A paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the New Testament briefly explaining all the difficult places thereof / by H. Hammond.

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A paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the New Testament briefly explaining all the difficult places thereof / by H. Hammond.
Author
Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660.
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London :: Printed by J. Flesher for Richard Davis,
1659.
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Bible. -- N.T. -- Commentaries.
Bible. -- N.T. -- Paraphrases, English.
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"A paraphrase and annotations upon all the books of the New Testament briefly explaining all the difficult places thereof / by H. Hammond." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A45436.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 16, 2024.

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CHAP. XVI.

1. AND I heard a great voice out of the* 1.1 Temple, saying to the seven Angels, Go your waies, and pour out the vials of the wrath of God upon the † 1.2 earth.]

[Paraphrase] 1. And the seven Angels, the executioners of God's wrath, ch. 15. 6. being thus come abroad, methought I heard a proclamation coming out of the Holy of Holies (the place of Gods exhibiting himself) address'd unto them, and appointing them to go and poured out those vials, that is, those judgments of God, upon the Roman Empire, (see note on ch. 13. k.)

2. And the first went and pour out his vial [note a] upon the earth, and there fell a noisome and [note a] grievous* 1.3 sore upon men which had the mark of the beast, and upon them which worshipped his image.]

[Paraphrase] 2. And the first Angel did so, & there fell heavy plagues upon them, which swept away a multitude of heathens and carnal temporizing Christians, both in the city of Rome and in other places, (see note a,)

3. And the second Angel poured out his vial upon the sea, and it became as the blood of a dead man, and every living soul died in the sea.]

[Paraphrase] 3. And the second Angel did likewise, and there fell great slaughters upon the city of Rome, by the cruelty of the Emperors, and on occasion of sedition, &c. and very great mul∣titudes died thereby, (see note a.)

4. And the third Angel poured out his vial upon the rivers, and fountains of waters, and they became blood.]

[Paraphrase] 4. And the third Angel did likewise, and methought his vial fell on the other cities and provinces of the Empire, and a great deal of warre follow'd (note a.) and a multitude were slain there also.

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5. And I heard the Angel of the waters say, Thou art righteous, O Lord, which art, and wast, [note b] and* 1.4 shalt be, because thou hast judged† 1.5 thus.

6. For they have shed the blood of saints and prophets, and thou hast given them blood to drink, for they are worthy.

7. And I heard another out of the altar say, Even so, Lord God* 1.6 almighty, true and righteous are thy judgments.]

[Paraphrase] 5, 6, 7. And this Angel that pour'd out the vial upon the waters v. 4. God's judgments on those other cities and pro∣vinces, did it as a just judgment on them, for the blood of Christians that had been shed by them, and as an act of pity and relief to the persecuted, whose persecutions ended by this means: and so 'twas acknowledged by the souls of those that had been slain by them, (see note on ch. 6. e.)

8. And the fourth. Angel poured out his vial upon the sun, and power was given† 1.7 unto him to scorch men [note c] with fire.]

[Paraphrase] 8. And the execution of the fourth Angel was by bringing a great drought and famine on the Empire, such as was in Maximinus's time.

9. And men were* 1.8 scorched with great heat, and blasphemed the name of God, which hath power over these plagues; and they repented not to give him glory.]

[Paraphrase] 9. And though this famine tormented them exceedingly, yet were they so farre from repenting or amending their waies, from receiving the faith of Christ, that they railed at the Christian religion, as the author of all their miseries, and so were more alien'd from it: see note c.

10. And the fifth Angel poured out his vial upon the† 1.9 [note d] seat of the beast, and his kingdome was full of darknesse, and they gawed their tongues for pain,]

[Paraphrase] 10. And the fifth Angel's vial was poured out, not upon the persons of men, but upon the government it self, which was sore afflicted and distress'd (see Jer. 13. 16. where for Darknesse the Targum reads Tribulation or Affliction) by the invasion of the Barbarians, and the Emperors were much troubled at it, but could not help it.

11. And blasphemed the God of heaven, because of their pains and their * 1.10 sores, and repented not† 1.11 of their deeds.]

[Paraphrase] 11. And as before ver. 8. so now again these invasions of the Barbarians were imputed as a punishment inflicted on them for the permitting of Christianity, and so made them set themselves more violently against the Christians; so farre were they from reforming, or mending by this means.

