A paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the New Testament briefly explaining all the difficult places thereof / by H. Hammond.

CHAP. XVII.

1. AND there came one of the seven Angels which had the seven vials, and talked with me, saying unto me, Come hither, I will shew unto thee the judgment of the great whore, that sitteth upon many waters,]

[Paraphrase] 1. And another vision I saw to the same purpose. One of those executioners of God's wrath came unto me, saying, I will shew thee the vengeance that is ready to befall the Imperial dignity of Rome, fitly entitled the great whore, (great in it self, and whore for their impieties against God, their worship of many heathen gods, directly ow∣ning that title, as an harlot is she that takes in many others in stead of the one husband) sitting, that is, ruling, over many waters, that is, much people, having many nations under her dominion.

2. With whom the Kings of the earth have committed fornication, and the in∣habitants of the earth have been made drunk with the wine of her fornication.]

[Paraphrase] 2. From the power and authority whereof many other kingdomes (see c. 13. 14.) have been confirmed and fortified in their idolatrous courses, and had their false worship propaga∣ted to them, the whole Roman Empire running mad after her vile heathen practices.

3. So he carried me away in the Spirit into the wildernesse: and I saw [note a] a wo∣man sit upon a scarlet-coloured beast, full of names of blasphemy, having seven heads and [note b] ten horns.]

[Paraphrase] 3. And in this vision me∣thought I was in a desart, (fit to represent the desolation that was to be expressed in that vision) and there I saw what he had promised me, v. 1. a woman, that great whore mentioned there, the Imperial power of Rome heathen, seated on an Emperor in a scarlet robe, a great blasphemer against the true God, and advancer of Idolatry, and he had seven heads, (the city of Rome built on seven hills) and ten horns, that is, so many other Kings that ruled over divers countries, and were confederate with the Roman Emperor.

4. And the woman was arrayed in purple and scarlet colour, and* 1.1 decked with gold, and precious stone, and pearls, having a golden cup in her hand, full of ab∣ominations and filthinesse of her fornication.]

[Paraphrase] 4. And this Roman power was in great prosperity, much sumptuousnesse was bestowed upon their Idol-worship, and all manner of abominable filthinesse was committed therein.

5. And upon her forehead was a name written, [note c] Mysterie, Babylon the great, the mother of† 1.2 harlots, and abominations of the earth.]

[Paraphrase] 5. Which being so fre∣quent and acknowledged in their secreter devotions, are best described by the word Mysterie, which was the word which the Greeks used for their uncleanest meetings, and by Babylon (see note on ch. 14. c. and ch. 18. a.) which of old was famous for these, and so destroyed. From hence came all the Idolatry of the other cities, see v. 2.

6. And I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the Saints, and with the blood of the Martyrs of Jesus: and when I saw her, I wondred with great admiration.]

[Paraphrase] 6. And beside her Idola∣tries and uncleannesse, she was represented as a great per∣secuter of Christians, (see c. 1. d.) At this sight of a woman thus represented, in all glory, and then drunk with blood, and vomiting it out, I was much astonished.

7. And the Angel said unto me, Wherefore didst thou marvel? I will tell thee the mysterie of the woman, and of the beast that carrieth her, which hath the seven heads and ten horns.]

[Paraphrase] 7. And the Angel that shewed it me, v. 1. told me the interpretation of it, viz. that it was designed by God to represent the Roman heathen power, the seven hills on which it was built, and the ten Kings consederate with it.

8. The beast that thou sawest, was, and is not, and shall ascend out of the bot∣tomelesse pit, and go into perdition: and they that dwell on the earth shall won∣der, (whose names were not written in the book of life from the foundation of the world) when they behold the beast [note d] which was, and is not,* 1.3 and yet is.]

[Paraphrase] 8. And the scarlet beast v. 3. on whom this power is seated, and which blasphemeth and desieth the God of hea∣ven, that is, the person of the Emperor, in whom this power is vested, at the time to which this part of the vision refers, (see note a.) is one which was in power, but at this point of time, that is, after Vespasian's return out of Judaea, was out of it, but shall come to it again, sent, as it were, out of hell, to persecute the Christians. And when he, that is Domitian, shall have delivered up the Empire again to Vespasian, upon his return out of Judaea, and for some years become a private man again; this shall be matter of great admi∣ration and astonishment to all that are not Christians, wheresoever they are, seeing by this means that the persecuter of Chri∣stians is gone out of power (and when he comes in again, shall not continue long, but himself be cruelly butchered, v. 8. and 11.) and Vespasian, a favourer of the Christians, but destroyer of the Jews, is come in again, even while Domitian was alive, which made it the more strange.

