ibid.
• * 1.904

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 16.
• * 1.905

  Buxtorf. ibid.
• * 1.906

  Euseb. ibid.
• * 1.907

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.908

  In censur. in lib. Origen.
• * 1.909

  Sixt. Senens. Ibid.
• * 1.910

  Epiphan. de Mensur. Ba∣ron. 231. § 8.
• * 1.911

  Field of the Church, lib. 4. cap. 26.
• * 1.912

  Encyclopaed. Hist.
• * 1.913

  Controv. de Scriptur. cap. 4.
• * 1.914

  In Psal. 118. Serm. 4.
• * 1.915

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.916

  Dever. Dei. 2. cap. 5.
• * 1.917

  Fiel. lib. 4. cap. 26.
• * 1.918

  Baron. adan. 251. § 37.
• * 1.919

  Masius in E∣pist. dedi∣cante Jo∣suam.:
• * 1.920

  Epist. Au∣gust. Numb. 89.
• * 1.921

  Praefat. in lib. Paralip.
• * 1.922

  De Origen. lib. 1. cap. 20.
• * 1.923

  Baron. ad an. 231. § 36. 37.
• * 1.924

  In Epist. dedicat. ante Josuam.
• * 1.925

  Hieronym. advers. Ruffin.
• * 1.926

  Treat. of the Fathers: lib. 1.
• * 1.927

  Epist. dedi∣cat. ante Josuam.
• * 1.928

  Hesychius Aegypti E∣piscopus Marian. Schol. in Hieronym. Ep••st. Luci∣anu•• Eccle∣siae Antio∣chenae Pre∣byter Hie∣ronym. in Catalog.
• * 1.929

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.930

  Hieronym. advers. Ruffin.
• * 1.931

  Hieronym. Epist. ad Magnum, Numb. 84.
• * 1.932

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.933

  Euseb. lib. 6. 23.
• * 1.934

  Respons. 86.
• * 1.935

  Hieronym. in praefat. in lib. Heb. nom.
• * 1.936

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 23.
• * 1.937

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.938

  Hieronym. advers. Ruffin.
• * 1.939

  Ad an. 23. § 7.
• * 1.940

  Euseb. l. 6. cap. 27.
• * 1.941

  An. 237.
• * 1.942

  In specul. Hist. lib. 11. cap. 11. & Haymo hist. Eccles. lib. 6. cap. 3.
• * 1.943

  Lib. 6. cap. 35.
• * 1.944

  Trithem. de Script.
• * 1.945

  Bellarm. de Script.
• * 1.946

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.947

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 23.
• * 1.948

  Sixt. Senens. Ibid.
• * 1.949

  Ibid.
• * 1.950

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.951

  Sixt. Senens. Ibid.
• * 1.952

  Deverb. dei. lib. 1. cap 4.
• * 1.953

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 31.
• * 1.954

  Prolog. in Cantic.
• * 1.955

  Ibid.
• * 1.956

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.957

  Lib. 6. cap. 31.
• * 1.958

  Lib. 6. cap. 23.
• * 1.959

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 31.
• * 1.960

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.961

  Lib. 6. cap. 35.
• * 1.962

  In Cata∣log. Pam∣philus.
• * 1.963

  In praefat, in Osee.
• * 1.964

  Sixt. Senens. Lib. 4.
• * 1.965

  Descript. Eccles.
• * 1.966

  Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 19.
• * 1.967

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.968

  Ibid.
• * 1.969

  Apolog. 1. advers. Ruf∣fin. & in prooem. ant•• comment. in Ephes.
• * 1.970

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.971

  Epist. 152. Alexand. & Minerio.
• * 1.972

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.973

  Eras. in lib. Orig. cens.
• * 1.974

  In epist. ante Hilar.
• * 1.975

  Eras. cens. de comment. in ep. ad Rom.
• * 1.976

  Id. in cens. in hom. in Levi.
• * 1.977

  Treat. of the Fath. l. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.978

  See an addi∣tion In hom. 15. de verbo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.979

  Scultet. in medull. Apol. adver. Ruffin.
• * 1.980

  Epist. 16. ad Principiam Virginem.
• * 1.981

  Ante hom. in Gen.
• * 1.982

  Eras. in cens. hom. in Gen.
• * 1.983

  Suppl. Berg.
• * 1.984

  Eras. n. ib.
• * 1.985

  Grynaeus. ante libr.
• * 1.986

  Sixt. Senens. l. 4.
• * 1.987

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.988

  Trithem. de script.
• * 1.989

  Grynaeus. & Merlin.
• * 1.990

  In perorat. in ad Roman.
• * 1.991

  In cens. in libr. Origen.
• * 1.992

  In loc. Rivet. Cri••. Sac.
• * 1.993

  Eras in cens. Spuriae sunt, ut quae abun∣dant soloecis∣mis. Perk. in problemat.
• * 1.994

  Erasm. ib.
• * 1.995

  Questionable Riv. Cri. Sac.
• * 1.996

  Sixt. Sen. l. 4.
• * 1.997

  Ans. to Ie∣suits Chall▪
• * 1.998

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.999

  In censur.
• * 1.1000

  Coci censur.
• * 1.1001

  Eras. in cens.
• * 1.1002

  Locutulei.
• * 1.1003

  Eras. in cens.
• * 1.1004

  In apparent.
• * 1.1005

  In Epist. ante Hilar.
• * 1.1006

  Dr. Jam. of the corrupt. of the Fa∣thers.
• * 1.1007

  Coci Censur.
• * 1.1008

  In ceasur.
• * 1.1009

  In Censur.
• * 1.1010

  Coci Censur.
• * 1.1011

  Eras. in cens.
• * 1.1012

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1013

  In Medull.
• * 1.1014

  Dr. Jam. of the corrupt. of the Fa∣thers.
• * 1.1015

  Coci Censur.
• * 1.1016

  Cent. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.1017

  Erasm. in Censur.
• * 1.1018

  In censur.
• * 1.1019

  In cens. in lib. Origen.
• * 1.1020

  Post. homil. in Cantic.
• * 1.1021

  B••••••ioth. San••••. lib. 4.
• * 1.1022

  In catalogo.
• * 1.1023

  Epist. Dama∣so. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.1024

  Erasm. in censur.
• * 1.1025

  Ante homil. in Esai.
• * 1.1026

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1027

  Erasm. in censur.
• * 1.1028

  In catalog.
• * 1.1029

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1030

  Eras. lecto∣ri ante hunc commentar.
• * 1.1031

  Cent. 3. c. 10. Sixt. Senens. Bellarm.
• * 1.1032

  Grynaeus. & Merlin.
• * 1.1033

  Lectori E∣pist. ante comment.
• * 1.1034

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1035

  Erasm. ibid. In lib.
• * 1.1036

  Usher. de Brit. Eccles. primord. cap. 7.
• * 1.1037

  Erasm. in censur.
• * 1.1038

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1039

  Casaub. ex∣ercitat. 14. §11.
• * 1.1040

  In lib.
• * 1.1041

  In fine.
• * 1.1042

  Merlin. in praefat.
• * 1.1043

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1044

  Gryneus: ad calcem com∣mentar.
• * 1.1045

  Bellarm. de Script.
• * 1.1046

  In censur.
• * 1.1047

  Bellarm. de Script.
• * 1.1048

  Ante hanc homil.
• * 1.1049

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1050

  Bellarm. de Script.
• * 1.1051

  Nullius est ponderis Holloix: in quaest. 2. de∣vita Dionys. Areopag.
• * 1.1052

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1053

  Nec cujus sunt authoris nec quant•• antiquitatis facilè sciri potest. Hol∣l••i••. ibid.
• * 1.1054