12. And the sixth Angel poured out his vial upon the great river [note e] Euphrates, and the water thereof was dried up, that the way of the [note f] Kings* 1.12 of the East might be prepared.]

[Paraphrase] 12. And the execution of the sixth Angel was the de∣stroying of Maxentius's forces in Italy, and so weakening of Rome, the mystical Babylon (noted here by Euphrates, the river that belongs to Babylon) and making it capable of being taken, and possess'd by Constantine and his sons, which were Christians.

13. And I saw† 1.13 three [note g] unclean spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet.]

[Paraphrase] 13. And methought I saw three diabolical spirits, like the frogs of Aegypt, one com∣ing from the devil, another from the heathen worship, and the third from the false prophet: 1. The response of the devils raised by Maxentius's command, 2. the encouragement of the augurs, or heathen priests that divined by entrails, 3. some false predictions out of some passages of the Sibyl's writings.

14. For they are the spirits of devils working miracles, which go forth unto the kings of the* 1.14 earth, and of the whole world, to gather them to the† 1.15 battel of that great day of God Almighty.]

[Paraphrase] 14. And all these were made use of to deceive Max∣entius, and give him confi∣dence that he should prosper in his tyranny, and holding out against Constantine, which was the occasion of Constantine's setting upon and destroying his army, of his entring Rome, and of that blow that befell Idolatry by this means.

15. Behold, I come as a thief. Blessed is he that watcheth, and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked, and they see his shame.]

[Paraphrase] 15. (Such unexpected sud∣dain changes as these, such secret undiscernable proceedings of God's providence, may in all reason be admonitions to all to be watchfull, and not to com∣ply with the present prevailing power in any unchristian or uncomely manner, lest when they have done so, that which they have designed, as their greatest security, be indeed their greatest danger.)

16. And* 1.16 he gathered them together into a place called in the Hebrew tongue [note h] Armageddon.]

[Paraphrase] 16. And these evill spirits excited him and engaged him and all his armies in a fight, wherein they were utterly vanquish'd and destroyed. See note e.

17. And the seventh Angel poured out his vial into the aire, and there came a great voice out† 1.17 of the Temple of heaven, from the throne, saying, [note i] * 1.18 It is done.]

[Paraphrase] 17. And the seventh An∣gel poured out his vial into the air, (noting a decree of heaven now to be executed on the earth) and presently, methought, I heard a proclamation come out of the Holy of Holies, from the throne of God, denoting the going out of God's decree, which was delivered in these words, It was, or hath been, that is, Heathen Rome is now destroyed, (And this was after in Honorius's time, as will be more fully set down ch. 17.)

18. And there were voices, and thunders, and lightnings: and there was a great earthquake, such as was not since men were upon the earth,† 1.19 so mighty an earthquake, and so great.]

[Paraphrase] 18. And methought there were thunders, and lightnings, and an earthquake, such as never had been known before, denoting this vast change, (the greatest of any) that now was by this means wrought in the world.

19. And the great city was divided into three parts, and the cities of the nations fell, and* 1.20 great Babylon came in remembrance before God, to give unto her the cup of† 1.21 the wine of the fiercenesse of his wrath.]

[Paraphrase] 19. And Rome being, at this time of Honorius, divi∣ded into three parties, one Heathen, a second Orthodox, a third Heretical, impure (see note on chap. 17. c.) wicked Christians, this brought in Alaricus, and by that means destruction on all heathen Rome. And thus was God's just vengeance executed upon them.

20. And every island fled away, and the mountains were not found.]

[Paraphrase] 20. And as 'tis ordinary for islands and hills to be removed by earthquakes, so now the maritime towns and strong holds were destroyed by this incursi∣on of the Gothes.

21. * 1.22 And there fell upon men a great hail out of heaven, every stone about the weight of a talent: and men blasphemed God because of the plague of the hail, for the plague thereof was exceeding great.]

[Paraphrase] 21. And this judgment fell upon them most visibly and discernibly from heaven, and withall in a most heavy unsupportable manner: and yet after this such obduration of hearts possessed them of the heathens that survived these judgments, that they were the more obstinate in their Idolatrous heathen courses, and still railed at the Christians, as the authors of all these miseries that befell them.

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Annotations on Chap. XVI.