9. And here is the† 1.4 mind which hath wisdome; The seven heads are seven mountains, on which the woman sitteth.]

[Paraphrase] 9. This is the meaning of the riddle; The seven heads are the seven hills, which are so famously known in Rome.

10. And* 1.5 there are seven Kings, five are fallen, and one is, and the other is not yet come; and when he cometh, he must continue a short space.]

[Paraphrase] 10. And beside they denote the seven Kings or Emperors thereof, (that have had any thing to doe with the Christians) which are here to be numbred from the time of the beginning of these visions, till this of the writing of them: Of them five are dead, all of violent deaths, poisoned, or killed by them∣selves or others, viz. Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, one then reigned, viz. Vespasian, and a seventh was not yet come to the Kingdome, viz. Titus, who when he should come to it, should reign but two years and two moneths.

11. And the beast that was, and is not, even he is the eighth, and is of the se∣ven, and goeth into perdition.]

[Paraphrase] 11. And Domitian, descri∣bed v. 8. as he that was, and is not, that is, one that in Vespasian's time, while he was busie in other parts, exercised all power at Rome, and was called Em∣peror, is the eighth, that is, comes to the Empire after those seven, being the son of one of them, to wit of Vespasian (in whose time also he held the government of Rome) and this a wretched accursed person, a cruel bloody persecuter of the Chri∣stians, and shall be punish'd accordingly.

12. And the ten horns which thou sawest are ten Kings, which have received no kingdome as yet, but receive power▪ as Kings one hour with the beast.]

[Paraphrase] 12. As for the ten Kings of the barbarous nations, no∣ted by the ten horns, v. 3. those which (though after v. 16. they shared the Roman Empire, yet) as yet had not done so, had no Kingdome as yet within the Roman Territory, they for a small time complied with the Roman power.

13. These have one mind, and shall give their strength and power unto the beast.]

[Paraphrase] 13. And did as the Em∣peror did, persecuted the Christians in their Territories.

14. These shall make [note e] war with the Lamb, and the Lamb shall overcome them: for he is Lord of lords, and King of kings, and they that are with him are called and chosen and faithfull.]

[Paraphrase] 14. And having done so, they shall ••re long be subdu∣ed to the Christian faith, ac∣cording to God's promise that Christ should be King of kings, &c. that is, that Kings and Potentates should be subdued un∣to him, and (according to the reasonablenesse of it) that the Christian faith consisting of nothing but pat••ence and perseverance under persecutions, without any resisting, or rebelling against the persecutors, should at length approve it self to Kings and Po∣tentates, and prevail upon them to embrace the faith of Christ.

15. And he saith unto me, The waters which thou sawest, where the whore sit∣teth, are peoples, and multitudes, and nations, and tongues.

16. And the ten horns which thou sawest upon the beast, these shall hate the whore, and shall [note f] make her desolate and naked, and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with fire.]

[Paraphrase] 15, 16 And he saith, unto me, the waters, that is, the people of several nations, that were under the Roman Em∣perour so lately, a nd the ten Kings of those nations that had no power or kingdome within the Roman Territories, v. 12. shall invade the Roman Empire, and at length spoil the City of all the bravery, and deprive them of many of their former dominions, and set the City (a third part of it c. 16. 19.) on fire, (see Procop. Vand. l. 1.)

17. For [note g] God shall put in their hearts† 1.6 to fulfill his will, and to agree, and give their kingdome unto the beast, until the words of God shall be fulfilled.]

[Paraphrase] 17. And all this an emi∣nent act of God's providence, both that all those nations should first confederate with the Romans, and also that they should now break off, and execute God's vengeance upon them.

18. And the woman which thou sawest; is that great city which* 1.7 reigneth over the Kings of the earth.]

[Paraphrase] 18. And the woman which thou sawest, is the Roman power, which hath many Princes under her, or the Empire of Rome and the world.

Annotations on Chap. XVII.

