The history of the houses of Douglas and Angus written by Master David Hume ...

Of the House of ANGUS, before it came to the name of DOUGLAS.

THe great and potent House of Douglas (of which we may say, the best subjects that ever served Prince, the worthiest seconds that ever seconded any, worthie for their modestie to be seconded by others, second to none in all vertue, and true worth of valour, magnanimi∣tie, kindenesse, courtesie, faithfulnesse to King, Countrey; and kinred, serving their Prince, and served by the rest, worthily served, wor∣thie to be served, as knowers of service, and re∣compencers thereof in due proportion, and degree, as Charters of Lands liberally given do testifie) being thus brought to this pitifull end, there arose in place thereof the House of Angus, of which we come now to speak, and to view in the descent of it. If we shall consider it in our best discourse, with all circumstances due to it, and compare it with the for∣mer, to which it succeeded, ballancing all things aright, we shall finde it, as not fully so great in that huge puissance and large extent of lands and rents that the house of Douglas had (which did surpasse all others that were before, or have been since amongst subjects,) so shall it be seen o∣therwise nothing inferiour. In antiquitie Angus is thus far beyond it, that there have been diverse •…•…hanes of Angus (which was a degree of honour in those dayes equall to that of Earles now) as also that the Earles of Angus were created amongst the first that carried the title of Earles in the year 1057. or 1061. at the Parliament of Forfaire in the dayes of King Malcolme Kenmore; whereas the house of Douglas was honoured onely with the title of Barons, or Lords. This is much preferment, yet it is more, that in our Chronicles the name of the house of Douglas is then first found, whereas Angus is found 200. years before that time in the 839. year, howbeit we have already showne that there were Douglasses in the year 767. though not mentioned by our Writers. In bloud they are equall on the fathers side, as being descended of the same progenitours; so that what ever belongs to the house of Douglas before James slain at Otterburn, belongs also to the house of Angus; the first Earle of Angus of that surname being brother to him, and both of them sonnes to W•…•…lli∣am the first Earle of Douglas, or rather the first Earle of Douglas, being also Earle of Angus in effect, seeing his wife was Countesse of Angus, howbeit he used not the stile. By the mothers side, the house of Angus

hath the preeminence, being descended of the greatest in the Kingdome, and even of the Royall stock, having been divers wayes mingled there∣with. In vertue, valour, and love of their Countrey, it resemblet•…•… the spring from whence it •…•…owes, and comes nothing short of it. In c•…•…edit, authority, place, and action, account, favour, and affection of men, we shall finde it no lesse beloved and popular, and no lesse respected and honou∣red. So that with all this (both likenesse, and no great inequalitie) bea∣ring the name of Douglas, together with the armes, and title of Lords of Douglas, the fall of this former house was the lesse felt, it seeming not so much cut off, as transplanted; nor destroyed, as transferred; some com∣fort it is, when it comes so to passe, as may be seen in many others.

To deduce then the house of Angus from the first originall thereof, 〈◊〉〈◊〉* 1.1 is declared by our Writers, that Kenneth the second son to Alpine, the 69. King, having expelled the Picts out of his Kingdome; did dispose of their Lands to his Noblemen, and such as had done him good service in the warres. In which distribution he gave the Province (of old called O∣•…•…estia) to two brothers, the elder of which was named Angus, or (as B•…•…∣chanan) Aeneas, and the younger Merns. These two brothers dividing that Province betwixt them, gave each of them his name to that half he possessed, and so of one they made two, calling the one Angus, and the o∣ther the Merns, as these Countreyes are so called at this present. This is the first Thane of Angus, from whom that Countrey took the name. 2. After him we read of other Thanes, as of Rohardus, Radardus, or Cad∣hardus, who slew Culenus (the 79. King) for ravishing his daughter. 3. Also there was one Cruthnetus (in the reigne of Kenneth; brother to Duffe, in the year 961.) who was slain by Crathelint; who was his own grand-childe by his daughter Fenella, or Finabella; married to the Thane of the Merns. 4. Then we have one Sinel, (in the reigne of Malcolm•…•… the second son to this Kenneth, who began his reigne 1104. and reigned 30: years) who married Do•…•… or Doada, younger daughter to King Malcolm•…•…, whose elder sister Beatrix, was married to Crinen, Thane of the Isles; and principall of the Thanes, whom that age called Abthane. 5. Of this mar∣riagé was procreat Mackbeth, or Mackbed, or Mac•…•…abee, Thane of Angus, and afterward King of Scotland, of whom the History is sufficiently knowne. 6. The last Thane was Luthlack, son to Mackbeth, who was installed King at Scone after his fathers death, but within three moneths he was encountered by King Malcolme; and slain at Strabogie. This was about the year 1056, or 57. And so much of the first period of the house of Angus, under the title of Thanes.

The second period of the house of Angus, is under the title of Earles, before it come to the name of Stuart. The first is, one made Earle by King Malcolme, at the Parliament of Forfaire, where Boetius telleth expres∣ly, that the Thane of Angus was made Earle of Angus. The next is in the dayes of King David (called Saint David) in the warres with Stephen King of England, in the battell at Alerton, where the Generall the Ea•…•… of Glocester was taken prisoner; the Scottish Army is said to have been conducted by the Earles of March, Stratherne, and Angus, in the year 1136. or 37. but he is no•…•… named. The third is Gilchrist (in the year 1153.)

in the reigne of Malcolme the maiden, who did good service against Su∣merledus, Thane of Argyle, and being married to the Kings sister; having found her false, put her to death; and fearing the King, fled into England, and afterward was pardoned. Then we have John Cumin in the dayes of Alexander the second, in the year 1239. of whom wee read nothing, but that he was sent Ambassadour into France to Lewis then King, and that he died by the way before he had delivered his Ambassage: Boetius, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. This was about 1330.

The third period is in the surname of Stuarts; of whom the first is one John Stuart entitled Earle of Angus, Lord of Boncle, and Abernethie, in a Charter given by him to Gilbert Lumsden of Blainerne, yet extant in the hands of the house of Blainerne. It is not dated, but the witnesses show the time, for Randolphus custos regni Scotiae is one. What this John was is uncertain, but in likelihood he hath been brother to Walter (the se∣venth from the first Walter) and sonne to John, and so also uncle to Ro∣bert the first King of that Name, for so the time doth bear, and his fa∣ther John (or himself) married the heir of Boncle, and was slain at the battell of Falkirk in the year 1299. This John was slain at Halidoun hill, together with his brother James, and Alan•…•…. (Bu•…•…h. lib. 9.) 2. The second is, Thomas (apparantly sonne to John) who assisted the Earle of Douglas, and the Earle of March in their taking of Berwick, in the year 1357. or 58. he died in the Castle of Dumbartan, having bin imprisoned there, but for what, is not known. 3. Then Thomas again, father to Margaret Stuart Countesse of Marre and Angus. 4. Last of all Margaret Stuart, daugh∣ter to this Thomas, married first to Thomas Marre Earle of Marre in her fathers lifetime apparantly. And after her fathers death (who died with∣out heirs male) she was heir to her father by the renunciation of her si∣ster Elizabeth (who was married afterward to Alexander Hamilton of Cadyowe) and so she was Countesse of Marre and Angus, Dowager (or Lady tercer) of Marre, and inheritrix of the Earldome of Angus. Her first husband dying without issue, she was married after his death to William the first Earle of Douglas, she being his third wife (as hath bin shewed) in the year 1381. She was a kinde Lady to her friends, loving to her sister Elizabeth, and a carefull mother to her sonne George Earle of Angus. She is never designed Countesse of Douglas, either for distin∣ction, being better known by her titles of Marre and Angus, or because these were more ancient, and no lesse honon•…•…able. She is the twelfth from Bancho, and tenth from Walter the first Stuart, and she is the last of that Name in the house of Angus. And thus much of the house of An∣gus in generall before it came to the Douglasses, of whom now it is time to speak.

Of the first Earle of Angus of the Name of Douglas. Of William the first Earle of Douglas and Angus.

WE shall do no wrong to reckon William (the first Earle of Dou∣glas) as the first Earle of Angus, also of the Name of Dou∣glas, seeing he married the inheritrix of Angus. Nay we

should do him wrong to omit him, being the root from which all the rest are sprung. He was the first Earl of Douglas, and first Earl of An∣gus of the Name of Douglas, though it be true that he was 23. or 24. years Earl of Douglas before he came to be Earl of Angus, and that is all the difference betwixt the antiquitie of these two houses in the posses∣sion of that Name. Now that it was Earle William himself, and none else, it is evident by a bond made by the said Earle William to his sister Marjorie (Countesse of Marre) for the due payment of the said Marjories third, let to him and Margaret Stuart (Countesse of Marre and Angus) where he calls her his wife. Also that the same Earle William was fa∣ther to George, it is clear by a Charter of Tutorie, and entaile made by Sir James Sandilands of West-Calder to George, in which Sir James speaking sayes thus, The Land of Calder were given to my father and mother of good memorie by my Lord Sir William Earle of Douglas and Marre his father: that is, father to George. Of the life of this William we have spoken in the house of Douglas, whither we referre the Rea∣der.

Of George Douglas, second Earle of that Name, and sonne to Margaret Stuart Countesse of Marre and Angus.

GEorge his sonne entreth to the Earledome in the year 1389. the 9.* 1.2 of Aprile, a boy of seven or eight years old at most, for he was born but in 1381. which is the first year that we finde his father and his mother married. His mother resigned the Earledome of Angus in his favour at a Parliament in the aforesaid year 1389, the 9. of April, so that he hath the title of Earle of Angus, from that time forth, not∣withstanding his mother was alive.

He had to wife Mary Stuart daughter to King Robert the third, being* 1.3 then about 16. or 17. years of age. All that we hear of him in our Histo∣ries is, that he was taken prisoner with the Earle of Douglas, at the bat∣tel of Homeldoun in the year 1402. When he died is uncertain, onely thus much we know, that his sonne William kept Courts as Earle in the year 1430. So he hath lived 42. or 43. years. And certainly he hath not li∣ved long; for aster his death Mary Stuart his wife was twice married, first to the Lord Kennedie, and bare to him John Lord Kennedie, and James Arch-bishop of Saint Andrews, who are called brothers to his sonne George Earle of Angus. Then she was married to the Lord John Grahame of Dindaffe-moore, and bare to him Patrick Grahame Bishop al∣so of Saint Andrews, and James Grahame first Laird of Fintrie.* 1.4

His children were William and George, both Earles of Angus afte•…•… him.

Of William the third Earle of Angus, and second of that Name (of William)

TO George succeeded William his sonne by Mary Stuart, as all our writers do testifie, and all men acknowledge, He was amongst those that were committed to prison by King James the first, in the year 1424. After this he was employed to receive the Castle of Dumbarre, when the Earle of March was imprisoned, in the year 1435. the 29. of King James the first his Raigne, he was made warden of the* 1.5 middle March.

In the year 1436. he was sent against Percie, who, either by private* 1.6 authority, or publick allowance, had entred Scotland with 4000. he was about the same number: and had with him in company men of note, Adam Hepburne of Hales, Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie, Sir Gilbert Johnstoun of Elphinston. They fought at Piperdain or Piperdean (as* 1.7 say Boetius and Holinshed) perhaps Harpardean by Hadington: for we* 1.8 see that most of them are Lowthian-men that are remarked to be in his company, yet it is hard to think that Percie could come so farre in with so few. The Earle of Angus was there victor, beginning his first Warres upon Percie, fatall to the Name belike. There were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the English* 1.9 400. together with Sir Henry Cliddisdale, Sir John Ogle, Sir Richard Per∣cie Knights; taken prisoners 1500. Of the Scots one onely of note was slaine, Sir Gilbert Johnstoun of Elphinston (Buchanan cals him Alexander,* 1.10 but amisse) a gentleman of singular approved vertue (sayes Buchanan) and Boetius tells the manner, while he pursues the enemy too eagerly.

Before this, Archbald Earle of Douglas, and Wigton was gone into France male-contented with the government, having been twice com∣mitted prisoner, to receive his Dukedome of Turaine. Every mis-hap is good for some body: that gave occasion and way to this employment, for while the house of Douglas was present, who but they for service a∣gainst England? who but they were able to do it? Now they being ab∣sent, who but a Douglas? A branch of that tree, and not long since come of it, especially being the Kings Cousin so near. So they begin, and so they shall continue with the like vertue.

We hear not whom he married, nor any thing of his children, save of his sonne James who did succeed to him. Neither is it known when he died precisely: onely we finde that he was dead before the 1437. the 27. of Februarie. So that reckoning from the first year of his fathers marri∣age (in the 1398.) he hath lived some 41. years in all, and 13. years Earle, from the 1424.

Of James the fourth Earle of Angus of the surname of Douglas.

AFter William, his sonne James was Earle. Our warrand is a writ; where he is served heir to William his father in Killiemoore, of the date 1437. Febr. 27. some 6. or 7. years after the death of King James the first. There are also diverse other writs of this kinde extant▪ which do witnesse that he hath been, but of no use in publick, or for hi∣storie. Whither ever he was married, or had any children we hear no∣thing.* 1.11 He dieth before the year 1452.* 1.12

There is one thing not to be omitted, which is a bo•…•…d of Robert Fle∣ming of Cummernald, to him (where he is entitled James Earle of An∣gus Lord of Liddisdale, and Jedward Forrest) to enter within the iron gate of the Castle of Tantallon or Hermitage, under the pain of 2000▪ marks upon eight dayes warning. The cause is subjoyned, because he had burnt the Earles Corne within the Baronie of North-Berwick, and taken away his Cattell there on Fasting-even, or Shrove-tuesday. It is dated in the year 1444. the 24. of September. This burning is a token of no good will even then betwixt the house of Angus, and the house of Dou∣glas, whereof the Lord Fleming was a follower. Even then, I say, be∣fore the time of William slain at Stirlin. For this seemes to have fallen out about the time of Grosse James, or (it may be) in the beginning of Earle William. But it is hard to conceive how this man (a depender of the Earles of Douglas) should thus farre have bowed himself, and it is a token, that the Earle of Angus authority hath not been small. Howsoe∣ver, on these grounds we restored him to his own place, being left out al∣together by all other that I have seen.

Of George Douglas, the second George and fifth Earle of Angus.

TO James succeeded his uncle George, by the consent of our whole writers, who (all) speaking of King James the second, call this George the Kings fathers sisters sonne. So the King and he, are brother and sisters children. We need not to impugne the received op•…•…∣nion; The time and computation of years will admit it sufficiently, for though he were born two years after his fathers marriage 1400. yet shall he not passe 63. at his death. Neither doth any other thing that I know of, hinder us from beleeving this deduction. Wherefore we will fol∣low them, though we have no other monument to testifie so much ex∣pressely, or to hinder him from being sonne to James. There is this scruple in it, that Buchanan calls James Kennedie (Arch-bishop of Saint Andrews) of greater age then George Douglas. Which if it be true, then George could not be his brother, for their mother was first married to Angus. We have monuments of him as Earle in the year 1452. May 24. and in the 1461. the last of September; and of his sonne retoured heir to him in the 1463. So that he hath been Earle about 10. or 11

years. But our histories say it was he that assisted Creightoun to spoile the Earle Douglas Lands of Strabroke, &c. from about 1445. or 46. years, and so his time shall be 17. years.* 1.13

He married Elizabeth Sibauld daughter to Sibauld of Balgonie Treasu∣rer of Scotland for the time, profitably, and not dishonourably. For his place of Treasurer was a place of credit and honour, and himself* 1.14 descended of honourable race, viz. the Earles of Northumberland; who were of that name in the dayes of Malcolme Ke•…•…more, and Grand∣father to the said Malcolme by his mother, and had the leading of the* 1.15 English Army that was sent in for his aide against Mackbeth, to the num∣ber* 1.16 of 10000. men. We finde also the name of Sibards in the dayes of King Alexander the second to have been in good account, of whom Buc∣hanan writes that they entertained feed against the Earle of Athol, as al∣so that the said Earle of Athol being burnt in his lodging in Hadinton, the chief of the Sibards whom he calleth William, without any further* 1.17 designation (Boetius calleth him John) being suspected thereof because of their known enmity, was called in question for it, and arraigned. And although he proved by the testimonie of the Queen, that he was in For∣faire at that time (some 60. miles from Hadinton) yet the Judge thought not this sufficient to absolve him, because the other party alledged that his servants and followers had been seen very many of them in the Town. And although he offered to purge himself by combat, it could not be accepted: Whereupon he fearing the power of his adverse party (which were the Cumins) fled into Ireland with a number of his name. By which relation it appears that this name hath been in good account, and this marriage no way disparageable. It was also profitable in effect, but more in hope, which was to have succeeded heir to the estate of Balgo∣nie, both Lands and Moveables, she being his onely daughter, and he himself and his Lady of good age, the Contract also being made so that he should be heir, failing heirs male of his own body, whereof there was small appearance; Yet (as it often falls out in such cases, the Di∣vine providence eluding humane wisedome, that they may know that there is a directing and over-ruling wisedome and power above theirs) that hope was disappointed. His mother in law dieth, his father in law marrieth a second wife, and by her hath heirs male to inherite his Lands. I think if he had known what was to come, he would not have done it. And yet is Balgonie disappointed also, for his sonne had but one daugh∣ter who was married to Lundie, and so transferred it from the name, where he thought to have settled it. Angus gets with his Lady. 3000. Marks of portion, no small summe in those dayes when portions we•…•…e little and the terms of payment long.

His children were Archbald, and another son▪ whose name we have* 1.18 not. Some tell us of James Earle of Angus, and Lord Warden of the borders. But when should he have been Earl of Angus? for Archbald suc∣ceeded to George; and to Archbald his grand-childe Archbald. The truth is this James was before son to William, as hath been said; yet it may be that he hath had a son named James also, though Writers do not name him. He had foure daughters; first Elizabeth, married to Robert Gra∣hame

of Fintrie; second Margaret, to Duncan Campbell; third Giles; and fourth Alison, of whose marriage there is no mention. He had also a son naturall, of whom are descended the house of Bonjedward. His daugh∣ters* 1.19 were not married in his own time (belike they have been young) but their brother in the year 1476. contracts with Robert Grahame of Fin∣trie, to marry his sister Elizabeth, failing her, Margaret; and failing Mar∣garet, Giles; and failing Giles, Alison; so soon as a dispensation can be obtained, for they were within the degrees then forbidden, she being the third from Mary Stuart the Kings Daughter, and Robert Grahame in the same degree (belike) son to James Grahame. The portion is 400. Marks. Margaret was married to Duncan Campbell (we know not of what house) in the year 1479. Her brother contracts for 600. Marks, and findes Ro∣bert Douglas of Loghleven, and Alexander Ramsay of Dalhousie suretie for it. Her mother gives her bond for their relief.

To return to Earle George, we finde that he was a man very well accom∣plished;* 1.20 of personage tall, strong, and comely: Of great wisedome, and judgement. He is also said to have been eloquent. He was valiant and hardie in a high degree. His father (carrying the name of George also) we saw how by his mothers help he raised and advanced the house many wayes, almost doubling the estate of it, as it was before him, this man reares it up a great deal higher upon the ruines of the house of Douglas: yet doth he also diminish his own patrimonie and revenues of Angus, whiles to gain service and dependancie, he bestowes liberally, chiefly his lands of Angus, for he redacted the greatest part thereof from pro∣pertie, to superioritie onely, there being above 24. Barons, and Lords in Angus, that hold their lands of the Earles of Angus. His determination was fully to follow the King, though against his Chief and Cousin. But* 1.21 the King who had espoused the quarrell, and made the Earle Douglas party, was nearer to him in bloud, and therefore reason inclined his minde more to him. Besides he was a King, duety required his assistance. Hope also swayed the ballance greatly: There is hope of a Kings libe∣rality, chiefly when Lands come in dealing and parting. And he being a Douglas, and the Lands having belonged to a Douglas, he had great probabilitie to expect a large share in them. For to whom could they b•…•… given so justly and pertinently? His brother Bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could well egge him on. There was no hope of rising for him, that huge tree of Douglas standing which over-topt all others, and over-shadow∣ed the whole borders, and almost the whole Kingdome. He was younger (this Bishop) than Angus, but wise, vertuous, learned, and of authori∣ty: Experience also had given occasion of late to think that the house of Douglas drew all to themselves. The maiden of Galloway (the Earle of Wigtons daughter) was thought fittest to have been matched to some other Douglas being near to the Earle (as was thought then) and the house too great already in the Kings eyes, not to beaugmented. But he would none of such wisedome, he marrieth her himself, and disappoints them all, who could look for any rising by these mens means? Or in their standing in such greatnesse? yet the cause seems to go higher than the Kings cause. For even when the Earle of Douglas had the Kings au∣thority

on his side, and Creighton was denounced Rebell, Angus assists Creighton against the Kings authority. Wherefore in all likelihood the course hath begun in King James the firsts time. Then hath the house of Angus entred into friendship with Creighton in the dayes of William Earle of Angus, which hath continued in the time of Earle James his sonne, whose Lands Robert Fleming therefore did burn and spoile in the Baro∣nie of North-Berwick. And now that course begun then, is here prose∣cuted by Earle George to the utmost point. A pitie of such dissention in these houses, or one house rather, against which if it had not been thus divided in it self, their enemies could hardly have prevailed. For it cannot be denyed but the house of Douglas had great wrong, and was treache∣rously dealt with by Creighton, neither did it ever intend any thing against the King; but the King was drawn to the partie against it: though in the good cause of it, it committed errours, it is to be pitied, and lamented; for who doth not. Also George Earle of Angus declares not himself o∣penly against the house of Douglas for a time. The support that he is said to have given to William Creighton is said to have been done covertly at the spoiling of Strabroke and Abercorne. Neither after that, untill such time as the King declared himself openly, slew William Earle Douglas at Stirlin, and made open Warre against James who succeeded to him. Then he also declared for the King, and bent his whole force and power to aide him. He had that same year before 1452. the 24. of May, taken a course for keeping good order in his Countrey of Liddesdale, and to keep his Castle of the Hermitage safe for him, and that his folks should do no hurt to others, nor receive any of the enemies. He had for that purpose made Sir Archbald Douglas of Cavers (Sheriffe of Roxbrough) and William his sonne, Bailiffs of Liddesdale, and keepers of the Castle, who undertook, and bound themselves to do what we have said, for which he allowed them a large recompence and reward, as the Indenture thereof (yet extant) doth testifie. He is stiled in it Warden of the east marches, William Earle of Douglas being then alive. Some give unto him the honour of the battell in which the Earle Douglas was defeated in Annandale, where the Earle Murray was slain, and Ormond taken in the year 1455. Others attribute all to the Lord Carlile, and John∣ston.

But however that was, in the year 1457. he defeated the said Earle,* 1.22 and Henrie Percie Earle of Northumberland on the east border (which* 1.23 was his wardenrie) in a bloudy battell. For the Earle of Douglas, and Northumberland (a fatall Warriour to the Douglasses) having conveened an Army, and come to the Merse, began to spoile and burn the Coun∣trey. But the Earle of Angus set upon the Forragers and drave them to the hoast. The Earles moved with this indignitie (though many that were gone out to forrage were not yet come in) advanced and presented him battell, which he also accepted. After a sharp conflict on both sides with a greater courage and spite than strength, the victorie, which a long time was doubtfull which way to incline, at last fell to the Earle of Angus, not without some losse. The number of the slain was equall, but the English were put to flight, and many of them made prisoners. A

chief cause of this defeat was the suddennesse of the enemie in giving bat∣tell, and his not staying for the rest that were abroad, and had been sent out to forrage the Countrey. For they being laden with bootie, when they heard the noise of the fight, were so farre from coming to succour their fellows, that for fear of loosing what they had gotten, they took their way directly home into England. This victorie did not a little re∣create the King, being wearied both with civill and forraine Warre. For this service, which was exceeding pleasing and acceptable, the King gives him a new Charter of the Lordship of Douglas, upon a resig∣nation, which he had gotten before when the Earle Douglas was forfeited. What other Lands he got we have no speciall mention.

So the Earle Douglas being now forfeited, his brother slain, himself banished, and with small either effect, or effort, entertaining hostility by small incursions, rather than doing any thing for the advan•…•…ing of his main businesse, the face of the world was quite changed. The Earle of Angus was now made Lord of Douglas; and howbeit he came some∣what short of that huge greatnesse and puissance of the former, yet was he nothing inferiour in place of authority, in credit and account, in action and employment, as we said in the beginning. Nothing was done but by him, and under his shadow. Bishop Kennedie had the greatest vogue; he upheld the Bishop by his power, and by him men did come to finde favour, and did seek to have credit. We will set down two examples for all the rest, but those remarkeable, and sufficient to show of what great account and authority he hath been. The one is of our own Nati∣on, the other of a Forrainer.

The first is in the same year 1457. the 13. of May. We heard of James Lord Hamilton a faithfull, franke, and forward friend for the Earle Douglas, so long as he was a friend to himself by any action. He leaving himself, Hamilton also left him: I mean, seeing the Earle had lost that so sair occasion (if not to cast the Dice for the Crown, as the Lord Hamil∣ton said to him) yet to cast the Dice for the victory, and to give or take conditions of peace, which he had at Abercorne, being moe in number than the King; the Lord Hamilton was come in to the King upon this, that same night. He was received by the King, but not greatly credi∣ted, for he was committed to Rosselin (a Castle then of the Earle of Ork∣neyes) and afterwards (say our writers) freinds interceding for him, he was released out of prison, and received into most inward friendship. Thus sarre they go, but what friends these were, or how the friendship was made they do not tell. The Earle of Angus evidents tell us; and show that it hath been he that did him this friendly office. For whether before to move him to intercede for him, or after in token of thankfulnesse (though it be most likely it was after, because it is done at Tantallon, which must be after his releasement out of Rosselin) he giveth to this Earle George a memorable remembrance. He, I say, being a noble man, and a notable active man besides, gives him his bond of service (or Man∣reid) and that in ample forme, and submisse terms, excepting none but the King and Queen. And that I may not seeme to speak without a war∣rant in so great a matter, scarce to be beleeved of some, and that I do ra∣ther

amplifie things than set down the naked truth, I will set down the very words of the band, as it is extant in the hands of the Earle of Angus,* 1.24 which now is copied word by word, that every man may judge of it, as he thinks good.

Be it knowne to all men by thir present Letters, me James Lord Hamilton, &c. to be comen, and by these presents to become Man of speciall service and retinue, for all the dayes of my life-time, to an high and mighty Lord George Earle of Angus, Lord Douglas, and Warden of the East and middle marches of Scotland, foregainst England. Before, and against all them that live, or die may; mine allegeance to our soveraigne Lord the King, and my band of service to our soveraigne Lady the Queen Mary now present, allanerly out-tane. Promising all and sundry dutifull points in bands of retinue contained, to observe and keep to my Lord foresaid, as effeirs, for all the said time. In witnesse of the which thing I have gard set my seale. At Tantallon the 13. day of the moneth of May, the year of our Lord 1457, &c.

It hath been no small matter, nor small authoritie of him to whom it is given, that hath moved such a man to give such a Band. His credit hath been great, and Hamilton hath either received great benefit at his hand, or expected to receive some. I take it, that he hath procured his li∣bertie, and obtained to him that favour in Court that our Writers speak of, to be of the Kings inward friends. I suppose also that kinred hath been of some moment to move him to it. The reason of my conjecture is, because we have heard before, that Elizabeth, sister to Margaret (Countesse of Marre and Angus, and Grandmother to this Earle George) was married to Sir Alexander Hamilton of Cadyow (as some call him) by which mean this James Lord Hamilton might be third from her, and the Earle of Angus and he Cousins twice removed, or fourths in kin, as we speak. But this I referre to them that have the monuments of that House. However, what more honour could have been done to the great House of Douglas in the greatest grandour thereof, than what is here done to the House of Angus? Neither is it any dishonour to him that doth it. It is but folly to think so: Houses have their beginning and grouth: Mine to day, thine to morrow. This same Lord Hamilton by these be∣ginnings, within a few years (17. or 18. at most) shall lay such grounds of greatnesse, as shall lift his House above any subjects, to the very top of all, so as to have the Crown entailed to his Posteritie, and to enjoy it for a while as Regent and Governour. Let us remember the changes of the world, and the vicissitudes of Fortune, and let every man bear with pati∣ence, and hear with calmnesse, either what he is now, or what he was be∣fore. And this for the first domestick witnesse of honour and authoritie, credit and greatnesse of the House of Angus in this mans person.

The other amongst Forrainers was greater; which is this: The King* 1.25 of England, Henry the sixth, being overthrowne, and put out of his King∣dome and Countrey of England by the Duke of York, Edward the fourth; he, and his son, and his Queen being come into Scotland for re∣fuge, he indents with George Earle of Angus for his assistance, to help to

restore him to his Kingdome, and bindes himself to give unto George Earle of Angus, and his heires, Lands lying betwixt Trent and Humber, worth 2000. Marks sterling of yearly rent. 2. That he should erect it in a Dutchie, and infeft the said Earle therein, in as free Knight-service as any Land in England; and that the Earle, and his heires, should be Dukes thereof. 3. That in time of peace between Scotland and England, it should be lawfull for the said Earle, to repaire to England to his Dutchie, or to Court, or where he pleased, with an hundred horse in train. 4. And that if there happened to be warre betwixt the Countreyes, it should be lawfull for him to send 24. armed men, who should be under the King of England his protection, to gather and up-lift for his use, the rents and re∣venues of the said Dutchie. 5. That it should be lawfull for him, during the warres between the two Countreyes, to serve the King of Scotland; which should no wayes prejudice him in the enjoying of his Lands; nei∣ther should it be a cause of forfeiture or unlaw. 6. That he should not be bound to answer in person to the Parliaments of England, or any other Court of Justice; and that neither he, nor his Tenants, should be fined for his non-compearance. 7. That this Indenture should be showne to the Pope, and ratified by him. And so it was; sealed and subscribed with a (Henry) as long as the whole sheet of Parchment, the worst shapen let∣ters, and the worst put together that I ever saw. And (as I beleeve) it hath a particular Letter of confirmation of the Pope in the hands of the Earle of Angus. It is thought that when William Earle of Douglas went secretly into England, that his errand was to this, or some such purpose, to have made a proffer of his service to King Henry, on these or the like conditions. For even then the seeds of civill discord were sowne, and be∣gan to bud forth. But either because things were not as yet come to any ripenesse, or for that the Earle of Douglas was fallen into disgrace with his Prince, nothing was done. Now about the year 1460. (in the minori∣tie* 1.26 of King James the third) King Henry came into Scotland, and did thus transact with the Earle of Angus; A rare thing, and whereof the like example is hard to be found in any subject, except it be the Earle of Douglas, concerning the Dutchie of Turaine with the King of France, which is not unlike in many things. Howsoever, this shews how little inferiour the house of Angus hath been to the house of Douglas in credit and authority at home and abroad.

This Indenture took no effect, it being now too late, and King Henries estate brought to so low an ebbe, that both his friends and his fortune ha∣ving forsaken, and turned their backs upon him, his aide could not suffice against the whole power of England to make head against King Edward, and to stoppe the current of his victories. Notwithstanding Angus gave him a taste of what he could have done for him, and shewed him in a no∣table exploite, how available his service would have been, if his case had not been desparate, and past recovery. Which though it were not re∣warded with a Dutchie, yet doth it not want, nor ever shall want the due reward of high praise and honour as one of the hardiest, and greatest in∣terprises, that hath been atcheived by any subject.

The Queen (King Henries wife) had obtained of her friends in France

a few souldiers, 300. of which were in the Castle of Anwick with Mon∣sieur* 1.27 Brissac their commander. King Edward following his victories, and that he might prevent or suppresse any commotion that might arise in the North parts, or out of Scotland was come to Durhame with a great Ar∣my. He himself remaining in the Town, sent abroad his Commanders to take in all such Castles as stood good for King Henry. Amongst others he sent the Earle of Warwick to besiege Anwick with 20000. men. He had another Army lying about Bambrough not far off from this, and a third besieging another Town. King Henry (and more especially his Queen) being very solicitous, for the French men dealt with the Earle of Angus very instantly to have them relieved. He promised to do his best, and performed no lesse than he promised. He assembled to the num∣ber of 10000. horse, amongst whom there were 500. empty horses or moe (for commonly the best appointed have ever two horses for service) upon which he might mount the French-men, and bring them away. So he marches toward Anwick, and when he came within a little space of the Castle, he ranged his men in order of battell in the sight of the Eng∣lish Army, making show as if he would have invaded them, or at least that he meant to bide them battell if they should offer to set upon him, or hinder him in his purposed businesse. In the meane time he sent those 500. spare horse conducted by some choice troups to a posterne of the Castle to receive the French, and so brought them away. Some of the the English esteeming it a great affront, to suffer them to be carried away in such sort from under their noses, advised the Earle of Warwick to stay them. But he was resolute in the contrary, and told them, that he had no commission to fight. And (sayes he) who knowes what more aide these may have near hand in the parke, or some other place. And suppose they have not, these are certainly all choice men able enough to sustaine our charge. They cannot take the Castle with them into Scotland; let them take the men, I shall get the Castle, which is all that my commis∣sion bears. And so he lets them go, who returned into Scotland with the French men, an acceptable present chiefly to the Queen of England. This was a fair assay and preamble of his ensuing services, which being prevented by King Henries destinie, and his death, were smothered in the cradle, and his Dutchie engrossed in parchment to have lien betwixt Trent and Humber, is confined to a narrower precinct within the com∣passe of a Coffer.

Notwithstanding of this greatnesse and power, to make him yet stron∣ger, and more puissant on the borders, he did excambe his Lands in the Maines and Clarberon with Robert Grahame of old Monrosse, and got for them the Lands of Eskedale upon the border.

He contracted his sonne Archbald, and his heir apparant to Catherine daughter to Alexander Earle of Huntly, or to any other of his daughters which the said George should choose. The portion 2000. markes, the termes of payment 10. years, 100. markes every terme. That if Arch∣bald should die, his brother (whom the Indenture doth not name) should marrie one of the said Earle of Huntlies daughters. That the Earle of Angus should give his sonne 100. mark Land in Angus. That Archbald

after he be seven years old shall be given to the Earle of Huntly, and the Earle of Huntlies daughter to the Earle of Angus. The Indenture is da∣ted at Saint Andrews 1461. the last of September. This marriage took no effect, what ever were the cause thereof.