  Bellarm. i∣bid.
• * 1.1055

  Coci censur.
• * 1.1056

  Lib. 4. bibli∣oth. sanct.
• * 1.1057

  Erasm. in censur.
• * 1.1058

  In prolog. antelib.
• * 1.1059

  In comment. in Epist.
• * 1.1060

  Paul. dispu∣tat. 19.
• * 1.1061

  In prologo
• * 1.1062

  Ad an. 252. § 3.
• * 1.1063

  Hieronym. in apolog. 2. advers. Ruf∣fin.
• * 1.1064

  Lib. 1. ad∣vers. Ruffin. Epist. Pauli∣no. num. 153.
• * 1.1065

  Epist. Ocea∣••o. num. 65.
• * 1.1066

  Hieronym. Epist. 153.
• * 1.1067

  Baron. ad an. 232. § 3.
• * 1.1068

  Praefat. Ruf∣fin. in lib. E∣pist. A••ito∣num. 59.
• * 1.1069

  Concil. tom•• 1.
• * 1.1070

  Opus elen∣cticum & dogmaticum Haeschel. in Epist. ante libr.
• * 1.1071

  Rhenan. in Epist. ante opera Ori∣gen.
• * 1.1072

  Origen. contr. Cel. cels. prooem. & sub ••inem.
• * 1.1073

  Ad an. 243. § 3. Scultet. in Medull. Mi∣raeus in Scl••ol. in ca∣talog. Hie∣ronym.
• * 1.1074

  In Epist. de∣dicat. ante e∣dit. Gr. Lat.
• * 1.1075

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.1076

  Humph. in praefat. ante libr. Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.1077

  In argu∣ment. operis per Doct. Humphred.
• * 1.1078

  Coronis ter∣tii dialogi.
• * 1.1079

  Answ. to the Iesuits chal.
• * 1.1080

  In catalogo.
• * 1.1081

  Haeres. 69. Ad an. 25••, § 120, &c.
• * 1.1082

  Treat of the Fathers. lib. 2.
• * 1.1083

  G••ynaeus an∣te lamen∣tum.
• * 1.1084

  Gratian. di∣stinct. 15. Bellarmin. de Script.
• * 1.1085

  Ibid. In Medull.
• * 1.1086

  In notis in Philocal.
• * 1.1087

  Tarnius ante opus.
• * 1.1088

  Sixt. Senens▪ lib. 4.
• * 1.1089

  Merlin. in Epist. ante. apolog. Ori∣gen.
• * 1.1090

  Vin••ent. Ly∣rinens. con∣tra haeres. cap. 23.
• * 1.1091

  In prolog. ante Roman.
• * 1.1092

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.1093

  Erasm. de phras. Ori∣gen.
• * 1.1094

  Origenis sermo mirè perspicous. Erasm. in E∣pist. ante Hi∣la••.
• * 1.1095

  Ibid.
• * 1.1096

  De ration. stud. Theo∣log. lib 4.
• * 1.1097

  lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in prooem.
• * 1.1098

  Tract. in Math. 23. 17.
• * 1.1099

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈◊〉〈◊〉 4. cap. 1.
• * 1.1100

  Divino Co∣thurno.
• * 1.1101

  Homil. 2. in Jerem.
• * 1.1102

  Homil. 2. in Joshuah.
• * 1.1103

  In Epist. ad▪ Roman. c. ••. ver. 6. item. in Levit. cap. 12. ver. 13. Homil. ••. item. in Lue, cap 7. Ho∣mil. 14.
• * 1.1104

  In lib. Nu∣meror. cap. 28.
• * 1.1105

  In Josuah. cap. 7.
• * 1.1106

  Matth. 5. 20.
• * 1.1107

  In Josuah. cap. 15.
• * 1.1108

  〈…〉〈…〉. lib. 4.
• * 1.1109

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 24.
• * 1.1110

  Ibid.
• * 1.1111

  2 Cor. 10. 10.
• * 1.1112

  In Cant. Homil. 1.
• * 1.1113

  In Job lib. 3. item in Matth. cap. 14.
• * 1.1114

  Hieronym. ••p. ad Pam∣mach.
• * 1.1115

  Merlin. in Apolog. Origen.
• * 1.1116

  Vid. Baron. ad an. 256. § 46.
• * 1.1117

  Haeres. 64.
• * 1.1118

  Gennad. de Script.
• * 1.1119

  Socrates, lib. 6. cap. 9.
• * 1.1120

  Binnius. Concil. tom. 4.
• * 1.1121

  Ibid.
• * 1.1122

  In Epist. ad Johan. Hie∣rosolymi∣tan. in Bi∣blioth. Numb. 8.
• * 1.1123

  Advers. Vi∣gilant. ep. 75.
• * 1.1124

  Advers. Ruffin. lib. 2. Epist. 65. Pammach.
• * 1.1125

  Caesarii. Dialog 3. inter opera Nazianzen.
• * 1.1126

  In Rom. 8. 3.
• * 1.1127

  Grynaeus. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Genes.
• * 1.1128

  In Apolog. 1 advers. Ruffin.
• * 1.1129

  Baron. ad an. 256. § 40. Ipse quidem (Pamphilus) proprii o∣peris nihil omnino scripsit (in∣quit Ruffi∣nus invita Pamphili) exceptis E∣pistolis. Hieronym. Apolog. 1. advers. Ruffin.
• * 1.1130

  Biblioth. num. 118.
• * 1.1131

  Bellarm. de script. ho∣rum tu pri∣mum librum vertis sub nomine Martyris, inquit, Hie∣nym. Apo∣log. 1. ad∣vers. Ruffin. Possevin. apparat.
• * 1.1132

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 1.
• * 1.1133

  Merlin. A∣polog. ante opera Ori∣gen.
• * 1.1134

  Fascicul. temp.
• * 1.1135

  Biblioth. Patr. tom. 7. cap. 36. Pra∣ti spiritual. Possevin. apparat. & Aloys. Li∣poman. in Epist. ad lect. ante libr.
• * 1.1136

  In Apalog. pro Origen.
• * 1.1137

  Possevin. ap∣parat. in So∣phronio.
• * 1.1138

  Contra So∣crates hist. lib. 4. cap. 21.
• * 1.1139

  Epist. 61. inter Hie∣ronym. E∣pist.
• * 1.1140

  〈…〉〈…〉 ad ••tesiphon∣tem.
• * 1.1141

  Zonaras. Tom. 2. Libr. advers. Haeres. c. 23.
• * 1.1142

  Haeres. 64.
• * 1.1143

  De adulter. lib. Orig.
• * 1.1144

  Sixt. Senes. lib. 4.
• * 1.1145

  Dicet ali∣quis corru∣ptos esse O∣rigenis li∣bros: nó re∣sisto; quin potiùs & ma∣lo. Vincent. contra haere. c. 23.
• * 1.1146

  In Apolog.
• * 1.1147

  Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. c. 3.
• * 1.1148

  Mirandul. in apolog. pro Orig.
• * 1.1149

  Lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.1150

  Hieroym. epist. 65. Pammach. & Oceano.
• * 1.1151

  Supple. Bergomens.
• * 1.1152

  Gennad. de script.
• * 1.1153

  In vit•• Martini. l. 3.
• * 1.1154

  Ibid.
• * 1.1155

  Cent. 3. lib. 1. cap. 6.
• * 1.1156

  Epist. 65. Pammach.
• * 1.1157

  Cent. 3. l. 10
• * 1.1158

  Epist. adver. Vigilant. num. 75.
• * 1.1159

  Tom. 3. l 24. c. 10.
• * 1.1160

  Epist. Pam∣mach. n. 65.
• * 1.1161

  Apolog. adv. Ruffin. l. 2. Epist. ad Theop. n. 62.
• * 1.1162

  Ep. ad Avita. num. 59.
• * 1.1163

  Epist. 28.
• * 1.1164

  Hist. Eccles. lib. 6. c. 3.
• * 1.1165

  In Medull.
• * 1.1166

  Epiphan. haeres. 64. Dan••us. in Aug. de haeres. c. 43.
• * 1.1167

  Ad an. 256. § 47.
• * 1.1168

  In Apolog.
• * 1.1169

  In Apolog.
• * 1.1170

  In vitâ Cy∣priani.
• * 1.1171

  Hist. Eccles▪ l. 6. c. 13.
• * 1.1172

  Lib. 6. c. 38.
• * 1.1173

  Euseb. hist. l. 7. c. 1. Hieronym. in Catalog. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.1174