[ a] * 1.23 V. 2. Vpon the earth] What is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the earth or land, and the sea, and the rivers and fountains of waters, v. 2, 3, 4. may appear by v. 1. where the Angels are appoin∣ted to pour out their vials upon the earth or land. That in all reason signifies the Roman Empire, the thing represented in these Visions, as before it signified the nation and people of the Jewes (chap. 7. Note b.) And there is no reason to affix any nice critical nota∣tion to either of these single, that the land, v. 2. should signifie severally, and so the sea, v. 3. and the rivers, v. 4. but to take all together for that which was meant by the land, v. 1. for so the series here requires, where the Angels, that were commanded to pour out their vials on the earth, pour them out upon these three, evidently noting these three to be the distribution of that one, and so all one with it. So ch. 14. 7. God is described as the Creator of the heaven, and earth, and sea, and fountains of waters, where all those latter three are set to denote that which is els∣where ordinarily called the earth, and no more, in op∣position to heaven, that is, this inferior, terrestrial globe, and all in it. To this may be added, that when the judgments are represented to fall upon Judaea, some are said to fall on the land, others on the sea, others on the trees, c. 7. not necessarily signifying such a sepa∣ration of the judgments, some on this, some on that part, but the whole nation together, on which all those judgments fell; and this indeed agreeable to what we read of the judgments that fell on Aegypt, where though some of them were caused by the signes that Moses wrought upon the land, Exod. 8. 16. others by smiting of the waters, streams, rivers and ponds, and all their gathering together of waters, Exod. 7. 19. and so again ch. 8. 5. yet 'tis manifest that the judg∣ments thus produced by every of these, (each smiting of his rod there being proportionable to the pouring out of a vial here) fell indifferently on the whole land, and not one judgment on one part, another on another: And so sure is it to be understood in this place. Ma∣ny judgments were to be poured out up n the Ro∣man Empire, and by all of them together the whole heathen part of it destroyed. This consideration makes it unnecessary farther to enquire into the productions of the several Vials▪ what each of them distinctly sig∣nified, it being sufficient that each of them notes some kind of destruction; and the number of seven being a perfect number,* 1.24 the seven Angels, and their seven vials, and their seven effusions signifie utter destructi∣on, and not necessarily any more, unlesse it be this, that it was not all at once, but by several degrees and several sorts of judgments, those that ordinarily bring destructi∣ons upon provoking people, that have filled up the mea∣sure of their iniquities, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, infectious diseases, famines and warres: and that these in a very remarkable manner fell upon the Roman Empire a∣bout these times, appears as by all histories Eccle∣siastical and prophane, so especially by S. Austin in his first books De civ. Dei, written on purpose to de∣fend Christian religion from that charge which was laid upon it, that it brought down all judgments up∣on the Empire. Which being false, as it was urged by the Heathens to the prejudice of Christianity, viz. that the Judgments came for that sin of permitting Christianity in the Empire, and contempt of their Idol-worships; so was it most true, that for the Hea∣thens standing out and persecuting the Christian faith, most heavy wasting judgments were come upon them. Of the three first Vials it may be yet further noted, that they may have a peculiar aspect on the plagues of Aegypt: the first,* 1.25 that of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the evil and grievous boil, that is, infecti∣ous, and very painfull, will be answerable to the boil breaking out upon man and beast through all the land, Exod. 9. 9. and signifie some infectious disease, plague and pestilente, which we know breaks out in boils. So likewise the second and the third, the sea becoming as blood, ver. 3. and the rivers and fountains becoming as blood, ver. 4. are answerable to Moses's stretching out his hand and smiting upon the waters of Aegypt, their streams, and their rivers, and their ponds, and all their pools, or collections of water, upon which they became blood, Exod. 7. 19, 20. Now for these three the histories of those times are very remarkable, viz. for the great pestilences, and horrible effusions of blood. That which Hero∣dian tells us of Commodus's reign, will sufficiently qua∣lifie that for the time of the pouring out of these three vials. At that time, saith he, l. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a very great pestilence reigned over all Italy, but especially in the city of Rome (and Dio tells us, that there died above two thousand a day in the city) and a vast number both of beasts and men perished thereby. And so this may be commodiously the pouring out the vial up∣on the earth, belonging not only to the city of Rome, but to all Italy,* 1.26 as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the land was wont to signifie not only Jerusalem, but all Judaea. Hereupon the Emperor was perswaded to remove to Laurentum, so call'd from the grove of bay-trees there, the smell whereof the Physicians thought usefull against the plague. And in like manner they prescribed sweet unguents and odours to anoint their ears and noses, to keep out or overcome the pestilential vapour. But neverthelesse, saith he, the disease daily increased, and swept away a multitude of men and beasts. As for the blood that was then spilt,* 1.27 the same Author gives us a large story; Cleander, saith he a servant of the Emperours, bought out of Phrygia, and grown up with him from his youth, and advanced to greatest offices in court and army, aspired to the Empire; To that pur∣pose bought up a vast quantity of corn (which caused a great famine also at Rome) thinking thereby in time of need to oblige the citizens and souldiers, and to gain them all to his party. But the event was contrary; for the famine raging, and the cause of it being visible, all the citizens run out of the city to the Emperour, requiring this Encloser to be put to death. Cleander by his power keeping them from the Emperour (whose voluptuousness made this easie for him to doe) sends out the Emperour's forces armed and hors'd against them, which made an huge slaughter a∣mong them, and in driving them into the city gates, by their horses and swords, saith he, meeting with foot-men unarm'd, they kill'd a great part of the peo∣ple. Which when they that were in the city under∣stood, they got to the top of the houses, and with stones and tiles threw at the souldiers, and by this means put them to flight, and in the pursuit beating them off from their horses, killed great multitudes of them: and this continued very cruelly for some time. And the appeasing of this cost a great deal more blood, the Emperour causing Cleander to be put to death, and his sons after him, and then a great many more, saith he, not daring to confide in any body. To which that author immediately adds the many prodigies which followed at that time, and the burning down of the Temple of Peace; which beside that it was the treasury of a great part of the wealth of the city, and was accompanied with the burning of a great deal more of the buildings of the city, and among them of the Temple of Vest, the fire con∣tinuing for many daies, till rain from heaven put it out, (which made them impute the whole matter to the an∣ger of the gods) beides all this, I say, it was by all