Either before or after this there fell out a dissention amongst the Estates about the choosing of a governour and protectour for the young King James the third. In which he and his brother Bishop Kennedie with the greatest part of the Nobilitie, opposed themselves to the Queen, who pre∣tended to be Tutrix, and had now usurped that place a year, while as the Nobilitie being busied in the Warres, had no leasure to look into these things. The Queene and such as followed her remained in the Castle, and the other party in the Abbey of Halyroodhouse. A Convention being appointed, the Queene and her faction came to the Parliament house, and declared her Tutrix, So soon as this was known, the Earle of Angus, and James Kennedie came up to the market place, where the said Bishop declares that their intention was nothing else but to maintain their old law, and the ancient practice of the Countrey, which was that in such cases the Nobilitie should choose one whom they thought most fit to undergo that charge of governing, which was for the good both of the King and Countrey, whereas they of the other party intended nothing but their own particular advantage, as he should show more evidently, in time and place convenient. After this speech, as they retired to their lodging, they were advertised that those who were in the Castle with the Queen, were coming down in armes to assault them, or to have hindered them from making this declaration. The Earle of An∣gus thinking it a great indignitie, that they being more in number, and better in qualitie, should give place to the weaker, and the meaner and in∣feriour partie, and that in such sort as might seeme to be a direct flight, could scarce be retained, but that he would needs turne upon them and fight, though he were not armed, as they were. But the matter was composed by the mediation of the Bishops of Glasgow, Galloway, and Dumblane, and assurance given for a moneth. After the expiring where∣of, having entred into a new consultation, with more peaceable and calme mindes, both parties agreed, that the King and Countrey should be go∣verned by foure Noblemen, two of which should be chosen out of the Queenes partie, and two out of the other. For the Queen she chose Willi∣am Lord Grahame, and Robert Lord Boyd, then Chancellour; for the o∣other side they chose Robert Earle of Orkney, and John Lord Kennedie, all chief of their Name and Families. Here is no mention of the Earle of Angus, which makes me think he hath died in this mean time, during the Truce, otherwise being principall of this other side, they would not have neglected him. Sure he died much about this time, which seemes to* 1.28 have been in the year 1462. Neither did his brother Bishop Kennedies bu∣sinesse* 1.29 go so well after this. He was buried in Abernethie amongst his Predecessours.

His wife (after his death) is said to have married a younger brother of the Captain of Crawford, and that she got from her sonne Archbald the Lands of Balmoodie in Fife, and that the house of Balmoodie is de∣scended

of her. Which notwithstanding, we finde her binde her self for relief of her sonne for the payment of her daughters portion, 1479. as a free person making no mention of a husband. It is true he might also have been dead; then the space being 17. or 18. years. But if her sonne were so liberall as to give her such Lands, he would never have troubled her to binde her self for his relief in the payment of his sisters portion in likelihood.

Of the first Archbald, sixth Earle of Angus, called commonly, Bell the Cat.

TO George succeeded Archbald his sonne and heir, a boy about 5. or 6. years of age at the most. For in the year 1461. the last of September, he is not 7. as appears by the Indenture made betwixt his father and the Earle of Huntly concerning his marriage. It took no effect: but in place thereof he marries EliZabeth Boyde, daughter to Robert Lord Boyde, then one of the Governours of Scotland, viz. in the year 1468. the fourth of May. Which makes it seem that the match* 1.30 hath not failed on the Earle of Huntlies part, but on his, or at least theirs* 1.31 to whose tuition he hath been committed. They, or hee preferring cre∣dit at Court before their keeping and fulfilling of the Contract made by his father. But it was little to their advantage, for the next year after that the Court was changed, the Boydes were discarded; his brother in law Thomas Boyde (sonne to Robert) banished, and his wife (the Kings si∣ster) taken from him, and his brother Alexander Boyde execute. As for their father Lord Robert himself, he fled into England. And this is all the fruits he reaps by his marrying for Court. He was by this our calcula∣tion 14. years of age at the most; and yet his Lady gets seasing of Aber∣nethie upon his resignation the same year the 1. of May. It is not unlike∣ly that one William Douglas of Clunie hath had some hand in the guiding of his minoritie, for we finde that the wardship of the Lands of Tantal∣lon, and Earledome of Douglas was given to him; and he having again resigned it into the Kings hands, the King makes a new disposition there∣of to Archbald, non obstante non aetate ejusdem, notwithstanding his nonage, which was then 16. years 1470. the 26. of June. Six years after, he* 1.32 hath care of his sisters Contracts by himself with Fintrie for one of them; and three years after that he takes upon him the burden for his mother, and hath her bound for his relief 1479. as hath been said in his fathers life, being then about 25. years of age. This dutifulnesse towards his si∣sters, deserves that he should be blessed with children of his own, and that he should have good successe in his affairs who begins so well.

And so it was with him: for he had by his wife foure sonnes; and* 1.33 three daughters, all honourably provided. His sonnes were, first George called commonly Master of Angus, because he came never to be Earle,* 1.34 being slain at Flowdon before his father died. The second, Sir William of Glenbarvie, who married Elizabeth Authenleck, heir of Glenbarvie. Third Gawin, who was Bishop of Duncale, a man of singular wisedome

and prudencie, and well lettered according to the times. This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had a base daughter, of whom the house of Foulewood (Semple) is descen∣ded. We shall have occasion to speak something of him in the life of Archbald his brothers son, in whose time he lived. The Duke of Al∣banie being Governour, having conceived some jealousie against the Earle of Angus, and the Douglasses, whereupon Angus was sent to France, and his uncle this Bishop was sent for to Rome by letters from the Pope, at the Governours procuring, to answer to such accusations as were given in against him. As he was going thither, he was seased of the plague at London in the year 1522▪ and died there; leaving behinde him great ap∣probation of his vertues, and love of his person, in the hearts of all good men. For besides the nobilitie of his birth, the dignitie and comelinesse of his personage, he was learned, temperate, and of singular moderation of minde; and in thefe so turbulent times, had alwayes carried himself a∣mongst all the Factions of the Nobilitie equally, and with a minde to make peace, and not to stir up parties; which qualities were very rare in a Clergie-man of those dayes. He wrote in his native tongue diverse things. But his chiefest work is the translation of Virgil, yet extant in verse, in which he ties himself so strictly as is possible, and yet it is so well expressed, that whosoever shall assay to do the like, will finde it a hard piece of work to go through with. In his Prologues before every Book, where he hath his libertie, he sheweth a naturall, and ample vein of poe∣sie, so pure, pleasant, and judicious, that I beleeve there is none that hath written before, or since, but cometh short of him. And in my opinion, there is not such a piece to be found, as is his Prologue to the 8. Book, be∣ginning (of Dreams and of Drivelings &c.) at least in our language. The fourth son was Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie, who married a daughter* 1.35 of one Little in Edinburgh. He had by her Archbald of Kilspindie, who was Provest of Edinburgh in King James the fifth his minoritie, and was married to the Earle of Crawford his daughter, by whom he had first Patrick, secondly Alexander, and thirdly James. Patrick was married to one Murray, a daughter of the house of Balbaird, by whom he had William. After that he married Agnes, daughter to the Lord Gray, and had by her two sons, and two daughters. And thus much of his sons.

His daughters were first Marjori•…•…, married to Cudbert Lord of Kil∣maers* 1.36 in the year 1491. Her portion was 1700. Marks. Secondly, Eliza∣beth, married to Robert Lile Lord Chief Justice. Her portion was 1000. Marks, whereof 100. pounds was to be payed at the first Terme, and then 50. pounds termely till all were payed. It is with dispensation, which is a signe that they have been in kin before the year 1493. Thirdly, Jennet, whom we finde contracted to Robert Lord Harris, in the year 1495. Novemb. 22. to be married, and that he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 divorce from the wife he had, so soon as can be. That she in the mean time shall not marry else∣where. For which caufe she is infeft in his Lands of Tarrigla, with the Kings confirmation past thereupon, the same year and day. Her portion is, that the said Earle then Chancellour, shall procure his Lands to be new holden of the King. This fact, for a man to contract to part with the wife he hath, and marry another, as it is harsh to conceive, so being done

so solemnely by such persons, we must suppose it had sufficient and ho∣nest grounds. For certainly the Earle of Angus, being withall Chancel∣lour for the time; needed not to hunt after unlawfull or unseemly marri∣ages for his daughters. Some reckon a fourth daughter, whom they name not, but say she was eldest, and married to the Earle of Montrose, this Earles great Grandfathers father: but because I have not seen any monument of her, I reserved her to the last place.

He had also sundry bastard sonnes after his wifes death. First William* 1.37 of the Parkhead, of whom the house of the Parkhead is come, and the Lord of Torthorrell by his mother. Secondly James of Tod-holes: And thirdly one that (they say) was gotten in Glenbarvie, born after his de∣cease. But this seemes to be false, because they affirm commonly, that a•…•…ter the field of Flowdon (where his sonne George was slain) he went into Galloway to Saint Maines, and lived the space of a year an austere life. Then he was not thus incontinent, if that be true, neither came he to Glenbarvie, seeing he lived in Galloway. He had also a base daughter. And thus much of his children.

To come to himself: we have heard how his father Earle George raised the house of Angus to such greatnesse of credit and authoritie, that it was become not much inferiour to the house of Douglas, to which it had suc∣ceeded. Archbald his son did no way diminish it. But when he came to be of years fit for managing affairs, he so behaved himself, and gained so good opinion of his wisedome and courage, that the whole burden of the estate of the Countrey did lye upon him 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And for that cause chiefly he is commonly designed by the epithete of The great Earle of Angus. For as touching his Lands and Rents, we finde no great augmen∣tation of them, save that he provided his children well. If we consider the means, it hath been his own worth and sufficiencie that hath brought him to it: for he began indeed his marriage with Court, as a fit mean whereby to rise; but that lasted but short while, as we have heard. The Court changing, it was rather a mean to have wrought him discredit. Notwithstanding of which, and though he was young himself, we finde nothing, but that his businesse went right. He got his own wardship, e∣ven when his alliance were at the hardest pinch, that same very year that Thomas Boyd had his wife taken from him, and married to another. His successe in the marriage of his sisters doth also show the same. Neither hear wee of any hard effect that their dis-courting did produce toward him.

It was he that was the chief actor in taking order with Robert Co∣chran,* 1.38 and the other Courtiers, that did abuse the King and Countrey. He propounds the matter to the Nobilitie, he opens up the estate of things, he puts hand to work, and executes what was concluded. The rest consent, and follow, he goeth before in every thing. And even then when he did all this, he was of no great age, not above five and twentie; and yet his credit, power, and authoritie, was able to go through with it. The History is written at length in our Chronicle, we need do no more but transume it. Neither is it necessary that we do that to the full, it will suffice to set down onely what is requisite for laying open the occasion

and circumstances for clearing of the fact, that the Reader may the better discerne the right from the wrong, which otherwise lye confused. Thus* 1.39 it was. King James the third of that name, a man of a great and high spirit, and of a hastie nature, and prone to anger, and such a one as would not suffer patiently his own judgement to be contradicted, could not a∣way with that freedome of speech, which he found in his Nobilitie: wherefore hee made choice of such to be about him, as would not cor∣rect, but approve all his sayings, and who would not offend him by gainsaying, but did curie▪ favour by soothing of him, and who with flat∣tering admiration did extoll all that he said, or did. Wherefore excluding the Nobilitie, he was wholly at the devotion of a few of his servants with whom he advised, and consulted of all busines, and either followed their opinions, or made them to consent, and ex•…•…cute his will. Thus he began to do about the year 1474. having after his marriage (in the year 1470.)* 1.40 addicted himself most part to his domesticke, and private pleasures, sel∣dome coming abroad, or giving time to the affaires of his Kingdome. He had gotten about him base men both in place and worth, whom he* 1.41 had advanced to honours, and nobilitated. Amongst these there was one Robert Coghran a Mason by his trade, whom he made Earle of Marre, An English singing man called William Rogers, whom he honoured with Knight-hood, with diverse others of meane rank and qualitie, whose chief commendation was that they were impudently wicked, and villanous. This Rogers is thought also to have been his Pander, and an enticer of him to lewdnesse and wronging his Queen. Amongst these base men, there was one Gentleman of good birth, but he seeing the Kings inclination, had set himself fully to follow it in all things; wherefore he had given his daughter to Robert Coghran in marriage as a bond of friendship and so∣ci•…•…tie, his name was Thomas Preston. There was also a young page John Ramsay, who was of the same combination. These were the Kings Minions, Counsellours, and whole confidence. On these he reposed, and cast the burden of affaires. Their hopes were built upon the ruine of the Nobilitie, that by their fall they themselves might rise. These were Counsellours and Executioners of the murder of his younger brother John; and had caused him to commit his other brother Alexander to pri∣son in the Castle, who had died likewise, if he had not found means to e∣scape in the night, by making a rope of his bed-clothes, and so got over the wall. To these great evils there were joyned worse things. He had given himself to seek responses, and predictions of things to come, chief∣ly concerning his own estate, of Magiciens, and Witches. He had for that purpose brought one out of Flanders that was thought very skilfull in divining, named Andrew a Physician by profession, and Astrologer. This man had given the Kings Ambassadours some proof of his cunning when they went through Flanders to the Duke of Burgundie. He hearing whe∣ther they were going, told them they needed not to make any great haste, for they should hear news of the Duke ere it were long. And so they did indeed, for within three dayes they heard that he was slain. When they came home they related this to the King, extoll his skill, and in∣flame his minde; which was too prone of it self, with desire to hear him.

So he was sent for, and being come, was presented with many rich gi•…•…ts. And good reason he should, if he could withall have instructed the King how to avoide the evils that were to come. But meerly to foretell e∣vill which could not be shunned, it was too dear bought evil tidings. Yet that is all he doth, tels him that his own should be his ruine. The King interprets it of his brethren, his kins-men, and his subjects, especially the chief of the Nobilitie. Whereupon being suspicious and jealous of all others, he trusted none but his foresaid Minions. By these doings he makes way for the fates, by slaying or warding his brother, he irritates the Nobilitie, he suspecting them, and being suspected of them by a mu∣tuall fear. They to secure themselves, put hand into the Courteours who were the authours of these evils; he interprets that to be Rebellion against himself, and seeks how to be revenged. They for their safety are driven from point to point, constrained by necessitie for the preservation of their lives, cast off all respect, and take Arms openly, drawes his sonne to the party (his own nearest according to his responses) whereon ensues his ruine. This is the effect of seeking to Magiciens and sooth-sayers, where∣of we seldome hear a better end. And it is but deservedly, that those that leave the authour and fountaine of all good▪ who guides all by his providence, to follow follies and superstition, and the authour of all evil and wickednesse should be thus served. This is the effect of pride and arrogancie, that leans onely to its own judgement, and will not give way and libertie to admonish and informe rightly. Upon which, other incon∣venients do follow by degrees: First with-drawing the ear from faithfull Counsellours, then giving themselves to flatterers, then entertaining of these, and rejecting and casting off others, whereof ariseth suspicions, jea∣lousies, wrongs, injustice, from hence shedding of bloud under colour of law, or without colour in open Tyranny, as no man at first becomes ex∣treamly wicked. At last followes the ruine of the authours, together with the ruine of others. To return to our point, it came so about here. The warre began betwixt Scotland and England; An Army behooved to be raised, and for the raising thereof the Nobilitie must be conveened. Loath were those new men to the work, they knew not what they might think when they were conveened. But there was no remedie, their privie counselling could not sustaine the warres. That was the part of the No∣blemen, and could not be done without them. So they are conveened;* 1.42 the Army raised marches toward the borders, on to Lawder they go. It is a Town in the confines of Merse and Tivedale, which countries were both wasted by the incursions of the enemy. Nothing will make men wise where there is ruine determined. The place, the time, the enemy, the necessitie to use the Nobilitie, could not serve to admonish the King and his Courteours to give them some small countenance and content∣ment. Whom they were constrained to employ, they would not en∣deavour to please. On they go with their wonted course. The King only countenances, consults, advises with his Cabin-councell. Neglects▪ the Nobilitie and distrusts them. It had been strange if they had not re∣cented it; and as strange if they had not remedied it. Now was the time or never. The force, power and all was in their own hands. They disdain

it, they regrate it in private one to another. They agree on the generall, that some order must be taken with these disorders. They appoint a meeting for advising of the forme and particular manner how and what to do. The place, Lawder Kirk; the time, next morning betimes. Thither* 1.43 they come at the time prefixt. Here the Earle of Angus, first in place and rank, first in credit, first in authority and their account, is also first in* 1.44 speech, and is said first thus to have opened up the matter unto them.

My honourable Lords, I hold it not needfull to go about with many words to set before you the Estate of this Kingdome. For some things you your selves remember, some you see before your eyes. Our chief Noblemen are thrust into exile, and forced either to suffer into lerably, or do unjustly. And you who are the Arms and Limbs of this King∣dome are left without a head, as a Ship without a Pilot and Master, ex∣posed to the storms and tempests of fortune. Our fields are burnt, our goods carried away, the labourers killed, or seeing no other remedie of their manifold miseries, have yeelded themselves to the enemy. His Majestie in the mean time a man indeed (if he were himself) of a gene∣rous minde and rare understanding, bewitched in his affection, asketh no advice or counsell of his Nobilitie, but consulteth of peace and warre, of the good of the Countrey, and safety of us all with a few base, vile, and ignorant fellows, who by relating the predictions of Sorcerers and Magicians, fill his sick minde with vaine fear and super∣stition. And these men determine and set down decrees of our lives and estates, who knowing that they merit the hatred of all men, do therefore hate all men. Neither do they seek onely to lessen your au∣thority, but to strike off your heads by one plot or other. Some of you they have already made away by death, others by banishment. Neither do they, as commonly new risers do, climbe up to the highest places by degrees, but they make the carcasses of the Kings sonnes steps for them to mount upon, and water their growing honours with the Bloud Royall it self. One of his brothers they have most cruelly murdered, the other they have constrained for fear to forsake his Countrey, and become a Captain in the enemies Camp. And now being rid of them, they lye in wait for the rest. For being conscious of their own basenesse, they cannot endure any that is excellent or eminent. Whoso hath ri∣ches to satisfie their avarice, or power to assist their bold attempts, him they reckon for their enemy. And do we prepare our selves to with∣stand the common enemy? And encampe against England? As if a∣ny were more deadly and more to be feared then he whose greedinesse our goods cannot suffice, and whose thirst of slaughter our bloud is not able to quench. Now that you may know how much this inward plague is worse than that outward foe, put the case that England (which God forbid) should overcome, what could we look for at their hands? what would they make the end of their hatred, or reward of their victo∣ry? The death of the King do you think, or of yourselves? verily, I beleeve neither. Our contentions have not been for lives, but for ho∣nour and empire. And a noble heart, as it is vehement and violent a∣gainst those that oppose, so is it easily mitigated by prayer and entreaty;

and even with the consideration of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of humane affairs it is moved to pity and compassion. But let us suppose the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that they being 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of our old debates, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 up with present vi∣ctory would take the Kings life, which of these two doth deal more ea∣sily with us? He that by depriving us of life, doth also take away all sense of evil; or he that reserveth that to daily 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which next after our God, should be most dear to us? who besotting the minde with Witch-〈◊〉〈◊〉, do 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the King to the destruction of his nearest kindred, who detaine him like a captive▪ and will not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him at any time to show his face to his loyall Subjects? that they may enjoy the comfort of his countenance, and he behold their service 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his honour and safety. They are not so much to be reputed enemies, who with displayed banner professe hostility, as they who within the wals lye in Ambush for your overthrowe. who drawing away his Ma∣jesties affection from his friends betray him to his enemies, and making you destitute of a leader, would expose you to the mercie of your ene∣mies. Into whose hands if you do fall, though perhaps you escape death, yet shall you not eschew shame and ignominie, and which is wors•…•… than a thousand deaths, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and bondage. If you get the day and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 victorious, you shall not for all that, acquire that which is the end and fruit of victory, honour and renown to your King, rest and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to your selves, and to your posteritie, a flourishing and prosperous •…•…state of your Countrey, but on the contrary a greater liberty to your adver∣saries for the present, and greater security for the time to come, ruine and destruction to your selves; and to your King a worse slavery, So that by vanquishing you shall not be so much freed from troubles abroad, as you shall increase your miseries at home. Wherefore my o∣pinion is, to speak it in a word, that first we shake off this yoke of servl∣tude at home, before we enter into fight with the forraine enemie. Otherwise all of us shall be slaves to the will and pleasure of a •…•…ew, we shall strengthen our enemies, and become Traitours to the common∣wealth.

What you shall resolve to do, I pray God to prosper. When the Earle had ended his speech•…•…, there arose a confused murmure throughout the whole Assembly, for they had not the patience to give their votes in order, but all cryed out together, testifying their approba∣tion and assent to his speech and opinion. Amongst others there present, the Lord Gray was one, whom some would have to be he that slew* 1.45 the Earle of Douglas at Stirlin, commonly called Cow•…•…-Gray. But if it were he, he behoved to be of great age now, and of greater at the battell of Bannock-burne, where he is also said to have been▪ wherefore I take it rather that this hath been his son.

However, the Lord Gray heard all, and seeing their forwardnesse, craved audience, and told them the Apo∣logue of the Mice, who consulting in a publick meeting, how to be sure from the Cats surprising of them, found out a very good way, which was to hang a bell about her neck, that would ring as she st•…•…pped, and so give them warning of her approach, that they might save them∣selves by flight. But when it came to be questioned who would under∣take to ti•…•… the bell about the Car•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉, there was never a mouse durst

cheep or undertake it.

The Earle of Angus understood his meaning, and what application was to be made of it▪ wherefore he answered short∣ly,* 1.46 I will Bell the Cat, and what your Lordships conclude to be done, shall not lack execution. For this answer, he was alwayes after this na∣med Archbald Bell the Cat. And so they concluded, that these wicked Counsellours, and their Complices the Courtiers of the same qualitie, and stamp, should be brought to judgement, and punished according to their deserts. In the execution whereof their main care was that no inconveni∣ent should come to the King, which because it might fall out in a tumult, they ordained that the Army should lye quiet, and onely the Noblemen with their houshold servants should go to Court, and apprehend them as peaceably and calmly as possible they could. After the meeting was bro∣ken up, as they were going along, they encountred by the way with Ro∣bert Coohran, whom the King (informed of their meeting) had sent to know what the matter was: For it seemed to be some businesse of mo∣ment, and great importance that had moved such men to conveen at such an houre, so early in the morning. He had about his neck a gold chain of great weight, which the Earle of Angus took hold of, and strai∣ning it a little, This chain, said he, doth not become a man of your rank, but I shall ere long, give you one that will become you to weare farre bet∣ter, and so pulling the chain from his neck, he delivered him to one of his men to be kept sure. After that he went on to the Kings lodging, where the Guard and others that were present astonished with the sud∣dennesse of his coming, or reverencing the dignitie and majestie of his person gave place, and shrank away, so that the rest were easily apprehen∣ded without resistance or tumult. Onely John Ramsay fled to the King, and clasped his arms about his middle, and at the Kings request was par∣doned in respect of his youth which excused his errours, and seemed to promise for him, that he would do no more so. The rest were led forth, and accused. 1. Of causing kill the Kings brother John. 2. Of inciting the King, and animating him against his other brother Alexander Duke of Albaine, so as to banish him: 3. Of sowing dissention betwixt the King and his Nobles. 4. Of drawing him to superstition, witch-craft, and ma∣gick to the offence of God, and slander of Religion. 5. Of perswading him to coyne a certain kinde of brasse, coyne of no value, which the peo∣ple called the black coyne, which fact of all other was most odious to the vulgar. For hereupon had ensued great dearth of corns and victuall, while as the owners did choose rather to suffer their graine to rot in their Garners, then under the name of selling to give them to the buyers, for so they thought it to be a gift, and not a sale. Their accusations were no sooner read, but all cryed out against them; and so they were condemned to be hanged over the bridge of Lawder. That sentence pronounced, was so acceptable to all that heard it, that they ran and brought their horse halters, and bridle reines to serve for ropes, and strive who should have* 1.47 the honour therein, the whole Army, and Nobilitie concurring and assi∣sting at their execution. And thus they did remove those men, whom the good of the King, of the Nobilitie, and whole Countrey required neces∣sarily to be removed from their Prince. Yet it was done with as great re∣spect

to himself, as it could be in such a case, where matters were to pro∣ceed contrary to his minde. They offer his person no violence, they do not mis-behave themselves in words: they are carefull it be not done by any in a tumult, and therefore come accompanied with the fewer number. They grant his desire when he did interceed for one of the guiltie, which shewes how willing they would have been to have granted the rest also, if it could have been done safely. A very remarkable and rare example of carefulnesse of the Common-wealth, joyned with all modestie, love, and dutifulnesse towards their King. Their behaviour was just such as Lawyers prescribe in such cases, who accounting the person of the Prince sacred, and not to be touched any way, do allow that their wicked counsellours and abusers only be taken order with, where the good of the Countrey enforceth it. Wherein the Earle of Angus being the princi∣pall actour, the chief commendation thereof can not be taken from him; the praise, I say, not onely of wisedome in propounding, and perswading, of courage and resolution in under-taking, but also of discreet mode∣ration, and dutifull regard to the King, in performing of this action without tumult, or uprore. Happie had the King been, if he could have taken it up rightly, and as he saw how far his wicked abusers were hated, he had also read their love and regard of his person, that appeared in e∣very act of this Tragick Comedie, written in fair and Capitall Letters. He made show, as if he had taken all in good part, but it was not in since∣ritie. He accounted it high treason and rebellion, and set his minde whol∣ly on revenge. He saw what was done to his Courtiers, but he would* 1.48 not see the respect carried to himself; for upon this occasion the Army dissolving, so soon as he came to Edinburgh, and found himself at liber∣tie, he retired to the Castle with a few of his familiar friends, as not da∣•…•…ing to trust his Nobilitie. Which when they perceived, they had their private meetings and consultations apart. Hereupon his brother Alexan∣der moves the King of England to send an Army with the Earle of Glo∣cester, hoping to do somewhat for himself. And so he doth; for the Nobilitie sent for him, and made him chief man of the party, under the name of Generall Lieutenant of Scotland. The King remained in the Castle, from whence he is brought out, and restored to his own place, his brother endeavouring by modestie to approve his uprightnesse, and ba∣nish all jealousies by his actions. But all would not do; he continues his jealousie, and the effects of jealousie, an evill minde, and ill-will. Intends to make him away, some say by poison; whereof he being advertised, with-drawes himself again into England; and that he might be the more welcome thither, he put the Castle of Dumbar into their hands. Neither doth he bear any better minde toward the Nobilitie; but still intends their ruines, making up a heap of crimes, calling all their proceedings and actions rebellious. And after a short while, the Courtiers began to fol∣low the foot-steps of those that had gone before them, and nothing terri∣fied with the example of their end, began to trade the same path that they had done. John Ramsay (who was pardoned at Lawder) procured an edict from the King, that none but he and his followers should go armed in those places where the Kings Court did converse. The King thought

it was hard for him to deale with them all at once, therefore they must be divided. For this effect he insinuates himself, and becomes very familia•…•… with a part of them, and advanceth them to honours. He makes the Earle of Crawford, Duke of Monrosse, a great and powerfull man. But who was so fit for his service as the Earle of Angus? he makes as if he were fully reconciled to him, hath him continually about him, countenanceth him every way, communicates with him his most secret affairs, some say he made him Chancellour; but the Chancellour (Andrew Stuart Lord of Evendale) was even now living, at the coming in of Alexander Duke of Albanie; neither hear we of his death, neither do we finde in old Evi∣dents, that the Earle of Angus is entituled Chancellour, before 1493. which is after this Kings death, in King James the fourth his time, though we have Evidents of the year 1488. and 89. To him the King opens his mind so far, as finding that the principal of the Nobility were in Edinburgh the K. sends for Angus to the Castle, tells him that now he hath a fair oc∣casion to be avenged of his enemies, that he wóuld cause seize and appre∣hend them: for if the Leaders and Chief of the Faction w•…•…e once cut off, the rest would not dare to stirre: that if he should neglect this opportu∣nitie, he could hardly look for the like hereafter. Some say, that he pur∣posed to have invited them to a supper in the Castle, and so to have laid hands on them, others say, that he meant to have caused take them in their lodgings in the night, which is not unlikely. The Earle of Angus, though he were no very old Cat (some 31. or 32.) if that was 1486. as it should seem, yet was he too warie and circumspect to be drawne by a straw. He knew himself to be as guilty as any of them, and as much hated for his guilt. But he was now within the Castle, and had need to carry himself wisely. To refuse, might endanger his life; to consent he could not, it was so grosse and foule. Wherefore he frames his answer after such a kinde, as might be both safe for himself, and no waies prejudiciall to the rest.

He tells him what a disgrace it would be for him, if without or∣der of law he should (all of a sudden) bring so many Noblemen to the scaffold without a crime, to whom he was but lately reconciled, and had promised remission of all that was past, especially at such a time when they trusted to the publick assurance given them for their securi∣tie. Neither will those that •…•…emain, said he, be terrified, and dismayed with the death of these few, but be irritated and driven to despair, and so to greater violence. But if it will please your Majestie to follow my advice, I shall tell you a better way to give you satisfaction. Do but charge and summond any of them at any time to under-lye the law, and I with my friends and followers shall bring them in by force o∣penly, and in fair day light, to what place you please, where execution may be done according to law, which is not onely more safe, but more honourable, than either to betray them under colour of friendship, and feasting, or to invade them in the night, as if they were set on bytheeves and robbers.

This being spoken with that grace and courage where∣with he used to accompanie his actions, the King acknowledging it was true that he said, and knowing he was able to performe what he promi∣sed, supposing he spake in sinceritie, gave him many thanks▪ and having

loaded him with as many promises, dismissed him. Assoon as he was come to his lodging, he revealed all to the Noblemen, and withall went himself out of the Town. From that time forth there was no more peace. The Kings counsell being revealed, he distrusted all men. The Nobilitie seeing his resolution to ruine them, and that there was no trust to be given to his words, despairing of concord; whereas they had be∣fore sought his amendement, and not his over-throw, retaining ever a* 1.49 dutifull love and regard to his Person, now they set themselves, and lay all the plots they can how to undo him. Yet can they not be alienated from the race of their Kings. His son had not offended, and fell to suc∣ceed. They affect him for their Captain. He is also most acceptable, and most agreeable to the people, and so fittest for them. Others might be* 1.50 suspected, envied, or mis-interpreted. Wherefore they allure him to their partie by his keepers, and his keepers perswade him by feare of being dis∣inherited, and put besides his succession to the Crown. And now the parties are adressed, the King and his own son. There was divers times mention of peace, but where all trust was taken away▪ it could not be e∣stablished. They send the King word flatly, they could not give credit to his promises. And so there was no way to mediate a peace, but by his dimission of the Crown to his son. That condition was intollerable; he aggravates it to forrain Princes, and to the Pope, shewing what an ill president it was for all Princes. But before any help can come from thence, the Lords make haste to come to a conclusion, which fell out ac∣cording to their desire. The Kings Forces lay most part beyond Forth, and in the Northerne parts. For conveening of them, Stirlin was the fit∣test place. Thither l•…•…e takes his way with the Forces he had: The No∣bilitie following as near as they could come to him. Yet was he gone before them, and might first have come to the Castle. But being excluded by the keeper, he is constrained to hazard the battell at Bannock-burn.* 1.51 There, having overthrown the vanguard of the enemy, he was overthrown by the Anandale men, & west-borderers that bare longer spears than they that were on the Kings side. The King himself hurt with the fall of his horse▪ and wounded in the right arme, fled unto a water-mill that was near unto the place, with intention to have fled to his Ships. But he was perceived, and known by the partisans of his Guard, that stuck to him (which were trimmed with white fringes or fasses) and followed by Patrick Lord Gray, and Stirlin (of Keir) and a Priest named Borthwick. Which of these, or if all of them fell upon him it is uncertain, but there he was slain by them. Fame layes it most on the Lord Gray, who if it were Cowe-Gray; it seemes his apprentiship and his practice in his old age have been very sutable. For he it was that slew William Earle of Dou∣glas at Stirlin, under this Kings father 35. or 36. year before this. He hath put a long time between his assay, and his master-piece, and gone too high in it. If it was his son, he hath followed well his fathers example, and gone beyond him also. All this while the Earle of Angus part was honourable and kindly, his heart could not digest the slaughter of his* 1.52 King. He sought his own safety, and to shorten the reins of his unbridled minde, but for his life, he neither sought it, nor could he suffer it to be

taken so farre as he could hinder it. Wherefore seeing the victorie to be on their side, he cryed oft to save the King, attesting all for their love to God, and for their respect to the young Prince his sonne, that they should do him no harm. This was cast in his teeth by the way of re∣proach as childishnesse, or too much tendernesse of heart at such a time, by the Lord Gray. There were slain on the Kings side the Earle of Glen∣carne (and a few of his fellows) the Earle of Angus married his daughter three years after, to Robert Lord Kilmaers son or rather Grand-childe to this Earle of Glencarne. This happened 1488. the 28. of King James* 1.53 Raigne, and 35. of his age.

But the Warre did not end with the death of the King. The old Kings faction was rather scattered than broken, chiefly his Navy and Sea For∣ces, of which the Captain (Andrew Wood) stood out obstinatly. In the North the Lord Forbes had gotten the Kings bloudy shirt, & carrying it upon a spears point like an ensinge, through Aberdene and other Towns stirred up all he could to revenge the Kings slaughter. In the Westerne parts of the Kingdome, the Earle of Lennox assembled his power, and divers moe with him did send their messengers to and fro, exhorting the people every where not to suffer so detestable a murder un-revenged; forbidding them to scarre at the shadow of the present Kings authority, whom these Parricides did detaine a captive to countenance their wick∣ednesse, he being rather a prisoner than a Prince, the whole power resting in the hands of the Douglasses, Humes, and Hepburnes. That even in that regard they would take Arms to free him from their tyrannie, who would make the World beleeve that he being but a childe of 15. years of age were so unnaturall as to allow of his fathers murder. Besides all this the English made some trouble by Sea with five Ships, which lay in the mouth of Forth, and not onely infested the Merchants and such as did trade by Sea, but also many times came a Shore, and pillaged the Countrey. These were prognosticks of a storm arising, and of a tempest as great as had been from the West, from the North, and from the Sea. But these droping Clouds which threatned an after-clap were quick∣ly* 1.54 dispersed by the prudent handling of the other party. Andrew Wood was intreated, and brought not onely to be no enemy, but also to set up∣on the English Ships, which he did with his own two onely, and brought in the five English to Leith. Lennox was defeated by the Lord Drummond, whose daughter George master of Angus had married: and the Northern men hearing of it sat quiet, and stirred not. And for con∣clusion* 1.55 a Parliament was held at Edinburgh the 6. of November, where all that was done at Bannock-burne was decerned to be good service, and that those that were slain there, were slain through their own default, and that those that had taken Arms against them were free from all crime. This had been done before in the Parliament when the King was crow∣ned, but there were so few present then, that they thought it necessary to renew it here, where both parties were present. And so it was not onely enacted, but subscribed by all that had vote in Parliament. Thus did Angus with the rest of his associats governe those matters which seemed to be very hard to settle, both wisely and moderately. For they used not

their victory and power either cruelly or covetously. They forgave sin∣cerely those that came in and yeelded, and punished gently the more ob∣stinate, fining them in their goods, or taking from them some portion, or parcell of their Lands and Possessions; but there was no man ruined, or wholly undone by them; And so they both pacified things, and did not much displease the parties, who bare it patiently when they called to re∣membrance for what small faults, and upon what slight pretences men were turned out of their whole Estates in the late Kings time. By these meanes they procured a true and sincere peace among the Subjects, strengthened with a generall love and submission of both parties to the King. And to confirme all the two principalls of the other party L•…•…nnox and Forbes came in, and were received into favour: Many attribute the commendation of all this to the King himself, whose inclination (it can∣not be denied) was good; but to speak the truth, as it is, he was but young, and not a Guider, but guided, even by the confession of the ad∣verse partie. Neither could he of himself have carried things so wisely, for all his good disposition; neither was he able to have done it, though he had been skilfull, if there had not been great moderation in those that were about him. Wherefore seeing both common report, and our Histo∣ries also make our Douglasses, Humes, and Hepburnes, the chief authors and actors in these matters; I see no reason why we should defraude them of their due commendation of being men that were dutifull to their Countrey, and withall very respective to their King, having laboured all they could to reclaim him, and after he had shut himself up in the Castle, restoring him to his full authority, and even when he was seeking their lives, they did tolerate him a good while, being very loath to come to ex∣tremity. And last being forced to it by necessitie for the preservation of their own lives, they had regard to the race of their Princes, yea to him∣self, and his life in the greatest heat of the battell, ever willing and desi∣rous to save him. And then after the victorie, we •…•…ee how moderate they were against their detractours, slanderers, and profest enemies that had taken Arms against them, how meek in bearing with them, how carefull too, with calmnesse to reconcile them, how gentle in using of them, how wise and prudent in thè whole progresse of pacification. And above all the moderation of their desires is to be remarked; for they did neither in∣crease their estates, nor enrich themselves on whit, by spoiling or viole•…•… •…•…eizing of any mans Lands or Goods. The Earle of Angus was made Chancellour. But that was after the death of the Lord Evendale, and so it was not taken from any other man, neither was there any wrong in it. And on whom could it have been so well bestowed? who was so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for it? and who so worthy of it? Besides, it seemes that he got it not in the Kings minority, when he had all power in his own hand under the sha∣dow of the Kings name, and so might have extorted it from the King in those troublous times, for he is never termed Chancellour 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the year 1493. which was 5. years after Bannock-burne, and then all the troubles were quieted and pacified, and the King came to be 20. years of age, able to guide his affairs by himself. The Lord Hume is also made* 1.56 great Chamberlaine of Scotland, yet that was also in the Kings power to

give, and belonged to no man. What other casuality, or benefite they acquired by the Kings liberality, we finde not, unlesse it were the Guardi∣anship of the inheritrix of Glenbarvie, which Angus got, whom he mar∣ried to his son William. But suppose they did get any such thing, yet was it without injury to any man and un-reproveably. Wherefore we may say justly, that no Princes minority was ever so moderately and inno∣cently, so justly, wisely, and prudently guided amongst so great trou∣bles and grounds of dissention. This made them that they feared no man, having offended no man, but were even secure in the Kings presence, not∣withstanding that he had enjoyned himself a pennance, for being acces∣sarie to his fathers death, which was the wearing of a chain of iron about his middle in stead of a girdle, to which he added every year a new link or ring. Not the lesse of all this, they were never afraid of the King nor jealous of him, but interpreted this well, and took it in good part, not onely because they trusted to the Kings gentle disposition, or because they confided in their own Forces, as being of the stronger fa∣ction; but also because they reposed on the conscience of their fact, the necessity of doing what they had done, and innocencie every other way towards every man.