  Horace.
• * 1.1175

  Eras. in vitâ Origen.
• * 1.1176

  Hist. l. 5 c. 33 Euseb. l. 7. cap. 1. Baron. ad an. 256.
• * 1.1177

  Epist. 69. Pamel. in vi∣tâ
• * 1.1178

  Nazianz. o∣rat. 29.
• * 1.1179

  Pontius in vitâ.
• * 1.1180

  Lactant. de institut. lib. 5. cap. 1.
• * 1.1181

  Nazianz. i∣bid. Epist. 2. § 1. edit. Gou∣la••t.
• * 1.1182

  Ad an. 25••. § 7.
• * 1.1183

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1184

  Pontius in vitâ Cypr.
• * 1.1185

  Cent. 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.1186

  Baron. ad an. 250. § 6.
• * 1.1187

  In Jonan cap. 3.
• * 1.1188

  Ad an. 250. §. 11.
• * 1.1189

  Pontius in vitâ.
• * 1.1190

  Post non multum temporis e∣lectus in Presbyte∣rum etiam Episcopus Carthagi••i∣ensis con••ti∣tutus est. Hi∣eronym. in catalog. Pontius in vitâ.
• * 1.1191

  Ad an. 250
• * 1.1192

  Baron. ad an. 250. § 1.
• * 1.1193

  Cent 3. cap. 10.
• * 1.1194

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1195

  Baron. ad an. 25••▪. § 30.
• * 1.1196

  In vitâ Cypr.
• * 1.1197

  Pontius in vitâ.
• * 1.1198

  Baron. ad an. 253. § 30. Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1199

  Epist. 10. § 4.
• * 1.1200

  In vitâ Cypr.
• * 1.1201

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1202

  Cypr Epist. 15. § 1. & E∣pist. 6. § 1. & Epist. 36.
• * 1.1203

  Pontius in vitâ.
• * 1.1204

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1205

  Baron. ad an. 253. § 32.
• * 1.1206

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1207

  Baron. ad an. 254. § 39. Pamel in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1208

  Euseb. lib. 6. c. 42.
• * 1.1209

  Baron. ad an. 255. § 10, 11.
• * 1.1210

  H••nce Cy∣prian calls Novatus in∣terfector poenitentiae.
• * 1.1211

  Baron. ad an. 254. § 35.
• * 1.1212

  Ibid. § 38.
• * 1.1213

  Ibid. § 39.
• * 1.1214

  August. de haeres. cap. & Danaeus in comment.
• * 1.1215

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.1216

  Baron. ad an. 254. § 35.
• * 1.1217

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.1218

  Epist. 38.
• * 1.1219

  Epist. Cypr. 39.
• * 1.1220

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.1221

  Go••lat. in notis in Cypr. Epist. 52. n. 39.
• * 1.1222

  Angelocrat▪ Epit. Con∣cil.
• * 1.1223

  Gesner. Hist. Concil.
• * 1.1224

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.1225

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 42.
• * 1.1226

  Gesner. Hist. Concil.
• * 1.1227

  Baron. ad an. 256. § 34.
• * 1.1228

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.1229

  Baron. ad an. 255. § 28.
• * 1.1230

  Baron. ad an. 258.
• * 1.1231

  Pamel. in vitâ Cypr.
• * 1.1232

  Baron. ad an. 258. § 11. 12.
• * 1.1233

  Ibid. § 27. 42.
• * 1.1234

  Bin. d•• Con∣cil. tom. 1.
• * 1.1235

  Binnius ibid.
• * 1.1236

  Baron. ad an. 258. § 42.
• * 1.1237

  Ibid. 49.
• * 1.1238

  Daille of the Fathers, lib. 2.
• * 1.1239

  Baron. ad an. 259. § 1. 3. 4.
• * 1.1240

  Ibid. § 6.
• * 1.1241

  Baron. ad an. 260. § 33.
• * 1.1242

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.1243

  Plin. Hist. nat. lib. 5. cap. 3.
• * 1.1244

  In Geo∣graph. lib. 4.
• * 1.1245

  Baron. ad an. 260▪ § 39.
• * 1.1246

  Pontius In in vitâ Cypr.
• * 1.1247

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.1248

  In orat. in laudem Cypr. inge∣nio faceto, copioso, suavi & aperto. Lactant. lib. 5. cap. 1.
• * 1.1249

  Pamel. in vitâ.
• * 1.1250

  Nazianz. in orat. in laud. Cypr.
• * 1.1251

  Ibid.
• * 1.1252

  Possevin. in apparat.
• * 1.1253

  In Rheto∣ric. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 3. § 9.
• * 1.1254

  De doct. Christ. lib. 2. cap. 40.
• * 1.1255

  Epist. 84.
• * 1.1256

  Tit. 1. 12.
• * 1.1257

  1 Cor. 1••. 33. act. 17. ••8.
• * 1.1258

  In notis in Nazianz. orat▪ 42.
• * 1.1259

  De baptis••. contr•• Do ratist. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.1260

  In orat. in laud Cypri∣an.
• * 1.1261

  Pontius in vitâ Cypr.
• * 1.1262

  Augustin. contr. dnas Epist. Pela∣gianor. lib. 4. cap. 8.
• * 1.1263

  Contrà Crescon. prammatic. lib.
• * 1.1264

  Pontius in vitâ.
• * 1.1265

  In praefat. ante opera Cypriani
• * 1.1266

  Pontius in vit•• ejus.
• * 1.1267

  De baptism. contr. Dona∣tist. lib. 2.
• * 1.1268

  Cent. 3 c. 10. Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1269

  Pontius in vitâ ejus.
• * 1.1270

  Job 29. 15, 16, 17.
• * 1.1271

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ ejus & in notis in E∣pist. 60.
• * 1.1272

  Epist. 60. § 4.
• * 1.1273

  In notis. num. 5.
• * 1.1274

  See Brere∣wood de pretiis vet. nummorum.
• * 1.1275

  Pamel. in vitâ ejus. Cypr. Ep. 77.
• * 1.1276

  Epist. 55. § 18.
• * 1.1277

  Pontius in vitâ ejus.
• * 1.1278

  August. con∣trà Donatist. lib. 1. & con∣trà Crescqu. lib. 2.
• * 1.1279

  Epist. 76. § 12.
• * 1.1280

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Concil. Tom. 1.
• * 1.1281

  Nazianz in Orat. in Laud. Cypr.
• * 1.1282

  Lyrinens. contr. haeres. cap. 10.
• * 1.1283

  In praefat. ante opera Cypr.
• * 1.1284

  In medull.
• * 1.1285

  Contrà Cre∣scon. lib. 2. cap. 32.
• * 1.1286

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.1287

  In vitâ Cypr.
• * 1.1288

  Hieronym. in catal.
• * 1.1289

  Strigel. cited in criseis Melancthon.
• * 1.1290

  Ad Laetam Epist. 7. Bu∣cholcer Chronolog.
• * 1.1291

  In passione Cyprian. a∣pud Pamel.
• * 1.1292

  Epist. ad Paulinum. n. 13.
• * 1.1293

  Marian Vi∣ctor. in Schol. Erasm. in praefat. an∣te opera Cy∣prian.
• * 1.1294

  Pamel. in vitâ ejus.
• * 1.1295

  In Orat. de lect patr an∣te loc. com∣mun.
• * 1.1296

  Rivet. Crit. Sac. For they have been bold to add not only sun∣dry Epistles, but have blotted and blurred divers of them, which were most evi∣dently written by that blessed Martyr, Dr. James, of the mysteries of the Indic•••• Expurgat.
• * 1.1297