[ a] * 1.8 V. 3. A woman sit upon a scarlet—] That the beast here must signifie the Idolatrous heathen worship, may be thought, by comparing this verse with c. 13. 1. There the beast, whereby that is acknowledged to be represented, is said to have seven heads, and ten horns, and upon the heads the name of blasphemy: And so here, much to the same purpose, the beast is full of names of blasphemy, having seven heads and ten horns. But it must be observed first, that there are more beasts then one mendon'd in these Visions, and not all signi∣fying the same, but visibly divers things, and that diffe∣rence observable from other circumstances. As first, here is the addition of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 scarlet-coloured, which refers to the colour of the Imperial robe, which was such, saith Pliny Nat. hist. l. 22. 2. And so that in∣clines it to signifie the Emperor in this place: and though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a beast, may seem a m••an title to repre∣sent so great a person, yet when it is considered, that rage and cruelty, and all manner of uncleannesse, may be found in an heathen Idolatrous Emperour, all these be∣ing so fit to be represented by a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or wild beast, such an Emperour as this may well own that title. And so when Julian introduceth C. Caligula, it is in this style, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an evil beast suc∣ceeds, in his Sa••yre against the Caesars; and in like man∣ner of Vindex, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 these beasts; and of Domitian, with a peculiar Epithet, to denote his cruelty (such as was Proverbially obser∣ved in Phalaris) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Sicilian beast, and again, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the bloody beast, exactly parallel to the scarlet-coloured beast in this place. Se∣condly, here is a woman sitting upon that beast,* 1.9 which makes it differ again from that representation, c. 13. And this woman appears to be the whore in the first verse of this chapter: for being there told by the An∣gel, that he shall see the judgement of the great whore, it follows immediately, he carried me, and I saw a woman, &c. Now that this woman or great whore is the Imperial power of heathen Rome, appears by her sitting upon many waters,* 1.10 sitting there noting rule and dominion as the many waters is great multitudes of people) and so by the Kings of the earth committing for∣nication with her, v. 2. Agreeable to which it is, that the beast whereon she sits should be the person of the Emperour, in whom that power was vested, or seated, as we say; which is farther express'd, v. 7. by the beasts carrying the woman,* 1.11 the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 there being that which belongs to carrying of burthens, &c. on shoulders, and that, we know, is figuratively applied to power or government, Is. 9. 6. the government shall be upon his shoulders. And so likewise by verse 18. it is as evident that the woman is that great Imperial City which reigneth over the Kings of the earth. As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the names of blasphemy,* 1.12 they are most signally appliable to Domitian, who cal∣led himself Lord God (see c. 13. Note c.) and opposed the true God, and set up many false idol-gods in defi∣ance of him, which is the most real blasphemy, and is so styled by the Author of the book of Maccabees. And to conclude, that this beast here is a person, and an Emperour (and not the heathen worship, ch. 13. 1.) it is evident by v. 11. where, of the Kings mention'd v. 10. this beast is said to be the eighth; and by the ad∣dition of he that was, and is not, it is as clear, that it was Domitian at the time when he had delivered up the Empire to his Father Vespasian at his return from Ju∣daea, being shortly to return to it again. Which with the rest of the description of him v. 8. is appliable to no other but to him: see Note d.

[ b] * 1.13 Ib. Ten horns] That these ten horns, or Kings, were those barbarous nations that lay on the North of the Euxin sea, and of Danubius, and the Rhene, (which were the ordinary bounds of the Roman Empire on that side) the number of them will sufficiently evince. Pro∣copius reckons them up to that number of ten, Ostrogo∣thi, Wisigothi, Vandali, Gepidae, Longobardi, Heruli, Burgundions, Huns, Frank••, Saxons. Of these it is said, v. 12.* 1.14 that they were ten Kings 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which had not yet received the kingdome. This cannot be understood, that they had as yet (in that point of time to which the Vision belonged) no dominions of their own,* 1.15 for they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ten Kings, and it is evident in story, that those bar∣barous Nations had their several Kings in that time. The meaning then must be, that they had as yet no dominion within the Roman Territorie, (but only made sudden incursion•• into it) their receiving the King∣dome being when they shared the Empire among them. So the Fathers in the time of persecution interpreted it, Romani imperii abscessio in decem reges dispersa, saith Tertullian, The departure of the Roman Empire disper∣sed into ten Kings: & decem regibus, in quos dividetur quod nunc regnat imperium, saith Irenaeus, The ten Kings into which the Empire, which now reigns, shall be divided. And then, before they came to this having a kingdome, dominion in the Roman Territories, it is said of them,* 1.16 that as Kings they receive power with the beast, that is, join and comply, and act with the beast, assist heathen Rome in persecuting the Christians, (but that only 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 one hour,* 1.17 a small short while) which is farther express'd by having one mind,* 1.18 and giving their strength and power to the beast. What point of time it was when this was done, being but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for a short space, is the onely matter of difficulty. And here first, it is clear, that this time here pointed to is before they took kingdomes within the Roman Ter∣ritorie, both by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they had not yet received the kingdome; and because when they did so,