From this time the Earle of Angus continued Chancellour, so named* 1.57 in all Writs and Indentures untill the year 1496. the 14. of January, at which time he contracts his daughters to the Lord Harris, and the Lord Lile. He indents with Hugh Douglas Deane of Buchan, and sonne to the late Earle of Ormond, in two severall Indentures, whereof the condition of the one is to pursue for the lands of Evendale in the year 1493. the other in the year 1496. the 14. of January, is to this purpose; That the said Hugh shall pursue for Glenwhome, Gladstanes, and any other Lands per∣taining to the Earles of Douglas, Lord of Evendale, or his father the Earle of Ormond, and that having obtained them he shall resigne them in fa∣vour of the Earle of Angus. Other things remarkeable we have none, un∣till about the time of the Field of Flowden, which makes it seem to be probable (which some allege) that all this time he was confined in A∣rane. The pretended cause (as they say) was secret intelligence with King Henry of England; but the true cause (they say) was his taking Jean Kennedie, daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway, to whom the King bare affection, and to whom the Earle gave infeftement, and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel, although he never married her. As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all, seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries (the 7. and 8.) untill the warre was denounced, or a very short time before. And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie, we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour, and the Lord Kennedie, but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it. And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands, but in his sonne Georges, who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale, which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that be∣longed

to his sonne. Further our Histories tels us, that when James Earle of Aran, who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepa∣red for a present to Queene Anne of France, had turned in upon Ireland, and having burnt Knockfergus, was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile, the King offended with his folly, gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage. But Aran having heard of it, hoysed saile, and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay. Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him, yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished. For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches (and that before Flowdon) of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus, for the space of three or foure generations, descen∣ding from father to sonne by succession, from Earle William in the persons of James, and George to this present Archbald.

Other mention, or monument of him we have none till the Warres be∣twixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England. It is repor∣ted* 1.58 by some, that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the King from that Warre, but when he could not prevaile with him, he fol∣lowed him into England. There the King having wasted Northumber∣land, and taken Norham with some few other Castles, got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord, and did so fancie her, that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre, and care of his Army, and did nothing but dallie with her. Whilest the Army lay there idle, the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell. But the greatest part of the Nobility did dislike it. And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours, yet he held his peace all this while, whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King, but in vain. For the King told them flatly, he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more, and that he would retire. Then (and not till then) the Earle of Angus hearing his answer, and knowing the danger of such resolution, being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie, he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him, hoping by that meane to break him of his determination, in these words.

Sir (said he) your Majestie* 1.59 hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France, in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France, and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self. For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted, especially now when the Winter is so near. Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight; he being a stranger, it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud, who doth not regard the good of the parties, but the benefite that will thereby redound to France. Besides, his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse: For he requires us to do that which his master (a man of great understanding) thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom. Neither should the losse of this Army seem small, because our number is few, for

all that are of worth, & excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here, and these being slain, the vulgar will become a prey to the e∣nemy. Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre, so is it most profitable in generall. For if Lewis would have either thè English exhausted with charges, or wearied with delay, what is more convenient, then to compell him to divide his Forces, by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us, who lye in wait to in∣vade his Countrey upon every occasion, so to ease the French of so much of their burden? As for your honour and reputation, which men pretend, what can be more honourable, than having razed so many Forts and Castles, wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword, to returne laden with such store of spoyle, that they shall not be able to recover their losses, nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years, though there should happen to be peace? What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre, than in such a tumul∣tuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse, to our credit, and to our enemies shame? Of all the vi∣ctories that are acquired, that which is obtained more by counsell, than force of Armes, is most properly the victory of man, and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall; for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest.

When the Earle had ended his speech, all that were present shewed by their countenance, that they did approve and assent unto his counsell. But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell, heard him unwillingly, and answered angerly; bid∣ding him, if he were afraid, go home.

Then Angus seeing the King ob∣stinate, and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse, burst forth in teares, and after a while having gathered his spirits again, when he was able to speak,

If my former life, said he, doth not free me from the imputation of fearfulnesse, I know not by what other evidence I can clear my self; while this body of mine was able to endure labour and toyle, I spared it not for the defence of our Countrey, and honour of our Kings. Now seeing my counsell, by which onely I am able to do good, can have no place, I leave here my two sonnes, who next after my Countrey are dearest to me, together with the rest of my friends and kinsmen; the surest pledge that I can give of my affection to your Majestie, and to the rest that are here pre∣sent. And I pray God that this my fear may prove frivolous, and that I be rather esteemed a false prophet, than that those things happen, which I think I see before mine eyes.

And so he took his leave, and departed, leaving behinde him with the King his eldest son George, and Sir William of Glenbarvie, whom he exhorted to carry themselves vali∣antly, as those they were come of had ever done, and recommending them to God and their good fortune, he rode home. As the Earle of* 1.60 Angus presaged, so it fell out: for the battell was fought at Flowdon, where the day was lost, and the King slain, yet his body could never be found, which had been easily discerned by the chain of iron which he ware for a girdle. There were also slain at this battell George Master of Angus, and Sir William of Glenbarvie, with some 200. Gentlemen of the name of Douglas.

Their father the Earle went to Saint Mains in Galloway. He lived there a year after, an austere and hard life, where he died also, and was bu∣ried* 1.61 in the Church of Saint Mains, about the year 1514. his heart was* 1.62 carried to Douglas. The years of his age were 61. or 62. by all the con∣jecture that can be made. So that it hath not been so much for his years, as for some other infirmitie, that his body hath not been able and fit for service, as he sayes himself at Flowdon.

He was a man every way accomplished both for minde and body. He was for stature tall, and of a strong composition. His countenance was full of majestie, and such as bred reverence in the beholders; wise and elo∣quent of speech; upright and square in his actions; sober and moderate in his desires, valiant and couragious, a man of action and undertaking, libe∣rall also of heart and hand, loving and kinde to his friends; which made him to be beloved, reverenced, and respected of all men. He gave proof of his personall valour in a duell which is reported to have been thus.* 1.63 The King on a time was discoursing at table of the personages of men, and by all mens confession the prerogative was adjudged to the Earle of Angus. A Courtier that was by (one Spense of Kilspindie) whether out of envie to hear him so praised, or of his idle humour onely, cast in a word of doubting and disparaging: It is true, said he, if all be good that is up-come; meaning if his action and valour were answerable to his personage and body. This spoken openly, and coming to the Earles ears in the worst interpretation, offended him highly. It fell out after this, as the Earle was riding from Douglas to Tantallon, that he sent all his com∣pany the nearest way, and he himself with one onely of his servants, ha∣ving each of them a hawke on his fist in hope of better sport, took the way by Borthwick towards Falawe; where lighting at the brook at the West end of the town they bathed their hawkes. In the mean time this Spense happened to come that way; whom the Earle espying, said to his man, Is not this such an one, that made question of my manhood, I will go to him, and give him a triall of it, that we may know which of us is the better man. No, my Lord, said his servant, it is a disparagement for your Lordship to meddle with him, I shall do that sufficiently, if it will please your Honour to give me leave. I see, said the Earle, he hath one with him, it shall be thy part to grapple with him, whilest I deal with his Master. So fastening their hawkes, that they might not flye away in the mean time, they rode after him, and having over-taken him; What rea∣son had you, said the Earle to him, to speak so contemptuously of me at such a time, doubting whether my valour were answerable to my perso∣nage? When the other would have excused the matter, he told him, that would not serve the turne; Thou art a big fellow, and so am I, one of us must pay for it. The other answered, If it may be no better, there is ne∣ver an Earle in Scotland, but I will defend my self from him as well as I can, and will rather kill him, if I can, than suffer him to kill me. So aligh∣ting from their horses, they fought a certain space, but at last the Earle of Angus with a stroake, cut Spenses thigh-bone asunder, so that he fell to the ground, and died soon after. The two serving-men were very hard at it still, when the Earle came and stayed them, saying to Spenses man,

Go thy way, tell my Gossip the King, there was nothing here but fair play: I know my Gossip will be offended; but I will get me into Lid∣disdale, and remain in the Hermitage till his anger be over. And so it is thought he did: whereupon the King, when he was pacified, caused the Earle to exchange his Lordship of Liddisdale, with the Lands of Bot•…•…∣well, alleging that there was no order to •…•…e had of the Earles of Angus so long as they kept Liddisdale: What other reasons the Earle had to move him to this excambion, I know not, nor why he should have pre∣ferred Bothwell; but it is certain his son George exchanged them with his consent. One fault he had, that he was too much given to women; otherwayes there was little or nothing that a man could have wished to be helped in him, or that was amisse.

Archibaldus Angusiae primus.

Palponum dum turba ferox illudere regi Non timet; idque palam plebsque patresque fremunt; Amissum decus imperii; vilescere sceptrum; Omnia turbari tum foris atque domi; Cochronum extinxi (caput horum & dux nebulonum Is fuit) & laqueo colla scelesta ded•…•…. Talibus infestus quod sim Gnathonibus, atro Dente petit, famam rodit & aula meam. Faex hominum, procerum pestis, Regumque ruina; Quo magis oblatras, hoc magis illa nitet.

Archbald of Angus, the first of that name.

Whiles bloudy flatterers did not fear T'abuse their Princes name and ear: Whiles great, and mean, and all repine, Whiles the Kings honour doth decline, His rule too much despis'd by all, And State affairs to ruine fall. Cochran their Head was hang'd by me: And for I punisht such as he, They do attempt my name to stain With slanders, but these dregs of men, The pest of Courts, the shame of Kings, Their greatest hate most honour brings.

Of George Master of Angus, and sonne to Archbald the first.

HIs eldest son (as hath been said) was George slain at Flowdon, de∣signed commonly by the appellation of Master of Angus. He was married to Elizabeth Drummond, daughter to the Lord Drummond of whom we told how he defeated the Earle of Lennox.

His children by her were three sonnes. First Archbald, afterward Earle of Angus. Secondly Sir George of Pittendrich. Thirdly William Priour of Colding hame.

His daughters were, First the Lady Yester. Secondly the Lady Basse. Thirdly Jeane Lady Glames. Fourthly Alison, married first to Robert Blackader, of Blackader, and afterward to Sir David Hume of Wedder∣burne. Fifthly the Lady Drumlanerige, as I take it. Also they mention a sixth, married to a Baron in the North, whom they name not, neither do I know who he should be.

His age at his dea th (to reckon from the 15. year of his fathers age in the 1469. to the year of his own death at Flowdon 1513.) was not a∣bove 44.

His actions, because he never came to be Earle, are not recorded. Some dealing there was betwixt him as Governour of Liddisdale, and the Lord Dacres in England, with whose Deputies he agrees to meet at Dumfreis, for doing of Justice in the year 1489. the year after the King was killed* 1.64 at Bannock-burne. So at Cannabie he met with the Lord Dacres him∣self,* 1.65 where they accorded not well: For they intended both to send to the Councels of both Nations to have their determination of their dif∣ferences. He agrees the same year with Sir Robert Lundie of Bagonie, Trea∣surer for a generall remission to Ewsdalde, Eskdale, and Niddisdale, which I think should rather be Liddisdale, for a 1000. pounds, being at this time not above 20. years of age, not out of Curatorie by the Laws, though that was in his fathers hands. Yet we see also Courts held in his name, by his Bailiffs, as a retoure of Adam Ker, to some Lands in Selk∣rig, in the said year, which makes me to think he hath been then marri∣ed. Also he it is, as we told above, that excambes the Lands of Liddis∣dale for Bothwell with Patrick Earle Bothwell, resigning the Lands of Liddisdale, and the King disponing them upon the resignation in the year 1492. upon what reason either the Earle Bothwelshould have affected* 1.66 these, or he preferred the other, and not thought himself as fit to rule that unruly Countrey as any other, I have not heard. But it was done in his fathers life time, who was no fool when he was in his greatest vogue, the first three years of King James the fourth. He allies afterward with this same Earl Bothwel, marrying his sonne Archbald to his daughter, but that must be long after, except that he hath been married young, as some say he was.

In the year 1510. he indents for the marriage of his fourth daughter* 1.67 Alison to Robert Blackaders sonne, and apparent heir to Andrew Blackader

of that Ilk. Her portion 300. marks, the terms, 1. at the compleating 40. pounds, and 20. pounds, at the feast of Martimasse next a•…•…ter; and so 20. pounds termly till it were payed. That same year he is in•…•…eft in Abernethie. And this is all we have of him, which we have set down chiefly for his children, and the Historie that followeth of them.

Of Archbald the seventh Earle of Angus and the second Archbald.

TO Archbald the first, succeeded Archbald the second, his Grand∣childe by his sonne George Master of Angus.

He was thrice married, first to Margaret Hepburne daughter to Patrick Hepburne the first Lord Bothwell, being as yet very young: for at his second marriage he was not old, but a youth, or stripling, Adolescens. She died in childe-birth within the year (as they say) immediatly a•…•…ter the Field of Flowdon. 2. His second wife was Queen Margaret relict of King James the 4. and daughter to King Henry 7. of England. She bare to him a daughter Lady Margaret Douglas, who was married to Matthew Stuart Earle of Lennox, and bare to him Henry Lord Darnly, that married Queen Mary of Scotland, and father to King James the sixt of Scotland, and first of great Brittain now happily reigning. Lady Mar∣garet had also another sonne named Charles, who was father to the Lady Arabella. 3. His third wife was Margaret Maxwell daughter to the Lord Maxwell. She bare to him a sonne and a daughter, who died both of them before they were 8. years old. He had also a base daughter by a daughter of Traquairs, Jeane Douglas married to the Lord Ruthven. Some say that he begot this daughter in the Queens time, while she lying in of Lady Margaret Douglas in England, after her delivery went to London and stayed there with her brother King Henry the 8 and with her sister the late Queen of France, and then Duchesse of Suffolk. Others say that it was before. He had also a base sonne (as I take it) commonly called George the Postulant to a by-name, because (I know not upon what claim or title) he did postulate and claim the Abbacie of Aberbroth (or Aber∣nethock) and not onely did postulate it, but apprehended it also, and used it as his own.

Having brought the house of Angus still increasing, and growing in greatnesse, and honour unto this man Archbald the second, shall we suf∣fer it now to decay, or to take halt in his person? No, but we shall see it increase so much the more, as he approacheth nearer unto that descent, which is able to give honour unto basenesse it self, far more to adde and multiply honour upon that which is already honourable. Men do not onely take honour from their progenitors; their posterity makes them honourable, when they have much honour, and that variable ac∣cording to the degrees of their honour more or lesse. Which seeing it is undeniable, in what place of honour shall we rank this Archbald, father to the Lady Margaret Douglas, and by her great Grandfather to our So∣veraigne King James of great Brittain? This one thing is enough to list

him up to the highest top of honour. All other things are but accessary; yet are they additions of great importance. Men are honourable by their marriage: Who then so honourable as he? Having married a Queen, a Kings daughter, a Kings sister, a Kings mother. Others also of the Sub∣jects of this Countrey have married Queens (I grant) But none of them did marry Queen Margaret, a Lady so vertuous; None did marry a Queen so Royally descended, and every way Regall in her father, her mother, her brother, her sister, her husband, her sonne being all of them Kings or Queens. None did marry a Queen without some blemish and diminition of her reputation but he. None with the approbation of all men; even of the Queens own chief Kinred, with the allowance, desire, and exhortation of her Kinsfolks, of King Henry the 8. But you will say perhaps, that this hath been chance or fortune, or ignorance in her, blind∣nesse of an impotent woman, who placed her affection without desert, or that it hath been ignorance in King Henry her brother, a forrain Prince ill informed. Let us therefore hear such witnesses as were not blinded, either with womanly affection, or with the ignorance of a stranger; such as were unpartiall, and who had neither fear nor hope, love or hatred, which are the common causes of partiality. These are ourhistories, which if they record truth (as they are recorders of truth) if there was any more wor∣thy, or before him in any good quality, then let it be accounted folly in her, and weaknesse in her brother. What do these our Histories then say? First of his place and descent, they say he was the first of the youth of Scotland for Nobility. Lo here is one good quality, and that a very main one, wherein her choyce and her brothers approbation are justified, and he shown to be worthy, nay most worthy by hi•…•… place and birth, whereof we have said enough heretofore. But let that be thought of no moment or value if there be no more. What say they next? What of himself? In himself? in his personage? The first of the youth of Scot∣land for favour and comelinesse of personage. I dare not consent to them that make no account hereof. It hath ever been in account; men have thought it worthy, whereon to bestow a Kingdome. It is yet regarded, it affects all humane creatures, and moves us whither we will or no; They say that beasts discern it not. I doubt of it, though we are not able to dis∣cern their discerning of it. But let them be beasts that do so. And let this also be nothing in him, if there be yet no more in him; if there be no qualities joyned to it, which it gives lustre to, as gold to a Diamond. Let it be (as in all men and women) like a ring of gold on a Swines snout, ill placed, and matched; unseemly, and unworthily. Yet it is gold, and gold is ever precious, and to be desired; although the Swines snout of ill con∣ditions be not worthy to be so fairly and finely deckt, or adorned. What are then his other properties and qualities of minde and man-hood, soule and body? which is the third point. The first and principall (say they) of the youth of Scotland in all good exercise, knowledge, cunning, skill and understanding, belonging to a man of his place! for I doubt not there were many more cunning Clerks than he; yet not more sufficient in up∣rightnesse, honest vertue, dexterity, and good addresse, both in politick matters belonging to the good government of the Countrey; and

Gentleman-like, exercise becoming his estate, for body or minde, for peace, or warre. What particulars they are we shall see in his particuliar actions; viz. valour, and true courage, with love and kindnesse to his Countrey, hereditarie properties from the very root of which he is sprung. Also wisedome and magnanimity, truth and uprightnesse in words and actions, with others which will appear, as the occasion oc∣curres. And so we have him by these testimonies thrice (that is every way) first, or chief and principall. 1. Chiefe in Nobility beyond all. 2. Chiefe in personage, beyond all. 3. Chiefe in vertue, and all good arts (for so is the word) or qualities, beyond all. Worthy therefore whom the Queen should have preferred, and made choyce of to be her husband beyond, and before all. Worthy of whom should descend that race of Kings so Noble, beyond all. Which as it honours him, so doth it not disgrace or disparage that Noble and Princely race, to be come of such an one in his person; of such stock in the whole race and descent of that whole Family, so noble, so worthy, and heroicall every way. Not so much private in place, as Princely in worth, all vertue and magnanimi∣ty; though otherwise Subjects. And thus the honour of the house doth rise in his person, whom we see accounted by all every way honourable, honourable by bloud, honourable by vertue, honourable by marriage, honourable by affinitie and alliance, honourable by progenie and posteri∣tie, honourable by all actions, by all valiant, and alwayes worthy acts. As for his greatnesse and puissance, we finde it at his entry and beginning matched (yea over-matched) by the Lord Hume Chamberlaine; But in end harderto be matched by any, nay matching (almost) what should not be matched in any sort, wherewith no Subject should match himself. Which however good or evil it be in using, yet it is greatnesse to have done so.

To come to his particular actions; The first we finde is his marriage,* 1.68 which is not indeed to be attributed to his prudencie, or his purchasing, yet is it the effect of his worth. She affected him, and he had reason not to refuse the party. Her brother King Henry consents, and writes loving∣ly to them both. He had his own particular end, which was to counter∣poize, or weigh down the French faction, and to hinder the incursions of Scotland by his means; some say also to stay the Duke of Albanie from coming home to be Governour, but that was not yet motioned. And though that were his end, yet the other was the end of his desire to stay Albanie, and his main scope; for all that he aimed at by staying of him was but to stay the Scottish warres, which he by his coming was like to set on foot. Things fal out contrary many times to mens intentions. This marriage brought in the Duke of Albanie, and by him had strengthe∣ned the French if he had guided wisely, kept the hearts of men in Scot∣land, and entertained his home-bringer, the Chamberlain, and given him a thankfull meeting for that work. But there is a providence, if men would observe. This plot fails King Henry, that fails the Chamberlain, this fails the Duke of Albanie. The King hopes to hinder the French by this marriage; it furthers them to be all the guiders, being brought in by the Chamberlain. The Chamberlain looks to be rewarded, he hath

his head stricken off. The Duke thinks that the Chamberlains death shall breed him all quietnesse, ease, and power, it looseth him the hearts of all men, and at last his office. The working of these things was thus.

The Queen was by the King her husbands testament left Regent du∣ring her widow-hood. That lasted not long; from the 25. of Septem∣ber untill the next Spring was ended, say some: others fay untill the 6. of August almost a year. Then she marrieth, and so fals from that charge.* 1.69 The Earle of Angus did labour to have it continued, and used a strong motive, which was, that so the peace should last with England, which was both profitable and necessary. The Queen during her Regencie had procured it; She had written to her brother that he should stay the war, and abstain from troubling his Nephews Kingdome; troubled already too much with factions within it self.

He had answered her, that he warred against the Scots, when they made war against him; and that he would keep peace with them when they kept peace with him.

This was a magnanimous minde, and a Princely (say our writers, not envious of the praife of the English) though indeed it were not without a good policie. For by that meane he had leasure to prosecute his French inten∣tions without fear of being disturbed or diverted by the Scottish incursi∣ons. But we will not extenuate it: he had indeed the better hand of it, and at this time peace was more needfull for Scotland. And therefore this reason brought by Angus for the continuation of the Queens autho∣ritie was so much the greater. But it could not move the other party, whereo•…•… the Lord Hume (Chamberlain) was Chief. They shew their willingnesse to honour the Queen.

That appeared (say they) in this; that contrary to the ancient custome of this Kingdome, they had suffe∣red and obeyed her authority, whiles she her self kept her right by keep∣ing her widow-hood. Now that she had quit it by marrying, why should they not choose another to succeed into the place which she had left? which the old laws would also have taken from her, which do not permit that a woman should govern in the most peaceable times, far lesse now, when such evils do threaten, as can scarce be resisted by the wisest and most sufficient men. This they pretended, and touched the point that did annoy them.

The marrying of the Earle of Angus had made him too great already, the continuing of her authority would make him farre greater.

This they can not endure; especially the Chamberlain who was jea∣lous of his greatnesse, which he thought would impair and lessen his own, already beginning to decline, by the retiring and with-drawing of Liddisdale and Anandale from following him, and casting them again under the wings of the Douglasses, to whom they had wont to belong. This point being once obtained, that the Queen should governe no more, the next was, who then should be the man. Here also was no lesse strife and* 1.70 contention. The Chamberlains credit carried it away, his own power, his alliance, the Earle of Arane being his brother in law, the Earle of Lennox Aranes sisters son, joyned to the Prelates, (a Faction ever French, and then more than ever by the King of Englands shaking off the yoke of

Rome) especially the Archbishop of Glasgow, a proud Prelate, and ever factious. By these men, all Noblemen at home are despised and balked, and the Office cast upon John, called afterward Duke of Albanie, Cou∣sin-germane to the late King, being then in France, brought up in France, and onely with the French tongue, where his father was banished and forfeited, and he himself not restored: yet is he by them, who had not so much power as to restore him in the minoritie of a King (as had been proved in King James the second his time, against the Earle of March re∣stored in his minoritie) ordained to be Governour of the King and whole Countrey. Bent was the Chamberlain that way: And so bent he was, that he professed openly at the Convention, that though they would all refuse, yet he alone would bring him home, and make him Governour. A great word, if he were not able to do it; a great power if he were able. It is interpreted ambition in him, and that despairing to have that honour conferred on himself, and envying it to any other, he took this course. I cannot be of that minde. He that had power to do so much for ano∣ther, had power to have done somewhat for himself: At least so far as to have gotten some part of the government with others, as it was cu∣stomable, when they could not agree upon any one man, they divided it. It is reported also for certain, that the Earle of Angus finding that he was so earnest in that course, went to him, and naming him familiarly by his name,

Alexander, said he, what do you mean by this? that man is a stranger to us, and understandeth not our language no more than we do his. He will work his own ends, and who knoweth after what manner? Whether or not to the Kings prejudice, who is onely between him and the Crown. Certainly, he will never regard either of us, whom he will rather seek to depresse than to advance. Go to therefore, let us agree amongst our selves. Take you the government of the borders, and of all that lieth on that side of the river of Forth, and let me have the com∣mand on the other side.

A fair offer, and a wise consideration, which the Chamberlain shall acknowledge hereafter too late, and shall himself say the like to him that now doth thus admonish him. For the present he refused obstinately, and (as it may be thought) fatally, persisting in his former resolution. Whereof when I consider what might have been the cause, I think it hath been not any distrust to obtain some place in the gui∣ding of affairs, but a doubting how to keep it: if by chance any thwart∣ing or insociablenesse of Empire should fall out between them at any time thereafter: in which case Angus could not but be the stronger by the power of England his allies, they having no partie so great to coun∣terpoize them. For this cause he hath thought it fit to bring in the French to equall the ballance as principall, himself onely as accessarie, not doubt∣ing of a chief place both by his desert in bringing him home, and the ne∣cessitie of his service, which could never be lacking. On this rather than the other ground (as I take it) he hath laid down his course. But as well as he laid his grounds, hereupon he built both his ruine before three years were come about, and speedie repentance soon after the arrivall of his Governour.

Howbeit upon this occasion the Duke of Albanie (so called afterward)

is sent for, arrives, is made Earle of March, Duke of Albanie (which his* 1.71 father had been before, but was forfeited) and Governour untill the Kings ripe years. The Lord Hume comes to him, some say with a huge number (10000. horse) to Dumbartan, whereupon the Governour said, he was too great to be a subject. Others report, that he came very privat∣ly with his houshold onely (some 24. horse in Kendall Green which was his Livery) and that the Duke slighted him with this sentence, minuit praesentia famam; being a man of low stature, and carrying no appea∣rance of much stuff to be in him by his out-side. However he was then welcomed, and what faire and good countenance he got then, it lasted not* 1.72 long. John Hepburne Prior of S. Andrews was his enemie on this occa∣sion. Andrew Stuart Archbishop of S. Andrews was slain at Flowdon. Three divers pretended to the place by divers meanes. Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel, uncle to the Earle of Angus, by the Qneens admission, Hepburne. by the election of the Chapter, Andrew Foreman by the Popes gift. This Foreman was Abbat of Dumfermling, and Aberbrothe, Legat from the Pope, and had gotten this to maintain his grandour, or as a re∣ward of his service. The question was hard to decidè. All pretended right and reason. Gawin Douglas had gotten possession of the Castle, and had put servants into it; but the Priour was stronger about the town, and findes a mean to thrust them out. Foreman cannot get his Bulls proclai∣med: none durst take it in hand so long as Hume and Hepburne. agreed. He workes wisely, having been born under the Lord Hume, he flees to him as his Patron, agrees with him as a friend, and gives the Abbacie of Coldinghame to his youngest brother David. He doth his turne, pro∣claimeth his Bull, but had no power in Fife to prosecute it any further. Yet it causeth Hepburne to come to a point, to take composition, the Bi∣shoprick of Murray, and 3000. crownes by year, and a discharge for all his by-past intromissions. So he agrees with Foreman, but dis-agrees with the Lord Hume, and despites him with such malice, because of that morsell pulled out of his jawes, that he ceased not to work him what mischief he could. He did so possesse the Governour with jealousie of the Lord Humes and Angus greatnesse, and aspiring, that he thought there was no way to secure himself▪ and his Government, but by ridding the Countrey of them both. Wherefore the Lord Hume repairing to him, and finding by his neglectfull carriage, and cold entertainment, the little good-will he bare him, repenting too late his forwardnesse in his electi∣on, and calling to minde what Angus had foretold him, though he had contemned his counsell, yet now seeing no other remedie, went to him, and the Queen his wife, condemning his fact, and regrating the present e∣state of the King and Countrey, and advised them to flie into England with the young King. When the Governour had notice of this consul∣tation, he used such diligence and expedition, that coming to Stirlin un∣looked for, he surprized the Queen; and removing her, and the Douglasses from about the King, he gave the keeping of him to the Lord John Ere∣skin, and other three Noblemen. Hereupon the Queen and Angus, as al∣so the Lord Hume, and his brother William, with-drew themselves into England, and the Governour upon their departure, sent Ambassadours to

King Henry to clear himself, that he had done nothing why they should be so afraid of him, or leave their Countrey. He dealt also privately with themselves by their friends, promising and protesting to give them all content and satisfaction, in such wayes, that they beleeving and desiring to live at home, returned all of them, save onely the Queen, who being then near the time of her childe-birth, remained at Harbottle in North∣humberland,* 1.73 where she was brought to bed of Lady Margaret Douglas. Then assoon as she was able to endure travell, she went to London, where she was kindly welcomed, and lovingly entertained by her brother King Henry, and her sister Mary Queen of France, and afterward Dutchesse of Suffolk. But the Governours head being once filled with suspitions, and new causes of distrust arising dayly, could not be quieted by their return, nor the Queens absence, neither could he think himself bound by promi∣ses. Gawin Douglas Bishop of Dunkel, uncle to Angus, was committed to prison: John Lord Drummond his Grandfather, or mothers brother, & Da∣vid Panetier Secretarie to the late King, were likewise laid fast. Alexan∣der Lord Hume, and his brother William, were executed, their goods con∣fiscat, their lands forfeited, and their heads affixed on the Citie Gate of Edinburgh, called the Nether-Bow. Being thus rid of the Chamber∣lain, he did much fear the Earle of Angus, whom he left to governe in his absence (for he went into France) but joyned with him the Earles of Arran, Argyle, Huntley, the Archbishop of S. Andrews, and Glasgow, together with a Frenchman, named Antonius Darsius, commonly known* 1.74 by the title of Sieur de la Beaute. To this La Beaute he allotted Dumbar, the Shires of Lowthian, and the Merse, where the Chamberlaines lands and friends were. This Darsius was slain by Sir David Hume of Wedder∣burn, occasionally, in the year 1517. the 18. of September. For this Sir David was out-lawed, his house seized, and Sir George Douglas (Angus brother) suspected to be accessarie, imprisoned in Garvet Castle, they not daring to meddle with the Earl himself, who was no lesse suspected to have been conscious of it (though falsely) because Sir David had married their sister Alison.

Not long after this, there fell out an occasion of great troubles betwixt* 1.75 the Earle of Angus, and the Earle of Arrane. There was some question of the Bailiff-ship and right of keeping Courts in Jedward Forrest, the Earle of Angus his Lands, but in which Andrew Ker of Farnihaste chal∣lenged a right and priviledge of doing justice, and punishing male-factors as hereditarie Bailiff. In this controversie Arrane sided with Farnihaste, not for any particular relation, or because he thought his right was good, but onely in opposition to Angus, whom he hated inwardly. What the cause of his hatred was, we •…•…ear not, and they had been good friends be∣fore. Arrans base sonne James Hamilton, as he was on his way towards Farnihaste to assist him, John Summervale of Camnethen set upon him, killed five or six of his company, took thirty men and horses, and pursued himfelf so near, that he was forced to turne in to Hume Castle for his safetie. This fact was imputed to Angus, on whom Summervale did for the most part depend, men thinking that it was done by his direction. But it is well known that besides this quarrell of the Earles, that man had ever a

particular feude with the Hamiltons. But if the Earle had been guiltie of this wrong and offence done unto them, it is not likely that he would have been so slightly accompanied at Edinburgh, and have stayed their coming thither with so small forces, if he had suspected any ill meaning from them, or known any such deserving in himself. Besides they having so just cause, they might have complained and gotten redresse and satisfa∣ction of the Earle by order of law, if they could have made it appear that he had any hand in it, and not have taken this violent course. Where∣fore in all likelihood this was but a colour and pretext. Hereupon (how∣ever) in the year 1520. the 27. of April, a convention being appoin∣ted* 1.76 at Edinburgh where Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie (the Earle of* 1.77 Angus his uncle, or Consin-German rather) was Provest: the Hamiltons refused to come thither, alledging that they could not think themselves assured of their lives in the Town, where he was Provest. Archbald to cut off their excuse, and that he might not hinder publick businesse, laid down his office voluntarily, and in his room was chosen Robert Logane a Burgesse of Edinburgh. Then they came to the City, and finding the Earle of Angus there but meanly attended, and weakly guarded, his friends not being yet conveened, they assembled together with the chief Noblemen of the West in Archbishop Betons house in the Black-Frier∣Winde (this Beton was also Chancellour) and there resolve by all means to apprehend Angus; alledging that his power was so great, that nothing could be discerned freely, so long as he was free. The cause was plausible, their malice great, and the occasion fair, considering his singlenesse, and their multitude.