  Cent. 3. c. 10.
• * 1.1298

  Index ante opera Cypr. edit. Gou∣lart.
• * 1.1299

  Pamel. prae∣fat. ad lecto∣rem.
• * 1.1300

  ••oulart. in Epist. ante o∣pera Cypria.
• * 1.1301

  Coci censur.
• * 1.1302

  Bilson's dif∣ference.
• * 1.1303

  In Epist. an∣te opera Cypr.
• * 1.1304

  In medall•• Pat••um.
• * 1.1305

  Cent. 3. c. 10. In annotati∣uncul.
• * 1.1306

  Erasm. in praefat. ante opera Cypr.
• * 1.1307

  De Script. Eccles.
• * 1.1308

  Chronic. ad an. 263.
• * 1.1309

  Baron. ad an. 250. § 11.
• * 1.1310

  De doct. Christ. lib. 4. cap. 14.
• * 1.1311

  In praefat. ante opera Cypr.
• * 1.1312

  Ad plebem.
• * 1.1313

  Treatise of the Fathers.
• * 1.1314

  Cypriano Papae, Pres∣byteri & Di∣aconi Romae consistentes, salutem.
• * 1.1315

  M. S. the Life of Sir Tho∣mas Moor.
• * 1.1316

  In annotat. num. 15.
• * 1.1317

  In Schol. in Vincent. Ly∣rinens.
• * 1.1318

  In annotat. in lib. Tert. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.1319

  Ad Magnum Epist. 76.
• * 1.1320

  Ad Eucrati∣um Epist. 62.
• * 1.1321

  In Notis.
• * 1.1322

  Epist. 76.
• * 1.1323

  In annotat▪ ante opera Cyprian.
• * 1.1324

  Epist. 64.
• * 1.1325

  In vitâ Cy∣prian.
• * 1.1326

  In vitâ ejus.
• * 1.1327

  Epist. 31▪
• * 1.1328

  Pamel. in ar∣gument.
• * 1.1329

  In praefat. in Tom. 2.
• * 1.1330

  Epist. ad De∣metriad. n. 8. de Script. Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1331

  In argument. lib. Tertull. de patient. Epist.
• * 1.1332

  De doct. Christ. lib. 4. cap 21. Erasm. in Margin.
• * 1.1333

  Pamel. in praefat. ante tom. 2.
• * 1.1334

  Pamol. in an∣notat.
• * 1.1335

  Antonin. chron. part. 1. tit. 7. in annotat. in Epist. 5••. & in annotat. in lib. de uni∣tat. Eccles.
• * 1.1336

  Co••tra Cre∣seon. lib. 2. c. 33.
• * 1.1337

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1338

  Pamel. in notis.
• * 1.1339

  Daille lib. 1. cap. 4.
• * 1.1340

  Treatise of the Fathers.
• * 1.1341

  Bilson's dif∣ference, part. 1.
• * 1.1342

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.1343

  James of the corrups. of of the Fa∣thers. part. 2. pag. 10. 20. 22.
• * 1.1344

  De honest. discipl. lib. 20. cap. 7.
• * 1.1345

  Lib. de grat. & lib. arbit. cap. 13.
• * 1.1346

  Schultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1347

  Bibl. Sanct. lib. 4.
• * 1.1348

  In Annotat. Erasm. in Margine.
• * 1.1349

  Pamel. in Annotat. De Justit. lib. 6, cap. 4.
• * 1.1350

  Hieronym. in epist. ad Mag. n. 84. Ad an. 256. § 30.
• * 1.1351

  In Annotat.
• * 1.1352

  Ad Magnū. epist. 84.
• * 1.1353

  Pamel. in vitâ ejus.
• * 1.1354

  Ens. in Chro. refers it ad An. 255. Ans. to the Jes. chall.
• * 1.1355

  De praedest. l. 1. c. 14.
• * 1.1356

  Contr. ••. Epist. Pelag. ••. 4. c. 8. Epi. ad Pam∣mach. 26.
• * 1.1357

  Keck. rheto. Eccles.
• * 1.1358

  Ad An. 258. § 35.
• * 1.1359

  Id Jubaian. Epist. 73.
• * 1.1360

  Rhenan. in Annotat. in Tertull. de patient.
• * 1.1361

  Id. in arg. in 1. Tertul. de patient.
• * 1.1362

  Rhetor. Eccles. lib. 1. lib. de bapt. cont. Donat. l. 4. c. 8.
• * 1.1363

  In Epist. ad Galat. cap. 5. Pamel. in praefat. ante tom. 2. opera Cypr.
• * 1.1364

  Pamel. in arg. & Baro. ad an. 255. §. 45.
• * 1.1365

  In Annotat. in Hierony. Epist. 50. ad Pammach. Cens. Patr.
• * 1.1366

  In praefat. Cypr.
• * 1.1367

  Cent. 3. c. 10. praefa. Cypr. in lib. 3.
• * 1.1368

  In argu. in l. Eras. in Annot. ante opera Cypr. In Medull.
• * 1.1369

  Eras. in Annotat.
• * 1.1370

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 tom. 3.
• * 1.1371

  In praefat. ante opera Cypr.
• * 1.1372

  Bellar. de script. Eccle. Rivet. Crit. ••ae.
• * 1.1373

  Pamel. in Annotat. De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1374

  In Annotat.
• * 1.1375

  Baron. ad an 255. § 38. Erasm. in Annotat.
• * 1.1376

  Ad an. 255. § 37, 38.
• * 1.1377

  Sphinx. c. 25.
• * 1.1378

  Coci censu••••.
• * 1.1379

  Rivet. Crit. Sac.
• * 1.1380

  In Annotat.
• * 1.1381

  In Margine.
• * 1.1382

  In Catalog. Cornelius.
• * 1.1383

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1384

  Goulart. in animadvers.
• * 1.1385

  Coci Censur. Iames Ba∣stardy of the Fathers.
• * 1.1386

  Bellar. de script. Eccl. Possevin. in apparat.
• * 1.1387

  Pamel. in ap∣parat. Pamel. in annotat. in praefat.
• * 1.1388

  Exercitat. 16. § 29. De amiss. grat. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.1389

  Iames B••∣stardy•• of the Fathers.
• * 1.1390

  Answ. to the Iesuits chal∣lenge.
• * 1.1391

  Arnald••s Carnotensis Abbas bonae vallis.
• * 1.1392

  In Medull.
• * 1.1393

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.1394

  De script. Eccles. in annotat.
• * 1.1395

  De script. Eccles. in an∣notat.
• * 1.1396

  Pamel. in ar∣gument.
• * 1.1397

  Pamel. in Tertull.
• * 1.1398

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1399

  Rivet. crit. ••ic. De script. Eccles. De Poet. Hist.
• * 1.1400

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1401

  In annotat. In praefat. ante Tom. 3. operum Cypr. & in annotat.
• * 1.1402

  Ad an. 253. § 45. crit. sac. Prideaux. in orat. de Pseudepi∣graph. In annotat.
• * 1.1403

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1404

  Bellarm. de script. In catalog.
• * 1.1405

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.1406

  In annotat.
• * 1.1407

  Pamel. in ar∣gument. Bellar. de. script. Ec∣cles.
• * 1.1408

  Goulart. in annotat.
• * 1.1409

  Pamel. in a••∣ment. Bellar. de script.
• * 1.1410

  Pamel. in ar∣gument. Erasm. in an∣notat.
• * 1.1411

  Helvic. chron.
• * 1.1412

  Scultet. in Medull. Ri••t. crit. sac.
• * 1.1413

  Bellar. de script. Ec∣cles. Rivet. crit. sac. Coci censur.
• * 1.1414

  In argumen.
• * 1.1415

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.1416

  Trithem. de script.
• * 1.1417

  Coci censur.
• * 1.1418

  Goulart. in annotat.
• * 1.1419

  Pamel. in ar∣gument.
• * 1.1420

  Epist. 48. Nec omuinò nihil habet Africum Cy∣prianus. E∣ras••. in E∣pist. ante o∣pera Hilarii. In praefat. ante opera Cypr.
• * 1.1421