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then look'd on as a presage of great warres, which, saith he, accordingly followed. And so in this one pas∣sage of story in that Author we have the interpreta∣tion of these three vials. As great a plague as ever hath been read of, to be sutable to the first; and a great deal of killing both in the sedition, and by the cruelty of the Emperour, and by the fire, and by the warres that followed, (wherein the whole region, and not only the city of Rome was concerned) answerable to the two latter,* 1.28 the sea, that is, the multitude of the city, and the rivers and springs of waters,* 1.29 the other provinces and cities become blood. But beside these under Com∣modus, there was store of the like judgments in the fol∣lowing Emperours times, untill Constantine: A very great Pestilence under Gallus, another under Gallienus, both described by Zozimus; another at the end of Decius, on occasion of which S. Cyprian wrote his book of Mortality. And in Maximinus's time, saith Eusebius, whilst he and his armies were sore distressed by a warre with the Armenians, the rest of the inhabi∣tants of the cities were grievously devoured with fa∣mint and pestilence, infinite numbers dying in the cities, more in the countreys and villages, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the numbers of husbandmen which had formerly been very great, were almost all of them swept away by famine and pesti∣lence▪ saith Eusebius Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 8. And for wars and ffusion of blood and slaughters, the histories are all along full of them, and need not be here re∣cited.

[ b] * 1.30 V. 5. And shall be] In stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he that shall be the Copies generally read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is answera∣ble to the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pitiful and merciful, as that is more then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 justice or righteous∣ness, as hath oft been said. And so it is fitly superad∣ded here to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thou art just or righteous,* 1.31 preceding. That the justice of God, here acknow∣ledged in these vengeances on heathen Rome, denotes his punitive justice, there is no doubt, and accordingly fol∣lows,* 1.32 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because thou hast judged these. Where the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seems to denote the persons neutrally set down, the inhabitants of the Empire, which are here supposed to be judged, that is, justly punished, and of whom it follows,* 1.33 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because they have shed the blood of thy saints and prophets, that is, of the Christians, and those that by their preaching would have wrought reformation among them, and so did act as Prophets, and had the portion of Prophets, were resisted and slain by them. But besides this punitive justice express'd by these judg∣ments, there was also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pity, compassion to the persecuted Christians, whose sufferings were abated and taken off by this means. Thus 'tis often to be obser∣ved in Eusebius's story, particularly at the end of the great slaughters, and famine, and plague in Maxi∣minus's time, l. 9. c. 8. (mentioned Note a.) Hereupon, saith he, God, the defender of Christians, having shew'd his wrath and indignation against all mortals for their persecuting us, restored the pleasant and bright splen∣dor of his providence toward us, so that from that time peace and light, with the great admiration of all, shined out and was revealed to us that sat in dark∣ness before, shewing us that God hath the oversight of our affairs continually, chastising and afflicting us for a time, but after he hath disciplin'd us suf∣ficiently, appearing favourable and propitious to us a∣gain.