So soon as Angus heard of their consultation, he sent to them his uncle the Bishop of Dunkell, desiring that if they had any grievance, or just quarrell against him, they would complain thereof to the convention, to whose censure he would submit himself, and make such satisfaction as it should please them to ordain. And to this purpose Dunkell spake to Glasgow the Chancellour, to move the rest to accept of this offer, and that he would not be an instrument of civill dissention. But he had fair perswading of him: no man was deeper in it than he, who was ring∣leader to the rest, and very Episcopally had put on armour to be present at it, and to assist them himself in person: yet he sought to excuse him∣self, and laid all the blame upon the Earle of Arran, who, said he, is high∣ly offended with the Earle of Angus for many occasions, but chiefly for the affront done to his son by Sommervale, and for the slaughter of De la Beaute committed by his brother-in-law Sir David Hume, not without his knowledge, consent, and councell. For this cause Arran will needs have him to go to prison. There is no remedie, sayes Glasgow, upon my con∣science I cannot help it. And in the heat of his asseveration he beat his breast with his hand, where his conscience lay well covered with a jack of Maile, or a Secret hid under his Seton or Cassock. And now being knocked upon, it answered with a ratling noise, which the plates of iron did yeeld, bearing witnesse against him how little he cared for that in∣ward witnesse, which be-lyed him when he protested he was desirous to pacifie matters, being indeed thus preparing for warre. Neither did

Dunkell stick to tell him so, saying, How now my Lord, me thinks your conscience clatters. We are Priests, it is not lawfull for us to put on armour, or bear Arms, it makes us irregular. And so leaving him, he returned to his Nephew, and told him shortly that there was no possibility of com∣posing matters, and as little of escaping or fleeing, for the City Gates were shut, and his enemies were assembling. For me I am a Church∣man, I will go to my Chamber and pray for you. And so he did, but he sent his servants with the Earle to aide him. Some ascribe this to want of strength, and to his debilitie and old age; but it was indeed, because he held it not lawfull, as a thing forbidden in the Canon-law, and which he had reproached to Bishop Beton. For in the year 1513. his eldest bro∣ther George slain at Flowdon was but 44. and Gawin the fourth brother not above 38. or 39. so that now in the year 1520. he hath not been more than 46. which is no age of Decrepitnesse. Dunkell being gone to his devotion, Angus without further consultation resolves rather to die honourably defending himself against his enemies, than to be hailed (he and his friends) forth to the Scaffold, and lay their necks upon the block to be be-headed by their proud and insulting enemies. So he conveens his small troup, tels them what his minde was, and exhorts them to stand to it manfully. They all commended his resolution, and shewed themselves most willing to hazzard their lives for his safety. Wherefore that they might not be surprized in their Chambers, they came forth, and went down the High-Street (for the Earle did lodge at the Straight-Bow) being in all but 80. or 100. at most; but they were all of them choice men, valarous, and hardie. Angus was well belo∣ved in the Town, so that when he came by the Shops where the Pikes and Speares are made, they had libertie to furnish themselves with long Weapons, and many also were reached to them by the Citizens out at the Windows, and from the Stairs; which was no small advantage, their enemies having no long Weapon at all. The Chief Street is so seated that the Gates being shut there is no entrie to it, but by some few Lanes that reach from the Cow-gate; in one of which called the Black-frier∣Winde the adverse party had conveened. Now that they might not issue forth upon him at divers places, and so oppresse him with their mul∣titude, Angus had caused his men to close up and barre the entrances of the Lanes with Coale-horses, and Ale-barrels, Carts, and such things as would best serve for that purpose, and could be gotten on a sudden. He placed also some few men at every Lanes head to defend the Barrica∣does; but he himself with the choycest and most resolute of his compa∣ny, planted themselves directly over against the Black-frier-Winde, which he had left open for them, and as they thronged out, he assailed them with Pikes and long Weapons. There having slain many of the formest that came out, and scattered them all, he drave the rest down the Lane, which by the narrownesse thereof, made their number unprofi∣table, as had been rightly fore-seen by Angus, who knew that a few would be able to make good a straight passage against many, their multi∣titude availing nothing, scarce one of ten having room to fight at once, and come to strokes together. The Earle of Arran and his sonne James

Hamilton (having been apparantly of that number that issued forth at the Lanes head at first, or else he could not have gone that way) crossing the High-Street, fled down a Lane on the Northside of the City, and find∣ing a Coale-horse standing in their way, they threw off his loading, and rode through the North-logh at a foord where there is none known now, and so escaped easily, no man pursuing them that way. The rest were scattered on the other side of the Town, of which some fled to the Gray-Friers Monasterie for sanctuary, the Chancellour fled on foot to Lithgow. In the mean time, while they were at this bickering within the City with great tumult, William Douglas Priour of Coldingham (Angus his brother) and Sir David Hume (his brother in law) came to the City Gates with 800. horse which they had brought out of the Merse; and finding them shut, broke open the wicket with Smiths ham∣mers, and so entred. But before they could get in, the fray was ended. Angus strengthened and emboldened with this supply, because the Ci∣ty was still full of his enemies, caused it to be proclaimed with sound of Trumpet at the Market-Crosse, that none should be seen abroad with Arms but he and his, under pain of death. This enforced them of his adverse party to crave leave to depart, which was granted unto them. Such was his moderation towards those who had plotted his ruine and overthrow. He had fought for his life and honour, not out of malice, or hatred; and now that these were out of danger he lets his enemies go a∣way safe and sound. And so there departed of them in one company 800. horse well laughed at, and derided of the beholders, to see so many beaten and chased by so few. Besides these there were many others that had fled before, and divers stayed still in the City lurking. This con∣flict fell out in the year 1520. the last of April, in which there were 70.* 1.78 slaine, and two of note; Patrick Hamilton brother to Arran, and the Ma∣ster of Montgomerie. The Chancellour (as we have said) fled disguised to Stirlin to the Queen. After this, Sir David Hume returning to the Merse, and being thus strengthened by the authority and countenance of Angus, found means to take his own house of Wedderburne from those that had kept it since the killing of De la Beaute. He took also the Castle of Hume at the same time which had been seized on by the Governour, and was kept by men that he had put into it. And thus was the Earle of Angus partie settled and strengthened in the Merse. Also in Low∣thian he had no opposition or contrary, neither in Tividale, and such o∣ther parts of the borders. The Hamiltons were the onely great men that had any equality to match him, and were now incensed by their losse at Edinburgh. Some of his friends lay near unto them, Robert Lord Boyde was his depender, and speciall friend. He was also near to him in bloud, for Angus his Grand-mother (Elizabeth Boyde) was sister to Thomas Boyde, Grand-father to this Robert. The Lord Boyde was nearer to Arran; for King James the third his sister was mother to Arran, and Grand-mother to Boyde, as is probable. But Boyde followed Angus more than him. His house of Kilmarnock in Cunninghame, lay nearest to their Forces in Cliddisdale, and farthest from the Earle of Angus his power and friend∣ship. Therefore they besiege it, but without successe, it being so well de∣fended,

that they rose and went away without getting of it.

The next year (1521. the 18. of July) Angus came to Edinburgh, ac∣companied* 1.79 with his friends, and especially the Humes that were banish∣shed, as our writers designe them. By which he means rathest (as I think) George now Lord Hume (for he is Lord ever after this) and Sir David of Wedderburne with his brothers, who may be said to have been banish∣ed, in regard he was denounced Rebell, and out-lawed: but otherwise he never went out of the Countrey, but dwelt ever still in some part of the Merse. There Angus (as Buchanan sayes) but (as our folks say) George Lord Hume and Wedderburne, by Angus his connivence, took down the heads of the late Chamberlain, and his brother William, and interred them solemnly in the Gray-friers. He passed from thence to Stirlin, hoping to have found the Chancellour Beton there, but he was fled. From thence he returned to Edinburgh.

About the 28. of October, the Governour returned out of France. Angus his power seemed to him to be too great. He determines to di∣minish it. For which purpose he commands himself to go into France,* 1.80 causeth his uncle the Bishop of Dunkell to be sent for to Rome, as wee have said above. Neither did Angus return out of France, untill the Government was taken from the Duke, who from this time forward doth nothing of importance. For the next year 1522. he went with an* 1.81 Army to Solway to have invaded England; But his Army loved him not; all went unwillingly with him, and against the hair. The Earle of Huntly being come within three miles of England, openly refused to go any further; so that he was forced to move Dacres and Musgrave (English-men) under hand to sue for peace, that he might have some shew of an honourable cause for his retreat. Wherefore the 10. of October the same year, away he goeth again to France having stayed one full year in Scotland, and returnes into Scotland the next year 1523.* 1.82 the 22. of September. He brought then with him 3000. foot, and 100. men of arms. Then assembling an Army of Scots (the 20. of October) thinking to do great matters with his French aid, but having passed Tweed at the Bridge of Melrosse, he was served just as he had been the year before; they refused still to enter into England. There∣upon he came back again to the other side of the River, and coming along by the bank thereof on Scottish ground, he began to batter from thence the Castle of Warke standing on the other side of the River on English ground. And having made a breach caused his French-men to give the assault, who entred the breach, but they were repulsed again, and beaten out. So he left the siege, and retired to Lawder in the night. In the spring he goeth again into France promising to return before September, and taking a promise of the Nobilitie that they should not transport the King from Stirlin before his return. This their promise was keeped with the like fidelity as he had kept his promise made to the Chamberlain. For the King was brought to the Abbey of Halyroodhouse by the Queen his mother; The Earls of Arran, Lennox, Crawford, and many others: And from thence with all solemnitie of Parliament, to the Parliament* 1.83 house, where he did solemnly abrogate the Governours authority: by

which mean he saved him a labour of returning into Scotland again. He needed not, neither did he return any more to it, nor passe the Seas for that errand. He had governed, or rather mis-governed the space of nine years. He spent in his journeyes, and staying in France, five whole years, or six of these nine, being absent from the countrey, and leaving it a prey to forreiners, and civill ambition and dissention, and when he was at home, he abused and oppressed the Nobilitie by slaughter or banish∣ment.

But though he returned no more, yet others returned for him, those* 1.84 whom he had caused go to France by his authoritie, do now return with∣out his licence, yea without licence or recalling of any other, for ought we read. The Earle of Angus returnes after he had been in France almost three years. He returned through England, having first sent Simon Panan∣go, and obtained licence of K. Henry, by whom he was received lovingly, and dismissed liberally. For K. Henry desired greatly the diminishing of the Governours authoritie, & was glad of the alterations in Scotland, & there∣fore did make the more of Angus, because he knew that he was opposite to the Duke. At his returne he found the estate of the Countrey in this case. We told before, how in the year 1518. the Queen his wi•…•…e, and he, had with-drawn themselves into England, and stayed at Harbottle, where she bare her daughter Lady. Margaret Douglas: how her husband ha∣ving returned into Scotland, she (after her deliverie) went to the Court of England to visit her brother and her sister, with whom she stayed for the space of a whole year. In which time the Earle her husband becomes acquainted with a daughter of Traquair, by whom he had a daughter cal∣led Jeane Douglas, married afterward to Patrick Lord Ruthven. When the Queen came home again, he meets her at Berwick, and brought her to E∣dinburgh. She having gotten notice of this wrong he had done her, ne∣ver lived with him in that love they had done before. And now having set her affection upon a younger brother of the Lord Ochletrees, whom she intended to create Lord Methven, she was become altogether his ene∣mie: And that so obstinately, that howbeit her brother K. Henry wrote to her, that for her own honour, for the peace and quietnesse of the coun∣trey, and for the advantage of his affaires, she would be reconciled to him▪ yet she not onely would not yeeld to it, but even sued for a divorce∣ment before the Pope, at the Court of Rome, alledging that Angus had been affianced, betrothed, or hand-fasted to that Gentlewoman who bare the childe to him before he had married her, and so by reason of that pre-contract, could not be her lawfull husband. She prevailed not in her sute, for her alledgance could not be proved, being also untrue: but she increased in spight and hatred against him, and was set (by all the means she could) to overthrow him. This drew Arran to be of her Faction; both of them disliking that Angus should be in the first place, and suspe∣cting he would not be contented with the second, bent their Forces to contend against him as for dominion and empiring. On the other side there were the Earle of Lennox, and Argyle, who had assisted the Queen and Arran, and helped them to abrogate the Duke of Albanies authority, and to establish the King himself in the Government of the Kingdome.

But now finding that the Queen and Arran took all the guiding of the King and Countrey into their own hands onely, and did not admit them* 1.85 to be any way sharers with them therein, but wholly excluded them from all copartnership, they were glad of Angus his returne: for they knew that by his power they should be able either to break the authoritie of the Queen and Arran, orto diminish it in some measure. Neither were they deceived in their expectation: for having conveened the greater part of the Nobilitie, Angus, Lennox, and Argyle, are chosen Keepers and Go∣vernours of the King and Countrey. Hereupon they passe forth with great celeritie, accompanied with 2000. horse, and move Archbishop Beton, Chancellour, to consent to the election, who did accordingly, not daring to refuse. Then to Stirlin they go, and there depose all that bare any publick Office, whom they suspected, and placed in their rooms such as were sure to their side. From thence they came to Edinburgh, and made there entrie without violence. The Queen and Arran remai∣ned in the Castle with the King, confident in the strength of the place, and the Kings (though naked, and unarmed) authoritie: but there being but a small trench cast up about the Castle, they yeelded themselves, and it, because they were no wayes provided for enduring a siege. The King onely was retained, and the rest dismissed. The order of governing a∣greed upon amongst these three Earles, was, that they should rule by turnes, each of them his foure moneths successively. The first place was Anguses, either by lot, or by consent. During the time of his presiding, the Abbacie of Holy-rood-house fell vacant, the Abbot thereof George Creichton being advanced to be Bishop of Dunkell. Angus conferres this Abbacie on his brother William, Prior of Coldinghame, either by himself and his own power, or by moving the King to conferre it upon him, and that without the consent of the other two, which he thought he needed not, seeing he was absolute Governour for his time. The other two thought themselves wronged by this balking, and thought that howso∣ever he was for those moneths to attend the King alone, yet that he ought not to governe, or dispose of any thing of moment by himself a∣lone. So they take offence at it, and Argyle retires, and with-drawes himself home into Argyle. Lennox would gladly have done the like, but the King detained him for the love he bare him, yet did he utter his discontentednesse many wayes. Thus is the Trium-virate dissolved:* 1.86 for which dissolution Angus is blamed, as having encroached upon the others, and drawing all to himself alone. But he seemes to be unjustly blamed, if this were the time of his Government (as it should appeare it was) and not of attendance onely; for they also attended the King at that same time. The decision of this question depends upon the words of the Act or Contract of their agreement in point of governing, which we have not precise. Yet they seem to have been too hastie, in that they did not expect their turne, during the time of which some such thing, or perhaps some better thing might have fallen in their donation, wherein if he had impeded, or hindered them, then they might have had just and un∣deniable cause to complain of him. Now they abandon their charge, and thereby give him occasion to administer all alone, which is imputed to

his ambition. And so he takes all upon him, making small reckoning of their offence, which he esteemed to be unjustly taken; and leaning to the greatnesse of his own power, which was such as we have said; and was now also increased by having the Earl of Huntly for his ward and pupill, he being left Tutour by his Grandfather Earle Alexander Gordon, and ha∣ving gotten the Wardship from the King; so that now he had the friends and dependers of the house of Huntly to be his.

In this mean time fell out the slaughter of Patrick Blackader Archdeacon* 1.87 of Dumblane, Cousin Germane to Robert Blackader, sometime Priour of Coldingham, and brother Germane to Robert Blackader late of Blacka∣der. Robert the Priour of Coldingham had been slain before by Sir Da∣vid Hume of Wedderburne, and his brother John Hume being in his com∣pany, is thought to have given him the deadly stroake. This Sir David married Alison Douglas sister to the Earle of Angus, and relict of Robert Blackader of Blackader. She had two onely daughters, married to two of Sir Davids brothers; the eldest to this John Hume, and the younger to Robert Hume, who claimed, and possest the Lands of Blackader in the right of their wives, who were heirs of Line. Hence arose deadly feude betwixt them, and the name of Blackader, who challenged to be heirs by entailment of the Lands to the heirs male. Wherefore they had laid wait for John divers times to have slain him: especially at one time he being in a Taverne in Edinburgh, and his men being all abroad, or in a∣nother room with a Gentleman or two of his acquaintance, and compa∣nions, a Priest of Arch-deacon Blackaders came into the room where he was. John, not knowing who he was, desired him to drink with him out of courtesie, but he refused, and went forth presently. When he was gone, one of the house sayes to John, if ye had known who that man was, ye would not have offered him any wine, for it was such an one. If I had known (sayes John) that it had been he, I should have made him drink his bellie full whether he would or not. As they were thus talking, a servant of the house going to the door, espies the Arch-deacon coming with a great company of men, and came running to John and told him of it, who leaping to the door just as they were ready to enter, made good the door, and drave them back, so that with much ado, he and those that were with him found means to shut it. This attempt so incensed him, that having understood of the Arch-deacons coming to Edinburgh at this time, he lay in wait for him by the way, and slew him. This slaugh∣ter was imputed to the Earle of Angus by his enemies; at least some as∣persion thereof was rubbed upon him, because (as they alledged) Angus had sent for the Arch-deacon, and he was come upon his sending for, and (as some said) upon an appointment of agreeance to be made betwixt John Hume and him. But John ever in all discourse, or conference of that businesse denied that everthere was any appointment, or overture of agreement, or that he ever knew of Angus his sending for him. That which made it the rather beleeved to be done by Angus consent, or pri∣vity was, because when in the tumult raised upon the slaughter, divers went out to have apprehended John, Sir George Douglas (the Earls bro∣ther) went out also to have taken him at the Earls command, who was

highly offended that he should have committed this insolencie in his go∣vernment; whom when the others saw, they suspected that he being Johns wives uncle, and seeing many Douglasses and Humes in his compa∣ny (who were friends and allied with John) was come out, not to appre∣hend but to defend and assist him. Wherefore they returned from pursu∣ing of him. Sir George also returned shortly after without finding him; neither was there any search made for him after that: Angus (be∣sides that he was uncle to Johns wife) having almost continuall use of serviceable and active men, being loath to offend his brother Sir David, and his other friends in the Merse. And now were things in working,* 1.88 and a faction making against Angus. Arch-bishop Beton, who had joyned with him rather out of fear, than good-will, had quickly fallen off from them: And Angus, to be revenged of him, had brought the King to his lodging in Edinburgh, and intrometted and seized on his houshold stuffe for his own use. Argyle and Lennox had separated from him: The Queen and Arran were his professed enemies. These had their friends about the King. Lennox was ever with him, and most entire of any. His domestick servants were corrupted by the Queen, who there∣fore all sought by all means to alienate the Kings minde from the Dou∣glasses, detracting and calumniating their actions, some justly, many of them unjustly, aggravating their errours, mis-interpreting things doubt∣full, concealing the good which they did, and traducing all. Thus did the King (though to retain his favour they had used him with all indul∣gence, and had loosed the rains to all delights and pleasures, even more than was fit) weary of their government. Yet were they so incircum∣spect, or carelesse, that they neglected to remove his suspected servants, and to place their own assured friends about him; either not doubting them that were wi•…•…h him, or being too confident in their own strength and power, so that by little and little he became altogether alienate: at last he opened his minde to such as he trusted, and began to conferre with them of the way and means how to be set free from that bondage, as he was taught to call it. Above all he did most especially conferre with the Earle of Lennox. While they are in plotting of these devices, An∣gus (either not knowing, or not caring what they were doing) was much troubled in settling and ordering the borders, and the out-laws there. He had made many rodes thither, but effected nothing or litle. Now he takes resolution (for the better furtherance) to go into Tividale, and (the more to terrifie the malefactours, and to encourage others against them) to take the King with him. Being come to Jedbrough, he moves the King to command the chief of the Clannes to bring in such men as were given up by name in writing to him. It was obeyed; and by that mean many were execute and put to death, many pardoned in hope of amendment, and that of the principall malefactours. While all are glad hereof, and their mindes loosed to some peace of contentment, the occasion seemed fair, and as it had been fallen from Heaven, to them who were ene∣mies to the Douglasses, of taking the King out of their hands and custo∣die.

The mean is devised thus, that Balcleugh (who dwelt within a little

of Jedbrough) should invite the King to his house, and retain him there (being not unwilling) till more were come and conveened. But that plot failed by chance, or by discovery, the King being brought back to Melrosse. Notwithstanding hereof, Balcleugh resolving to prosecute, what he intended, would assay to do by force what he had failed in by craft. He assembled about 1000. horse of his friends and other borde∣rers accustomed to theft. He cast himself to be in the Kings way, as he was to passe into Lowthian at the Bridge of Melrosse upon Tweed. The* 1.89 Earle of Angus sends to him, and asks his meaning, & wils him to retire. He answered, he was come to show himself, and his friends, to the King his Master, as other border-men did. Then a Herauld was sent to him, commanding him to with-draw himself out of the way, in the Kings* 1.90 name; but his answer was, that he knew the Kings minde as well as he, and would not go away till he saw him. The Earle of Angus had not so many in number about him as Balcleugh, yet those he had being his choyce Gentlemen, together with the Chiefs of the names of Hume, and Ker, George Lord Hume, and Andrew Ker of Cesford, all valiant and active men, he resolved to hazzard battell. And because they were all come out on horse-back, he gave order that they should alight, and fight on foot. The Lord Hume answered, he would do so if the King would command him to do it. We hear not what answer was made, or that the King commanded, but he alighted, and took part very honestly with the rest. Balcleugh also alighted, but he had no sooner joyned battell, than a great number of his men (better accustomed to steal then to fight) fled away and left him. He himself, and his friends, stood to it manful∣ly, and continued the fight, which was for a space very fierce and hard; as being in the presence of the King, who was a beholder, and was to be the reward of the victor. At last Walter Scot of Balcleugh, being hurt, his whole company turned their backs, there being fourscore of them slain, and having first slain Andrew Ker of Cesford. Balcleugh escaped himself out of the Field. Hereupon began deadly feude betwixt the Kers and Scots; or was renued and continued divers years after, and di∣vers murthers and slaughters followed upon it, amongst which was the slaughter of Sir Walter Scot himself in Edinburgh. There my Lord Fle∣ming also alighted with Angus, and took part in the conflict▪ but the Earle of Lennox sate still on his horse by the King, as an indifferent spe∣ctatour, and looker on. He being before a suspected, but now (by this) a declared enemie to the Douglasses with-drew himself from Court. This fell out about the 18. of July 1526.

After this attempt, Angus perceiving so many evil-affected toward him, entred into parleying with the Earle of Arran; and having compo∣sed* 1.91 their old differences, received him to be his partner, and fellow-go∣vernour in ruling the Countrey. This did the more incense Lennox a∣gainst them both, and his anger made them both the more watchfull and carefull to strengthen themselves against him. The ground of their dissention was this; Lennox was Arrans sisters sonne (as hath been said) and failing heirs of his own body, was to be his heir, and to succeed as well to the Earldome of Arran, as to his right and title to the Kingdome

of Scotland, after the King and his heires, and there being great appea∣rance of it, Lennox had conceived great hope that he should be his heir, because his uncle Arran had been long married to the Chamberlan Hume his sister, and had no children by her. She also her self (whether be∣cause she was of good age, or because she had been so long barren) had lost all hope to conceive; whereupon her husband (either by her advice, or not without her consent, as is thought) divorceth from her, pretending he had before he married her, lien with a kinswoman of hers, that was so near in bloud, as made his marriage with her incestuous, and so could not be brooked by him with a good conscience. So being divorced, he marries one Beton, daughter to Creigh in Fyfe, who was brother to Beton Archbishop of S. Andrewes. This was a great stop in the Earle of Len∣nox his hopes, chiefly concerning the Earledome of Arran, for as touch∣ing the Crown, the report went, that the King would entaile that to him, out of his own favour. Neither was his hope of Arran quite given o∣ver, if the divorcement could afterward be quarrelled either in substance, or formality, which Lawyers might readily do in a subject of this nature, which is so full of questions and doubts. These things wrought jealou∣sie, that contrariety, and alienation of mindes, which soone begat ho∣stility and hatred. The diversity of faction increased it, and it bred and increased the faction. The King held firm for Lennox, or was held firm by him, and sent him many private Letters to many of the Nobi∣litie, with whom he dealt, and drew a great faction. In which being very confident, he assembled them at Stirlin, where was Arch-bishop Beton, and divers other Bishops. There he propounded in plain terms, the setting of the King at liberty; which they decreed and appointed a day for the performance and execution thereof. Angus so soon as he had found the winde thereof, and had begun to smell it out, had written to the Earle of Arran to come to Lithgow, where they might meet, and take such order as was needfull. Arran was not slow, but gathered his Forces quickly, and kept the appointment. Lennox hearing of it, resol∣ved (though the day were not yet come that was appointed for his asso∣ciats to conveen at Stirlin) to adventure to set upon the Hamiltons, before Angus (who was at Edinburgh) should joyne with them, with such pow∣er as he had ready about him. The Hamiltons having notice of Lennox his intention, advertised the Earle of Angus thereof. Angus made ready, and addressed himself for the journey, but he got many letts and impedi∣ments. The King also did hinder and stay him not a little, for he lay long a bed, pretending indisposition and sickishnesse, he marched slowly, and stayed often, and made many halts by the way, as being weary, and troubled with loosenesse of his belly, which moved him often to un∣trusse, which he did onely for an excuse of purpose to stay them. Angus perceiving it, and fearing lest he should come too late, left his brother Sir George, and some few with him to attend the King, made all the haste he could to joyn with Arran in time. In this mean while, Lennox was come from Stirlin straight to Linlithgow; and the Hamiltons issuing out of the Town, had manned the Bridge, which is a mile from the Town; and the rest had put themselves in order of battell along some small hi•…•…s

not farre from the Bridge. This forced Lennox to forsake the passing of the River by the Bridge, and to crosse the water at a foord a little a∣bove, near to the Abbey of Machlein. He exhorted his men to assaile* 1.92 the Hamiltons, before Angus should come to assist them: and they made haste, but by too much haste they broke their ranks, and having the little hils to climbe up, they were out of winde when they came to strokes, and withall the cry arose that Angus did approach. So the Hamiltons assailing them with long Weapons from a ground of advan∣tage, and the Douglasses also coming upon them on the other hand, Len∣nox his men were over-thrown, being sore wounded. This was done ere Sir George Douglas could come to them, who desired greatly to be with his brother, but was held back by the Kings pretences. It is con∣stantly reported, that Sir George seeing the King linger thus, and know∣ing that he did it of purpose, said to him in great fury, It is as much as our lives are worthy, if our enemies get you from us to day; which, rather than they shall do, we will hold fast one half of you, and let them pull away the other. These words the King never forgot, nor forgave; neither would ever hear of pardoning him; when he seemed not to be implacable to∣wards the rest. When the King could not stay Augus any longer from going to aide the Hamiltons, he sent Andrew Wood of Largoe to have saved Lennox life by all means. But he was slain in the chace by the Earle of* 1.93 Arrans base son James Hamilton, who used the victory cruelly, and whom afterwards a Groom of Lennox wounded almost to death, having stabbed him in five or six places, in revenge of his Lords death. He was lamented of his uncle Arran with many tears; by Angus with sorrow and sadnesse of heart; but above all, the King took his death ill, seeing his care to save him not to have succeeded. It is said that when he was coming from Stirlin, Arran sent to him, and prayed him not to come forward, but to stay, otherwise that he would force him to fight him, which he desired not to do. To which Lennox answered; That he would not stay, but would go and see the King maugre him, and all that would take his part. But his purpose was directly to fight the Hamiltons, and not to go to the King; for he could not go to him, and leave them strong behinde him, having the Douglasses before him. There were slain with him the Laird of Howstoun, and the Master of Glencarne was sore wounded, and hardly saved by the Earle of Angus, whose Cousin he was (brother and sisters children) as is said above. After the Battell, those that had born arms against the King were enquired after, and sum∣moned to compeere in judgement; but some of them compounded for money, some became dependers to the house of Angus, some to the Earle of Arran. The obstinate were pursued by Law, such as the Earle of Cassils, who alledged for himself, that he had the Kings Letter to show for his warrant, to do what he had done; whereupon they desisted from further processe against him; which I see no ground why they should have done upon a private Letter; and as little reason is there why they could not charge him with the hurting or slaying of some man, see∣ing he was in the Battel. It should seem they would not have been so mali∣cious, & vehement against men, as our writers give out; or not so pregnant

in the inventing of crimes and quarrells, as men are now a dayes. Cassills was slain by the Sheriffe of Aire his friends (a little after) at the instiga∣tion of Arrans bastard, who had killed Lennox at Linlithgow, because he stood to justifie himself, and refused to become a depender of the house of Arran. His son betook himself to the protection of the Douglasses, came to Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie (who was then Thesaurer to the King) and was kindely received by him, and lovingly entreated, as one who for his noble birth and towardlinesse he intended to make his son-in-law. Now the Earle of Angus knowing well that Archbishop Beton was one of the chief stirrers up of the Earle of Lennox in this en∣terprise against him, remembring also how he had before stirred up Ar∣ran in the same manner, and his assisting of him at Edinburgh, and many other times, goes now to S. Andrews, takes the Castle by force, and pil∣lageth it, but could not apprehend the Fox himself, who fled from hole to hole, and linked secretly amongst his friends. The Queen also (lest she should come intoher husbands hands) kept her self hid and solitarie. These escaped their search.

After this he went to the Border, where he caused the principall of e∣very Name to give pledges and hostages for their good behaviour, and keeping of good order. And first he went into Liddisdale with an army, where they came and yeelded themselves to him; and the rest of the Borderers followed their example. And now had the Earle of Angus settled all things, in all appearance. His enemies were overcome on the East hand at Melrosse; on the West at Lithgow; the Earle of Lennox was dead, and his Faction dispersed and broken, the Queens authoritie dashed, and Bishop Beton beaten out of the cock-pit, both put to save themselves by hiding, all husht, and under hatches; no partie, no faction, no men to make head against him. An estate highly esteemed, greatly affected, and much sought for by men. But as in our bodies, fulnesse of health hath the own danger, so in our estates, too great prosperitie and ease are the fore-runners of change, which (as experience doth teach) is even then at the doores when there is least appearance otherwise. It fell* 1.94 out just so now while the Douglasses were thus secure of all danger, know∣ing too well, and leaning too much to their own strength, no partie to take the King from them, no place strong enough to keep him in when he were taken, nor to keep them out, no meanes to effect either the one or the other, and threupon grew slothfull in attending him, are often abroad about their businesse, he findes first the place, then the means to escape, then the party to maintaine it, and at last to over-throw them. The Queen (his mother) had the Castle of Stirlin as a part of her dowrie, which, while she (for fear of the Douglasses) hides her self, was left emptie and waste, and yet not seized on by them, who were neither so greedie, as men would have them to appear, by so much; neither so circumspect as wise men should have been, to secure themselves, knowing the fitnesse of the place for such a purpose, the disposition of the owner, and the inclination of the King toward themselves. Now her fear being somewhat abated, and the coasts being clear of them, the Queens servants returned thither, and furnished it more for show, than sufficient resistance of any Force.

The King making (wisely) choice of it, knowing there was no other place so strong, pretending the conveniencie of hunting (even to her) transacts secretly with her, and gives her Methwen in exchange for it, with other Lands about Methwen, no lesse convenient and profitable for her. And so he had gotten his first point, a place of retreat. The meanes how to retire, were easie, which was the next. He was in Falkland, which was not far from Stirlin, in a countrey not subject to the Douglasses, nor near their forces and power. Angus, and Sir George his brother, are both absent about affairs of the Countrey, and none of theirs we hear of, that were to attend the King, or few and negligent they were, as men are wont* 1.95 when they are secure. So he goeth from Falkland, to Stirlin in the night, with a few of his familiar servants, as secretly as he could. Having gained these two points of them by their errour, there rested the third (without which these errours had been no errours to them, nor advantage to him, they had been of no effect nor importance) that was a partie to maintain the retreat. This is the main point, and their main errour, the cause, and the ground of the other two errours, that made them slothfull in seizing that house, in attending the King, because they laid their ground, there could be no partie in Scotland. And Buchanan writes concerning the Earle Bothwels refusall to be Lieutenant against them, that he saw them a little before to be such, as all the rest of Scotland were not able to match them. But they took not heed, nor considered, that then the King was with them. However his minde was against them, he was in their custo∣die and power, and if any had been ill-affected to them, he could be no warrant to any Faction, having no assurance of his life which was at their disposing, and therefore he could not be a Head to any: These conside∣rations being of no small consequence, as the event now proves: for he is no sooner gone from them, than he findes a partie against them, now that he could be a Head to a partie. He writes for many of the Nobili∣tie, they come all to him: others upon the first news of his retiring, came without staying till they were sent for. So that he quickly found him∣self free, and out of danger to be forced. Then by their advice he causeth make a Proclamation, that the Douglasses abstaine from all administrati∣on, and handling of publick affairs, and that none of them, or their depen∣ders,* 1.96 come within twelve miles of the King, under pain of death. This Edict being brought to them, as they were on their way toward Stirlin, many of their friends advised them to go forward, but the Earle himself, and Sir George, resolved to obey, and perswaded the rest to do so. A duti∣full and wise resolution, if there was not sufficient power with them to go forward, which others that counselled them to go on, have thought suffi∣cient: And if withall they had resolved to lay down their necks under the yoke, and beare whatsoever should be laid upon them. But that they did not resolve to do, as appeareth afterward, therefore they lost here al∣so the occasion which might have procured them peace on better and more equall termes. They returned to Linlithgow to remain there till they should hear farther from Court. This their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and not going forward to Stirlin, is such an over-sight, as a man could scarce have look∣ed for at so wise and resolute heads and hands. But where ruine is de∣termined,

wisedome is taken from the wisest, and hearts from the hardi∣est. They will disobey more out of time hereafter. The King makes use of that respit of time, assembleth more and more Forces, summonds a Parliament in September. They go to Edinburgh, and assemble also their friends more fully. Both parties aimed more at their own security, and to defend themselves, than to offend the other, yet they give place a∣gain, and the second of August leave the City, which day the King en∣tred with displayed banner: from thence (by entreatie of friends) he sent conditions to them, which if they would obey, there was some hope showne of clemencie and gentle dealing towards them. These were, That the Earle of Angus himself should be confined beyond Spey, and his brother Sir George, together with his uncle Archbald of Kilspindie, should go to prison to the Castle of Edinburgh. But they rejected the* 1.97 conditions, and thereupon were summoned to compeare at the Parlia∣ment in Edinburgh the sixth of September. In the mean while their Of∣fices are taken from them, the Chancellorship from the Earle, which we* 1.98 hear not when it was given to him. Archbishop Beton had been Chan∣cellour in the Governours time, he had consented to the Triumvirate, and afterward had left and forsaken them. Then hath it been taken from Beton (as far as we can conjecture) and given to Angus. It was now given to Gawin Dumbar the Kings Pedagogue in law matters, one who was no ill man, but who was thought to be a greater Schollar, than wise and pru∣dent for government. The Thesaurers place was taken from Kilspindie, and given to Robert Carnecrosse, a man better knowne by his bags of mo∣ney, than for his vertues. Thus driven to their last hopes, they labour to hinder the meeting of the Parliament, by taking of Edinburgh where it was to sit, and from whence the King was returned to Stirlin. For this end they send Archbald of Kilspindie, with some troops of horse, to assay what he could do. A poor shift, if they had gotten it. But the King had preven∣ted them, and sent thither Robert Maxwell, who with his friends and de∣penders, assisted by a great number of the Commons, excluded them, and with watch and ward kept the town till the Kings return. Hereupon An∣gus retired to his house at Tantallon. The day of the Parliament being come, they were cited, accused, condemned, and forfeited; the Earle, Sir George, Kilspindie, and Drummond of Carnock. The main cause, and clear∣est* 1.99 evidence given in against them, was, that the King swore he was ever in fear of his life, so long as he vvas vvith them. It is strange that his feare should have seemed a sufficient cause and evidence of forfeiture. Their ab∣sence was no cause, for they were prohibited to come vvithin 12. miles of the K. & they had forgotten to release them from that command & inter∣diction. Sir John Ballandine, who was then one of their dependers, & after∣ward Justice-Clerk, knew it well, and did freely and courageously protest in open audience, that nothing done there should be hurtfull, or prejudici∣al to the Earle, because he had just cause of fear, & so of his absence, which should be declared in the own time; which was both an honest part to∣ward his patron, and a wise and stout part in it self. Upon this protesta∣tion the forfeiture was reduced seventeen years after this. But for the present it goeth on, and an act was also made against such as should re∣ceive,

them, that they should be liable to the same punishment of forfei∣ture. Soon after this, William, Abbot of Halyroodhouse (Angus his brother) died through sicknesse which he had contracted by grief and sorrow for their estate. The rest, seeing no appearance of pardon, make now for open violence. Who can think but it was as unfit now, as fit to have used it when they stayed from going to Stirlin? But then they have had hope of more favour, which hath marred all their course. Better late wise than never, time was driven, but they counted it not lost, be∣cause by their so long patience they had given proof of their goodwill; now they will shew their enemies what power they had then; and that it was willingnesse, not weaknesse, made them to forbeare doing more than they did. They burn Cowsland, and Cranston, and daily rode about Edinburgh in view of the City, so that it was in a manner be∣sieged, the mean sort suffering for the faults of the great ones. By this their proceeding, the theeves and broken men of the borders, and else∣where (whom they had before restrained in their government) loosed from all fear of them, waxed bold to come out of their lurking places, and greatly molested the Countrey people about them. Many outrages were committed by many, in many places; oppression, theft, murders, and robberies. All was imputed to the Douglasses, and called their do∣ing by the Courtiers, thinking thereby to please the King well. There was a Ship (called the Martin) which being loaden with rich Ware, brake about the Skate-raw, and the common people came and took away the goods from the owners; this was laid also upon them, and their fa∣ction and followers, though nothing of it came to their use, unlesse it were that some of their stragling horsemen, happening to be there at that time, might perhaps get their share with others.