  De▪ trad. di∣scipl. lib. 3. Ibid.
• * 1.1422

  Erasm. in E∣pist. ante o∣pera Chry∣sostom.
• * 1.1423

  Hieronym. Epist. ••3. ad Pa••linum.
• * 1.1424

  Lib. 5. cap. 1. institut.
• * 1.1425

  In Hymn. de pass. Cypr.
• * 1.1426

  Biblioth. sanct. lib. 4. E••cyclop. Hist.
• * 1.1427

  De trad. di∣sciplin. lib. 3.
• * 1.1428

  Baron. adan. 255. § 37. August. de doct. Christ. lib. 4. cap. 21.
• * 1.1429

  De stud. Theolog.
• * 1.1430

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1431

  § 6, 7, 8.
• * 1.1432

  § 2••.
• * 1.1433

  §12. Epist. 74. Pompeio.
• * 1.1434

  Epist. 53. § 11 ad Jubai∣anum.
• * 1.1435

  Epist. 63. § 11. Caecilio.
• * 1.1436

  Epist. 74. § 2. Pompeio.
• * 1.1437

  Epist. 59. § 4. ad Fidum.
• * 1.1438

  Epist. 28. Hieronymo.
• * 1.1439

  § 12. itē. de vanit. idol.
• * 1.1440

  § 4.
• * 1.1441

  Tract. de bapt. Christi. § 6.
• * 1.1442

  Tract. de orat. Dom. § 22.
• * 1.1443

  Tract. de eleemosyn. § 19, 20.
• * 1.1444

  Epist. ad Cornel. 55. § 17.
• * 1.1445

  Epist. 68. § 6
• * 1.1446

  § 4.
• * 1.1447

  Epist. 52. Anton. §. 4.
• * 1.1448

  Epist. 6. § 5. ad Presby∣teros & Diaco••os.
• * 1.1449

  Ep. 14. § 2.
• * 1.1450

  Epist. ad Pu∣pianū. 69. § 4.
• * 1.1451

  An Exposi∣tion hereof, See in the hist. of the Council of Trent. l. 2.
• * 1.1452

  Ep. ad Cor∣neliū. 55. § •• Test. ad Quirin. l. 3. § 5••. Ep. 7••. § 5.
• * 1.1453

  Ep. 2. § 2.
• * 1.1454

  Tract. de Eleemosyn. § 1.
• * 1.1455

  Goulart. in notis. n. 3.
• * 1.1456

  Tract. de lapsis. § 1••▪
• * 1.1457

  Goulart. in n••tis. n. 6••.
• * 1.1458

  Chemnit. examen. part. secund. cap. 10.
• * 1.1459

  Epist. 63.
• * 1.1460

  Chem••i••. in exam. part. secund. c. 9.
• * 1.1461

  August. de haeres. c. 64.
• * 1.1462

  Ubi supra.
• * 1.1463

  Tract. de ••apsis § 20.
• * 1.1464

  Ad Q••irin. l. 3. § 25.
• * 1.1465

  In orat. de lect. pa••ru•• ante loc. com.
• * 1.1466

  Bin. Tom. 1. concil.
• * 1.1467

  Epist. ad Pompeium contra Steph. Epist. 74. § 1.
• * 1.1468

  Bin. concil. tom. 1. ca••. 19.
• * 1.1469

  Hieronym. advers. Lu∣cifer. dialog. August. de Haeres. cap. 44.
• * 1.1470

  Osian. Epist. cent. 3. l. b. 2. cap. 13.
• * 1.1471

  Epist Fir∣mil. ad Cypr. 75. § 21.
• * 1.1472

  Advers. Lu∣ciferian.
• * 1.1473

  Bin. Tom. 1. concil.
• * 1.1474

  See de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contra Do∣natist. lib. 5. cap. 17.
• * 1.1475

  Ibid. lib. cap. 18.
• * 1.1476

  Ibid lib. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 4. cap. 5.
• * 1.1477

  Epist. 48.
• * 1.1478

  In vitâ Cy∣prian.
• * 1.1479

  Ad an. 258. § 51.
• * 1.1480

  Epist. 48.
• * 1.1481

  Ubere: velo saith Doctor Gaude••. in his Suspiria Eccles. An¦glican. lib. 3. c 13.
• * 1.1482

  Pontius in vitâ Cypr.
• * 1.1483

  Epist. 69. § 8.
• * 1.1484

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ ejus.
• * 1.1485

  Paul. Dia∣con. in pass. Cyprian••. Pamel. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ejus
• * 1.1486

  Epist. 83. § 1.
• * 1.1487

  Pamel. in vi∣••â.
• * 1.1488

  Pontius in vitâ ejus. Paul. Dis∣con. in pas∣sion. Cypr.
• * 1.1489

  Ad an. 261. § 22.
• * 1.1490

  Pamel. in vi∣tâ.
• * 1.1491

  Niceph. lib. 17. cap. 12.
• * 1.1492

  Scultet. in Medull. cent. 4. cap. 10.
• * 1.1493

  Ad an. 302. § 61. in ap∣parat. Magnin. in Geograph. in Ital. num. 15.
• * 1.1494

  Heylin. Geo∣graph.
• * 1.1495

  Winpeling. in Epitom. rer. German. cap. 10.
• * 1.1496

  Hieronym. in catalog.
• * 1.1497

  Hieronym, in catalog.
• * 1.1498

  Lib. Institut. 5. c. 4.
• * 1.1499

  Hieronym. in catalog. Trithem. de script.
• * 1.1500

  Osiand. epito. cent. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 script. eccles. de temp. c. 9.
• * 1.1501

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1502

  Scultet. in medull.
• * 1.1503

  Chron. Ber∣••om.
• * 1.1504

  Trithem, de script.
• * 1.1505

  Possevin. in apparat.
• * 1.1506

  Ep. ad Pauli∣num. 13.
• * 1.1507

  Instit. l. c. 4
• * 1.1508

  Instit. l. 5. cap. 20.
• * 1.1509

  Hieronym. in catalog. Cent. 4. c. 10. de script. Eccles.
• * 1.1510

  Hieronym. in Catalog.
• * 1.1511

  Ep. 124. in∣ter Hierony. Epist.
• * 1.1512

  See Riccard. Vincent. in notis in Can∣tacuzen. in Cantic.
• * 1.1513

  Hieronym. in Catalog.
• * 1.1514

  In Ep. ad Gal. c. 4.
• * 1.1515

  Trith. de Script.
• * 1.1516

  In institut. libris contra gentes scrip. fortissimè. Hierony. Ep. Par••m. 65. Cent. 4. cap. 10. Instit. lib. 1. cap. 1. Ad an. 302. § 60.
• * 1.1517

  Scultet. •• Medull. La∣ctantii insti∣tutionum libri apud catholicos & optimos quos{que}; viros, praesertim sex priores, optimè au∣dierunt semper. Bul∣ling. de orig. error.
• * 1.1518

  De rat. stud. Theolog.
• * 1.1519

  Lib. 7. c. 6.
• * 1.1520

  In Catalog. & in comm. in Ep. ad E∣phes. c. 4.
• * 1.1521

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1522

  In Ep. ante edit. Vene••. Lact. opera.
• * 1.1523

  In Schol. in Lactant.
• * 1.1524

  In Schol. in Biblioth. patr. tom. 9.
• * 1.1525

  Ibid.
• * 1.1526

  Biblio. Patr.
• * 1.1527

  Ibid.
• * 1.1528

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1529

  Possevin. in appar. Chro. Bergomens.
• * 1.1530

  Ibid.
• * 1.1531

  De Poet. hist.
• * 1.1532

  In Chron. ad an. 322.
• * 1.1533

  Alsted. en∣cyclop. hist. Trithem. descript.
• * 1.1534

  Ascham. Schoolmr. l. •• In Ep. ad Paulin. 13. Ep. ad Ma∣gnum. 84. In elect. in l. 2. Arnob. in praefat.
• * 1.1535