[ c] * 1.34 V. 8. With fire] If 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by fire were here lite∣rally to be understood, many completions there would be of it, by great fires, in the city of Rome especially, within the space referred to by this Vision. One re∣markable one hath been mention'd in Commodus's time, Note a, out of Herodian l. 1. falling on the Tem∣ple of Peace, and at length coming to the Temple of Vesta, and burning many great houses, and so continu∣ing for many daies, till the rain from heaven put it out, and so by the heathens, saith he, conceived to be begun also, as it was ended, by the gods without humane means. And this being such, coming from heaven, not from any lower cause, may the more probably belong to this place,* 1.35 where the Sun is said to have power given it to scorch men with fire, the Sun in the firmament, the great fire of the world, being commodiously enough said to scorch them, or to set them on fire (so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies) who were burnt by fire from heaven. But it is not improbable that the Suns scorching of men, denoted ordinarily by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.36 may signifie that scor∣ching and drying up the fruits of the earth from whence a death proceeds, and so be here set to expresse a fa∣mine: so 'tis said of the seed on the stony ground, that as soon as it sprang up,* 1.37 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it was scorched, and, as it follows, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 withered away. And many such dearths there were in the stories of those times. A most eminent one in Maximinus's time, mentioned by Eusebius l. 9. c. 8. Some, saith he, for the least bit of victuals, parting with that which was most precious to them: one measure of corn sold for two thousand five hundred Atticks: some 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in a little time selling all their possessions to buy bread: others eating grasse, and therewith poisonous herbs. Noble women going out of the city to the countrey to beg bread: Others staggering and falling down in the streets, and howling out for one bit of bread, and able to speak no word but that they were famish'd. And at length the dogs raving for hunger, and falling upon the men, in their own de∣fence they fell on killing and eating dogs. As sad a description of raging famine as hath been read of, save in time of sieges. Another famine there was in Commo∣dus's time (mentioned from Herodian Note a.) which put the whole city into a sedition, but that not compa∣rable to this, and caused by Cleander's inatiate cove∣tousnesse and ambition, more then the scorching of the Sun. That which here follows, as the effect of this famine,* 1.38 that they blasphemed the name of God, may most probably be the heathens railing at the Christians, as the cause of all their evils; for so the antients observe of them, that whenever plague or famine befell them, presently they cryed out, Christiani ad leones, Let the Christians be put to death, as the au∣thors of their miseries. An eminent place we have to this purpose in Arnobius l. 10. where naming the very judgments which are here express'd by the foregoing Vials, pestilences, wars, and dearths or famines, he saith of the heathens, that when these befell them, they presently cryed out that since Christians began to be in the world, terrarum Orbem periisse, the whole world was destroyed, and all mankind afflicted with all sorts of evils: and S. Cyprian in that known place ad Deme∣train. That many wars break out, that plagues and famines, that the earth is kept long without any rain, nobis imputari, 'tis by the heathens imputed to us Chri∣stians.

[ d] * 1.39 V. 10. Seat of the beast] What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the throne, or seat, of the beast signifies, may thus be ga∣thered; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the beast signifies Idol-worship, c. 13. 1. and as the throne of that may signifie the place where it resides,* 1.40 so it may signifie also that which sustains and supports it, a seat being that which sustains and holds up from falling that which rests upon it. This was the power of the Roman Empire, the strength and dignity thereof, to which so great a part of the world was sub∣jected, and which it made use of to maintain the Idol-worship against Christianity. And so the throne of the beast is expounded in the next words by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Kingdome or Empire of Rome.* 1.41 Now that which is here said to befall the Empire by the pouring out of the fifth vial is that it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 darkned,* 1.42 that is, lost much of its splendor which before it enjoyed,