About this time the King resolves to besiege Tantallon Castle in* 1.100 Lowthian, some sixteen miles from Edinburgh, and for that purpose causes bring Ordinance, Powder and Bullet from Dumbar, which was then kept by the servants of the late Governour the Duke of Albanie, as a portion of his patrimony. There was in Tantallon one Simcon Penan∣goe, with a competent number of men, well furnished and provided both of Victuals and Munition. The Earle himself remained at Billie in the Merse, within his Baronie of Bonkle, not willing to shut himself up within the Wals of any strength, having ever in his mouth this maxime (which he had received from his Predecessours) That it was better to hear the Lark sing, than the Mouse cheep. The Castle was well defended for certain dayes, none hurt within; many without were wounded with shot from the Castle, and some burnt and scalded with their own Pow∣der, which took fire unawares, and divers killed. The besiegers were troubled without by the horsemen, who assaulted them daily at their trenches, so that seeing no hope of carrying it, they raised their siege, and retired. In their retreat they were set upon in the Reare by Angus his horsemen; and one David Falconer (a principall Cannonier) slain with some otherhired Musketiers, and two of the Cannons cloyed. This the K. took so highly (esteeming it an affort and scorn put upon him) that he •…•…wore openly, that so long as he lived, the Douglasses should never be re∣ceived

into favour. He was then young, and in his hot bloud, and saw not their worth, or at least looked upon it through the prospective of an angry passion; but before he died, he saw it more setledly and clearly, and that their service was more steadable than all theirs that were now a∣bout him. Being come to Edinburgh, he adviseth what was next to be done. It was thought fit to keep a company at Coldingham, which needed not to be very great, but onely to lye there constantly, to preserve and protect the common people from their incursions. But that was to Bell the Cat; a good designe, but difficult to prosecute. Billie (where Angus made his residence) is within five miles of Coldingham, and all the Countrey about did favour him; yea, some in that same Town it self did bear him good will. The task to execute this conclusion, was laid up∣on the Earle Bothwell, who was the most powerfull man in Lowthian. He refuses it absolutely, as that which he was not able to perform. So is the King driven to think of another. The Earle of Arran was the grea∣test in power and friendship; but he had slain the Earle of Lennox at Linlithgow, and was in societie with the Douglasses. He doubts with what zeal or fidelity he would prosecute the businesse. Argyle was in great account, for warrelike and politick wisedome; But he lay farre off,* 1.101 in the North-West parts of the Kingdome. There is no remedie, he must be the man; he is made Lieutenant, and (as our Writers say) by the Lord Humes assistance drove Angus out of Scotland. But all our ancient men, who lived in those dayes, and were present at those doings, and actors in them, say the contrary, That he did no good, but came to Dumbar, and some of his companies going before, were set upon at the Peeths, and three or fourscore of them slain. Hereupon was made this rime in derision, beginning thus:

The Earle of Argyle is bound to ride From the border of Edge-bucklin bray, And all his Habergeons him beside, Each man upon a sonke of Stray, They made their vow that they would slay, &c.

Neither did the Lord Hume take any particular dealing against him; neither did he leave Scotland, being compelled thereto by force (as our traditioners say) but upon the King of Englands desire, who wished him* 1.102 so farre to obey and yeeld to his Prince. He also caused him to render Tantallon up to the King. What warrand the King of England had, and what promises by word (for it stood not with his honour to give any thing in writ, that his clemency might be free and voluntary, and not by capitulation) our History doth rather glance at it, than expresse it in these words▪ That the Castle of Tantallon being rendred, the King should under his hand-writing assure them of the rest of their petitions. Yet the Castle being rendred, the rest were not (for all that) sincerely kept. What he speaks of the rendering of the Castle, ou•…•… old men (acquain∣ted with these mysteries) speak also of the Earles leaving Scotland; That both were done upon these promises. They tell also what the promi∣ses

were, that they should be received again, pardoned, and get their peace (the Kings honour being once thus salved by his going out of the Countrey, and rendering of the Castle) within such a space as was agreed on. Our Histories also signifie no lesse by the exception which it makes in this: The rest (sayes he) were not sincerely kept, except that favour was granted to Alexander Drumond to return, &c. Then his return hath been one of the conditions, seeing it is accepted as one of them that were performed. Neither hath the condition been that he alone should re∣turn, but that they should be brought home all of them. He signifies also, that Drumonds return was not permitted out of any respect to the promise, but at the request of Robert Bartaine. So that the exception is no exception; and so nothing hath been keeped. But the King of Eng∣land (to whom the promise was made) was not at this time disposed to exact the performance of it, and to back his exacting of it with▪ 40000. men, as Princes promises should be urged. Men say he had other work in hand, and businesse of his own to request for; which was to desire his Nephew James to be quiet, and not to trouble his Kingdome while he made Warre against the Emperour Charles. Yet afterward in the year 1532. he sought it directly amongst the conditions of peace▪ that the Douglas (according to his promise) should be restored. For* 1.103 King Henries own part he entertained them with all kinde of beneficence and honour, and made both the Earle and Sir George of his privie Coun∣cell.

The Kings anger still continued against them in such sort, that nine years after, in 1537. he was contented that Jeane Douglas Lady Glames (who was Angus sister) should be accused by false witnesses, condem∣ned and execute. The point of her accusation was, that she, and her husband (Archbald Campbell then) and her sonne and an old Priest, had gone about to make away the King by Witch-craft. Their servants were tried and racked, but confessed nothing, the accuser John Lion (a Kins∣man* 1.104 of her first husband) when he saw how they were like to be used, and that the house of Glames would be ruined, repenting of what he had done, confessed to the King that he had wronged them; but it did no good. She was burnt upon the Castle hill with great commiseration of* 1.105 the people, in regard of her noble bloud, of her husband, being in the prime of her years, of a singular beauty, and suffering all, though a wo∣man, with a man-like courage, all men conceiving that it was not this fact, but the hatred the King carried to her brothers, that had brought her to this end. Her husband seeking to escape over the wall of the Castle, •…•…ell, and broke his leg, and so died. Her sonne was kept in pri∣son, because he was so young that the law could not strike against him. Others were committed to Ward, as Sir George Hume of Wedderburne (who was Angus his sisters son) to the Black-Nesse, for whom his mother Dame Alison Douglas coming often to entreat the King for him, though he alwayes used her courteously, and gave her good countenance (and that almost onely to her of all their friends) so that his language was by way of excusing without deniall, yet she could obtain nothing till a lit∣tle before his death about the rode of Fawla, when hee began to misse

their service, then he set him at libertie. His implacabilitie did also appear in his carriage toward Archbald of Kilspindie, whom he (when he was a childe) loved singularly well for his ability of body, and was wont to call him his Gray Steell. Archbald being banished into England, could not well comport with the humour of that Nation, which he thought to be too proud, and that they had too high a conceit of them∣selves, joyned with a contempt and despising of all others. Wherefore being wearied of that life, and remembring the Kings favour of old to∣ward him, he determined to trie the Kings mercifulnesse and clemency. So he comes into Scotland, and taking occasion of the Kings hunting in the Park at Stirlin, he casts himself to be in his way, as he was com∣ming home to the Castle. So soon as the King saw him afar off, ere he came near, he ghessed it was he, and said to one of his Cour∣tiers, yonder is my Gray Steell, Archbald of Kilspindie, if he be alive. The other answered, that it could not be he, and that he durst not come into the Kings presence. The King approaching, he fell upon his knees, and craved pardon, and promised from thence forward to abstain from all meddling in publick affairs, and to lead a quiet and a pri∣vate life. The King went by without giving him any answer, and trotted a good round pace up the hill. Kilspindie followed, and (though he wore on him a Secret, or shirt of Maile for his particular enemies) was as soon at the Castle gate as the King. There he sat him down upon a stone without, and entreated some of the Kings servants for a cup of drink, be∣ing wearie and thirstie: but they fearing the Kings displeasure, durst give him none. When the K. was sat at his dinner, he asked what he had done, what he had said, and whither he was gone? It was told him, that he had desired a cup of drink, and had gotten none. The King reproved them ve∣ry sharply for their discourtesie, and told them, that if he had not taken an oath, that no Douglas should ever serve him, he would have received him into his service, for he had seen him sometime a man of great abilitie. Then he sent him word to go to Leith, and expect his farther pleasure. Then some kinsman of David Falconer (the Cannonier that was slain at Tantallon) began to quarell with Archbald about the matter, where∣with the King shewed himself not well pleased when he heard of it. Then he commanded him to go to France for a certain space, till he heard far∣ther from him. And so he did, and died shortly after. This gave occasion to the King of England (Henry the 8.) to blame his Nephew, alledging* 1.106 the old saying, That a Kings face should give grace. For this Archbald (whatsoever were Anguses or Sir George his fault) had not been princi∣pall actor of any thing, nor no counsellour or stirrer up, but onely a fol∣lower of his friends, and that no wayes cruelly disposed. He caused also execute Sir James Hamilton of Evendale, for divers reasons: but that which incensed him most, was his correspondencie, and secret trafficking and meeting with the banished Douglasses, especially with Sir George, whom he met with in the Park-head, as the King was informed. There was no man that he could hear had but received them into his house, but he caused apprehend, and execute the rigour of the law upon them. He caused the Laird of Blackader bring in John Nisbet of the Spittell,

and made him to be executed to death, for receiving (as was alledged at least) the Earle of Angus into his house. These many executions pro∣ceeding from many reports and delations given to him, bred great suspi∣tion in his minde, all the woods seemed full of theeves. Many were put to death for the Douglasses; this was a token that they had many favourers: many were offended by these executions, and so many ill-willers by be∣ing offended. So his suspition against the Nobilitie was daily increased, his jealousie growes, cares multiply, his minde is disturbed, which would not suffer him to sleep sound, but troubled his head with dreames and fansies.

In the mean time the Warres began with England by mutuall incursi∣ons* 1.107 on the Borders. The King sent George Gordon Earle of Huntley to the Border to represse the English. But they seeing his Forces so small, came forward to have burnt Jedburgh. The Lord Hume hearing of their intention, went and lay in their way. The Earle of Angus had been sent down to the Border by the K. of England, to wait for occasion to do something against Scotland, and was now with these English here. Hee disswaded them from fighting, and told them, that the Lord Hume would not flee, nor his men leave him, and that they would all die at his feet. But they would needs fight, and were overthrowne. The Earle of An∣gus himself was almost taken, for he was caught about the neck, and rid himself again with his dagger, and so escaped. There were some slaine, more taken, all scattered and chased. The King was so glad hereof, that* 1.108 he gave the lands of the Hirsell to Sir Andrew Ker of Little-dean for bringing the first newes hereof: but he that was the chief actor the Lord Hume got nothing. This was at Halden rig. Then was the rode of Faw∣la, where the Nobilitie did flatly refuse to fight, and suffered the English to retire, and escape without battell or skirmish. The King being there in person, was so enraged hereat, that he burst forth into open railing a∣gainst them, calling them cowards, and beasts that were not worthy of their places or Predecessours; and withall told them, that he should bring home those that durst and would fight, meaning the Earle of An∣gus* 1.109 and his friends. Then followed on the neck of this the defeat at So∣lemne-Mosse, where Oliver Sinclar being deserted by the Nobility, was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to flie, and so lost the day, and many were taken prisoners; many also yeelded themselves to the English. The King, who was not farre off, when he heard of it, was wonderfully commoved, having his minde distracted with indignation, anger, grief and sorrow; now thinking how to be avenged on them that had dealt thus traiterously with him; then of new preparation for the Warres, & how it should be managed. For which he saw now there was but one way left, which was to bring home the Earle of Angus, upon what ever terms; seeing at last what a subject he had thrust from him, and repenting him, said he should bring him home, that would take order with them also. But it was too late, for his death* 1.110 ensuing shortly after, hindered the execution of that purpose. He died the thirteenth of December 1542. leaving one onely daughter Mary his* 1.111 heir behinde him, a childe of five dayes old.

But although he lived not to effect his determination, yet he gave

them an honourable testimony of their worth, and withall made a con∣fession of the wrong he had done to them, and gave them a clear absol∣viture from all former imputation. And so for their part they rest sa∣tisfied with it, and seek no other. The King was dead, who had purposed to have brought them home, his will is enough to them; they stand not on ceremonies, they come home now unsent for. There were taken prisoners at the Solom-Mosse, seven Earles and Lords, foure and twenty others of inferiour, but good place and quality. When King Henry of England had triumphed a while over them (causing to lead them from the Towre of London to Court through Cheapside Street the 20. of December upon Saint Thomas day) he rebuked them as brea∣kers of Covenant by a long harangue of his Chancellour▪ who magnifi∣ed the Kings mercy, who did (said he) remit much of the rigour he might justly have used against them. After this they had some more freedome; and when the news of the Kings death was come, he dealt kindly with them, and told them his intention; which was to have their Kings daughter married to his sonne Prince Edward, that so the Nations of England and Scotland might be joyned together by that alliance; for affecting of which match he takes their promise to favour his designe, and to set it forward at home as farre as they might without dammage to their Countrey, or reproach and infamy to themselves. So (having first taken pledges and hostages of them at New-Castle, by the Duke of North-folke, for their return, in case the peace were not a∣greed on) he sent them home to Scotland the first of January 1543. with these returned our Douglasses (the Earle and Sir George) after fif∣teen years exile, and were received of all with great joy and gratulation. Onely they were not welcome to the Cardinall. They had been ever at variance, they ranne divers courses in policie, he suspected their Reli∣gion, specially Sir Georges. He knew they would not approve nor rati∣fie the Kings testament which he had forged▪ wherein he was made Pro∣tectour and Governour, with three Noblemen to be his Assessours. He doubted not, but that they would oppose him in the Parliament; and therefore here he found means to be chosen Governor before their retu•…•…n. Yet his fraud was detected before they came home, and he debouted, and* 1.112 put from that authority. In his place James Hamilton Earle of Arran was chosen, as being the man to whom it properly belonged, as next heire, and best beloved, partly because they had a good opinion of his towardly disposition, and that he was not averse from the reformed Religion (whereof he willingly read the controversies) partly because they hated the Archbishop Beton and his priests crueltie, which put every man in fear of their government. That businesse was settled ere they came home. The next point was the marriage of the young Queen, which they were to set forward with England. The Queen mother, and the Cardinall, and the whole faction of the Priests, oppose this way with all their might and power. But they prevailed not, and the Cardinall because he troubled all, and would suffer nothing to be done orderly, he was shut up in a Chamber till the matters were concluded, and pledges promised to bee given to the English Ambassadour Sir Ralphe Sadler for performance.

Ambassadours also were sent into England to treat on the conditions▪ They were, the Earle of Glencarne, Sir George Douglas, Sir William Ha∣milton of Machane, and the Secretarie of estate. These remained foure moneths in England, agreed at last, and concluded all articles and con∣ditions. But in their absence, the Cardinall was set at liberty, who trou∣bled all, gathered a contribution of the Clergie, and what by bribing, what by other practices used by him, and the Queen, turns the Nobilitie quite an other way. When those that had been sent into England were returned, and found things in this estate, they were much grieved at it, and laboured to recall things, and to perswade them to keep their pro∣mise made to King Henry.

To move them hereto, Sir George Dou∣glas* 1.113 spake to them very earnestly, and told them the apologue of the asse, which a King did love so dearly, that he had a great minde and desire to have her to speak: and having dealt with divers Physicians to make her to speak, they told him it was a thing impossible, and gainst nature; but he being impatient, and not enduring to have his desire crossed, slew them because they told him the truth. At last he trying about what others could doe, one, who was made wise by their example, being required to do it, he undertook it; but withall he shew him, that it was a great work, and would be very chargeable. The King being set upon it to have it done, told him he should have what allowance he pleased, and bade him spare for no charges: and that besides he would reward him liberally. The Physician told him that it would prove also a long cure, and could not be done in a day; ten years were the fewest that could be allotted to it. The King considered of it, and was contented to allow him that time for performing it; and so they agreed, and the Physician began to fall to work about his asse. His friends hearing of it, came to him, and asked him what he meant, to take in hand that which could not be performed in nature. He smi∣led, and said unto them, I thought you had been wiser than to ask me such a question: if I had (sayes he) refused to take it in hand, he had put me to death presently, now I have gained ten years time, before which be expired, who can tell what may happen. The King may die, the asse may die, I my self may die; and if any of these happen, I am freed. In the mean time I shall be in good estate, wealth, honour, and the Kings favour. Even so (sayes Sir George) stands the case with us at this time: if wee refuse and leap back from the conditions that are propounded and agreed on, wee enter into present Warre, for which we are very unfit, and ill provided. If we embrace them, we gain time, we shall enjoy peace and quietnesse during the Queens childe-hood, and before that be expired, Prince Edward may die, our Queen may die, King Henry may die, or the parties when they come to age, may refuse one another, or then perhaps (as things may fall out) it may be thought the best way by us all.

But he could not perswade them to it, the Queen mother, and the Cardinall, the Pop•…•…sh and Politick Faction standing for France, and drawing all to that end, had so wrought the matter, that there was no place le•…•…t to any wholesome councell. These two for strengthening of their party had sent to France, and moved

that King to send home Matthew Earle of Lennox a competitour and* 1.114 counterpoyse to the house of Hamilton. He came, being put in hope of the Queens marriage▪ and to be made Governour, but when he saw himself deluded, and Beton preferred to the government, in effect upon agreement of Arran, and the Cardinall (wherein Arran had renounced the controverted heads of Religion, and addicted himself fully to the Queen and Cardinall, to be ruled by them) he forsook them, and so did also the Governours chief friends leave him, and turne to Lennox: And now Lennox had made a strong party against the Governour and the Cardinall, but at last he was drawn to come to a Parley with them, first at Edinburgh, and then at Linlithgow, where finding that they in∣tended to intrap him, he fled in the night, first to Glasgow, then to t•…•…e Castle of Dumbartan. About this time the Hamiltons and Douglasses were reconciled: and for further assurance of sincere and firm friend∣ship, Sir George Douglas, and Alexander Cunninghame Master of Glen∣carne, were given as pledges (the one for his brother, and the other for his father) to the Governour Hamilton, upon promise to be released within a few dayes, but they were kept till the English Army came. Angus himself also, and the Lord Maxwell going to mediate a peace* 1.115 betwixt the Governour and Lennox (a dutifull part of a Nobleman, and of a good Patriot) was retained; and both sent out at a back-door at Glasgow, to Hamilton, while their followers did wait for them at the ordinary fore-gate of the Governours lodging. Angus was sent a•…•…ter∣ward to the Black-Nesse, and kept there a close prisoner. Thus were both he and his brother in the hands of their enemies: neither did their wisedome or experience, the examples of their Predecessours, or their own maximes and rules save them from being intrapped. But who can keep himself from deceit: What wisedome was ever able to do it? we heard before in the Lord Hume (Chamberlain) how he was catched, and therefore no wonder, though the young Douglasses (put to death in Edinburgh Castle) were deceived. It is wrong to impute it to want of fore-sight, as these two (who were at other times wary enough) may witnesse. They may thank God more than their own good guiding, if they escape with life; but that God doth worke it out, where their wisedome failed▪ He sends in the English Navie, which was bound for Boloigne, under the command of the Earle of Hartford. Some sayes that they were so directed by King Henry to relieve the Earl and his bro∣ther; some, that it was to revenge the rejecting of his affinitie. However it was the mean and occasion of their releasing. For having landed at Leith unlooked for, the Governour and Cardinall were forced to flee out of Edinburgh, which they burnt, being abandoned by them, and the Citizens being most of them absent about their Traffick. The Gover∣nour, either required to do so by the Earle of Hartford (who threatned to destroy more of the Countrey after the same manner if he refused) or* 1.116 of his own motion, so to regain their favour, and service of their follow∣ers, set them all at liberty, Angus, Maxwell, Glencarne, and Sir George. Their wisedome saved them not from being catched, but their worth releaseth them, either in the judgement of King Henry (if it were his re∣quest)

or in the estimation of their enemies, if it came meerely▪ of them∣selves, who saw how steadable, yea how necessary their fav•…•…ur was to them. That which had brought them home, if King James had lived, procures their liberty from this Governour now when the King is dead.* 1.117 Envie committed them, true valour brings them out of prison. So it is seen ere long: for Lennox being •…•…orsaken by the French, and his part∣ners overthrowne by the Hamiltons, he fled into England, and was well received and entertained by King Henry, who gave him also his sisters daughter by the Earle of Angus, Lady Margaret Douglas to wife. On her* 1.118 he begate Henry Lord Darneley, who was married to Queen Mary of Scotland. He sought to have married the Queen Dowager, he is reje∣cted; but he fares better, and comes to reigne in both the Realmes by his Posteritie. Let men look on it, and see the deepnesse of providence, and learne not to distrust in whatsoever strait, seeing the worst doth of∣ten occasion the best; for even in exile being condemned and for•…•…eited, he was laying the foundation of this returne.

Of these dissentions at home, the Forrein enemie takes advantage, the K. of England sends an Armie to Scotland, burnes Jedburgh, and Kelso,* 1.119 takes Coldinghame, and fortifies the Abbay and steeple thereof. Thither goes the Governour Hamilton with 8000. men in winter, and batters the steeple one whole day and night, all the Company standing all that while in Armes. The next day he took horse, and went to Dumbar with all the speed he could, accompanied onely with a few of his most familiar friends, without acquainting the Nobilitie or Armie with his departure. What it was that moved him hereto, is uncertain, whether it were some rumour of the enemies approaching, or that he feared lest his own Armie (whom he had offended many wayes) should have del•…•…vered him into the hands of the English. This troubled them all so much the more, be∣cause they knew not thereason of it. Wherefore they began to advise what was next to be done: Some thought it best that every man should go whither he would, and leave the Ordnance a prey to the enemie. Others thought it was better to charge them double, and so to break them, that they might not be usefull to the enemie. Thus is the case brought to an exigent, this is the place for the Earle of Angus to shew himself to be a Douglas of the right stamp. So he doth; he rejects both these wayes as dishonourable, and exhorts them, that they would not ad de this grosse errour in Warre to their shamefull flight. But when he could not per∣swade them either by reason or authoritie, he cryes out aloud, that they might all hear, For my part (saith he) •…•…had had rather die honourably, than live with shame, though with never so much riches and ease. Ye that are my friends and companions in armes, do what you think best, but I shall either bring home this Ordnance, or shall not bring home my self alive, and one and the same day shall end both my life and my honour. Having spoken thus, he commanded them to go on with the Ordnance, and he with his Companie, and some few moe that stayed with him for shame, marched after, to keep off the English that pursued them, and so brought them safely to Dumbar. Then turning him to the Master of the Ordnance, Take them there to thee (saith he) better thus, than either broken, or left behinde. A sober and gentle re∣proof

to those that had abandoned him, yet such as might put them in minde of their fault.

The honour was his, but the fault (more observed oftentimes) redoun∣ded to the discouraging of the Countrey, and emboldening of the En∣glish, which gave new occasion of stirring up in him the ancient vertues* 1.120 proper to the name, valour, and love of his Countrey. Sir Ralph Ivers, and Sir Brian Laiton, had made divers in-rodes into Scotland, in the Merse, Ti∣vidale, and Lawderdale, with good successe, finding no man to oppose or make head against them. The Inhabitants of those places, had for the most part yeelded and taken on the badge of England, the red Crosse, or at least kept themselves in strong places in safetie from the enemie. They esteemed all conquered, and for that which rested, they made account to conquer all unto Forth. So to Court they go, and sue to the King for a reward of their service, the inlarging of his Dominions. The Duke of North-folk, who had made warre in Scotland divers times, and knew the fashion of the Countrey, how easie a matter it was to make the Com∣mons (when they wanted a Head in time of Civill and intestine dissenti∣on) to yeeld to any conditions; but withall know also, that they would presently cast off the yoke so soon as they found any to lead them into the field, he perswades the King to bestow upon them for their reward, all the Land that they had conquered, and to encourage them to go on, promiseth unto them all the Land that they could conquer more there∣after. They come to the Borders full of hopes, and increase their Forces by the addition of 3000. hired souldiers, with intention to go on with their conquest. This did greatly grieve such Scots as remained true Scots indeed. The flight from Coldingham had discouraged them; they could look for no good from the Governour. But he who had his Rose Garland unstained there, must be the man to do the turn here also. Angus had large possessions in the Merse and Tividale: therefore he had his particular interest, and could not so easily leave his lands for a prey to the enemy, nor suffer so great an indignitie in publick, and reproach to his Countrey. Being moved with both these considera∣tions, he goeth to the Governour, and layeth before him the great∣nesse of the danger, and how he did suffer in his own reputation for the businesse at Coldingham, and would now suffer more if he sat still and did nothing at this time: Wherefore he exhorteth him to take some course for the safety of the Countrey, and to repair his own honour. The Governour bewailes his own estate and condition, that he was not able to do any thing; being deserted by the Nobility, whereof he com∣plained heartily. Angus replyed, and told him it was his own fault;

For* 1.121 they (said he) would willingly hazzard and bestow both their lives and fortunes for the defence of their Countrey, but you contemn their coun∣sel, and have given your self over to be guided by a company of Priests, who are unfit to go abroad to the War•…•…es, and are seditious at home; being free from perill themselves, they live on the fruits of other mens labours like Drones; abusing and spending all upon their own plea∣sures. From hence doth spring this suspicion and jealousie betwixt you and the Nobilitie, that none of you doth beleeve or trust other,

which is the bane of all actions, and hindreth the atchieving of any matter of moment. But if you will apply your self to them, and con∣sult with them, who will not spare to spend their lives in the executi∣on of things; I do not distrust but as honourable acts may be per∣formed by us now, as have been done at any time by our Predecessours▪ But if by sloth and negligence ye suffer the enemy thus to encroach by piece-meal, he will at last force us either to yeeld to him, or forsake the Countrey: of which two it is hard to say which is the most misera∣ble and shamefull condition. As for us two, I know we are traduced by our enemies, they accuse me of betraying my Countrey, and you of cowardise, but if you will resolve throughly and soundly to do that now, which you must needs do some time, it shal not be a flourish∣ed speech, and painted words, that shall confute their calumnies, but the flourish of Armes, and a Pitched field.

The Governour considering the truth, and honourable counsell given him, promised to follow his and the rest of the Nobilities advice. Hereupon Proclamation is made and sent into all the Provinces about, commanding the Nobiltie to repair to the Governour with all the haste they could, wheresoever he should happen to be. There came not above 300. horse, with these they march toward England▪ and by the way some few of Lowthian, and some of the Merse joyn with them. So they come to Melrosse upon Tweed, where they intended to stay, and wait for the rest that were coming. The English were come to Jedbrough before, and now being adverti∣sed of the small number of the Scottish Army, they march toward Mel∣rosse, having 5000. men in their Army, in great confidence to defeat so small a number as was with the Governour, who besides that they were so few, were also▪wearied with their journey. The Scots had no∣tice of their coming, and thereupon retire to the next hils, where they might with safety espie what course the enemie would take. The Eng∣lish frustrate of their hope (which was to have surp•…•…zed them) stay a∣bout the Town and Abbey of Melrosse, which had been spoyled not long before, to see what more spoil they could light on, untill it were day; for this was in the night time. As soon as it was day, they began to march back toward Jedbrough, and the Scots (to whom had now joy∣ned Norman Lesly with 300. Fifemen, and Sir Walter Scot of Balcleugh, with a very few of his domesticks) encountered them by the way. Both Armies alighted from their horses, and fought on foot. The English con∣fiding in their number, and hoping with a few houres travell, to perchase honour and riches with peaceable and quiet possession of the Lands that were granted to them by their Kings gift, fought very valarously. They had divided their Army into three battels; and seeing the Scots Grooms (who rode up the hill with their masters horses, which they had put from them) they supposing they had been the Scottish Army fleeing, made great haste to overtake them. And so ere they were aware, they were hard upon the Scottish battell, which stood in array in the valley at the foot of the hill unseen till now. At the first encounter their Fore∣ward was beaten back upon the middle, and both together upon the Reer-ward; so that their Ranks being broken, and all in confusion, they

were constrained to flee, and the Scots following hard upon them in grosse, slew them down right without resistance. At night when the Scots were returned from the chace, every man repairing to his Colours, they found but two of their own slain; & of the enemie (besides Sir Ralph Ivers, and Brien Laton) 200. or (as others say) 800. amongst whom there were divers Gentlemen of good note and qualitie. There were ta∣ken prisoners▪ 1000. or as others 2000. (with all their baggage which had been left at Melrosse) of which there were 80. of good birth and qualitie. It was no little furtherance to the victory, the advantage which the Scots had of the Sunne going down, and so beating full in the eyes of the enemy: as also of the Winde that blew the smoak of the Powder on their faces likewise, so that they were blinded two wayes. They had also marched so fast to overtake the Scots, that they were quite out of breath almost ere they came to strokes; and when they came to them, at the first joyning, the Scots that were on their side fled without fighting. It is said that the Earle of Angus was so resolute and void of feare, that when they were going to joyn battell, he perceiving a Heron flie over their heads, cryed out aloud; ``O that I had my white Gose-hawke here, we should all yoke at once. The honour of the victorie was wholly given to him, and the profit came to the Governour. But the more honour that Angus got at home of his own countrey-men, the more hatred he had of the Enemy the English. King Henry blamed him, saying he was ungratefull, and vowed to be avenged of him for it. As if any gratitude could binde a man to betray his Countrey, or any benefite tie him to omit his duty toward it: Angus had never learned such gratitude of his Predecessours, nor could his noble heart stoop to such mercenarinesse. And as for his threatnings, he looked upon them with the same courage and resolution.

Is our brother-in-law offen∣ded (sayes he) that I am a good Scottish man? Because I have revenged the defacing of the tombes of my Ancestors at Melrosse upon Ralph Ivers? They were better men than he, and I ought to have done no lesse: And will he take my life for that? Little knows King Henry the skirts of Kirnetable, I can keep my self there from all his English hoste.

The newes of this victory being come to France, the King sent Mon∣sieur de L'orge Earle of Montgomerie into Scotland with 3000. foot, and 500. horse, to assist against England. He gave him also commission to be∣stow the order of the Cockle (or S. Michael) on the Governour, An∣gus, Huntley, and Argyle, which he did accordingly. De L'orge arrived about the fourth or fifth of July 1545. and moved the Governour to as∣semble some power of men, about 15000. which were mustered at Ha∣dington. From thence they went to the Borders, and encamped over a∣gainst Warke, an English Castle upon Tweed. But they did nothing to any purpose. Hereupon the Count Montgomerie returnes into France the rest of that year, and the next following, with a good part of the year 1547▪ there was nothing done abroad, or at home, save that the Cardinall was busied in causing execute such as were of the reformed Religion, whereupon followed his own tragicall death, and the French Galleyes

coming, besieged S. Andrewes Castle, and carried away the authors of the Cardinals slaughter into France. The Earle of Angus hath had no hand in all these broyles; for he is never mentioned in any of them. On∣ly his naturall son George is said to have gotten the Abbacie of Arbrothe. But then (if he got it) he might have been called Abbot, and not Postu∣lat, or Postulant, which▪implies, that he was ever asking it, but got it not.