  Ant. Sab••lli. Ennead. Lud. Vives. de trad. disciplin. l. 3. Ante Nazi∣anz. opera. de poet. hist.
• * 1.1536

  In orat. de lect. patr. ante loc. ••6.
• * 1.1537

  Instit. l. 6. cap. 21.
• * 1.1538

  Instit. l. 3. c. 1
• * 1.1539

  Instit. lib. 3. cap. 2••.
• * 1.1540

  Non excin∣dit vitia sed ••bscondit.
• * 1.1541

  Instit. 4. c. 13
• * 1.1542

  Inst. l. 4. c. 30 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.1543

  Inst. l. 6. c. 24
• * 1.1544

  Inst. l. 5. c. 13
• * 1.1545

  Consangu. Act. 17. 26.
• * 1.1546

  Gen. 13. 8.
• * 1.1547

  Inst. l. 6. c. 25
• * 1.1548

  Inst. l. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.1549

  Cent. 4. c. 10
• * 1.1550

  In Orat. de lect. patr. Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1551

  De stud. Theolog.
• * 1.1552

  Epitom. hist. Eccles. cent. 4. l. 1. c. 31.
• * 1.1553

  Inst. l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.1554

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1555

  Inst. l. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.1556

  Ibid. l. 4. 14.
• * 1.1557

  Inst. l. 4. c. 8.
• * 1.1558

  Ibid.
• * 1.1559

  Lib. 4. c. 18.
• * 1.1560

  Lib. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.1561

  In Scholiis. in l. 4. c. 16. &c. 22. in Bibli. Patr.
• * 1.1562

  Inst. l. 4. c. 20
• * 1.1563

  Cent. 4. c. 10. Scult. c. 12. Chytr. de stud. Theol.
• * 1.1564

  Cent. ibid.
• * 1.1565

  Ep. 65. Pam.
• * 1.1566

  Ibid.
• * 1.1567

  Inst. l. 2. c. 15
• * 1.1568

  Inst. l. 7. c. 5.
• * 1.1569

  Inst. l. 7. c. 27
• * 1.1570

  Lib. de opisi. dei. c. 20.
• * 1.1571

  De stud. Theolog.
• * 1.1572

  Institut. lib. 6. c. 13.
• * 1.1573

  Institut. lib. 4. c. 27.
• * 1.1574

  Institut. lib. 6. c. 20.
• * 1.1575

  Institut. lib. 3. c. 24.
• * 1.1576

  Hakewel. A∣polog. lib. 3. cap. 8. § 1.
• * 1.1577

  Institut. lib. 7. c. 21.
• * 1.1578

  Institut. lib. 7. c. 17.
• * 1.1579

  Institut. lib. 7. cap. 14.
• * 1.1580

  Institut lib. 7. c. 21.
• * 1.1581

  De rat. stud. Theolog. lib. 4.
• * 1.1582

  Thomas. in Schol. in lib. 7. cap. 15. institut.
• * 1.1583

  de Orig. er∣ror. c. 29.
• * 1.1584

  In catalog.
• * 1.1585

  Euseb. chron. ad an. •• 12.
• * 1.1586

  Athanasii omnino vita praelegenda est ab eo qui ejus scripta cum fructu cupit evol∣vere. Possev. in apparat.
• * 1.1587

  Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 11.
• * 1.1588

  Ruffi••. hist. lib. c. 14.
• * 1.1589

  Ruffin. hist. lib. 1. c. 14.
• * 1.1590

  Sac. hist. l. 2.
• * 1.1591

  In Epist. ad Epictet••••.
• * 1.1592

  In praesat. a••t. concil. Sardicens.
• * 1.1593

  Ruffin, hist. lib. 1. c. 14.
• * 1.1594

  Ruffin. hist. lib. 1. c. 14.
• * 1.1595

  Act. 9. 16.
• * 1.1596

  Possev. in apparat.
• * 1.1597

  Nihil sibi prius a••en∣dum rati sunt Aria∣ni, quàm ut Athanasium Ecclesi•• submove∣rent, qui semper eis velut murus obstiterat, quo re noto, reliquos in suam libidi∣nem cessuros 〈…〉〈…〉 Sever. lib. 2.
• * 1.1598

  In 1 Ti••. digre••••. l. 1. c. 17.
• * 1.1599

  In notis in conc. tom. 1.
• * 1.1600

  Bin. in notis in concil. tom. 1. Socrat. hist. l. 1. c. 3.
• * 1.1601

  Banished the first time.
• * 1.1602

  In Ep. ad so∣lit. vitam agentes.
• * 1.1603

  In Schol. in Hieronym. epist. 6.
• * 1.1604

  Hist. tripart. l. 4. c. 2. & ••∣than. in Ep. ad vitam solit. agent.
• * 1.1605

  Athan. de morte Arii.
• * 1.1606

  Hist. tripart. lib. 4. cap. 2.
• * 1.1607

  Entituled by Binnius. Concilium Antioche∣num primum sub Julio Pa∣pa primo, ce∣lebratum, in quo Ariani Athanasium de posue∣runt, at{que} Gregorium Cappadocem substitue∣••nnt. concil. tom. 1. anno 341.
• * 1.1608

  He flyeth a second time.
• * 1.1609

  Hides the third time.
• * 1.1610

  And flyeth.
• * 1.1611

  Quia conci∣lium Sardi∣cense Nicaenae tantùm fidei tutelam sus∣cepit et quia Patrum u∣triusque una suit senten∣tia, una mens unus spiritus, semper ap∣pendix tan∣quam Nicaeni concilii fuit habita.
• * 1.1612

  Binnius ib. Praefat. ant∣concil. Sard.
• * 1.1613

  In Medul.
• * 1.1614

  Angeloc••at. in Ep. consi••.
• * 1.1615

  Osiand. in Ep. hist. Ec∣cles.
• * 1.1616

  Athan. in a∣polog. pro fugâ suâ.
• * 1.1617

  A fourth time he flie••h.
• * 1.1618

  Sozomen. hist. Eccles. 1. 5. c. 6.
• * 1.1619

  In Sholiis. in Nazianz. orat. 31.
• * 1.1620

  Nazianz. o∣rat. 31.
• * 1.1621

  5. Time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 flyeth.
• * 1.1622

  6. Time be hide••h.
• * 1.1623

  Hist. Eccles. cent. 4. lib. ••. cap. 16.
• * 1.1624

  Theodoret, hi••••. Eccl. l. 1. c. 26.
• * 1.1625

  Orat. 31.
• * 1.1626

  Orar. 33.
• * 1.1627

  Epist. 52.
• * 1.1628

  L. contra h••••∣res. c. 42.
• * 1.1629

  Epist. 1.
• * 1.1630

  In dialog. 1.
• * 1.1631

  Contra Eu tychen. l. 2.
• * 1.1632

  Nannius in ep ante ope∣ra Athanas.
• * 1.1633

  Orat. de vitâ e••us a viro docto script.
• * 1.1634

  Hyper. de stud. theol. l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.1635