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which belongs clearly to the incursions of the Barba∣rians, Persians, Goths, Almans, &c. about these times which are here described, as every where appears in story.* 1.43 As for the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pain that here follows, it is the great grief and anxiety that it cost them to con∣tend and secure themselves from these Barbarians, who being so contemptible in the eyes of the Ro∣mans, it was matter of great indignation to them to be thus infested by them, as Aegypt by flies and lice.* 1.44 And whereas, v. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 boils are joyned with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pains, I suppose those boils may again refer to that plague of Aegypt, (as the darkning of the Kingdome plainly doth) and denote the effects of the Barbarians incursions: as the boils, Exod. 9. 9. were produced by scattering ashes of the fur∣nace toward heaven, to which the inrodes of those Barbarians in respect of their multitudes might fitly be resembled. And then their blaspheming of the God of heaven, is their railing at Christ and Christianity, as that which in the heathens opinion brought all these evils upon them. See Salvian De provid. and Note c.

[ e] * 1.45 V. 12. Euphrates] That it is agreeable to the calling of Rome Babylon (see Note on c. 18. a.) to set Euphra∣tes, the River that belongs to Babylon, to signifie Ty∣ber that belongs to Rome, hath been formerly shew'd, c. 9. Note e. And that it so signifies here, there is little doubt.* 1.46 From hence it follows, that the drying up of Euphrates, being an allusion to the history of Cyrus, prophetically set down Jer. 50. 38. and drought is upon her waters, and they shall be dried up, and c. 51. where is mention of the drying up her sea, and making her springs dry, v. 36. it must in reason be interpreted thereby. There in the taking of Babylon, Cyrus tur∣ned away the river Euphrates, and entred the city through the channel thereof. (See Orosius l. 11. c. 6.) And so the drying of the river being the preparative to the taking the city, and the making that weak and accessible which otherwise was impregnable, this phrase of drying up the water of Euphrates is thought commodious to be made use of, to expresse the weakning of the strength of Roms, and making it conquerable, or, as it here follows, that the way of the Kings—might be prepared.* 1.47 To prepare a way we know is to remove difficulties and obstructions, to level and plain a passage, and that in the Prophets ex∣press'd by exalting valleys, and bringing hils low, and plaining the rough places. And when rivers or waters are in the way, then the drying them up, is preparing the way, making them passable. And so the fitting the city of Rome for conquest by Constan∣tine and his sons (who are here called Kings from the rising of the Sun, see Note f.) is the full interpretation of drying up Euphrates, that the way of the Kings might be prepared. Of this the history is clear in Eu∣sebius Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 9. (and so in Zozimus also) that Maxentius having fastned himself in Rome (out of which he went not himself, having no confidence in the love and fidelity of the people) he fortified every place and region and city with armies for guards, and had a thousand troops of souldiers to ly in ambush in every part of Italy, and the rest of his dominions where the enemy was likely to come: These sure were the obstru∣ctions, or difficulties, in Constantine's way to Rome, which are here to be dryed up, or removed; and accor∣dingly it follows in the history, that Constantine being assisted by God set upon his first, and second, and third army, and overcame them all; and possessing himself of the greatest part of Italy, came close up to Rome. And so 'tis visible what this drying up the river, by which their way was prepared, signifies, the subduing those armies in Italy, so that now nothing withheld his pas∣sage from Rome; which is here looked on as a very great thing, proportionable to Cyrus's turning the ri∣ver Euphrates, and entring Babylon through the chan∣nel of it. But there was yet one difficulty more to be conquer'd, before Constantine could enter Rome. For his onely designe being to deliver the Romans from the tyranny of Maxentius, and not to do any hurt, but rather bring relief to the inhabitants of the city, there was now no way to reconcile this difficulty, whilst Maxentius remained fortified in the city. And therefore in God's wonderful providence it was so disposed, that Maxentius and all his party came out of Rome, but in stead of joyning battail with Con∣stantine, fled from him immediately; and having formerly built a treacherous bridge over Tyber, on design to draw Constantine's army over it, and so by the failing of the bridge to drown them, Maxentius himself and his forces are forced that way, and drow∣ned in the pit which they had prepared for others, and himself and his life-guard were the first that thus pe∣rished. This so signal a destruction Eusebius thinks fit to compare to the Israelites victory over Pharaoh in the Red sea, and saith it was according to the pre∣diction of the divine oracles in all probability refer∣ring to this Vision here. The conclusion of it was, that this being done, Constantine came Conqueror to Rome, where without any opposition he was received by young and old, Senators and Nobles, and all the people of Rome, with chearful countenances and joyous accla∣mations, as the preserver and benefactor of them all; and commanding the sign of the crosse to be set on the right hand of his statue, he affix'd these words in La∣tine, Hc salutari signo, veraci fortitudinis indicio, civitatem nostram jugo Tyranni ereptam liberavi, et S. P. Q. R. liberatum prisco splendori & clari∣tatirestitui, By this salvifick sign, the true expressi∣on of fortitude, I have freed our city, and delivered it from the tyrants yoke, and have restored the Senate and people of Rome to their antient splendor and brightness. And in like manner the Senate dedica∣ted to him a triumphall arch, Liberatori urbis, fun∣datori quictis, To the deliverer of the city, and founder of their peace, as may be seen in Eusebius, Socrates, and Sozomen and others. And so this was a farther completion of this prophecie, and a last part of the drying up Euphrates, (parallel to that of the drying up of the Red sea before the Israelites) and preparing Constantine's peaceable entrance into the city.