they did make desolate and eat her flesh,* 1.19 v. 16. and therefore the Vulgar Latines reading, post bestiam after the beast, (as if it were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) must needs be an error. Secondly, it must be before the Em∣perours became Christian; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the beast signify∣ing the Roman Idolatry, not simply, but having power and persecuting Christians, their giving that power to the beast supposes it to be while it is the beast, that is, heathen and persecuting. Thirdly, it must be before these barbarous nations had received the faith, for after, they would not join with the beast; and that is an ar∣gument again, that it was before they got possession of any piece of the Roman dominion: for it is manifest in story, that a great part of these nations were Chri∣stians, though Arians, before that. For the first of them that came on the South of Ister, (which is Danu∣bius, when it toucheth upon Illyricum) were those who in the time of Valens obtained of him to come into Thracia, and to dwell on that side of Ister, and to defend that limit of the Empire against the other Goths that were Pagans; see▪ Theodor. 1. 4. c. ult. So∣zom. l. 6. c. 3, 7. Paulus Diaconus hist. Miscel. l. 12. c. 14. and Ammian. Marcel. And from these Arian Goths swarmed afterwards those which invaded Italy, Africk, Spain. As for the short incursions which the Goths made into Asia, or the Franks into Gallia, in the time of Gallienus and of Claudius, wherein the Christians suffered much by them, (and the space would fit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 well) that cannot be it neither, be∣cause then they did not give their strength and power to the beast. Fourthly, then that which is the most pro∣bable is this, That the Christian religion was propa∣gated among those barbarous people, and was not pub∣lickly persecuted by them, whiles the Roman Empe∣rours from time to time did most bloodily pursue it. That it was spread among them, that one place in Tertullian adv. Jud. c. 8. may suffice. Et Britan∣norum inaccessa loca Romanis, Christo ver•• subdita, & Sarmatarum, & Dacorum, & Germanorum, & Scytharum, & abditarum multarum Gentium, &c. The places which the Romans had not come to were subdued to Christ, the Britans, the Sarmatians, the Dacians, the Scythians, the Germans, and many se∣cret Nations. Which words do plainly point at those very nations which afterwards overrun the Empire. And there are not related any persecutions in those parts, which would not have been altogether omitted in Ecclesiastical history, if there had been any publick authoritative persecution there. And it is observable here in England, from the days of King Lucius until the reign of Diocletian, (when Alban the Proto∣martyr of England suffered) the Christians continued in peace and quietnesse. See Bede Eccl. hist. l. 1. c. 4. Hereupon it may be collected that Diocletian being a violent and furious persecuter, that extended his persecutions to all parts of his Empire, at least in the two last years of his reign, a vigorous and active Prince, that enlarged the limits of the Empire, parti∣cularly to those Northern parts, Daciâ restitutâ por∣rectis usque ad Danubii caput Germaniae Rhetiaeque limitibus, having recovered Dacia, and reach'd out the limits of Germany and Rhetia as far as the head of Danubius, as it is said of him in the Panegyrick ad Dioclet. & Maximian. (and more particularly Pom∣ponius Laetus in that short history which he gives of Dioc••etian, speaks to the very point of time, Diocle∣tianus, rebus toto Oriente compositis, Europam repetiit, ubi jam Scythae, Sarmata, Alani & Basterna jugum subiverant, una cum Carpis, Cattis & Quadis, &c. Diocletian having composed affairs over all the East, returned to Europe, where the Scythians, Sarmatians, Alans and Basternians, together with the Carpi, Catti and Quadi, and others had already undergone, and submitted to his yoke: so that at the time when he tri∣umphed for the Persian victory, these Northern people were brought under some yoke, which was in the eighteenth year of his Empire. See Euseb. in Chronic. and then in the same year he and Maximian contrived and decreed the general persecution over the whole Empire, which before that time was but in some parts. See Euseb. l. 8. c. 1. and 9.) From these considera∣tions, I say, it may be collected, that this was a time in which the Pagan bordering Princes might be stirred up in compliance with such Emperors, to persecute poor Christians within their Territories, and yet that perse∣cution last but a very short time; partly; because the condition of that sort of people is to be restlesse, and always attempting somewhat upon their neighbours that did thus awe them, being impatient of any yoke; and partly, because Diocletian resigned the Empire about two years after. That we cannot attain unto a full knowledge of the proceedings of that time, the reason of Baronius is good, because no writer of that time (who did set down by way of History the acti∣ons of Diocletian) is extant, the work of Claudius Eusthenius his Secretary, who did write the actions of him and his three collegues, being perished. In this obscurity of the time we can but guesse▪ but this con∣jecture is probable, and suits well with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the short space, and all other circumstances of the Context.