In the same year 1547. in August, King Henry of England dying, his son Edward (a childe of some eight or nine years of age) succeeded, and his Uncle the Earle of Hereford was created Duke of Sommerset, and made Protectour of England. He levied two Armies to come against Scotland, one by sea, another by land, in which he came himself in per∣son,* 1.122 and with him the Earle of Warwick. It contained 18000. men. He pretended for the cause of his coming, the performance of the marriage betwixt the King his Nephew, and the young Queen of Scots, toge∣ther with the observation of the Articles agreed upon with the Scottish Nobilitie in the Treatie of Peace with King Henry. The Governour was mightily perplexed herewith. He had no forraigne aide, and he distru∣sted his Countreymen at home. Notwithstanding he causeth it to be proclaimed, that they should assemble themselves to resiste the common enemie. They had their randezvous at Edinburgh, and there came thi∣ther to the number of 30000. men. From thence they march to Muscle∣brugh, which is seated at the mouth of the river of Eske in Lowthi∣an some foure miles from Edinburgh. The English lay at Preston within two miles, and their Fleet sailed along the Coast, still in the view of the Land army, & ready to second or succour it. The Protector looking down from Carberrie Hill, and perceiving the Scottish Army to be greater than he had expected in regard of the civill discord and dissention that was amongst them, called a Councell of Warre, to advise about the Battell; and in the mean time he sends a Letter to the Governour, to try if things could be taken away without blood. The summe of the Letter was, that he was come to crave the performance of the marriage, and the observance of the conditions agreed unto by the Scots. If they would not yeeld to that, yet if they would but promise not to enter into terms of marriage with any other forrain Prince, nor carry her out of the Countrey till she were come to years of discretion to choose her own husband, they should return in peace, and make satisfaction for any dammage their Army had done. This was very reasonable; but it should have been treated of before they came from home, and rather by Ambassadours than in the field and camp. It hath never been the cause of their coming with an Army, but rather hope that no head could have been made against them (in respect of the dissention for Religion and other divisions) which perswaded them to come: Now the sight of an Army which was a sufficient party for them, had taught them wisedome and moderation in their conditions. If the Governour could also have moderated his hope of victorie, which arose from his confidence in the number of his men, the bargaine had been agreed on, and the businesse had ended without blood. But his councell of Warre (his base brother

the Bishop of S. Andrews, George Durie▪ Abbot of Dumfermling, Archbald Beton, and Hugh Rigge) puffed him▪ up with idle hope of a sure victory. So the Letter is supprest, and preparation made for battell. The Armies were thus ordered. The English were divided into three battels; Whereof Warwick led the Vaunt-guard, together with Sir Francis Brien, who commanded 800. light horsemen which were in the wings. The Protectour himself commanded in the mid battell, ha∣ving with him Sir Peter Mewtas with 600. Musketiers, and Jamboas a Spaniard with 1000. horse with Carabins. The Reer was conducted by the Lord Dacres, to whom was joyned Sir Richard Manners with 600. light horsemen. The men at Arms, and demilances, were commanded by the Lord Gray. The Scottish Army was also tripartite, of which Angus had the Vaunt-guard; to whom were joyned Coile, Carrict, and Cunningham, with Stirlin-shire, and Stratherne, to the number of 10000. in all. The like number was with the Governour in the middle Ward, and as many with the Earle Huntley in the Reer. The English had resolved on a fair retreat toward Berwick, thinking it not fit to haz∣zard a battell upon such disadvantage in the number of men; and not being able to stay without fighting, for want of vivers, which they could not bring in out of the Countrey by forraging, in regard of the neernesse of the enemy. In the mean time they perceive Angus with the Vantguard coming marching up the hill against them. He made no great haste at the first, knowing they could not stay long, thinking it better to assaile them in their retreat. But the Governour sent him word to advance, and yet for all that he marched but leisurely, till he sent to him again, and com∣manded him to mend his pace, assuring him that he and Huntley should be hard at his hand to support him. Then he marched so fast that the English beholding them from the hill, beleeved they had been all on horseback. Wherefore the Lord Gray wàs sent with his men at Arms, and demilances, on barbed horses, to stay them, and (if he could) to break their Ranks. The Scots were close joyned together (as their manner is) and carried long speares, not unlike the Macedonian Phalanx: Angus encourages them, exhorts them to fight manfully, & adviseth them to kill the horses by pricking them in the belly, for they were armed in the Counter. These men (said he) shall be our prey if ye do so. They fol∣lowed his counsell, charged the enemy fiercely, and kept their Ranks so whole and close, that 200. of the English were brought to the ground and killed; the rest retired to their companies. The Protectour com∣mands the Lord Gray to charge again, but he answered; that he might as well command him to runne against the walls of Boloigne, for it was as impossible to break through the Scots Ranks, as to break through a Brick-wall. Hereupon the Protectour resolved either to retire, or flee as they could, & called for some Scots in his army, who knew the wayes, to be their guides. One of these was named Thomas Lorraine, a Tenant to the Laird of Red-brayes in the Merse, of whom many have often heard this report. The Earl of War∣wick adviseth to try another way; he causeth Jamboas the Spaniard with his Carabins to set upon them in flanke. Hereupon they, lest they should break their Phalanx, turned softly toward him, from the right ascending

of the hill, which way they were in before. The Governour with his mid battell seeing them declining from the straight way which led to the enemy, and which they had been in before, supposed they had fled, aud so brake their own Ranks, and fled first themselves. Huntley with his Reer followed the Governours example, and fled likewise. The* 1.123 Vaunt-guard thus destitute of all support was overthrown, and most of them all killed. The English Ships had greatly annoyed the Scots Reer with shot from the Sea, for there was one Galley, and two Pinnaces, that came so near to the Shore, that they reached the enemy with their Ordnance, and Lochinvarre was slain by one of their shots. This the Governour and Huntley alledged for their not coming to suc∣cour the Vaunt-guard after the first charge, because their men (chiefly the High-landers) refused to go with them being so troubled from the Ships. There were slain in this battell a great number, and those of the Flowre of the Scottish Nobility; amongst whom were the Masters of Ereskine, Grahame, Methvane, Oglevie, Levingston, and Rosse; the Lords, Fleming, Glencarne▪ the Lairds of Lochleven, and Sir George Hume of Wedderburne. The Earle Angus his brother, Sir George, and Glenbarvie were commanded to keep themselves on horseback, and ride about the companies to exhort them and keep them in order. It was so much the more easie for them to flee, yet Glenbarvie was hardly pursu∣ed for the space of foure miles, being taken for the Earle of Angus, be∣cause he rode on a py-bald horse that was known to be the Earles. An∣gus himself escaped, and came that night to Calder, very heavie and sor∣rowfull for the losse of the battell, and of his friends. Many fled to the Castle of Dalkeeth, amongst whom was James Douglas Earle of Mor∣ton, afterward Regent of Scotland; and David Hume of Wedderburne, brother to Sir George Hume that was slain in the field. The Castle was besieged by the English, and defended a while, but wanting provision of victuall for such a number of men as had fled thither, and having no hope of any relief to come to them against a victorious Army, it was ren∣dered, and these fore-named made prisoners.

The Earle of Angus complained heavily that he had been thus aban∣doned by the Governour and Huntley, and laid the blame on them of the losse of the day, and of his so many dear kinsmen ând friends, especially to the Queen-mother; whom he went to visit at Stirlin. She seemed to be much grieved therewith, but was thought not to be discontented that the Hamiltons had suffered this disgrace, and their pride and authoritie was thus abated, which made for the setting forward of her project, which was to wring the Government out of their hands, and winde in her self into that place; as also to bring in the Frenchmen, under the pretext that the Countrey was not able to maintain the warre against the En∣glish, who had fortified Insh-Keith, Saint Columbs Insh in Forth, Brogh∣tie on Tay, Hadington on Tine; at Lawder and Roxburgh built Forts, and taken the Castles of Hume, and Fascastle. The French were sent for▪ and came into Scotland at her request, these places were all regained by their assistance, the young Queen Mary was conveighed into France, to* 1.124 be married to the Daulphine, Francis the second afterward. Then the

Queen-Mother dealt with the Governour to demit his place, which he did at last, and she was substitute into it as her daughters Deputie, having* 1.125 Monsieur D'Oselle (a Frenchman) for her Counsellour and adviser in all affaires. This was done in a Parliament in the year 1555. the 10. of April. All this while we hear nothing of the Earle of Angus, save at the siege of Hadington, where when the wals were battered and made assault∣able by a sufficient breach, the French (who were there) refusing to en∣ter the breach, (because they being far from home, they could not easily repaire their losse of men▪) the Earle of Angus moved with indignation hereat, left them, and went to Tantallon to remain there. And again, when Monsieur de Termes besieged Broghtie upon Tay, Angus is said to have been with him, and lying at Breeghen with some horsemen to have skirmished daylie with the enemie. At last both Broghtie, and another Castle near unto it were taken, and almost the whole Garrisons slain that were in them.

And now the Queen-Mother being Regent, all her care and endeavour was to bring Scotland into subjection of the French. For this purpose a motion was made, that all men should be taxed proportionably, accor∣ding to their meanes, and the moneyes levied thence, should be imployed to wage souldiers for the defence of the Countrey, that so the Gentlemen and Nobilities travell and bloud might be spared. None liked of this course, but every one eschewed to be the first refuser and opposer of it. At last the small Barons sent Sir James Sandilands of Calder, and the Laird of Weemes to her, whose speeches are set down at length. Thus our Writers say: But the ancient men report, that the Earle of Angus was the man that made the refusall (it may be he joyned with them) and that he came to Edinburgh, accompanied with 1000. horse, which was a∣gainst her Proclamation, whereby it was forbidden that any man should have any moe in train then his domesticks and houshold servants, which was to make way for, and was another meane of their intended tyranny. She reproved him for transgressing the Proclamation by being so accom∣panied. He answered;

That the Knaves would not leave him, that he would gladly be rid of them, for they did eat all his Bread and his Beefe: that he would think himself much bound to her, if she would make him free and quit of them. Concerning the tax which she desi∣red to be made, he said briefly; We will fight our selves, and that bet∣ter than any hired fellows; our Prededecessours have done it, and so will we do also.

They tell also how at another time, she desired of him to have his Castle of Tantallon to keep warders, in or upon I know not what pretext, or for what use. To this hee gave no direct answer for a long time, but having a Gose-hawke on his fist which he was feeding,* 1.126 spake of her, saying she was a greedy Glad,

that she had already too much, and yet desired more. But when the Queen insisted (not under∣standing, or not willing to understand his meaning) he told her, Yes Madam, why not, all is yours, ye shall have it, it is at your service: But Madam, I must be Captain and keeper of it: I shall keep it for you as well as any man you shall put into it.

They tell also how the Queen Regent had intention to make the Earle of Huntley a Duke;

whereof when she was discoursing with Angus she told him, how Hunt∣ley had done her very good service, for which she intended to advance him and make him a Duke, to which he answered,

Why not Madam, we are happy that have such a Princesse, that can know and will ac∣knowledge mens service, and is willing to recompense it:

But by the might of God (this was his oath when he was serious and in anger, at other times it was by Saint Bride of Douglas) if he be a Duke, I will be a Drake (alluding to the word Duke, which in Scotland signifies a Duck as well as that title and dignitie, which being the female, and the Drake the male, his meaning was he would be above and before him)

Our Predecessours (sayes he) have done as good service as he or his, for which they have the priviledge to be the first of the Nobilitie after those of the blood Royall, and I will not lose it in my time upon any such pretext. So she desisted from further prosecuting of that purpose.

Not long after this he died in Tantallon, and was buried in Aberne∣thie,* 1.127 when he had lived from his marrying the Queen in the year 1514. in continuall action, all the minority of King James the fifth, his majority, all the time of the Duke of Albanie, of the Governour Ha∣milton, and of the Queen-Mother, till the year 1556. or 57. the space of 44. or 45. years; to which if we shall adde his age at his marriage (of which we have no certainty) and suppose it to have been 20. years, hee hath lived some 64. years. He was a man (besides his other vertues spo∣ken of) of greater wisedom than he made show of, or then did appear unto men. His brother Sir George (who died before him) was more learned, and of greater eloquence, with whom he entertained alwayes brotherly love and friendship, and would seem to be guided much by his counsel, so that when any suit was made to him, his answer was, We shall advise with our brother. But his brother would tell them (who came to en∣treat him to mediate with the Earle) in plain language, that if he had re∣ferred it to his advising with him, it was a thing he intended not to do: for (sayes he) what he mindes to do, he never adviseth with me. Nei∣ther was he hereby accounted lesse wise indeed; for even this was a point of wisedome, that he would have his brother seem more wise, which did no whit diminish nor derogate any thing from him. It was of this brotherly affection, that he espoused his brothers quarrell against George Lord Hume about the Lands of Cockburnspeth, or Colburnspeth, as some will have it termed. The Lands were possessed by one John Hume, who was a near Kinsman to the Lord Hume, but for some un∣kindnesse or hard dealing and usage of the said Lords towards him, he chose rather to sell them to Sir George Douglas. To put his brother in possession (or to keep it) the Earle assembled out of Cliddisdale, Tivi∣dale, and other parts to the number of 3000. men. He was also assisted by Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and the Laird of Blackader, toge∣ther with the rest of Wedderburnes father brothers, all of them ex∣cept Broom-house, who followed the Lord Hume. Angus brought with him field-pieces, and all provision of Warre. The Lord Hume with his forces came to the Moor above the Park-gate of Cockburnspeth, and

alighting from their horses, put their men in order of battell. But when he saw Angus begin to march toward him, and that none came between to bring the matter to a Parley, he shrunk back over the ditch that was near by. Hereupon Angus (thinking it enough to retain his brothers possession) stayed his Companies, and stood still. The Lord Hume reti∣red, and going homeward, scattered his Company, and the Earle did the like. Here a quarrell was like to have arisen betwixt John H•…•… of Blackader, and one Douglas of Jedward forrest. For when Angus be∣gan to march against the Lord Hume, this Douglas sayes to Blackader; Now we of the Forrest, will teach you of the Merse to sight. The other answe∣red a little angerly onely for the time: but when all were retired, he chal∣lenged Douglas for those words: to whom Douglas answered, were ye an∣gry at my words? when the other said he was, It is well (sayes he) that ye were; for I was afraid you would not have been half angry, nor have fought half eagerly, there being so many Humes on the other side. Besides his wise∣dome and brotherly affection, the Earle of Angus is also reported to have had a great dexteritie in conciliating mens favour. There was no man whom he would not winne with his courtesie and affabilitie, no man but he would take notice of him; and pretended to know either himself, or his father, or his Grandfather, or some of his friends, whom he would praise unto them, and tell what honest men they had been, and what good service they had done in such and such a place, at such and such times. Of which they relate this instance, how being in Edinburgh talking (in the Tolbooth) with the Lord Drummond, there came a friend to Drummond, and took him aside to speak with him a little. When the Gentleman had ended, and was going away, Angus takes him kindly by the hand, and spake familiarly to him as if he had been of his acquain∣tance. After he was gone, my Lord Drummond asked Angus whether he knew the Gentleman or not; he answered, that he knew him not at all, and had never so much as seen him before. How com•…•…s it then (sayes Drummond) that ye spake so familiarly to him? He answered, I saw he was a friend of yours, and your friends are my friends: And besides, this doth gain mens hearts, If I were now in danger, or had to do, yonder man would assist me, and take my part.

Archibaldus Secundus.

Quam praestans animi juvenis formâque decorus, Et fuerim tantis, tunc quoque dignus avis. Testis erit thalamo quae me dignata Superbo, Nympha, parens Regis, filia, sponsa, soror. Consiliis promptumque manu Teviotia laudat, Quae stratas acies vidit Ivere tuas. Atque tuas Latone: loquetur nos quoque fort•…•…s Esca lothi, & dextra hac me meruisse mori. Quin jam victor eram, ni Prorex Gordoniusque, Sive metus trepidasuasit abire fuga.

Seu dolus aut error, liquissent turpiter hostem, Dum premo qui fugiens jam mihi terga dabat. Summus at hinc mihi surgit quod sanguine Creti, Sint nostro reges terra Britanna tui.

Archbald the second Earle of that name.

How lovely was my shape! how sweet a grace Dwelt in my looks! how like the Douglas race! How gallant was my minde! what hopes were had Of my fresh youth! witnesse the Royall bed Of her who had been daughter, sister, wife, To three brave Kings; how my ensuing life Made good these hopes; how wise my projects were, Ivers and Laiton vanquish'd, witnesse beare. Pinkie beheld my strength, there had I gain'd The field, but Huntley, and the Regent stain'd Their honour: fear or errour made them flee, Ev'n when I wonne ground of the Enemie: Yet do not these such height of honour bring As t' have been Grandsire to Great Brittains King.

Of David the eighth Earle of Angus: And of his father George, called Sir George of Pittendrigh.

TO Archbald the second, dying without heires male of his own bo∣dy, his brother Sir George of Pittendrigh should have succeeded, if he had out-lived him, wherefore we will speak a word of him. He got the Lands of Pittendrigh by marriage. His children by the heire of Pittendrigh (whose name was Douglas also) were David, who succee∣ded to the Earledome of Angus, and James Earle of Morton, and Regent of Scotland. This James got the Earledome of Morton by marrying the third daughter to the Earle of Morton, who was Douglas also, and so was made Earle by provision. Her other two sisters were married before, one to the Lord Hamilton Governour, and the other to the Lord Maxwell. He had also a naturall son, called George of Park-head, because he married the heire of Park-head in Douglas, she was also Douglas to name, of whom he begat James, afterward Lord Torthorall, by marriage likewise, and Sir George of Mordington. He had also a naturall daughter by the Lady Dundas, in her husbands time, called Elizabeth, who was married to Smeton Richeson. Of this Sir George we have spoken above in his brothers life, and how he died before his brother.

His son David married Elizabeth Hamilton daughter to John Hamilton of Samilston, called John of Cliddisdale, brother German to Duke Ha∣milton who was Governour. She bare to him one onely son called Arch∣bald, and two daughters, Margaret first Lady Balcleugh, then Countesse of Bothwell; and Elizabeth Lady Maxwell. His wife after his death

married the Laird of Whitelaw, and had before been married to the Laird of Johnston.

This David lived not long, was little above a year Earle of Angus, nei∣ther hear we of any of his actions, being so•…•…e what sickly and infirme of body. He died in Cockburnspeth in the year 1558.

The ninth Earle of Angus, Archbald the third, and of his Uncle and Tutour James Douglas, Earle of Morton.

TO David succeeded his son Archbald, a childe not above two years old. His Tutour and Guardian was James Douglas Earle of Morton his Uncle, and mother to David. Wherefore it is no wayes out of our way, or impertinent for our History, but rather necessa∣ry and most requisite, that we should first speak of him, being a branch and a brother of the house of Angus, and in effect, Earle of Angus, as well as Morton, though under the name of Tutour, or Guardian.

Of his marriage, we have told before, how he was married to Douglas his wife, and daughter to the Earle of Morton. She bare to him divers children (ten as is reported) but none of them lived long, but died all young, ere they came to perfect age. She her self became distracted of her wits, and would not company with her husband, alledging he was not her husband, but that he was Master Archbald Douglas, who was brother to William Douglas of Whittinghame, that her husband was dead, and that Master Archbald Douglas had killed him. She was kept and en∣tertained by him as became her place, and had her residence at Tantal∣lon, but he being deprived of her Company, loosed the rains to others, and begat three naturall Children: 1. James (whose mother was one High in Dal•…•…th) who was made Captain of Black-Nesse Castle, Priour of Plusquardain; and afterwards became Laird of Spot, by marry∣ing the heir thereof, Anna Hume onely daughter to George Hume of Spot. 2. His second son was Archbald, whom he provided to the estate of Pit∣tindreigh, which belonged to his father Sir •…•…rge. 3. The third son was named Master George Douglas who was lame of his feet. Thus much his Children.

Touching himself, during his childe-hood and youth he lived ob∣seurely,* 1.128 and lurked for fear of the King (James the fifth) who had ba∣nished his Father, and Uncle, caused burn his Ant (the Lady Glames) and had professedly set himself against the whole name of Douglas utterly to ruine, and ext•…•… them. We do not hear that his elder brother David did thus hide himself, or if he did, it hath not been so observed of him: but of this James, it is certainly known that all the time of his fathers ba∣nishment and exile, he lurked under the borrowed name of James the Greeve, or James 〈◊〉〈◊〉: First with his Cousin of Glenbarvie, after∣ward, for fear of being discovered with so near a Kinsman, with some Gentleman in the more Northern parts of Scotland. And as he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the name, so did he also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the office of a Greeve, and over-seer of the Lands and R•…•…, the Corne and Cattell of him with whom he lived.

Neither was this (howsoever mean) imployment without great use, as nothing else in providence ever is, if it be rightly observed. It fitted him for those weighty matters, which afterward he was to meddle in, and schooled him for that charge in which he was to be employed ere long. For by this meane he became acquainted with the humours and disposition of the vulgar and inferiour sort of the common people, which knowledge is usefull and necessary to greatest Governours, that so they may know how to deale with them, and manage them according as they shall have occasion. He attained also hereby such skill in husbandrie, and such perfection in oeconomy and thriftinesse, that having acquired a habite of frugalitie, he not onely repaired the decayed and shattered Estates of these two Earledomes (Angus and Morton) but also helped to recover, and augment the revenues of the Crown and Kingdome, more than any other Regent.

So long as his uncle, father, and brother were alive, we do not hear any thing of him, neither is there any mention at all made of him, save that in the year 1547. as hath been said, after the battell at Muscleburgh, he yeelded up to the English his Castle of Dalkeeth, together with him∣self* 1.129 their prisoner, and was by them carried into England, being then a∣bout seven and twenty years of age, or thereby: How long he stayed there, we cannot affirme, but it should seeme he remained there certaine years, for during that time, he learned the Estate of that Countrey, to∣gether with the English tongue, and tone, which he did ever thereafter much delight to use.

At his return, after the death of his brother David, he being Tutour,* 1.130 and Guardian to his Nephew Archbald Earle of Angus, finding both his own, and his pupils Estate greatly burdened with debt, he lived private∣ly, and retired for a while with a very small retinue of his domesticks onely, neither going to Court, nor intermedling with any publick affairs,* 1.131 to avoid the charges which otherwise he must have undergone. Wherfore his first care was to reduce these two Earledomes to their former integri∣tie, by frugall parsimonie in the beginning, & not to lavish out the remain∣der by untimely magnificence, esteeming wisely that means & money are the sinews, not onely of Warre, but also of all civill and politick actions. Now besides the burden that was on the Lands, his Nephews title to the Earledome of Angus was questionable. For if the entailement were not very strong (as it seems it was not) Lady Margaret Douglas Countesse of Lennox had the better right, and was before him, she being sole heir of Line to Archbald that married the Queen, and so inheritrix of Angus. It is true she lived in England with her husband Lennox, who was banish∣ed, but who knew how soon he might be recalled and restored? Where∣fore to prevent that danger, and to strengthen his Nephew and himself against their attempts hee contracts him to Monsieur D'Osels daughter, that by his means and friendship (he being a French man) he might have the Queens favour and good-will to uphold him against their claims. But this contract took no effect, for she was married afterward to Monsieur D'Aubespine, and Angus to others, as wee shall hear in his life.

After that he had thus settled his affairs at home, he began to come a∣broad* 1.132 and to have a hand in publick businesse. In the year 1559. he with Duke Hamilton do mediate a truce between the Queen-Mother, and the Lords, from the 24. of July, untill the 10. of January. Some Writers say that he assisted, and sided with the Queen; but it should seem that they have mis-taken the matter: for not long after, he joyned openly with those that were against her, and the French Faction; and is now recko∣ned among the Noblemen that sent to the Queen of England for her aide and assistance. These were the Duke of Chattelraut, James Stuart brother to the young Queen (afterward Earle of Murray) the Earle of Arran (son to the Duke) Argyle, Glencairne, Rothes, Sutherland, Mon∣teth, Huntley, Caithnesse, Arrol, Marshal, Montrose, Cassils, Eglinton: The Lords Ruthven, Oglebye, Ereskin, Drummond, Hume, Rosse, Creighton, Levingston, Sommervale, the whole Nobilitie almost. Their cause and their company being so good, Morton could not but take part with them: The common liberty of their Countrey against the French, and Re∣ligion was no lesse dear to him than it was to them. In matter of Reli∣gion, he was so forward, that the Book of Discipline being compiled by some appointed for that purpose, though divers refused to approve of it, and to set to their hands, yet he did it with the first, & received it willing∣ly. Wherefore these two (then which there is nothing dearer unto men) being in danger, he was forced in a manner to lend his helping hand for their defence, pro aris & focis, as the common saying is. And that the rather, for that he saw there was no hope of peace, seeing the truce which he had procured till the 10. of January was not kept. For before the middle of September Monsieur La Croque, being sent out of France to certifie the Queen of the new Forces which were in levying for her aide under the leading of Marquesse D'Elbeufe her brother, she began to fortifie Leith with those French which were already in the Countrey. Not long after arrived Octavian (a French Colonel) with 1000. men, and imme∣diatly followed him at the heeles La Brosse, Knight of the Cockle, with 2000. more. The next spring came also the Count Marquesse of the house of Luxemberg, afterward Duke D'Estamps, with 1000. foot, and some horse. These all remained and abode in Leith, which they had for∣tified; but the Queen to secure her own Person, retired to the Castle of Edinburgh, though the Captain thereof, the Lord Ereskin, were on the contrary part. The Nobilitie assembling themselves at Dalkeeth Castle, which belonged to Morton, hard by Edinburgh, from thence do write to her, desiring that she would dismisse the French, who were forrainers, and set open the Town of Leith, that the Natives might have free re∣course and commerce thither. When they could not obtain these things at her hands, the English, to the number of seven or eight thousand be∣ing already entred into Scotland, they sate down before Leith the 4. of* 1.133 April 1560. About the eight of June, the Queen-Mother dying in the Castle of Edinburgh, a peace was concluded, the Town of Leith was surrendered, and the French men returned home into their own Coun∣trey.* 1.134 In the beginning of Winter, Morton, together with Glen•…•…, and Sir William Metellan of Lithington, Secretary, were sent to thank the

Queen of England for her ready succour. Morton had also a private message from the Earle of Arran, sonne to Duke Hamilton, to lay out marriage to her, but it is not likely that he would deliver it, being so un∣probable, and such a proposition as he knew would not be very accep∣table unto her. In this journey, Morton procured of his Cousin Lady Margaret Douglas Countesse of Lennox, hèr renunciation of all claime and title she had to the Earledome of Angus, in favours of his Nephew Archbald, but being done without the consent of her husband (Mat∣thew Earle of Lennox) it was renewed again afterward.

The sixteenth of August 1561. Queen Mary returned out of France to* 1.135 her native Countrey and Kingdome of Scotland, her husband Francis the second of France, being dead before in December. The Nobilitie was still divided concerning matter of Religion, and although now having their native Princesse at home, her husband being dead, there was no great cause to fear the power or empire of strangers, yet did they suspect that she would be too much ruled and counselled by her Uncles the Cardinal of Loraine, and the Guisians. The Heads of the parties were James the Queens brother, and George Earle of Huntley, the first a zealous Prote∣stant, and wholly bent to maintaine the received Reformation, and the o∣ther no lesse forward to reduce the Romish Religion. The Queen incli∣ned to favour Huntleyes cause, but the Reformed Religion was establi∣shed by Acts of Parliament, which had been ratified by her own consent. Huntley, as he was a craftie and turbulent man, so was he also esteemed to be by the Queen, and her uncles, who (like unto themselves) made but a cloak of Religion to attain his own ambitious ends and designes. Where∣fore howbeit they thought him a fit instrument to bring their own pur∣poses to passe, and made use of him, yet did they not trust him. James Earle of Murray by the contrary was sincere, upright, trustie, and faithfull in all his actions, but he ran a course directly opposite to that which they intended. The Earle of Morton entred into strait bonds of friendship with Murray, which continued so long as they lived together. They had the* 1.136 same friends, and the same enemies, the same ends and aimes, the good of their Countrey, and maintaining of Religion. They ran the same hazard in all perils and dangers, never separating their counsels, nor failing to aid and assist one another. Wherefore Murray being sent by the Queen a∣gainst the out-lawes upon the Borders, being assisted by Morton and his friends (who lay near unto these places) he came to Hawick upon the Fair-day of that Town, and having apprehended fiftie of the most no∣torious Theeves which came to the Market fearing nothing, he did so terrifie the rest, that those parts remained peaceable and quiet for a long time after. This successe as it increased his reputation, so did it also more and more kindle the hatred and envie of his enemies. And now be∣sides those at home, the Guisards did also plot his ruine. Their quarrell was Religion, their instrument Huntley, their hope, his power and greatnesse, which was given out to them to be rather more than it was indeed. Wherefore they write to the Queen (their Neece) to feed Huntley with large promises, and to entertaine his sonne John with hope of marrying her, and fair countenances, that so they might be

drawn to do what she lifted, to make away Murray and Morton, with their complices. The Popes Letters were to the same effect. She had* 1.137 sent to him for moneys to make Warre upon those that had spoken of the yoke of Popish obedience; and his answer was, that she should not want his help; so that she would do it seriously, that was (according to the Cardinall of Lorains Glosse) so that first of all she would cause make away those whose names were given her in writing. These Letters she shewed unto Murray and the rest; either because she suspected they had notice of them some other way, or to lull them asleep in security, that being thus perswaded of her sincerity and good meaning, they might the more easily be over-reached and entrapped. So the project goeth on; and all things being sufficiently fore-cast, and prepared for the accomplishing of their intentions, the Queen takes her Progresse into the North.* 1.138

Murray behooved to accompany her, and Morton would not forlake Murray. Who can imagine that their counsels should be disappointed? The Forces which Murray and Morton had, were very small, and they were farre from their friends, which dwelt in the south parts of the Kingdome. Huntley commanded all in those quarters, being Lieutenant and Sheriff by inheritance: and compassed about with his friends and dependers: So the Game seemed sure. But what can prevaile a gainst that which God hath ordained? He had decreed to frustrate them, and that by themselves. The Queens intentions and Huntleys did not jumpe in all things: they had their severall ends. They agreed in their desire of being rid of those who opposed the re-establishing of Poperie, but Hunt∣ley had a further drift. He propounded to himself as the reward of his service, no lesse than the Queens Person, to be married to his sonne John, and so in effect the Crown and Kingdome. But howsoever the Queen by her carriage toward the young man, was contented they should please themselves with that conceit; yet neither did she ever go so farre as to promise any such thing, neither was it indeed her mean∣ing: for she desired no lesse to be rid of Huntley, and hated him much more than she did Murray, having had many proofs of his perfi∣dious dealing both toward her father, and her mother. Besides, she thought him too great and more powerfull than was fit for a Subject, or safe for the Prince. Wherefore before she began her journey into the North, she left his sonne John in prison behinde her. The pretext was, because he had hurt the Lord Oglebie in a Skirmish on the Street of Edin∣burgh; but the true cause was, that he might be kept there as a pledge of his Fathers fidelitie, and that he being absent, Huntley might not constraine her to marry him, nor force her to any thing shee had not a minde to. But John made an escape out of prison, and followed the Queen, that his absence might not bee any hinderance to the marriage. So Huntley and his son gather their Forces together to meet the Queen, and to cut off Murray and Morton, as they would have her beleeve, but their main aim was withall to compel her to marry if she should refuse. This the Queen knew well enough▪ so that when the Countesse of Huntley did tell her from the Earle her husband, that he was ready to put in execution what had been determined, the

Queen told her, that there was one thing which Huntley must needes do first of all, before any thing else were taken in hand. His sonne John had broken prison, which was a manifest contempt of her authoritie, and such a thing as she could not in honour wink at, and therefore he behooved to returne and enter himself prisoner in the Castle of Stirlin, though it were but for some few dayes, to shew his obedience and subjection to the Lawes. Huntley would none of that, for he saw that so his son should be made to answer for whatsoever should be done contrary to the Queenes liking, so there was a demurre in the businesse. In the mean time the Queen goes from Aberdene to Bawhan, the house of one Master Lestie a Gentleman, some twelve miles from the Town. This was thought a fit place to execute their designe upon Murray and Morton: but the Gentle∣man, though he was Huntlies friend, would upon no termes give way to have done in his house. Then the Queen went toward Strabogie (a house of Huntleyes, where he had resolved to make an end of all) but by the way she told the Earle, as they rode together, that unlesse his son would returne to his prison, she could not in honour go to his house. But he not* 1.139 condescending thereunto, though she were within sight of Strabogie, she turned another way, and went to a house of the Earle of Athols, from thence to Innernesse, where thinking to have lodged in the Castle, Hunt∣leys servants that had the keeping thereof, shut the gates against her. Then did she perceive what danger she was in, being constrained to lodge in an open town, which had neither wall, nor rampart, nor ditch, the Countrey about being wholly at Huntleyes devotion, whose son John was in the fields with a thousand armed men, besides the countrey people, who were ready to joyne with him. Wherefore now seeing that her own safetie consisted in her brothers, having none else on whom she could relie & trust into, she began to make much of him & Morton. These two caused set a watch, and placed a strong Guard at all the entries of the town, by which means Huntleyes spies and intelligencers were taken: The next morning the Clon-chattans, with the Frasers, and Monroes, and many High-landers, understanding that their Princesse was in danger, came to her aide, and forsook Huntley. With these she took the Castle* 1.140 of Innernesse, and caused execute Alexander Gordon the Captain thereof, which was a sufficient testimonie of her alienation from Huntley. All this did not quail the Earle, or divert him from his purpose. His ambiti∣on spurred him on before, necessitie doth now drive him forward. He had gone too far to thinke of a retreat. Therefore he followes the Queen* 1.141 from Innernesse to Aberdene, watching for some oportunitie to effect his intentions. He lay not far from the town with his Companies, and had his intelligencers within it, the Earle of Sutherland, Master Loslie of Bawhan, black Alexander (or Arthur) Forbes. The townsmen were most of them, either of his kinred, or allied to him; and all of them so affected, as that they neither would, or durst oppose him. But letters be∣ing intercepted, which Sutherland and Bawhan wrote to him, their plots were discovered, and they defeated of their intendments once more.

Then Murray and Morton thinking it both tedious and perillous, to be alwayes on their guard, and to be defenders only, resolved to take

their turne of assailing, and pursuing, if so happily they might break his Forces, and disperse them. And howbeit they had not of their own, that* 1.142 they could trust to above an hundred horse, yet being armed with autho∣ritie, and the Majestie of their Soveraigne, for the safetie of whose person they were to fight, having gathered together of Forbeses and Leslies, to the number of seven or eight hundred, and hoping that albeit they incli∣ned to favour Huntley, yet their duty and allegiance to their Princesse would not suffer them to betray her, they took the fields. These made great show of forwardnesse in conveening, and gave out great words and brags, that they alone would do all. Huntley with his men had taken a plot of ground, inclosed about with marishes, so that he was in a manner encamped Murray and Morton, with the trustiest of their Friends, reti∣red to a little hill, to behold the issue of this Battell, committing all to those who had taken it upon them: Onely they sent some horsmen a by∣way, to close up the passages of the marish, that Huntley being overcome, might not escape that way. So those boasters begin to march toward the enemie, and by the way they pluckt off the heath (or hather) which growes in abundance in those parts, and stuck it in their Helmets, and Head-pieces, according as it had been agreed upon betwixt them and Huntley. Wherefore, he thinking now (these being for him) that there was no power to resist him, came out of his Strength against them, who presently turned their backs, and came fleeing with their swords drawn, and crying, Treason, treason, as if they had been betrayed, when indeed themselves were the traitours. They had thrown away their spears and long weapons, wherefore Murray and Morton, though they were a∣stonished at the first sight of these hather-topped traitours, who came running toward them, with Huntley at their heels, yet they took courage, and resolved to stand to it. For as they were about to save themselves by flight, and were calling for their horses, William Douglas of Glenbarvie, (who was afterward Earle of Angus) requested them to stay (as is repor∣ted) saying, No horses, my Lords, we are strong enough for Huntley, and these men, though they flee, yet will they not fight against us. Wherefore let us present our pikes and spears to keep them out, that they come not in amongst us, to break our ranks, and the rest will prove easie. This advice was liked, and followed, so that Huntley expecting nothing lesse, than to finde resistance, and be∣ing destitute of long weapons, was forced (some of his men being slain) to give ground, and at last to flee as fast as before he had followed the counterfeit fleers. Then the Hather-tops perceiving that Huntley fled, tur∣ned upon him, and to make amends, slew most of them that were slain that day, which were some hundred and twentie, and an hundred taken prisoners, amongst whom was Huntley himself, and his sonnes John, and Adam. The Earle being an aged and corpulent pur•…•…ie man, was stifled with his armour, and for want of breath in the taking. Some say, that he received a stroke on the head with a pistoll, but it seemes to be false: for it is reported, that when Huntley saw his men routed, he asked of those that were by him; what the name of the ground was upon which they fought, and having learned that it was commonly called Corraighie, he repeated the name thrice, Corraighie, Corraighie, Corraighie, then God

be mercifull to me. The name of the place put him in minde of a response or oracle (if we may so call it) which was given by a Witch in the High∣land, to whom he had sent to enquire of his death, and she had told, that he should die at Corraighie. But whether the messenger, or he himself mis-took the word, he understood it of Creigh, a place which was in his way to Aberdene, and which (riding thither) he alwayes did shunne, by reason of this Sooth-sayers speech; or if at any time he did adventure to go by it, he was sure to be well accompanied, and to have the fields clea∣red and curried before. But this event discovered his mistaking. It was also told him by some of the same profession, that the same day, on which he was taken, he should be in Aberdene, maugre those that would not so, neither should one drop of his bloud be spilt. This seemed to promise him a successefull journey; but the ambiguitie thereof was cleared by his death: for he was indeed that night in Aberdene, being carried thither upon a paire of creels, or panniers, and that against the will of all his friends, who would not have had him brought thither in such a guise. Neither did he lose any bloud, but was choak'd for want of breath. Such are commonly the answers of such spirits, ambiguous, and of no use to the receivers; yet mens curiositie is so prevalent, that posterity wil take no warning of former examples. Murray being glad of this so-unlook∣ed-for-victory, sent to the Ministers of Aberdene, to be ready against his coming, to go to the Churches, and give God thanks for that dayes suc∣cesse: which they did very solemnely, and (no question) heartily, as men are wont to do while the memory of a great delivery is yet fresh in their mindes. The next day John Gordon (the Earles son) was execute, and his brother Adam was pardoned in regard of his youth. George the eldest brother fled to his father-in-law Duke Hamilton, and afterward being ar∣raigned & condemned of high treason, he was sent prisoner to the Castle of Dumbar: Who doth not see through this whole journey, but especially in this catastrophe, an over-ruling power and providence doth either willingly shut his eyes, or else hath his understanding blinded by parti∣ality or prejudice. Five severall times (at Bawhan, at Straboggie, at In∣ner-Nesse, at Aberdene, and last of all, at Corraighie) did Huntley at∣tempt to cut off these men, who were many degrees weaker; and five times is hee disappointed. And that neither by their wisedome or strength, but by him who confounds the wisedome of the wise, and who delivers without the help of the arme of flesh. Neither were they delivered onely, but their enemies were also taken in the trap, and fell into the pit which they had digged for them. Let men observe it, and let them learne not to confide in their own (never so seeming wisely grounded) projects, lest they be thus disappointed as Huntley was. This fell out in the year 1562. After this they returned with the Queen to Edinburgh, where we will leave them in rest, and so in silence a year or two.