  Nazianz. Orat. 31.
• * 1.1636

  Sixt. Senens. lib 4.
• * 1.1637

  Nazianz ib.
• * 1.1638

  Ep. 49. & 51
• * 1.1639

  Hist. sac. 1. 2.
• * 1.1640

  Epist. 1.
• * 1.1641

  De Script. Eccles. Scul••e••▪ in Medul••.
• * 1.1642

  Nannius in ep. ante op. Athanas.
• * 1.1643

  Epist. 1.
• * 1.1644

  Pratum spi∣ritu••l. c. 40.
• * 1.1645

  I•• ••p. nuncu. pat••ante op. Athanas.
• * 1.1646

  Cont. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1647

  Hist. Eccles. lib. 3. c. 31.
• * 1.1648

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1649

  In Catalog.
• * 1.1650

  Sculter. in Medull.
• * 1.1651

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1652

  Bellarm. ib.
• * 1.1653

  Perk. prob.
• * 1.1654

  Theod. hist Eccle. l. 4. c. 3
• * 1.1655

  Ri••et. crit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scul••et. in Medull.
• * 1.1656

  De script. E••cles.
• * 1.1657

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4. Possevin. in apparat.
• * 1.1658

  Cent. 4. c. 10
• * 1.1659

  Possev. in ap.
• * 1.1660

  Scul. in med.
• * 1.1661

  In medul.
• * 1.1662

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.1663

  Scult. in medul. ••
• * 1.1664

  Photius in Biblioth.
• * 1.1665

  Cent. 4. c. 10. Perk. prob.
• * 1.1666

  Ibid.
• * 1.1667

  Scult. in Medull.
• * 1.1668

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1669

  Scultet. in Medull. cen∣sur. patr.
• * 1.1670

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1671

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1672

  Perkins. pro∣blem.
• * 1.1673

  In apparat.
• * 1.1674

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1675

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1676

  In catalog. In Schol. in Hieronym. catalog.
• * 1.1677

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1678

  Scultet. ibid.
• * 1.1679

  In 1 Timoth. digress. l. ••. c. 4.
• * 1.1680

  Bellar. de script. Eccl.
• * 1.1681

  In Biblioth. lib. 4.
• * 1.1682

  In conclus. comment. in Psalm. Perutilem sanè libel∣lum dedit A∣thanasius in quo usum et finem quo∣rumcunque psalmor••m compen∣diosè mon∣stravit. Hyper. dera∣tjon. stud. Theol. in praeparat. ad demonstrat. problem.
• * 1.1683

  Perkins. ib. cent. 4. c. 10. et Coci cens.
• * 1.1684

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1685

  Perkins pro∣blem.
• * 1.1686

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.1687

  In biblioth. lib. 4.
• * 1.1688

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1689

  Coci censur.
• * 1.1690

  Bellarm. de script. Ec∣cles. Scultet. in Medull. et Rivet. in crit. sac.
• * 1.1691

  Perkins. pro∣blem.
• * 1.1692

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1693

  Perkins pro∣blem. Scult. in Medull.
• * 1.1694

  Scultet. in Medull. Co∣ci censur. Rivet. crit. Sac.
• * 1.1695

  In Medull.
• * 1.1696

  Ibid.
• * 1.1697

  Perkins pro∣blem.
• * 1.1698

  Symbolum hoe vulgò tribui solet Athanasio: certè cum Athanasii scriptis, im∣primis verò sacris literis per omnia conveniens est▪ Pelarg. in Symbol. A∣than. in Me∣dull.
• * 1.1699

  In symbol. Athanas. Athanasii doctrina et scriptorum omnium summa in symbola comprehen∣sa est. Chy∣traeus. ••de stud. Theol.
• * 1.1700

  Scultet. in Medull.
• * 1.1701

  Ibid.
• * 1.1702

  Ibid. cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1703

  Bellar. de script. Eccl.
• * 1.1704

  Scult. in Medul.
• * 1.1705

  Scult. in Medul.
• * 1.1706

  Rivet. Crit. Sac.
• * 1.1707

  Bellar de scrip. Eccles.
• * 1.1708

  Cent. 4 c. 10.
• * 1.1709

  In bibli. l. 4.
• * 1.1710

  Possevin. in apparat.
• * 1.1711

  Bellar. de scrip. Eccles.
• * 1.1712

  In censur.
• * 1.1713

  Jam. of the corrupt ••f the Fathers.
• * 1.1714

  Rivet. Crit. Sac.
• * 1.1715

  Ibid.
• * 1.1716

  In vitâ A∣thanas▪ in Catalog.
• * 1.1717

  In Medull.
• * 1.1718

  In Synopsi.
• * 1.1719

  De script. Eccles.
• * 1.1720

  Possevin. in apparat. Scul. in med. Riv. crit. sac. Bellar. de scrip. Eccles.
• * 1.1721

  Bellar. de scrip. Eccles. Riv. crit. sac.
• * 1.1722

  Vigil. l. 5. ad••er. Euty. Raynolds de libris Apoc. praelect. 22. Perk. prob.
• * 1.1723

  Cent. 4 c. 10.
• * 1.1724

  Possev. in ap. Bennius in notis in has ep. tom. 1. concil.
• * 1.1725

  Cent. 4. c. 9.
• * 1.1726

  C••ci censur.
• * 1.1727

  In Chronico.
• * 1.1728

  Treat. of the Fathers. c. 3.
• * 1.1729

  Lect. ante vol. ••. edit. Paris.
• * 1.1730

  Ibid.
• * 1.1731

  Ibid.
• * 1.1732

  Trithem. de scrip. Eccles. Bellar. de scrip. Eccles.
• * 1.1733

  Sixt. Senens. •• 4. ib. ubi. suprà.
• * 1.1734

  Phot. in biblioth.
• * 1.1735

  Sixt Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1736

  Nannius in ep. ante op. Athanas.
• * 1.1737

  Anonym. in vit•• ejus. Photius, in blblioth.
• * 1.1738

  Anonym. in vit•• ejus.
• * 1.1739

  In Orat. 31.
• * 1.1740

  Pelarg. in Symbol. Athanas.
• * 1.1741

  In his trea∣tise of Fun∣damentals.
• * 1.1742

  In Synopsi.
• * 1.1743

  Whitak. de script. Apo∣cryph. q. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.1744

  Orat. contra idola, et or. 2. contra A∣rian.
• * 1.1745

  Lib. de in. carnat. verb. Dei.
• * 1.1746

  Epist. ad A∣d••lphium.
• * 1.1747

  Orat. 4. con∣tra A••ian.
• * 1.1748

  In orat. Christum esse unum.
• * 1.1749

  Ep. ad Serap. Sp. S. non esse creaturam.
• * 1.1750

  Ep. ad Or∣thodox. in persecut.
• * 1.1751

  Apol. ad Im∣pe••at. Con∣stantium.
• * 1.1752

  De fuga•• sua••.
• * 1.1753

  Epist. ad▪ ••o••∣litar. vit. a∣gentes.
• * 1.1754

  Epist. de in∣carnat. Chr••∣sti advers. Apollina••.
• * 1.1755

  Ibid.
• * 1.1756

  Tractat. d•• Salut. Ad∣vent. Christi.
• * 1.1757

  In E••ar. in Mat. 11. 27
• * 1.1758

  Orat contra idola.
• * 1.1759

  In Apolog. ad Constan••▪
• * 1.1760

  Lib. de in∣carnat. verb. Dei. contra P. Samosat.
• * 1.1761

  Gent. 4. c. 4. in med. part. ••. c. 16.
• * 1.1762

  Orat. 3. con∣tra Arian.
• * 1.1763

  Socrat. lib. 4. c. 16.
• * 1.1764

  In vita ejus ab incerto Authore.
• * 1.1765

  Osiard. ep. hist. Eccles.
• * 1.1766

  Socrat. lib 4. c. 16. Baron. Annal.
• * 1.1767

  Antonin. hist. part. 2. cap. 3.
• * 1.1768

  Nomenclat. Geograph. ad Caesar. comment.
• * 1.1769

  In commen. de bello Gallic. l. 1. Plin. l. 4. c. 17 S••rab. l. 4. Pomp. Mela. l •• c. 2. Mag. in Geog l. 4.
• * 1.1770

  Antonin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••art 2. cap. 3.
• * 1.1771