[ c] * 1.20 V. 5. Mysterie] The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies a se∣crecy. It is also an unclean word, set by Achilles Ta∣tius to signifie the nakednesse of a woman. Among the Gentiles it was used to denote their secretest Idol∣worships, their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which being for the most part very unclean and abominable, as in their Eleusinia sacra, &c. they were generally styled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and divided into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, their greater & lesser mysteries. These, faith Tertullian, the Gnosticks imitated, and had in their worships curtains drawn, and silence strictly kept to vail and keep secret what they did. Hence is it, that this word is here thought fit to expresse the Idolatry and heathen-worship of this city, which had generally this of uncleannesse join∣ed with it.

[ d] * 1.21 V. 8. d. Which was, and is not] That Domitian had and exercised all power at Rome in his Father Vespasian's time whilst he was employed abroad in Syria, &c. ap∣pears by Tacitus, who saith of him distinctly, Domi∣tianum Caesarem consalutatum, &c. that Domitian was saluted by the name of Caesar, Hist. l. 3. in fine, and nomen sedémque Caesaris Domitianus acceperat, Do∣mitian had received the name and throne of Caesar, l. 4. in initi••, and by all other writers of those times. At the return of Vespasian he was devested of his power; and so though he had been Emperor, and still continued alive at that point of time to which this part of the Vi∣sion refers, yet 'tis true of him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he is not: by which it may be guest at what time these Visions were writ∣ten, at least to what time this Vision refers, viz. to the time of Vespasian after his return out of Syria, the war being left unto Titus. And this distinctly appears v. 10. by the enumeration of the eight Emperours there, of which Claudius being the first, Nero second, Galba third, Otho fourth, Vitellius fifth, it is there said, five are fallen, and one is, that is, is now alive at this point of the Vision, viz. Vespasian, and Titus the seventh is not yet come, and after his short reign, then v. 11. follows this successor of his, Domitian, described, as here, by the title of, he which was, and is not, and is the eighth, (for so he was) and is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of,* 1.22 or, from, the seven, that is, the son or off spring of one of them, viz. of Vespasian. This person being a great persecutor of Christians, God's judgments were remarkably to fall upon him,* 1.23 which is the meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he goeth to perdition, v. 11. for he was butcher'd by his own servants: and Apollonius Tyaneus the great Magician is said to have cryed out at Ephesus

many miles off, at the minute when he was kill'd, Strike the Tyrant, strike the Tyrant, and to have told them, Believe it, the Emperour is kill'd this very mo∣ment; which the Devil, it seems, (whether from this and the like prophecies of God here, or by his speedy conveyance of what he saw, I cannot affirm) by his familiarity with that Magician enabled him thus to de∣clare.