[ f] * 1.48 Ib. Kings of the east—] What 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the rising of the Sun, signifies, may be resolved by these two considerations; first, that the Kings or Magi that came to worship Christ, soon after his birth, whilst Herod designed the killing of him, are said to come 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the rising of the Sun, Mat. 2. 1. And agreeably to that, Constantine and his sons, which had given up their names to the Christian faith, and were promoters of it whilst Maxentius per∣secuted it, may be thus in Prophetick style fitly descri∣bed by the Kings from the rising of the Sun.* 1.49 Second∣ly, Christ himself is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the rising Sun (see Note on Luc. 1. 5.) and so seems to be called here, c. 7. 2. where the Angel ascending from the East is one sent immediately by Christ; and then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings from the rising of the Sun may be a very fit phrase to expresse Christian Kings. And it is to be observed, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings, in this Book, is not confined to the Emperors or supreme Govern∣ours, but is more loosely used for Commanders, all in authority (see Note g. and c. 11. Note.) and so may in the Plural be appliable to Constantine and his sons, and the Christian Commanders under him.

[ g] * 1.50 V. 13. Unclean Spirits] What is here meant by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 unclean spirits may in part be re∣solved by Eusebius in the story of Maxentius, Eccl. hist. l. 9. c. 9. where the first thing that he saith of him,

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is, that he relied on Magical arts in this whole matter, and thereupon kept himself up close in Rome, and would not go out of it. So again De vita Constant. l. 1. c. 30. At last he fll to Magick and Sorcery; sometimes cut up women great with child, sometimes ript up the bowels of tender infants, sometimes killed lions, all to divine thereby: He often used wicked adjurations to raise up Devils, saith he, by whose help he might avert the violence of the warre from him, hoping that they would help him to the victory. Now these impure spi∣rits are here said to be three,* 1.51 but the Kings MS. wants that word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 three. If we read it without three, then it is already explained, that he made use of Ma∣gick and Augury. But if the word three be retained, then either may it signifie that he betook himself whol∣ly to these arts, (the number of three, as of seven, ha∣ving oft no other importance in it but to signifie a great deal) or else peculiarly these three sorts; first, Augu∣ry, or divination by entrails; secondly, Calling up of devils, (both particularly mention'd by Eusebius) and thirdly, the use of the Sibylline Oracles, which the Roman Sorcerers and Diviners generally dealt in, and Maxentius made use of; see Zozimus l. 2. Of these it is farther said,* 1.52 that they were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as frogs, referring to those creatures brought forth upon Aegypt by the Magicians at Pharaohs command, Exod. 8. 7. Of which, as it is known that they are impure crea∣tures, breeding and dwelling in the mire, and so these impure spirits or arts are fitly compared to them; so it is also observable, how uselesse and unprofitable they are, they croak, but do nothing else, and so they fit∣ly resemble these Magical arts, which made a great noise, but never brought him the least advantage, but rather hastened his ruine, by relying on them. Then these frogs are said to come out of the mouth of the Dragon, and the beast, and the false prophet: which a∣gain, if the word three be not retained, will conclude these Magical arts, which he made use of, to proceed promiscuously from these three; but if the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 three be retained, then it will be proper to confine the responses of the devils, when they were raised by him, to the first of the three, those that came out of the mouth of the Dragon,* 1.53 for that is every where the De∣vils title in this Book, (see Note on c. 12. d. and 13. b.) and the devils being (as was said) raised by Max∣entius to direct and assist him, the first of these frogs is said to have come out of the devils mouth immediately. Secondly, the art of divining by entrails, and to that purpose killing of women and children as well as beasts, being directly a piece of Heathenisme, confined to their Augurs and Priests; the second of these frogs is said to have come out of the mouth of the Beast,* 1.54 that is, Idol worship, so called, c. 13. 1. the Priests being the mouth thereof. Thirdly, the heathen Prophets undertaking to fetch grounds of their predictions most frequently from the Books of the Sibyls, such fragments thereof as were remaining among them; the third frog is said to come out of the mouth of the false prophet,* 1.55 that is, of the Colledge of diviners, which thus by study in those Oracles undertook to foretell things to come. And of all these it is said,* 1.56 that they did signes, either by fore∣telling sometimes things that came to pass, which gave them authority among men, or else by shewing some deceitfull wonders: and that they went out, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, upon, or to, the Kings of the whole world,* 1.57 that is, to Maxen∣tius the Emperor, and his Commanders under him, call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Kings in the Plural, (see Note f.) and in∣cited them to the war of the great day of God, that is, to fight with Constantine, that instrument of Gods to bring in Christianity into the Empire.