  Cent. 4. c. 10
• * 1.1772

  Hilar. de Trinit. l. 1.
• * 1.1773

  Bellar. de scrip. Eccles.
• * 1.1774

  Bin concil. tom. 1.
• * 1.1775

  Sulp. Sever. hist. l. 2. vir sanè pessi∣mus, & in∣genio malo pravó{que} ve∣rùm etiam praeter h••re∣sis infamiam multis at{que} infandis cri∣minibus con∣victus, Ec∣clesia e••e∣ctus est. Angelocra∣tor. ep. conc.
• * 1.1776

  Sulp. Sever. lib. 2.
• * 1.1777

  Bin. Tom. 1. Concil.
• * 1.1778

  Ibid. Sulpit. Sever.
• * 1.1779

  Sulp. Sever. ib. c. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1780

  Euseb. Ver∣cel. est vir omni vitâ Deo serviens Hil. ad Con∣stantium. l. 2.
• * 1.1781

  Sozom. l. 15. c. 10.
• * 1.1782

  Anton. part. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.1783

  Ruffin. hist. lib. 1. c. 21.
• * 1.1784

  Trithem. de script.
• * 1.1785

  Erasm. epist. ant. Hilar.
• * 1.1786

  Apolog. adv. Ruff. lib. 2.
• * 1.1787

  In proaem. comment. in Galat. lib. 2. Ruff. lib. 1. c. 31.
• * 1.1788

  Erasm. ubi supra.
• * 1.1789

  Anton. hist. part. 2.
• * 1.1790

  Baron. ad an. 356. Bellar. de script. Eccl.
• * 1.1791

  Erasm. epist. ant. Hilar.
• * 1.1792

  Sulp. Sever. lib. 2.
• * 1.1793

  Sulp. Sev. ib.
• * 1.1794

  Erasm. epist. ant. Hilar. Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1795

  Ruff. hist. lib. 1. c. 31.
• * 1.1796

  Biblioth. lib. 4. epist. ad Magnum. 84.
• * 1.1797

  Ruff. ubi su∣pra.
• * 1.1798

  Trithem. de script.
• * 1.1799

  Lib. de Sy∣nod. advers. Arian.
• * 1.1800

  Lib. 3. c 13.
• * 1.1801

  Erasm. in e∣pist. ant. Hil.
• * 1.1802

  Ep••ad Mar∣cellam, num. 141.
• * 1.1803

  Ibid.
• * 1.1804

  In epist. ante opera Chry∣sostom.
• * 1.1805

  In epist. ad Ludovic. Imperat. de Judaie. su∣perstitioni∣bus.
• * 1.1806

  Nicaeus. in auctario. de script. Eccl.
• * 1.1807

  Biblioth. pa∣trum.
• * 1.1808

  Hierouym. Apol. 1. adv. Ruffin.
• * 1.1809

  Hierouym. ibid.
• * 1.1810

  Hieron. in catalog.
• * 1.1811

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1812

  In catalog.
• * 1.1813

  Ibid.
• * 1.1814

  Apol. pro l••∣bris. advers. Jovinlan.
• * 1.1815

  In Schol. in Apol. istam.
• * 1.1816

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1817

  Hieron. epist ad Magnum num. 84.
• * 1.1818

  Erasm. in ep. ante Hilar. Possev. in ap∣parat.
• * 1.1819

  Sulp. Sever. lib. 2.
• * 1.1820

  Erasm. in e∣pist. praedict.
• * 1.1821

  Trithem. de script.
• * 1.1822

  Trith, ibid. Berg. chron.
• * 1.1823

  Ibid.
• * 1.1824

  In epist. ant. Hilar.
• * 1.1825

  Sac. hist. l. 2.
• * 1.1826

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1827

  Ibid.
• * 1.1828

  Rivet. crit. sac.
• * 1.1829

  Hilarius qui∣dam, non Pi∣ctaviensis e∣piscopus sed Romanus di∣aconus denuo hanc Camari∣nam movit. Pamel. in vi∣ta Cypriani.
• * 1.1830

  In dialog. adv. Lucife∣rian.
• * 1.1831

  Victorius. in Schol. in loc.
• * 1.1832

  Cent. 4. c. 10. Chemnit. in or. de lect patrum.
• * 1.1833

  Erasm. in ep. ant. Hilar.
• * 1.1834

  Erasm. ibid.
• * 1.1835

  Socrat. h. l. 5. c. 12. Theo∣dor. l. 3. c. 14.
• * 1.1836

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1837

  In epist. ant. Hiiar.
• * 1.1838

  In catalog.
• * 1.1839

  De script. Eccless.
• * 1.1840

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1841

  In catalog.
• * 1.1842

  Erasm. ant. Hilar. epist.
• * 1.1843

  In or. de lect parr. ante loc. com.
• * 1.1844

  E••asm in e∣pist ant. Hi••
• * 1.1845

  Sixt. Senens. biblioth. l. 4.
• * 1.1846

  Ibid.
• * 1.1847

  In catalog.
• * 1.1848

  In biblioth. lib. 4.
• * 1.1849

  In ep••st. ant. Hilar.
• * 1.1850

  Ep. ad Fl••∣rentium. num. 6.
• * 1.1851

  Fra••n in ep. ant. Hilar. ••t 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.1852

  Eras••. ibid.
• * 1.1853

  De poetis.
• * 1.1854

  Bellat. de script. Ecci.
• * 1.1855

  In catalog. libr. Hilar. in edit. Erasm. Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1856

  Ibid.
• * 1.1857

  R••v. crit. sac.
• * 1.1858

  De script. Ecclef.
• * 1.1859

  Riv. crit. sac.
• * 1.1860

  Ibid.
• * 1.1861

  Bellar. de script. Ecci.
• * 1.1862

  Riv. crit. sac.
• * 1.1863

  Ad an. 352.
• * 1.1864

  Riv crit. sac. Bellar. de script. Eccl.
• * 1.1865

  Biblioth. Patr. gr 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tom. 1.
• * 1.1866

  Calvin. ep. 339.
• * 1.1867

  Erasm. in ep. ant. Hilar.
• * 1.1868

  Hieron. ep. 13. ad Pauli∣••um.
• * 1.1869

  Biblioth. l. 4.
• * 1.1870

  Hieron. epist 84. ad Mag∣num.
• * 1.1871

  In epist ant. Hilar.
• * 1.1872

  Sixt. Senens. lib. 4.
• * 1.1873

  Ad Constan. l. 3. sub sinem
• * 1.1874

  In Psal. 132.
• * 1.1875

  De trin. l. ••.
• * 1.1876

  In Psal. 2.
• * 1.1877

  ••e Trin. l. 4.
• * 1.1878

  ••n Psal. 2.
• * 1.1879

  De Trin. lib. 10▪
• * 1.1880

  De Trinit. lib. 10.
• * 1.1881

  In Psal. 66.
• * 1.1882

  In Matth. Canon. 27.
• * 1.1883

  In vita Go∣belini Per∣sonae. vixit. ann. 1420.
• * 1.1884

  De Trin. l. 8.
• * 1.1885

  Tit. 1. ••.
• * 1.1886

  In Psal. 140▪
• * 1.1887

  In Psal. 125.
• * 1.1888

  Lib. 2. de Trinitat.
• * 1.1889

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1890

  De Trinit; lib. 10.
• * 1.1891

  Ibid.
• * 1.1892

  Cent. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.1893

  Do Trin. l. ••
• * 1.1894

  De Trin. lib. 12.
• * 1.1895

  In Psal. 118.
• * 1.1896

  Ibid.
• * 1.1897

  Cent. 4. c. 10. Osiand. epit. hist. Eccles.
• * 1.1898

  Cent. 4. l. 3. c. 18.
• * 1.1899

  Sulpit. Sever. l. 2.
• * 1.1900

  Bucholcer. Chron. Baron. annal.