[ e] * 1.24 V. 14. Warre with the Lamb] Warring with the Lamb, signifies opposing and persecuting Christianity; not as if there were set battels between them and Christians, but such as are supposeable against those whose principle was to suffer, not to resist the persecu∣ting Emperors, (under whom they were:) For this is the condition of the Lamb here to endure, to be slaugh∣ter'd, but not to fight again. This is here said of these ten Kings (confederate with the Romans) that they should thus war, that is, be used as souldiers to execute the Romans bloodinesse upon Christians: and this is true of the Goths and others, while they were con∣sederate with heathen Rome; though soon after they themselves came over to Christianity, (though most to Arianisme,) (Gothi per legatos supplices poposcerunt, ut illis Episccpi, à quibus Christiane fidei regulam dis∣cerent, mitterentur. Valens imperator Doctores Ari∣ani dogmatis misit. Gothi primae fidei rudimentum, quod accepere, tenuerunt, The Goths desired by their Embassadors, that Bishops might be sent them from whom they might learn the Rule of faith. Valens the Em∣perour sent them Arian Doctors. The Goths retained those rudiments which they first received, Oros l. 7. c. 33.) no doubt much forwarded therein by seeing the patience and constancy of Christian Martyrs, who have no o∣ther way to overcome their enemies, and so in that only respect are said to conquer them here, that is, to bring them to Christianity, and subject them to Christ's kingdome. For of Alaricus 'tis clear that he was then a Christian, and sent Embassies to Honorius by Bishops, (see Sozomen l. 9. c. 8.) and that Attalus was baptized by Sigesarius a Gothish Bishop, and by that was the dearer to Alaricus and all the Goths, c. 9. And that in reverence to S. Peter, Alaricus gave mercy to all those that fled to his Temple for Sanctu∣ary, and restored all that was taken out of the Church (by a Gothish souldier, who astonish'd with the rich∣nesse of the sight told Alaricus of it) and at the put∣ting all in their places, sung an hymne to God, Bar∣barians and Romans together, saith Orosius l. 7. c. 20. 39. and so 'tis clear of the greatest part of the army, of whom faith* 1.25 Orosius, Christiani fuere qui parcerent, &c. they were Christians that spared, Christians who were spared, Christians for the memory of whom there was any such thing as sparing. To the manifestation of this pertains that passage set down by* 1.26 Hieron. Ru∣beus, that Saul an Hebrew, or, as others affirme, a Pa∣gan, who had the chief command under Stilico, de∣signing to take advantage, and set upon the Goths when they were not prepared, did it upon Easter-day. And Alaricus discerning their approach, sent to desire he would deferre the fight till the morrow, in respect of the religion of the day, promising then to meet him. But Saul would not hearken to it, but set upon them un∣armed, and holding up their hands and eyes in prayer to heaven for aid, in tam sancti mysterii celebratione, in the performance of the duties of the day, and so killed many of them; till Alaricus after the space of an hour, saying that they had now satisfied the religion of the day, and exhorting his souldiers to follow him stoutly, brake in upon them with a great army, and repulsed and put them to flight; and if Honorius and Stilico had not come to their relief, eo omnino die de Ro∣ma t••rrarum domina, quae victori praemium er at futura, actum fuisset, Rome had been destroyed upon the Fate of that day.

[ f] * 1.27 V. 16. Make her desolate] The Goths and Vandals overrunning Italy and Rome it self, (Alaricus the Goth and Gensericus the Vandal Kings, and divers others, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, many Kings making insurrections, saith Sozomen) is famously known in story. See Socrat. 1. 7. c. 10. Sozom. 1. 9. c. 6. Of the spoils also that were made by them Historians are plentiful, especially Procopius. Of Alaricus and his, that they left nothing behind them, either of private or publick treasure, the Commander giving order to his souldiers, saith Sozomen l. 6. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to plunder all the wealth of the city, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as near as was pos∣sible to spoil every house. Of Gensericus, that he brought by sea to Carthage a vast deal of gold and silver; and that he robb'd the Temple of Jupiter Capi••olinus, or Olympius. So Socrates of Alaricus, that they took the city and rifled it, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, burnt many of those admirable spectacles. So also that they conquer'd many Pro∣vinces of the Romans, and possess'd them as their own, as Dacia, Pannonia, Thrace, Illyricum, France, Spain, Africk, Italy and Dalmatia, which is here called the eating of the flesh of the whore. As for their burning of the city, (though that signifie not their burning it all down to the ground, but onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 many buildings of the city, and in Socrates, the many admirable spectacles there) that is known to be done by Totilas at the first entring the city, though Bellisarius was a means that 'twas not all burnt down; see Procopius Goth. 4. and Sozomen l. 9. c. 6. This being done in the time of Honorius the Emperour, and Innocentius Bishop of Rome, & so in time of Christi∣anity, may be thought not to belong to heathen Rome. But then 'tis observable, 1. that by the providence of God not onely Honorius himself was out of the city, but that Innocentius (after the first taking of it, before the second) was like Lot out of Sodom (••aith Orosius l. 7. c. 39.) removed out of that city to Ravenna, where the Emperor was, on occasion of an Embassy mention'd by Sozomen l. 9. c. 7. and by Zozimus: 2^dly, that there were at that time very many pro∣fessors of Gentilisme there, in the Senate, not only in the city, as may appear by that passage in Sozomen, that at the first siege, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Gentiles of the Senate, or those of the heathen profes∣sion there, thought it necessary to worship and sacrifice in the Capitol and other heathen Temples (which 'tis clear were then among them) some Thuscian Magi be∣ing sent for by Aitalus the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Governour of the city, who promised by thunder and lightning to drive away the Barbarians. Continuò de repetendis sacris celebrandisque tractatur, Presently they entred into consultation about restoring their Gentile sacrifices, and offering them, Oros. l. 7. c. 38. And another passage there is in Sozomen c. 9. that upon the miscar∣riage of Attalus, (his losing that dignity of Emperour, of which he was so ambitious, that he would not be content to be a partner with Honorius) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. the Gentile Idolaters that were in the city, and those of the Arian party, were extremely troubled; the Gentiles guessing by Attalus's inclination and former course, (being but now lately become Christian, since from being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Governour of Rome, he was now joined with Alaricus, and christned by a Gothish Bishop) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, did verily believe that he would profess'dly favour and set up Gentilisme, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and restore the antient temples and feasts and sacrifices. And indeed 'tis clear by the passages of the story, that though the Heathens in Rome were the men that called Alaricus to their assistance, to take the pa∣tronage of them; yet by God's turning of things it ••el