In the year 1564. Matthew Stuart Earle of Lennox returned into Scotland after 22. years exile, and was restored to his estate in a Parlia∣ment.* 1.143 Not long after, his sonne Henry Lord Darnely, having obtained leave of the Queen of England for three moneths, came to do his duty to

the Queen as his Princesse and Kinswoman. Hee being a proper and handsome young man, and her Cousin Germane by his mother, Lady Margaret Douglas, the Queen began to think him a fit husband for her,* 1.144 and ere long did propound the matter to the Nobilitie, craving their consent and approbation thereto. They were divided in their opinions. Hamilton and Murray were against the match, fearing alteration in Reli∣gion, he being a Romane Catholique, as the Queen also was. Besides, they thought it not fit to conclude any thing without the Queen of Eng∣lands consent. Morton was for it, and thought it great reason that shee should have her libertie in her choyce of a husband. He liked also the par∣ty, being his near Kinsman, the Lady Margaret Douglas and he being brothers children. Wherefore having endeavoured to draw those that stood against it to be of his opinion, when he could not prevaile, he pro∣fessed openly he would do what lay in him to set it forward; and speak∣ing to the Duke and Murray, It will be long (sayes he) ere you two agree on a husband for her, if she marry not till you do, I fear me she marry not these se∣ven years; and so he left them. The rest bound themselves to withstand it. Her Uncles of Guise did also oppose it, intending to bestow her on some forraine Prince, so to strengthen themselves by some great alliance. The Queen of England did not so much dislike it, as she desired to have some hand and stroke in it. Notwithstanding all this opposition the mar∣riage* 1.145 was consummate the 27. of July 1565. about some six moneths af∣ter he came into Scotland. Whatsoever the motives were that induced the parties thus to hasten it, so it pleased God in his wisedome and pro∣vidence, to dispose of things that by joyning of these two, this happy conjunction of the two Kingdomes which we now see and enjoy, should spring from them without all controversie or question. The eldest daughter of King Henry the seventh of England, Margaret, had but two children; James the fifth by King James the fourth, and Margaret Douglas (born at Harbottle) by Archbald Earle of Angus her second hus∣band. James the fifth left behinde him but one childe, Mary, sole heire to the Crowne of Scotland. Lady Margaret Douglas, being brought up with her Uncle Henry the eight, was married to Matthew Stuart Earle of Lennox, who being banished, and living in England, had by her Henr•…•…, Lord Darnely, and Charles, father to Arabella. So that by this mar∣riage of Queen Mary to Henry Lord Darnely, the whole right that was in Queen Margaret to the Crowne of England (failing the heires of King Henry the eight) was combined and united in the persons of these two, and their off spring. What eye is so blinde as not to see evidently the hand of the Almighty in this match? In taking away her former husband (the King of France) in bringing her back again into Scotland; in sending Lennox into England, there to marrie Lady Margaret Douglas, in bringing him and his sonne (Henry) home again after 22. years absence, and in moving Queen Mary to set her affection on him. I make no que∣stion but this consideration (of strengthening the title to England) hath been amongst the motives that drew on this match, though we finde none, or very slender mention thereof in our writers.

The next day after the marriage, they were proclaimed with sound of

Trumpet at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh by a Herauld, Henry and Mary, King and Queen of Scotland. This was ill taken both of the Nobility and Commons. A King made by Proclamation! The voice of a Herauld to be in stead of a Parliament! King Francis, her former hus∣band had not done so; he had sought a matrimoniall Crowne from the three estates, and hardly obtained it, after he had been refused at first, yet not without consent of a Parliament. But by this it appeared they made no account of the estates, nor bare no respect unto the customes of the Kingdome. Every man thought it a great neglect and derogation to their priviledges, but the male-contented called it, a tyrannicall usurpation. Thus many of the Nobility being discontented withdrew themselves, and the want of their presence and countenance in guiding of affaires, did alienate the people. The principall male-contents were Hamilton, Mur∣ray, Argyle, Rothuse, Glencairne. Against these the King goeth to Glas∣gow with 4000. men. They lay at Pasley; and though they were to∣gether, yet they were not all of one minde. The Hamiltons would not hear of any peace, alledging there could be no true and firme reconciliati∣on with Princes once offended. The rest were not of their opinion: they said that matters had been hitherto carried without bloud; neither were their differences such, but that they might be composed without stroke of sword; especially in regard that there were some about their Princes, that would both mediate their peace, and endeavour to have it faithfully kept, The constant practice of their Predecessours, and the rule they had ever followed had been this; To passe by, and not to take notice of the secret and hidden faults of their Princes, and to salve those things which were doubtfull by a favourable and charitable construction; yea even to tolerate and beare with their open faults and errours, as far as might be, without the ruine of the common wealth; of which nature they esteem∣ed these slips in government to be proceeding from their youth, and want of experience, which might be redressed by calme and fair means. Duke Hamilton himself did like of their moderation, but the rest of the Hamiltons refused to assist them upon these terms; wherefore they depar∣ted all of them, save the Duke, with some sixteen that attended his Per∣son. By this departure they were so weakened, that not daring to abide the Kings coming, they went first to Hamilton, and the day following toward Edinburgh, but being shot at from the Castle, they took their way through Bigger to Dumfreis, to the Lord Harris, who had desired them to do so, and had made them many faire promises. But he failing them, they dismissed their Troupes, and fled into England. All this way the King with his Companies dogged them at the heeles, whereupon it was called, the Runne-away Rode (or runne-about) and, the wilde-goose* 1.146 chase. The King returned to Edinburgh in the latter end of Octo∣ber.

All this while the Earle of Morton took part with the King and Queen, but he was suspected to favour the other side, which he did indeed so farre, as to wish that the matter might be so taken up, that none of their lives were endangered. Otherwise he was in a good place, and* 1.147 Chancellour for the time. But these male-contented Lords being thus

removed, his house of Tantallon was seized, that it might not be a re∣ceipt and place of refuge for the Rebels, if they should happen to take it: But the true cause was, Rizio (commonly known by the name Sig∣nior* 1.148 David) had put the King and Queen in some jealousie of Morton; the occasion whereof was this, This Italian (or Pied-montoise) was of a Musician, risen to such favour, that he was become Cabin-Secretary to the Queen; and Sir William Metellan (Secretary of estate) finding himself prejudiced by him, who had encroached upon his office, as also out of the love he bare to Murray (to whom Rizio was a professed enemy) bethought himself how to be rid of him. Wherefore he appointed a meeting with Morton, and the Lord Harris, in which he used all the perswasions he could to induce them to cut off that base stranger, who took upon him to disturb the Countrey, did abuse the Queens favour, and set all in a combustion, to the dishonour of the Prince and Nobilitie; telling them, that it belonged to them, and such as they were, to have a care that such disorders were not suffered unpunished. And the more to incite them thereto, he alledged the examples of former times, omitting nothing which he thought might move them to undertake it. But Morton (as the Proverb is) was as wise as he was w•…•…ely: He told him flatly, he would take no such violent course, he would do what he could by fair meanes for Murrays peace and restitution: but as for that way, it would o•…•…d the Queen highly, and therefore he would not meddle with it. Metellan seeing that he could not draw him to it by perswasion, casts about how to drive him to it by necessity. He betakes himself to Rizio, m•…•…es shew as if he were very desirous of his friendship, and proffers him his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so farre as he was able. After he had so insinuated with him, that he began to have some trust with him, he told him that the place he had (to be the Queens Closet-Secretarie) was neither gainefull, nor usuall in this Countrey, and that he might easily come by a better: The Lord Chancellours office (sayes he) is the most honourable, which is in Mortons hands, a man no wayes fit for the place, as being unlettered and unskilfull. Do but deal with the Queen to estrange her countenance from him, as one th•…•… savours Murray a Rebell, and with the King to insist in his right to the Earledome of Angus, Morton will be glad to sue to you for your favour, and to obtain your friendship; will be content to demit his place of Chancellour in your behalf: Onely; in regard that the place (being the chief office in the Kingdome) must be possessed by a Scottish Nobleman, you must first be made a free Denizan, and naturalized, and have the title of an Earle, which the Queen may conferre up∣on you of her self. This Metellan thought would incense Morton against Rizio, and force him to do him a mischief. Rizio began to follow this advice, in so much that the Castle of Tantallon was summoned, and delivered into the Kings hands. Likewise the King entred heir to his Grandfather Archbald Earle of Angus. The Queen also intending to create Rizio an Earle, would have bought Melvin Castle with the Lands be∣longing thereto for the first step of his preferment, but the owner would by no meanes part with them. And it is very probable, that he would have prosecuted the rest of the Plot, if he had not been interrupted, and dispatched before he could bring it to passe: for his credit increased so

farre with the Queen; that like too big a Saile for a small Barke, he was not able to bear his good fortune, but being puft up therewith beyond measure, he forgot his duty to the King, and carried himself so inso∣lently toward him, that the King resolved to rid himself of him upon any terms. So he imparts his minde to his friends, that Rizio must needs* 1.149 be made away. Those whom he first acquainted with his purpose, were George Douglas (commonly called the Postulate) a naturall brother of his mothers, an understanding and active man; the Lord Ruthven who had married a naturall sister of his mothers, and the Lord Lindsay, who was his Cousin German, and had to wife a sister of the Earle of Mur∣rayes; and his own father the Earle of Lennox. These had concluded to lay hold on him as he came from the Tennesse-Court, where he used much, but he having gotten some inkling hereof, kept a Guard about him of some fifty Halbards, which constrained them to think of a new course. And because their power was neither sufficient to effect it, nor to bear it out when it were done, they thought good to joyne the Earle of Morton. He being somewhat alienated, and discontented with the Kings insisting in his claime to the Earledome of Angus, they sent to him An∣drew Ker of Fadunside, and Sir John Ballindine Justice-Clerk to deal with him, who prevailed so farre, that he was content to come to Lennox Chamber where the King was. There they came soon to an agreement, the King and his father for themselves, and undertaking also for Lady Margaret Douglas (whose consent they promised to obtaine, and that she should renue and ratifie what had been done by her self before) renounced all title, right, interest, or claim they had or could make to the Earle∣dome of Angus in favours of Archb•…•…ld sonne to David, sometime Earle thereof. Having obtained this, he consented to assist the K. with all his po∣wer on these conditions. 1. That nothing should be altered in the received Re∣ligion, but that it should be established as fully, and in as ample manner, as it was before the Queen came home out of France. 2. That the banished Lords should be brought home and restored. 3. That the King would take the fact up∣on himself, and warrant them from whatsoever danger might follow thereon by the Queens displeasure. These Articles were given him in writing to sub∣scribe, lest afterward out of his facilitie or levitie he should either deny it, or alter his minde, which he did very willingly, and even eagerly. Pro∣sently hereupon Lennox went into England to acquaint the banished Lords herewith, and to bring them near to the Borders of Scotland, that when Rizio were slaine, they might be ready to lay hold of the oc∣casion for their restitution. And now the day of the Parliament drew near, in which they were to be forfeited; and Rizio did bestirre himselfe notably to bring it to passe. He went about to all those that had vote in Parliament, to trie their mindes, and to terrifie them, by telling it was the Queens pleasure to have it so, and that whosoever voted to the con∣trary should incurre her high displeasure, and no waies do any good to the Noblemen. This made them hasten his death, to prevent the sentence which the Parliament might have given out against the Lords by Rizio his practises. Wherefore that they might take him, when his Guard was from him, and that it might the more clearly be seen, that the King

was the chief author of it, they determined to take him along with them, who should bring him out of the Queens Chamber, from when•…•… he should be carried to the City and have his triall by assise, and so legal∣ly and formally (for they had matter enough against him) condemned* 1.150 and executed at the Market-Crosse of Edinburgh. So Morton assembled his friends, and going to the Abbey of Halyroodhouse (the 8. of March* 1.151 1566) in the evening, he seized the Keyes of the Palace, and leaving a sufficient number in the Inner-Court below, to keep in the Noblemen that were lodged in the Palace, and were not on the Plot, he himselfe went up to the presence, and there walked up and down. The King went directly to the Queens Chamber by the privie staires, and with him the Lord Ruthven, and some five more all armed. The Queen was at sup∣per, and there was with her, her naturall sister the Countesse of Argyle, and Rizio with some few other servants. She was at first somewhat ama∣zed to seethem come into her Bed-Chamber being armed; but because the Lord Ruthven had been sick of a burning fever, she thought he had been distracted with the vehemencie of the fit, so she asked what the mat∣ter was. Ruthven made no answer, but laid hold on Rizio, and told him it did not become him to be in that place. He ranne to the Queen, and clasped his hands about her to save himself, but the King taking her soft∣ly in his arms, told her they had determined to punish that villaine; who had abused both them and the Countrey; and withall unclasping Rizio his hands, he delivered him to Ruthven, who carried him from thence into the Privie-Chamber, and then to the Presence. In the mean time the Earle Bothwell and Huntley (who were opposite to this course) being lodged in the Palace, and hearing how things went on the Queens side, would have made resistance▪ by the help of the under-officers of Court, Butlers, Cooks, Skuls and suchlike, with Spits and Staves, but they were quickly rambarred, and beaten back by those that had been left of pur∣pose in the Court by Morton. So Huntley and Bothwell fled out at back∣windowes. Athole was perswaded to keep his Chamber by Secretary Metellan, who was on the Plot, and supped that night with Athole, part∣ly to keep him from stirring, lest he might have offered or suffered vio∣lence; partly and chiefly that he himself might not be suspected to have a finger in the Pie, having Athole to be a witnesse of his behaviour there∣in. He had given order to his followers, that they should remaine quie•…•… till it came to be acted; and that then they should arme themselves, and runne hastily, as it were to an unknown and sudden fray and tumult, but if there were need, to assist Morton and those that guarded the Court. The noise of the scuffling which Huntly and Bothwel made below in the Court, coming to the eares of those that were above in the presence, and had Rizio in their hands; they not knowing what it might import, but fearing that he might be rescued from them, they fell upon him, and stabbed him with their daggers, sore against the will, and besides the in∣tention of Morton, and the rest of the Noblemen, who thought to have caused execute him upon the scaffold, so to have gratified the common people, to whom it would have been a most acceptable and pleasant sight. It is constantly reported that he was advised by one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (a

French Priest, who was thought to have some skill in the black Art) that now he had gotten good store of means and riches, it was best for him to return home to his native Countrey; where he needed not to feare the Nobilitie of Scotland; whose hatred he could not be able to stand out a∣gainst long; but he contemned his counsell, saying, The Scots were greater threatners, than doers. They say also, that one Signior Francese admonish∣ed him to carry himself more soberly, and not to irritate the Nobilitie; for as he understood they bare him no great good will, and would not faile to do him some mischief one time or another; but he answeredhim in Italians, Parole, parole, all was but words, he feared them not, they were no body, they were but like Ducks, which if some of them be stricken down, the rest will lie in. To whom the other replied, Take heed you finde them not rather like Geese, of which if you stirre but one, all the rest will flie upon you, and so plume you, that they will leave you neither Feather, nor Down. So when he was desired by some Diviner, or Sooth-sayer, to beware of the Ba∣stard, he said, That Bastard should not have power to do much hurt in Scotland, so long as he lived; understanding it to be spoken of Murray, who was Ba∣stard-brother to the Queen. But the Bastard that slew him, was George Douglas (as is the most received opinion) who stabbed him with the Kings dagger; having none of his own then about him. This brought Morton into great trouble; for the next day being the day of the Parlia∣ment, the banished Lords compeered in the Parliament-House, as they had been summoned, where finding no accuser; now that Rizio was gone, the Parliament was deserted, and the Queen reconciled unto them, inten∣ding to use their help against the slayers of Rizio. Wherefore she went first to Seton, then to Dumbar, where she assembled a sufficient number* 1.152 of men, so that Morton, Ruthven, and their partners, were fain to flee in∣to England, but some of them lurked in the High-lands. Their Goods were confiscated, their places and Offices disposed of to others. Their friends, who were no wayes accessarie to that fact, were committed to prison. Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, onely because he was Mortons kinsman, was sent first to Dumbar, then to the Ken-moore in Galloway. It is true, it was his brother-in-laws house, and Loghen-varre was indeed a loving brother, yet was it farre from home, neither was he set free with∣out bail to re-enter when he should be required.

Thus were the dice changed. Morton was at Court, when Murray and his complices were banished: now they are in Court, when he and his associats are dis-courted, and forced to •…•…e. He had favoured them, but had not joyned with them: they favour him, but think it not good to take part with him. Yet had they more reason to do it, for his fact had wrought out their Libertie, theirs had made him to be suspected. But whether they would not, or could not do him any good, or that they thought the time was not fit, and a better time was to be expected, the King (who was the chief authour and first mover of it) having forsaken him, he was constrained to with-draw himself into England, as we have said. There he did not remain long in ease and quiet, for about the begin∣ning of May, the Queen sent Master John Thornton (Chanter of Murray) desiring that he and the rest, might not be suffered to harbour within the

Queen of Englands Dominions. She sent the same Thornton also to France with the like message, but it needed not, for they never meant to go thither. Queen Elizabeth sent one of her servants (William Killigrew) and by him promised to cause them voide her Realme before Mid-sum∣mer. It was so done in shew, they were warned to depart, and did depart from Newcastle, abstained from conversing in publick, but they lurked privately in a place not far from Anwick. No search was made for them, and the Messenger had whispered them in the ear, when he commanded them to be gone, that England was broad and wide. Before they came from Newcastle, he lost his good friend the Lord Ruthven, whom God called to his rest in mercy. Thus was he banished from Scotland, Eng∣land,* 1.153 France, and Ireland, yet did he lurk still in England.

But he lurked not long; for matters were in brewing at home, which* 1.154 gave occasion to his returne. The Earle Both well was now become the Queens favourite, all men followed him, all preferment came by him. His thoughts were high, his ambition no lesse than to injoy the Queen, if she were free from a husband. To bring this designe to passe, she was content to forget all private quarrels with Morton, and he presumed that Morton being abandoned of the King, and ingaged to him for his return and resti∣tution, as also being led with hope of his further goodwill, to gratifie him in any thing that might be procured from the Queen, would be in∣duced either to become his friend, or at least not to be his enemy, nor to raise, or to side with any Faction against him; which he esteemed a great point, & of much importance. There was amongst Bothwels followers, one* 1.155 M. Arch. Douglas, a brother of the house of Whittingame, by his mediation all former quarrels were taken away on both sides, & Mortons peace pro∣cured from the Q. on condition he should not come within a mile of the Court. This restraint he reckoned to be rather beneficiall, than hurtfull to him; seeing that by that mean, he should be the farther off from whatso∣ever should happen amisse. Wherefore being returned before the Q. was* 1.156 brought to bed of her son James the 6. (which was the 19. of June 1566) he becomes a spectatour, beholding a farre off what would be the issue of* 1.157 things. To sit on the shoare, & to behold others at sea tossed with winde and wave, though it cannot but stif our pity and commiseration in com∣mon humanity, yet when we reflect upon our selves, and consider how happy we are that are on firme land, free from these fears and dangers, the joy and contentment we have in our own safety, doth swallow up the former consideration of anothers danger. So it was with Morton, he saw what a fearful tragedie was like to be acted at court, but not being able to hinder it, he chose to keep at home. He was the Kings kinsman, yet could he do him no good, having had experience of his weaknes and inconstan∣cy in his forsaking of him, after the killing of Rizio. He was beholding to Bothwell for his restoring, and therefore bound not to oppose him, in honesty and dutie he could not aid nor assist him in such courses. Wherefore he useth the benefite of his confining, and becomes a looker on.

To declare the estate of those times, and to dilate it, let them do it that can delight to blaze the weaknesse of those, whom they ought to love

and honour, and who have that task imposed upon them, by whatsoever necessitie. For my self, neither am I any way necessitated thereunto, nei∣ther could my soul ever delight in the reproach of any. I wish I could co∣ver the sins of the world, they should never be uncovered, or known, but where necessity did require it, that so they might be taken away by order. My endeavour should rather be with the blessed sons of Noah, to over∣spread, with the mantle of silence and oblivion, the nakednesse of those to whom we owe even a filial dutie & pietie. Concerning that Princesse, my heart inclineth more to pitie; I see good qualities in her, and love them: I see errours, and pity them: I see gentlenesse, courtesie, humilitie, beau∣tie, wisedome, liberalitie; who can but affect these? If they be carried to inconvenience, who can but lament it? In that sex, in that place, in that education, in that company: a woman, a Princesse, accustomed to plea∣sure, to have their will, by Religion, by sight, by example, by instigation, by soothing, and approbation. Happie, yea thrice happy are they who are guided through these rocks without touch, nay, without shipwrack. I do advert more than I finde set down by Writers, while I search into all the causes which might have drawn on these lamentable events. Be∣sides the secret loathings in the estate of marriage (which who knows but the actors?) bringing forth dislike, then quarrels on both sides, then cros∣sing & thwarting, then hatred, then desire to be freed; besides all this, im∣potencie, and desire of revenge, being seconded with shew of reason, and backed with a colour of law and justice; what wil it not do? Her husband had killed a servant of hers, whom he had dragged violently out of her bed-chamber. Behold him therefore (as Lawyers, or such as pretended skill in law would alledge) guiltie of death in their judgment. He was not crowned, but proclaimed King only by her sole authority, never acknow∣ledged by a Parliament, so was he but a private man, & a subject to her his Soveraigne, as are the wives and children of Kings. Wherefore his Fact (in slaying Rizio) was flat treason, for which he might have bin arraigned, and suffered according to law. But bearing the name of a King, & having many friends and kinred, a legall proceeding could hardly be attempted without great difficulty, and might have caused an insurrection, and much bloud-shed with uncertain event. Wheresore in wisedome the most con∣venient way was to do it privatly and secretly; secret justice, is justice not∣withstanding; formalities are but for the common course of things. This was an extraordinary case. Justice is absolutly necessary, the form (whether this, or that way) is indifferent, it may be altered, or omitted; the Princes power may dispense with forms in case of necessitie or conveniencie, so the substance be observed. Well, I conceive that a Prince upon such sug∣gestions, upon dislike, in anger and indignation, might be drawn by his counsellours, neither can I but conceive, that these colours have been here represented to perswade, or to sooth. To be short, that fact so lamentable, and (which I can never remember without lamenting) every way in her* 1.158 own, and her husbands person, done by the Earle Bothwell, he mur∣dering her husband, she marrying him, the matter seemed extreame strange and odious in the eyes of many. It is true, Bothwell was cleared, or rather not filed by an Assise; but the Nobilitie judging

him not to be sufficiently cleansed, but rather being fully perswaded that he was the authour of the murder, thought themselves bound in duty to bring him to a further triall And howsoever he had married the Queen, yet did they not take themselves to be so farre bound in obedience to her, as in that regard to desist from all further inquiring into that Fact. Nay, it did rather move their indignation to see him who had committed so vile and execrable a murder, not onely to escape Scot-free, but to reap so large and rich a reward, as was the Queens own person.* 1.159 Besides, they thought the consequent might prove dangerous, if he who had massacred the father, and married the mother, should also have the son (the onely barre and lett of his ambition, to establish the Crown to himself and his posteritie) in his power and custodie. These were given out as the causes of their taking arms, which were very plausible to the vulgar, especially the safetie of the young Prince James. There is no question, they had also their own particular respects, which are seldome wanting, and do commonly concurre with the publick cause: wherefore there joyned together the Earles of Argyle, Glencairne, and Marre, the Lords Lindsay and Boyde. These bound themselves to pursue Bothwel, and to assist one another against whosoever would oppose them, especi∣ally to keep the young Prince from coming into Bothwels power. But Argyle repenting him, went the next morning to the Queen, and reveal∣ed all the matter, and the Lord Boyde also was at last perswaded with many fair promises, to forsake them, and joyn with Bothwell. The rest notwithstanding remained firme, with whom Morton took part. He thought he could do no lesse, being so near a kinsman to the late King, and so to the young Prince. It is true, he had been beholding to Both∣well, but no benefit could binde him to assist him in this case: for by so doing, he should have given some colourable ground to that report, which had so spred it self, that it was beleeved a while about the Court of England, that Murray and he were authours of the Kings murder. To have remained neutrall, would have been but ill taken on both sides. The Lord Hume, Cesford, and Balcleugh, though they had not subscribed with the other Lords, yet did they hate Bothwell, and were suspected to incline to the contrary Faction. The year preceding, Bothwel had made an in-rode upon Liddisdale, for the suppressing of theeves, and apprehen∣ding of out-lawed Borderers with bad successe, for he was wounded, and hardly escaped with his life. This year he resolves to repair his honour, and by some notable exploit, to gain the good-will of the people, which that he might the more easily do, the chief men of the name of Scot, and Ker, who were likely to •…•…inder him, were commanded to enter into pri∣son in the Castle of Edinburgh, and there to remain till his returne. But they fearing some worse meaning, went home to their houses.

The Lord Hume also being summoned to enter, would not obey. Notwithstanding Bothwell goeth on with his intended journey, and so the Queen and he come to Borthwick Castle, there to make all things ready for this expedition. The adverse party thought this place was not unfit to surprize him in it: and therefore they appointed their Ren∣dezvous at Liberton, whither Morton onely came. The Earle of Athole

(whither through his naturall slownesse or fearfulnesse) by his not keep∣ing that appointment, caused the rest to break also, and to stay still at* 1.160 Stirlin. The Lord Hume in hope to have been seconded, went directly to Borthwick, and lay about the Castle, but seeing no appearance of their coming, he kept such negligent watch, that the Queen and Both∣well escaped, and went back to the Castle of Dumbar. The Lords thus frustrated, went to Edinburgh to practise the Citizens there, and to draw them to their side, which they easily effected. The Castle was kept by Sir James Belfoure (whom Bothwell had made Captain thereof, and who had been his intimate friend, and pr•…•…vie to all his secrets: But upon some distaste or distrust, Bothwell had sought to put him out of the place; which he finding, had made himself full Master thereof: and he was now en∣tred in termes of agreement, and capitulation with the Lords to put it into their hands, but had not yet concluded and transacted with them. There were in the City at this time of the other party, John Hamilton Bishop of S. Andrews, the Earle of Huntley, and the Bishop of Rosse John Lesly. These when they heard that the Lords were come into the Citie, came forth into the Street, hoping the Citizens would assist them and help them to expell the Lords; but when they saw that few or none did resort to them, they fled to the Castle, where they were re∣ceived (the Captain thereof not having as yet agreed with the Lords) and some few dayes after were let out at a posterne, and so escaped. In the* 1.161 mean time the Queen had sent abroad to assemble her forces. There came to her out of Lowthian, the Lords Seton, Yester, and Borthwick, small Barons, Waughton, Basse, and Ormeston. Out of the Merse, Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, with his Uncle Blackader, notwithstand∣ing their Chief the Lord Hume, and his Cousin German Morton, were on the other side. Besides these, they had 200. hired Souldiers under the leading of Captain Anstrudder, mounting in all to 2000. and 500. with these they set forward from Dumbar, with intention to go to Leith, that so they might be nearer the enemy, and lose no opportunity of taking advantage of them. A wrong course; and ill advised: Whereas if they had but stayed a space in the Castle of Dumbar, the Lords not having sufficient forces to assault them there, nor Ordnance, or any other necessa∣ry provision for a seige, had been constrained to disperse themselves, and retire home to their own houses. Which if they had done, they might easily have been overthrown being separated and scattered, before they could have joyned their forces again. But there is a directour of all things, who had not ordained that Bothwell should prosper in his wayes; which fell out also by his own temeritie, and the counsel of Master Edmond Hay (his Lawyer) who is said to have advised him thus, alledging that the Lords neither would nor durst abide their coming, but would presently flee upon the first noise of their approach; and that if they did but once shew themselves in the fields, the Commons would all come flocking to them. But it fell out clean contrary, for neither did the people con∣curre with them (because they hated Bothwell) and the Lords having once taken Arms, were enforced by necessity to fight for their own safety. Their number was about some 2000. most part Gentlemen of good

quality and ranke; of the which, the chief were Morton, Marre, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Glencairne, Montrose; the Lords, Hume, Lindsay, Ruthven, Semple, and Sanwhere; Small Barons, Cesford, Drumlenrigge, Tillebardine, Grange. They had no Artillerie, neither any Musketiers, save a few from Edinburgh. They caused to be drawn on their ensignes, the late King lying dead, and his young son the Prince James sitting on his knees, with his hands heaved up to Heaven with this Motto, Judge and revenge my cause, O LORD. While they were in Edinburgh, word was brought to them about midnight, that the Queen and Bothwell were come to Seton and Salt-Preston, within six miles of them. Whereupon they made haste, and having armed, went speedily toward Muscleburgh, lest the enemie should seize the Bridge and Foords of the River which was within two miles of Preston. So having passed it without disturbance a little after the Sun-rising, finding that the enemy did not stirre, they took their re∣freshment, and broke their fast at leasure. Not long after, those whom they had sent before to currie the fields, and to give notice what the enemie was about, having perceived a few horsemen without the village; drove them back again, but not daring to follow them for fear of some am∣buscade, could learne nothing else, save that the enemie was ready to march. Hereupon the Lords also began to set forward toward them, and being now without the Towne of Muscleburgh they perceived the ene∣my, ranged in order of battell all along Carburie hill, ready to encounter* 1.162 them. The hill was steep, and the ascent difficult on that side, wherefore they turned a little to the right hand, where they might with more ease and lesse disadvantage ascend, the hill being there much plainer▪ and the ground more levell. This deceived the enemy, who seeing them turn aside, supposed they had fled to Dalketh, which belonged to Mor∣ton, and lay on that hand. But they being come where they would have been, set their men in order, having the Sun on their backs, and in the face of the enemie, which was no small advantage, for the day was ex∣ceeding* 1.163 hot, being the fifth of June 1567. besides, the Townes-men of Dalkeeth did furnish them sufficiently with drink, together with other villages that lay on that hand. But on Bothwels side it was not so, there was no such alacrity and readinesse in the people to supply them; no foresight in themselves to provide, no chearfulnesse in the Army, but most of them wavering between their duty to the Queen, and their suspi∣cion of Bothwels guiltinesse. Yet did they not offer to forsake her, neither would they have done it for any thing we hear of, if Bothwell durst have stood to it. But his self-accusing conscience, struck his minde with such terrour and dread, that knowing what he had deserved, he judged other mens mindes to be accordingly affected toward him; and seeing head made against him beyond his expectation, he began to doubt of the fide∣lity of those that were come to take part with him. Especially he distru∣sted Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, in regard of his friendship and Kinred with the Lord Hume, and Earle of Morton. Wherefore he mo∣ved the Queen to ask him whether he would abide constantly by her, and performe his part faithfully. He answered freely, that he was come to serve her, as his Soveraigne out of duty, and in sincerity, which he

would do to the utmost of his power, against whomsoever, without re∣spect of whatsoever friendship or kindred with any. Blackader said the like, and added withall, speaking to Bothwell, I wish my Lord, you stay as well by it, as we shall. That which made them the more to fear Sir David was, because a servant of his, as he went to drink at a well not farre from the enemie, was taken, and brought to Morton, who hearing whose man he was, dismissed him, and bade him tell his Master from him; That if he were the man he should be, he alone might put an end to that dayes work, which is like enough he might have done, if either he would have revol∣ted to the Lords, or forsaken Bothwell, and gone home. The rest of the Nobles and Gentlemen being in like manner exhorted by the Queen to fight valiantly, promised that for their own parts they would do it faith∣fully, but they said, the hearts of the common Souldiers were averse from Bothwell; and thought it more reasonable that he should adventure his own Person in his own quarrell for maintaining his innocency, than that either her Majestie, or so many of her good Subjects should adven∣ture or endanger their lives for him. But if she were resolved to trie the hazard of a battell, it was her best to deferre it till the next day, that the Hamiltons, who were on their journey, might joyne with them. As they were about to joyne battell, the French Ambassadour (La Croque) would have mediated a Peace, and came to the Lords, promising to ob∣tain their pardon at the Queens hands for what was past, and that none of them should ever be called in question for their taking Armes against her, so that they would now lay them down, and proceed no further: Morton made answer, that they had not taken Armes against the Queen, but against Bothwell, who had murthered their King, whom if her Ma∣jestie would be pleased to abandon, they would quickly make it appear, that they desired nothing more than to continue in all dutifull obedience and allegeance to her, as became Loyall Subjects; but so long as Bothwell remained unpunished, they could not in duty and conscience be so for∣getfull of their late King, as not to avenge his murther. La Croque not being able to perswade them, retired to Edinburgh. All hope of peace and agreement being cut off, Bothwell being jealous of his Souldiers, and either intending in good earnest to fight, or for a Bravado, sent a Trum∣pet to the Lords to declare his innocency, in confidence whereof, if any would accuse him, and stand to his allegation, he was ready to maintain his cause against whosoever would attach him, in Duel, and single Com∣bate. There were two of the Lords faction that undertook to make it good against him, William Kirkadic of Grange, and James Murray bro∣ther to Tilliberdine; but he rejected these as not being his equals, and Peeres, he being an Earle, and they but Gentlemen onely. Wherefore he challenged Morton by name. He accepted of the challenge, and appoin∣ted the Weapons two-handed Swords, and to fight on foot. But the Lord Lindsay stepping forth, besought Morton and the rest, that for all the service that ever his Predecessours, or himself had done, or could do unto the country, that they would do him that honour as to suffer him to undertake that Combate; which he said did also duly belong unto him, in regard of his nearnesse in bloud to the defunct King. They condescended,

and Bothwell having nothing to accept against him, they prepared on both sides. Morton gave Lindsay the Sword which had been Earle Archbalds (called commonly Bell the Cat) wherewith he cut asunder Spenses thigh, as is shewed in his life. With this (which Lindsay wore ever after▪) and a buckler, as the manner then was, he presents himself before the Army, to attend Bothwels coming. But the Queen would not suffer him to fight, and interposing her authority, commanded him to desist. Then she sent a He•…•…auld to the Lords, requiring them to send Grange to her, that she might conferre with him, and that in the mean time the Army should stand quiet. While the Queen did Parley with Grange, Bothwell (as it had been fore-plotted) conveyes himself secretly out of the Army, and fled to Dumbar. When the Queen had talked so long with Grange, as that Bothwell had time enough to escape, and be out of their reach, free from all danger of being overtaken, she went with him to the Lords; and desiring them to suffer her Army to depart in safetie (which they easily granted) she dismissed them. Then she requested, that she might go to the Hamiltons, who were not farre off, at Corstorphing, to give them thanks for their good will, promising faithfully to return, whereupon she desired Morton to passe his word, and be suretie for her. A strange re∣quest for her to ask in such a case; farre stranger for them to have gran∣ted, or for Morton to have undertaken that which lay not in his power to▪ see performed. Bothwell had escaped to their great grief and discon∣tentment; the Queen onely remained, the pledge of peace, and foile of their enemies, who wanting her did want a head. Therefore her suite was denied, and she brought to Edinburgh.