[ h] * 1.58 V. 16. Armageddon] What Armageddon, which is here said to be an Hebrew word, signifies, or of what composition it is, is a matter of some question. The Learned H. Grotius conceives it to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the mount of meeting, to note the place and battel where the armies met, viz. on Constantine's side 90000 foot and 8000 horse, of Germans, Gauls and Britans, on Maxentius's side 170000 foot, and 18000 horse, of Romans, Italians, &c. in Zozimus: and that this is here said in reference not to the valley of Megiddo, where Josias was slain, but to the waters of Megiddo, Judg. 5. 9. where the Canaanites were slain by Barac; which appears the more probable, because the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is in Greek rendred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Eusebius Praep. for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mount Gerizin. But another com∣position of the word may be yet more probable, viz. that of Drusius, that it be made up of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the excision or destruction of their Armies, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Hebrew, or their fortunes, (all their former good successes) as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Chaldee signifies. And so the clear meaning of the verse is this, that the evil spirits. v. 14. the Magicians and Augurs, &c. gathered them toge∣ther, (so 'tis said ver. 14. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to them in the Plural neuter belongs the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Singu∣lar) caused them to fight this great battel with Con∣stantine, which was the utter destruction of that great army of the Heathens, and so a very heavy judgment or excision, the effect of the Vial of the sixth Angel. This victory of Constantine over Maxentius was so signal and considerable, that, as Onufrius tells us, Fast. l. 2. the Indictions (that known way of compu∣ting of times among the Romans) were taken from thence: ab eaque die primam Indictionem inchoari, saith Baronius, and from that day the first Indiction be∣gan; ut liberatam à Maxentii tyrannide urbem & Ec∣clesiam indicaret, that it might proclaim and comme∣morate the freeing of the City and Church from Max∣entius's tyranny. By which it may appear, how me∣morable a passage this was, and how fit to be the mat∣ter of this Vision. See Abr. Bucholcers Chronology Anno Chr. 312.

[ i] * 1.59 V. 17. It is done] It is usual in Prophecies to set down the sad events most covertly. Thus* 1.60 Scaliger observes, Augures sedentes in templo abstinebant vo∣cibus malè nominatis, ideóque Alteram avem potiùs quàm Aversam dicebant; The Augurs, as sitting in the Temple, abstained from the sadder expressions, and therefore when they meant to signifie any ill ab••••d, ey called it not the Averse but the Other Augury. Accordingly is that style of Horace,

* 1.61 Sperat infestis, metuit secundis, Alteram sortem—

This the Graecians call† 1.62 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and * 1.63 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not to deliver any sad thing, not to speak any hard or evil saying. And their name for this figure is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Agreeable to this is the ordinary style of fuit, or vixit, he hath been, or he hath lived, for mortuus est, he is dead, fuimus Troes, fuit Ili∣um—we have been Trojans, Troy hath been; and in* 1.64 Demosthenes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, now it shall be rich, to signifie that it hath been, and is yet poor. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith he, for thus I must speak, and not use grosse or harsh expressions. And just such is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here, It hath been, that is, now it ceas∣eth to be, it is destroyed, by this figure 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fit for Prophecies.

Notes

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