out, that they beyond all others found the vengeance of his coming to light heavily upon them. Nay, 'tis Orosius's observation, that God permitted Alaricus to enter the city, that he might bring contumely and re∣proach upon the Idolaters or Heathens there, and give the triumph and victory to Christian religion over Gen∣tilisme, now conquer'd and laid prostrate; and that many Gentiles, or Pagans, astonish'd with what they saw thus brought to passe quite contrary to their ex∣pectation, turned Christians by this means, 1. 7. c. 39 Thirdly, it was the common complaint of the Gentiles at that time, that the reception of Christianity had pro∣voked the gods to send these vastations upon them, the direct contrary of which is at large shewed by Salvian De providentia, viz. that the Christians were the only preservers of the world: and indeed it is clear by the story, that had it not been for them Rome had been quite destroyed; for, saith Sozomen, Alaricus when he took it, commanded his souldiers to rifle the city, &c. but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, through reverence to S. Peter, he commanded that the Church built about his Tomb which takes up a great circuit, and could hold a great multi∣tude, should be a sanctuary to all that would make use of it: and so faith* 1.28 Orosius, Gothi, relict â intentione praedandi, ad confugia salutis (hoc est sanctorum loco∣rum) agmina ignara cogentes, The Goths gave over their intention of rifling, and forced troops of Christians, not knowing what they did, to save themselves by flying to consecrated places. (And I sidore adds, that of those that were by the souldiers found out of the Churches, as many as named the name of Christ, or the Christian Saints, were constantly spared by the souldiers, and that thus many thousands did escape.) By which means the Christians were generally delivered and saved from the general destruction, (and also with them some Gentiles, saith S. Augustine De civ. Dei l. 11. c. 1. which fled with the Christians to the monuments of the Martyrs and the Basilicae of the Apostles,) and so were the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or escapers here too, as before among the Jewes at the destruction of Jerusalem. And, as he saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. this was the cause that Rome was not quite destroyed, those that were saved there in that Sanctuary (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith he) being many, who afterward rebuilt the city, c. 9. And Sozomen c. 10. hath a famous story to this purpose of a young souldier, that having taken a very handsome Christian woman, and being by her constancy kept from defiling her, carryed her to the Basili••a, that so she might be safe from all others, and kept pure for her own husband. And S. Jerome on the other side tells of some Christians, which thinking by dissembling or concealing their re∣ligion to save themselves, were miserably used, but at last being discerned to be Christians, were released and carryed safe to the Basilica. See Jerom. Ep. 16. ad Princip. & Ep. 8. in the former mentioning this of Marcella and Principia, in the latter of Proba, Juli∣ana, and Demetrias. But then fourthly, (which is most to be considered) even the sins of Rome Christian at this time were so great, as most justly to bring these judgments upon them, those Gentile sins of all manner of unnatural villany being most frequent among them, which were with as much reason now to expect the fury of God's wrath to be poured out on such vile im∣pure Christians, as before we found the judgments that fell on the impenitent Jewes, to have lighted on the Gnostick Christians of that people and that age. To this purpose, 1. 'tis Sozomens's affirmation, that 'twas then the judgment of prudent men, that this that befel Rome, was from the wrath of God (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) as a punishment of what they had done upon themselves and strangers through sloth and inconti∣nence (which sure refers to the sins of Sodome, pride of the flesh, pampering and idleness, and the effects of that, all unnatural lusts both on themselves and strangers, as the Sodomites on the Angels that came among them, and therefore Orosius said of Innocentius, that he was rescued as Lot out of Sodome) though the Translator there make it to be but injustice and oppres∣sion of the poor, mistaking them for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 strangers there. 2^dly, 'Tis the joint affirmation of Socrates and Sozomen, that a Monk of Italy coming in hast to Rome, to intercede, and perswade Alaricus to spare the city, he answered him, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he did not voluntarily set upon this enterprise (just as Titus pro∣sess'd of Jerusalem) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but that some body continually importuned and enforced him, com∣manding him that he should destroy Rome, which at last he did. These are the words in Sozomen and in So∣crates to the same sense, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I go not a voluntier about this businesse, but some body is very troublesome to me, tormenting me, and saying, Go, and destroy the city of Rome: which as it is the clearing of those words here v. 17. God put into their hearts, &c. so it signifies the great sins of this place, which thus brought God's judgments upon them. 3^dly, 'Tis the plain acknowledgement of Salvian every where throughout his books De Providentia, that the impieties of Christians were so great, and particularly those abominable commissions and customary practices of all unnatural uncleannesses, (which have been con∣stantly the destroying not only of the Canaanites, &c. but of the Jewes and the Christians) that it was God's will they should thus be punished by the Barbarians, who though they were very weak and slothful, not sit for war at all, in comparison of the Romans, yet were, saith he, more chast and pure then they, and so were appointed by God to be scourges of them. See l. 7. And again, that the Barbarians being Christians, though Arians, were much more tolerable then these, which though not all Arians, were many very abomi∣nable livers.

[ g] * 1.29 V. 17. God shall put in their hearts] The strange∣nesse of this iudgment on that city, and the immediate hand of God in it, will appear (beside what hath been said of some body molesting, and forcing Alaricus to it Note i.) by these three things. 1. By the sudden∣nesse of the taking of it, so suddenly, that when word was brought to Honorius to Ravenna, that Rome was destroyed, he thought they had meant a cock called by that name Roma, as Prosper hath it in Chronice: and this is referred to in the Vision, c. 18. 10. For in one day thy judgment cometh, and v. 19. for in one houre she is be∣come desolate. 2^dly, That they made such speed in rifling it, that when one would think three years had been little enough to obey Alaricus's command, in searching out and taking away all the treasure of the city, all* 1.30 Historians agree, that they were but three days about it; onely Marcellinus saith, that the sixth day after Alaricus entred he went out again. 3^dly, That Alaricus having thus taken, and rifled, and possess'd the city, should neither stay in it and keep it, nor go on with his army against the Emperour, but absolutely retire, so soon after so strange a successe; as if God that had sent him on this message or service on purpose, and never suffered him to be quiet till he had done it, as soon as the work was done for which he sent him, had im∣mediately recalled him, and not permitted him to goe one step farther, and so only used him as a means to de∣liver up the city to the Christians, the Idolaters being ge∣nerally destroyed out of it by this means, and the Christi∣ans as generally preserved.

Notes

• * 1.1

  embroide∣red, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• † 1.2

  or whore∣domes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so Arethas and the antient Latin.
• * 1.3

  although it be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• † 1.4

  sense 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.5

  they are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• † 1.6

  to do his pleasure, & to make one decree or edict 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.7

  hath the kingdome 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.8

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.9

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.10

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.11

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.12

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.13

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.14

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.15

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.16

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.17

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.18

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.19

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.20

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.21

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.22

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.23

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.24

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.25

  l. 11. c. 10.
• * 1.26

  Hist. ••aven ••. 2. p. 64.
• * 1.27

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.28

  lib. 2. c. 19.
• * 1.29

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 1.30

  See Orosius l. 7. c. 39.