There a consultation was held, what were fittest to be done with her. Amongst great diversitie of opinions, Morton would by no means yeeld to have her life meddled withall, desiring onely that some such course might be taken, as that the professed Religion might not be prejudiced, and that they themselves might be secured from future danger. Yet there were some that pressed the matter very hard against him, alledging that there was no possibilitie, either to preserve Religion, or secure them∣selves, so long as she were alive. Promises were to no purpose, and of no value. They might be easily eluded, as proceeding from a just fear, and compulsion, as they would call it. And to imprison her were no better▪ seeing there would not want a party ere long to set her free. And though there were no party, yet she her self might use means to escape, and others might help her; yea, without all these, time and occasion would work her delivery. Nay some went so far with him, as to denounce GODS judgements against him, as a hinderer of the execution of justice, which he himself should feele upon his own person, because he would not give way to it in the person of another. For it is but justice (said they) else if it be unlawfull, so is this detaining of her unlawfull, and whatsoever we have done is unlawfull, and flat treason. All this notwithstanding, Morton would not consent unto it, but made answer, That howsoever they had gone thus farre being drawne to it by necessity, for the preservation of Religion, the good of their Countrey, their own honour and credit, and even led by nature to look to their own safetie, yet they ought not to meddle with the life of their Sove∣raign•…•….

To secure themselves, it was sufficient to have her kept in some place of suretie and strength, which he thought even too much, if he could see any other remedie. And so it was concluded, that shee should be sent to Logh-leven, there to be kept by William Douglas ow∣ner thereof, a very honest Gentleman, and who had sided with neither Partie.

And although the same matter was agitate again, while she remained in Logh-leven (the 25. of August, at a solemne meeting of the Estates, after Murray was come home, and had accepted the Regencie) and many did incline to have her executed, (some out of zeal to Religion, and love of Justice, as they deemed it) some out of love to the Hamiltons, (who by her death would be but one step from the Crown) yet Mor∣ton stuck to his former opinion and resolution: Shee was no sooner committed, but some began to plot her deliverie; supposing that undoubtedly she would get out at last by one mean or other, they strove to anticipate her favour, and make her beholding to them for that which could not faile to come to passe. Neither did they fear the consequent, if once she were set at libertie, for they made no question to make their partie good. The authoritie was hers, time would make the peoples heart to relent and fold to their naturall Princesse; the Faction that was against her, was the weaker; and diversitie of opinions would bring forth division amongst them.

Of those that sought her favour, Sir William Metellane Secretarie was one. His dis-like and hatred of Bothwell, had made him joyne with the Lords: being now rid of him, he returned to his old byas again, and bent his course toward her. But not daring to do it openly, he wrote privately to her, and assured her of his good-will, and promised his best endeavour to serve her; and that howsoever his power were none of the greatest, he shewed that he might prove steadable to her by the Apo∣logue of the Lion, which being taken in a net, was delivered from thence by the help of a Mouse, that did shear the net, and cut it in pieces with her teeth.

Morton did constantly prosecute the course begun, with great courage and wisedome, over-coming all difficulties before the Earle of Murrays returne (who had gone to France in the beginning of these stirres) which were neither small, nor few. His Associates found them moe than they had expected. They had promised themselves the approbation of all men, and that all would joyne with them, at least, the best affected. It fell out otherwise; time diminished envie, change of their Princes e∣state begate pity, fear of the event kept aloof; doubt of dutie restrained some, and desire of rest and securitie, others. So that no new Forces came to them; but on the contrary, some of their own side forsook them, and went to the other; new hopes not onely cooling, but even changing their affections. Wherefore they were much perplexed, and had it not been for Morton, they had quite deserted the cause. But he per∣swaded them to keep together at Edinburgh, and to write to the o∣ther Lords that were assembled at Hamilton, to desire them to come to Edinburgh, that so they might consult together what were fittest

to bee done for the good and peace of the Kingdome. But they would neither receive Letter nor Message, saying, It was great presumption in them to have possessed themselves of the chief City, and to offer to send for them, and not to come to them, who were (so they thought) the stronger, and had the better cause. The others to give them satisfaction in that point, caused the Ministers of Edinburgh to write to them jointly, as also severally to their particular friends and acquaintance, both to excuse that which they took exception at, (which they told they had done, not because they did challenge or claime any preeminence or prerogative to themselves beyond them, or for any other cause, save onely the conveniencie of the place for both parties to meet in) and withall to exhort them, that in so perillous a time, setting aside all particular respects and quarrels, they would have a care of the common good of the Countrey. But these Letters pre∣vailed no more than the former. Yet though they would not concurre with them, they did nothing against them; whether because they were not able (they being within the town of Edinburgh) or, because they did not agree among themselves, or that they wanted a Commission, and a sufficient Warrant from the Queen, they dissolved, and returned every man to his own home. This their attempt to have kept some forme of meeting and Parliament in the Queens name, admonished the Lords to take away that which would beare greatest shew against them, the Queens authoritie. Wherefore they deale with her to resigne it to her sonne, which she was very loath to do; yet at last shee consented to it, and having subscribed a formall renunciation and dimission: shee made also, and signed a Procuration, or Letters of Attourney, to cause crown her sonne at Stirlin, or where they pleased. She named like∣wise his Curators, Murray (if he would accept of it at his returne) fail∣ing him, these seven; The Duke (Hamilton) Lennox (the Childes grand∣father) Argyle, Morton, Glencairne, Marre, and Athole. It was presently put in execution, for within two dayes (the 26. of July) the Prince was* 1.164 crowned at Stirlin, being then thirteen moneths, and eight dayes old. Morton and the Lord Hume took the Oath for him, that he should ob∣serve* 1.165 the Laws, and maintain the Religion then professed. Master Knox made the Sermon, the Coronation was also performed by him, and two Super-intendents.

Having gained this point, they had now this advantage of the others, that not only were their enemies deprived of the countenance and co∣lour of authoritie, but they themselves were armed therewith. And thus they remained till Murrays returne, who at first would not accept of the Place, which by the Queens direction was reserved for him, but being pressed by the rest, that they might have an established and certain* 1.166 Head, he yeelded to their requests, and took the Place and charge of Re∣gent uponhim. From this time forward, Murray being Regent, according as did belong unto his place, hee was chief Commander in eve∣ry thing; yet was hee assisted by Mortons faithfull counsell and advice, who did also many times supply the publick wants with his pri∣vate meanes, in times of greatest necessitie.

Especially when Bothwell was to be pursued, who having put forth to* 1.167 sea, and being turned Pirate, lay about Orknay, robbing all that came in his way, without fear of being followed, knowing wel that there was no money in the treasurie (he himself having emptied it) to rig out any shipping against him. Then did Morton on his own charges provide Vessells, hire Mariners and Souldiours to go out after him. This was the fruit of his good husbandrie, and the good use he made of his par∣simonie and menagerie. Grange was sent Admirall, who came so sud∣denly* 1.168 upon him, that he had well-nigh taken him before he was a∣ware, yet he escaped in a light Pinnace over a craig in the sea, with such hazard, that it is thought to have grazed upon it. The Lion which followed after, being a Ship of greater bulk and burden, and which drew more water, stuck fast upon it, so that the men were con∣strained to betake themselves to their Cock-boat. The Bishop of Orknay (Bothwell to his name, who was father to the Lord Haly-rude∣house) was last in the Ship, and seeing the Boat loosing, called to them to stay for him; but they being already sufficienrly laden, would not hear him. He seeing no other remedy, leapt into the Boat, having on him a Corselet of proof, which was thought a strange leap, especially not to have over-turned the Boat. Thus the men were all saved, and the Earle Bothwell sailed to Denmark. There being examined what he was, and whence he came: when he did not answer clearly and distinctly, he* 1.169 was cast into prison, and having lien there ten years, at last he died mad.* 1.170

The 15. of December, a Parliament was held at Edinburgh, where most part of the Nobilitie were present, and amongst others, the Earle of Huntley, which when the Queen heard of, she said, Bothwell might as well have been there, as he; meaning that they were both alike guiltie. In this Parliament, the Queens resignation of the Crown, the Kings Coronation, and Murrays Regencie were confirmed, their Fact was approved that had taken the Queen at Carburie, and Wil∣liam Douglas was authorized to keep her still in the Castle of Logh∣leven.

Things being thus settled, the Regent being acknowledged of all, and his authoritie ratified, Religion established, & the fear of Bothwel remo∣ved, they seemed to be in great suretie, yet were they never lesse sure; for these very things which seemed to make them strong and sure, were the causes of change, for many did envie the Regent, some hated Religion, and others there were, that being rid of Bothwell, applied themselves to the Queen, whom only out of hatred to Bothwell, they had forsaken. Of the last sort was Secretary Metellane, of the second Tillebardin, who had al∣so some particular against the Regent, which Writers do not specifie. The Hamiltons were of the first Rank, who thought themselves inju∣red by him, and esteemed his Office due to them, together with Argyle, whose mother and Huntley, whose wife was of the house of Hamilton. These had some hopes from France, where Beton Archbishop of Glasgow, lay as Lieger for the Queen, and fed them with faire promises of men and money. Yet they carried things very closely, and made shew of friendship to

those of the Kings side, till such time as the Queen escaped out of Logh∣leven, by the means of George Douglas brother to William of Loghleven, and to the Regent also by his mother. This George had corrupted a natu∣rall brother of his who was often trusted by William with the Keyes of the Castle. One day William being at dinner, this man desired the Keyes of him (as he had done divers times before) to let out the Queens wait∣ing Gentlewoman; and having gotten them, he let out the Queen her self in her Gentlewomans apparell, and masked. He also went out with her, and having locked the Gates, threw the Keyes into the Lake, and rowed the Queen over in the Boat to the Lake side, where George and Tillibarne were staying for her with nine horse onely. Our Writers say, it was without the mothers knowledge; but others affirme, that she had a hand in it, being moved with pity and commiseration to see her Princesse in such estate; and upon the Queens promise to preferre her sonne George,* 1.171 and pardon her other friends that were on her contrary faction; amongst which we hear no mention of Murray. Morton also was left out; onely* 1.172 it was agreed upon that his forfeiture should not prejudice their right to the Earledome of Morton. This fell out the second day of May 1568.

She went that night to Nidderie, where by the way the Lord Seton, and John Hamilton of Orbiston did meet her: and the next day they went to Hamilton with 500. horse. The Regent was then at Glasgow, keeping of justice Courts. When these news were brought to him, some counselled him to go to Stirlin, where the King was, and where he would be the stronger. But William Douglas of Drumlenrig, not having the patience to stay till it came to his turne to speak, and before his opi∣nion was asked: If you do so my Lord (sayes he) I will get me straight to the Queen, as Boyde hath done. For Boyde indeed was gone to her, with inten∣tion (as he would have made them beleeve) to play Husha's part; for he wrote back to Morton by his sonne, that he would be more steadable, and do them better service being with her, than if he should remain with them. There is a Proverb, a foot backward, a mile backward, a mile a milli∣on, and so never forward: Whereby is signified, that there is much mo∣ment in the beginnings and first efforts, and great danger in recoiling, and letting slip the present opportunitie. So thought Drumlenrig, and the Lord Semple also was of his minde. Morton did confirme their opi∣nion, and reduced at large how necessary it was for them to stay still in Glasgow, shewing that it was their best to make all the haste they could, & that their safetie did consist in celeritie; in regard that so soon as it were known that she was at libertie, the opinion of her authoritie and name of a Queen would daily draw more and more followers to her: especially seeing the most remote parts of the Kingdome were most affectionated to her service. We are enough here (said he) together with the Towns men (who being enemies to the Hamiltons, we need not doubt of their fidelittie) to keep this place, and make it good against them. The Cunninghames and Semples (potent families) are hard at hand, and so is the Lennox, the Kings own patri∣monie: Neither is Douglas-dale very farre off, nor Stirlin-Shire, and the Earle of Marres Forces. These will suffice to oppose the enemie till such time as our friends that dwell further off, be advertised. Mortons judgement was re∣spected,

and his opinion followed; whereupon messengers were immedi∣atly dispatched, and sent into Lowthian, and the Merse, and other parts which lay farre off, to give them notice of their danger, and of their in∣tentions; and to desire them to make all the haste that possibly they could to come to their aid, and assistance. The first that came was* 1.173 the Lord Hume with 600. horse the ninth of May; upon his arrivall, they intended to go directly to Hamilton, and dare the enemie, and force him to fight. But that same night (ere morning) word was brought them, that they were gathering their forces, and mustering their men to take the fields; for having gotten together 6000. men, and knowing by certain in∣telligence, that they were not above 4000 with the Regent, confiding in their number, they purposed to carry the Queen to the castle of Dum∣bartan, where she remaining in a place of safety, they might manage, and prosecute the warre according to their pleasure; and either use expedition therein, or draw it out at length, and linger as they should see cause, and finde it most for their advantage. The Regent ghessing what their aime was, led also his armie forth into Glasgow-Moore, supposing they would have gone that way: but when he saw them on the South side of the river of Clide, he made haste, and crossed the river at the Bridge and Foords, to be before them in their way. I have heard it reported by those that live thereabout, that the Queens Souldiers did essay to passe the river, and come to that side where the Regent was, but one or two of the foremost being slain by his men, the rest refused to go on with such hazard and disadvantage, and therefore they took the way of Ruther∣glem, which leads to Dumbartan. The Regent perceiving their intent, commanded the horsemen to hye them quickly to Langside Hill; which they did, and the rest of the Army followed them so fast, as that they were all got thither, before the enemie understood their meaning. Two things made for the Regents advantage; one was Argyles sicknesse, who being overtaken with a sudden fit of an Epilepsie, or Apoplexie, the Ar∣my halted, and thereby gave the Regent time to choose his ground, though he came a further way about. The other was, their confidence in their number, and despising of the small number of their enemies, who were indeed fewer than they, yet were they moe than they were aware of. For having marched over hils and dales, they never had a full view of them to know their number aright and perfectly. When they came within a little of the hill, perceiving that it was already taken by the Re∣gent, they retired to another little hil just over against it, where they drew up their Companies, and put their men in order. Argyle was Lieutenant, and led the Rere-ward. With him there was the Earles of Cassils, Eg∣linton, and Rothuse, the Lords Seton, Somervaile, Yester, Borthwick, Sanwhere, Boyde, and Rosse, with divers Gentlemen of good quality. The Vant-guard was committed to Claude Hamilton of Pasley sonne to the Duke, and Sir James Hamilton of Evendale, consisting most of Ha∣miltons, together with their friends and followers. James Stuart of Castle∣ton, and Arthur Hamilton of Mirrinton, were Commanders of the Musketiers, which were some 300. The Lord Harris commanded the horsemen, which were most part Borderers, dependers and servants to

his brother the Lord Maxwell. The Regent did likewise divide his men in two battels, the Vant-guard was conducted by Morton, with whom were the Lord Hume, and Semple. The Regent himself was in the Reer, and with him Marre, Glencairne, Monteith, the Lord Ruthven, Ochletree, and Kirkart, with the small Barons of the Lennox, and the Citizens of Glasgow. The horsemen were committed to William Dou∣glas of Drumlenrig, and Alexander Hume of Manderston, and John Car∣michell of Carmichell. They were inferiour in horse, and therefore upon the first encounter they retired, and fell back to the footmen, who made out to succour them, and drave back the enemies horse by the means of the High-Landers, especially who bestowed a flight of arrowes amongst them, and so galled them, that they could no longer endure it. The Queens Vant-guard coming to joyn battell with the Vant-guard of the enemy, marched through a narrow Lane, near unto which the Re∣gents shot were placed in the Yards, Gardens, and Orchards of the Vil∣lage of Langside so conveniently, that they being at covert did annoy the enemie, and shoot at them as at a mark without any danger, or hurt to themselves. In this Lane many were slain before they could get through; and having passed it they were assaulted by Morton very fierce∣ly with Pikes and Speares, and other long Weapons on both sides of the Lane. They fought very eagerly a while, in so much that when their long Weapons were broken, being so close together, that they could not draw their Swords, they fell to it with Daggers, and Stones, and and what so came readiest to hand. In the midst and heat of the fight, Mackfarlane with his High-Landers fled out of the last Ranks of the Regents Companies (as our Writers say) but indeed it was from this wing where they were placed, as I have heard it of those that were pre∣sent. The Lord Lindsay, who stood next to him in the Regents own bat∣tell, when he saw them go away; Let them go (saith he) and be not afraid, I shall supply their place: and withall stepping forward with his Company, charged the enemy afresh. Their long Weapons being broken, and themselves well nigh overcome before, they were not able to sustaine a new impression, but turned their backs, and fled. The Regent and his Squadron stood still and kept their Ranks and places, till they saw that the victory was clearly theirs, and that the enemy did flee disorderly; then they also brake their order and followed the chase, in the which moe were killed, than in the fight; and that most part by the High-Lan∣ders: who seeing that their side had the day, returned and made great slaughter to make amends for their former fleeing. There were many wounded, and many taken, but 300. slain, who had been many moe, had not the Regent sent horsemen throughout all quarters with com∣mand to spare the fleers. There were taken of note, The Lord Seton, and Rosse, Sir James Hamilton, the Sheriff of Aire, and Linlithgow with o∣thers. On the Victors side one man onely slain, John Balonie of Preston in the Merse, a servant of Mortons: few hurt, the Lord Hume with a stone on the face very ill: and Andrew Stuart Lord Ochletree, by the Lord Harris. The Queen, who stood as a spectatour about a mile off, seeing the field lost, fled away with the Lord Harris, and his horse∣men.

For after he was repulsed by the Regents Vant-guard, and the High∣Landers, he went to her, and stayed by her. From thence she fled to Eng∣land, suspecting the Lord Harris his fidelitie. Some do reckon amongst the causes of this victory, a contention which fell out between John Stu∣art, and Arthur Hamilton, two Captains of the Queens Musquetiers, who that morning before they set out, strove for precedencie, and the matter being referred to the Queens decision, she adjudged it to Stuart for the names sake and because he had been sometime Captain of her Guard. Hamilton took this so ill, that when they came neare to the enemie, he cryed out aloud, Where are now these Stuarts that did contest for the first place, let him now come and take it. The other hearing him, answered presently:* 1.174 And so I will, neither shalt thou, nor any Hamilton in Scotland set his foot be∣fore* 1.175 me to day: whereupon they rushed forward unadvisedly, and were followed as inconsiderately by Claude Hamilton of Pasley, with the Vant∣guard, which was the occasion of their disconfiture. The battell was fought the 13. of May, eleven dayes after the Queen came out of Logh∣leven. The Regent returned to Glasgow, and after publick thanksgiving for the victorie, and mutuall congratulation, the rest of the day was spent in taking order with the prisoners. Morton sought to have had the Lord Seton in his keeping, but he was withstood by Andrew Ker of Fadunside, whose prisoner he was, whether out of fear of hard dealing towards him, or lest he should lose his thanks in saving of him, wherefore Morton mo∣destly desisted.

The day after they went into Cliddesdale, and cast down Draphan, and some Houses that belonged to the Hamiltons. Afterward there was a day appointed for a Convention of the Estates at Edinburgh, for staying of which the other faction did use all possible means. They caused rumours to be spread of some help to come out of France; which had come indeed under the conduct of Martige (of the House of Luxemburg) but that the Civill Warres at home made him to be called back again. The Earle of Argyle came to Glasgow with 600. horse, and had some conference with the Hamiltons, and others of that faction, but they not agreeing, he went home again and did nothing. Huntley also with 1000. men was coming toward Edinburgh, and was on his journey as farre as the water of Erne; but the Bridges and Foords being guarded by the Lord Ruth∣ven, he went likewise home again. Last of all they procured Letters from the Queen of England, in which she desired that they would delay the meeting till such time as she were informed of their proceedings, and justnesse of their cause, why they took Arms against their Queen her Cousin, of whose wrongs she behooved to take notice, and be sensible. It was hard to offend her, but harder to suffer their adversaries to gain the poynt they aimed at, which was in the Queens name, and by her autho∣ritie to keep a meeting, and to forfeit all those who were on the K. side, having already appointed a day for that purpose. Wherefore they go on with their Convention, and punish some few for example to terrifie o∣thers. And for suppressing the daily incursions of the Niddisdale, A∣nandale, and Galloway men, they raised an Army of 5000. horse, and 1000. Musketiers; which expedition, because it was memorable for the

extreame scarcitie of victuals when they came to Hoddam, was called,* 1.176 The Roade of Hoddam: They set forth from Edinburgh the 11 of June, and returned thither againe the 26.

The chief thing that they did in that journey, was, that they seized the houses of Bog-hall, Crawford, Sanwhere, Logh-wood, Hoddam, Logh-Maban, and Annand. Logh Maban is a house of the Kings, and was then in the Lord Maxwels keeping: but now being surrendred, Drumlenrigge is made keeper of it, who was also made Warden of the West Marches. Assoone as the Regent was gone from thence with his Armie, Maxwels folks, who had hidden themselves in some secret corner of the Castle, turned out Drumlenrigges men, and re-possessed themselves thereof again. Logh-wood belonged to Johnston, Hoddam to the Lord Harris, and the rest to their severall Lords and Owners, which were all spared, on hope of their promised obedience: Onely Skirlin was razed, and Ken-Moore, a house of Loghen-varres, who was obsti∣nate, and would not yeeld upon any condition. The Regent and Morton sent Sir David Hume of Wedderburne to him, who was brother to his wife, but no entreatie nor threatning could prevail with him, or move him to submit himselfe: When they threatned to pull down his house, he said, They should by so doing save him a labour; for he meant to take it down himselfe, and build it up again better: Which was performed on both sides: for it was cast down (the 16 of July) and he did afterward re-edifie it much better. Many yeelded, divers stood out, of whom there came a thousand within a mile of the Regents Camp. Who were their heads, is not mentioned, but as yet Maxwel, Johnston, Loghen-varre, and Cowehill were not come in; and whether it were any of these, or some other, we have not learned. Morton and the Lord Hume with a thousand horse went out against them, but they were gone before they came neere, and fled to the Boggs and waste Marishes.

In their return, at Peebles they received Letters again from the* 1.177 Queen of England, wherein she renewed her former request to them, that they would send some up to her to inform her of the equity of their cause. The Regent himselfe undertakes the journey, with whom went Morton, Lindsay, the Bishop of Orknay, Master Pitcarne Abbot of Dum∣fermeling, Sir William Metellan Secretary, Master James Mackgill, Ma∣ster Henry 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Master George Buchanan. The Queene having heard their Justification and Defences, made answer, That she saw no∣thing for the present to object against their proceedings, yet she desired them to leave some of their company behinde, to answer to such things as might be objected afterward by their Queens Ambassadours. While they are there, Duke Hamilton came over out of France, and desired the Queene of England to cause Murray give over the Regents place to him, being (as he alledged) his due, seeing he was next heire to the Crowne. But the Queen perceiving that he intended to make some stirre, and to raise new troubles in Scotland, commanded him to stay, and not depart till he were licensed. The Regent with his company was dismissed, and returned into Scotland the 2 of February. Within a while after, the Duke returned also, being made Lieutenant for the imprisoned Queene,

and adopted to be her father. He sent forth his Proclamations, com∣manding that no authority should be obeyed, but his, which no man would obey: And that none might fear him, the Regent went to Glas∣gow with an Armie, and there Hamilton came ro him, and promising to acknowledge the King and Regents authoritie, he gave pledges to be kept, till such time as he should do it, prefixing a day when he would come in. When the day was come, he came to Edinburgh, and began to shift, and desire a longer day, while he might have the Queens consent. Then being asked what he would do if the Queen would not give her consent; he answered, that he would do nothing, and what he had done already, he had done it out of fear. Hereupon he and the Lord Harris were sent to prison in the Castle of Edinburgh. The next to be taken order with, were Argyle, and Huntley. Both had been busie in the Regents absence, but not alike. Argyle had onely showne himself in the fields, but had done hurt to no man. Huntleys case was worse, he had vexed the Mernes and Angus, made Lieutenants about the water of Dee, and behaved himself in all things as if he had been King. After much debate, Argyle was onely made to take an oath, that he should be obedient in time coming, and Huntley was also pardoned, save that he was ordained to make satisfaction and restitution to the parties who were robbed and spoyled by him and his followers. For the performance of which, the Regent and Morton went to Aber∣dene, Elgin, and Inner-nesse, with two Companies of Harquebusiers, and Musquetiers, where having received hostages and sureties of Huntley, they returne to Perth, to hold a Convention of the States.

Thither were brought two Packets of Letters from the two Queens.* 1.178* 1.179 The Queen of England made three Propositions. First, that the Kings Mother might be restored to her former Place and Crown. Secondly, that if they would not yeeld to that, yet that her name might be used in all Writs, and joyned with her sonnes, and that the Government should continue in the Regents hands. The third & last was, that if none of these could be granted, she might be suffered to live a private life, as another subject, with as much respect and honour as could be given to her, with∣out prejudice of the King. This last was accepted, the rest rejected. Queen Mary in her Letters desired, that the Judges might determine of her mar∣riage with Bothwel, and if it were found to be unlawfull, that they would declare it to be null, and pronounce her free from him. To this they an∣swered, that they saw no reason of such haste. He being absent, and out of the Countrey beyond sea, the laws allowed him threescore dayes▪ after he was summoned at the shore and Peer of Leith; before which time were expired, the Judges could not give out any sentence. But if she had such a minde to be rid of him, her shortest cut were to write to the King of Den∣mark, to execute him for his murder and Piracie. The reason why they would not have her marriage with Bothwel dissolved, was, to hinder her matching with the Duke of Northfolk, who would not adventure upon uncertainties; & he could not be sure, so long as her marriage with Both∣wel stood firm; he being alive, & no legal divorcement had bin yet obtai∣ned. So they thought by this dilator, they would gain time, & time might

work out some better effect than did appear for the present. For the Regents friends in England had written to him, That Northfolks Plot and the Queens, was so laid, so strong and cunningly conveighed, that no power, wit, or wisedome was able to resist it; yea, though all the rest of Brittain would oppose it, yet he remained steadfast, and sent to the Queen of England one of his Domesticks, to acquaint her with Queen Maries Petition, and their answer. But she not being satisfied with the Bearer, Robert Pitcarne (Abbot of Dumfermling) was sent to her from a Convention holden at Stirlin for the nonce. About the very same time that he came to London, the Duke of Northfolke was committed to the Tower (the 11. of October) and the conspiracie discovered, the partie still remaining so strong, that she not daring to meddle with Queen Ma∣ry, was purposed to have sent her into Scotland by sea; but things begin∣ning to settle, she altered that resolution. Now in confidence of this so strong a partie, Secretary Metellane had taken himself to that side, and stirred up all he could against the Regent. He had so dealt with the Lord Hume, and Grange (Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh) that he* 1.180 had brought them over to that party. Hereupon he is sent for to Stir∣lin, whither he came, and brought along with him, the Earle of Athole to intercede for him, if need were. There Thomas Crawford (afterward Captain Crawford) a follower of the Earle of Lennox, accused him of be∣ing accessarie to the late Kings death; whereupon he was committed to a close chamber in the Castle. Sir James Balfoure (one of his Compli∣ces) was also sent for, and the Convention were of opinion, that both of them should be used as enemies to the King, and guiltie of treason. But the Regents lenitie marred all; he pardoned Sir James, and sent Metel∣lane to Edinburgh, to be kept by Alexander Hume of North-Berwick. Grange counterfeiting the Regents hand, brought a Warrant to Ale∣xander, to deliver Metellane to him, which he did; and so Grange carri∣ed him up to the Castle.

After this, the Regent went to the Merse, and spake with the Lord Hume, whom he found to be alienate from the Kings side, and inclined to the North-folcian Faction. From thence he went to Jedburgh, where Morton and others came to him. He past with them to Hawick (the 20. of October) and from thence he rode through the whole Dales; he riding on the Scottish side upon the Borders, and a Company of English∣men on the English side, that they might not flee from one side to ano∣ther, nor any of them escape. He lay two nights at Cannabee, one at Copshae-holme, two on the water of Milke, and so came to Dumfreis. In this circuite he constrained the Borderers to put in pledges and ho∣stages (to the number of 72.) for keeping of the peace and good order, whereby he gave great contentment to the whole Countrey, and gained great reputation and admiration, even of his very enemies. He returned to Edinburgh before the 21. of November, the day appointed for the triall and arraignment of Secretary Metellane. There finding that he had assembled so many great men that were for him (Hamilton, Huntley, Ar∣gyle, and others) he adjourned the arraignment, and deferred the judge∣ment. That Faction was now become very powerfull; many were fallen

off from the Regent; many had joyned themselves to the North-folci∣ans, relying mainly on the Dukes power. And although he were now committed, yet the Faction held good, and the plot went on. The Earles of Northumberland, and Westmerland, with six thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, came with displayed Banner to Durham, and there burnt the Bible and Service-Book, heard Masse in Darnton, and besieged Bernard-Castle, which was rendered upon composition. But being pursued by the Earle of Warwick, with an Army of twelve thousand, and Sussex with another of seven thousand men, they were forced to flee into Scotland about the 22. of December, and put them∣selves into the hands of theeves that lived on the Scottish Border, with whom they abode and lurked a while, but not very long. For Morton dealt with one Hector Arme-strang, by Sir John Carmichael, and got the Earle of Northumberland into his hands, and delivered him to the Re∣gent;* 1.181 hee sent him to bee kept in Logh-leven a prisoner, being an enemie no lesse to him and the Kings side, than to Queen Eli∣zabeth.

This made her give the better ear to Robert Pitcarne, Ambassadour from the Regent, and to desist from requesting any more, that Queen Mary might be restored again to her former place and estate. Shee declared also, that she took that which the Regent had done very kinde∣ly in pacifying the Borders, apprehending Northumberland, and impri∣soning of him, pursuing Westmerland and his Faction, as enemies, his offering his best aid and assistance to her Captains and Governour of Ber∣wick. She promised to be ever mindefull of these his good offices, and good-will shewed towards her, and that she should be readie to aid him when he should need; yea, that he might use and command all the For∣ces in England as his own. Thus by the over-throw of the English Re∣bels, by the favour of the Queen of England, and the love of his Coun∣trey people at home, the Regent was more strengthened, and the Kings side became the more powerfull. His adversaries therefore seeing no o∣ther remedie resolved to cut him off, and make him away by treachery. James Hamilton of Bothwell-hawke, (one whose life the Regent had spared before, when he was taken prisoner in the field bearing arms a∣gainst him) under-took to kill him. Wherefore having watched his op∣portunitie, when the Regent was at Lithgow, he placed himself in a house there, by which the Regent was to passe as he rode out of the town, and shot him with an Harquebuse out at a window; the Bullet whereof, af∣ter it had gone through the Regent, killed the Horse of George Dou∣glas of Park-head, a naturall brother of the Earle Mortons. This* 1.182 fell out the 21. of January 1569. The Regent finding himself hurt, alighted from his horse, went to his lodging, and died ere midnight. Bothwell-hawke, who had done the deed, having mounted upon a horse which hee had •…•…nding ready for him of purpose, escaped un∣taken.

He was much lamented of all, but especially of Morton, who had best reason to be sensible of this losse, seeing by his death the common cause did want a main pillar and supporter thereof; and the Kings side which

he followed, was deprived of a sufficient and able leader. He himself al∣so had lost a dear friend, with whom he had so long entertained honest and faithfull friendship, and who had borne so great a part of that heavie burden, and weight of State affairs with him. For now the whole bur∣den of guiding the Kingdome and managing the State lay upon him al∣most alone, and that even in the time of the two succeeding Regents, for the space of some three years, or thereby. They indeed bare the name, and the authoritie, but he was the man by whose advice and counsell, by whose travels and paines both of body and minde, yea and upon whose charges also (often times) most things were performed, till at last he him∣self was chosen Regent, and did then all things alone without a helper. This was well known to all, and was plainly spoken in the time of Len∣nox his Regencie. A staff under a Hood (so they termed Lennox.) Mor∣ton rules all. Yet was it not so altogether, neither was Lennox so devoide of judgement, but behaved himself very well, very judiciously, courage∣ously, and courtiously (even in Mortons absence) in the taking of Pasley and Dumbartan, and in his courteous usage of the Lady Fleming, who was within the Castle of Dumbartan. Onely because matters seemed to rely most upon Mortons good advice, action, and means; the ruder inter∣preters made that hard construction of it, as if Morton, because he did much, had therefore done all, as commonly men are wont to judge and speak. And it is very true that is said of Lennox in that Epitaph of him, famam virtute resellit. Yet it cannot be denied, but that even while Mur∣ray was Regent, Morton did very much; and though he were not equall with him in place and dignitie, for there was but one Regent, yet he was such a second as might well be esteemed a yoke-fellow both in consult∣ing and performing, being a partaker with him in all perrils and bur∣dens. So that of all that is set down here of Murray, Morton was ever an equall sharer, and may justly challenge the one halfas his due. And therefore it is that we have been so particular, and insisted so long in Mur∣rayes actions, because of Mortons perpetuall concurrence with him in all things, and his interest in every businesse. Wherefore we hope it will not be thought impertinent to our Historie thus to have handled them, al∣though Morton were not the sole actor, since he was a prime and maine one. For whoso will rightly consider, shall finde that saying to be true of these two, which Permenio said of Alexander and himself (Nihil Ale∣xander absque Permenione, multa Permenio absque Alexandro) being ap∣plied to Morton. For Morton did many things without Murray, but Murray nothing without Morton. And thus it went even when Murray was alive, when all acknowledged his authority.

Now he being dead, many swarved, many made defection; and, as if they had forgotten what they had promised, became open enemies. The Kings party was weakened, the adverse party strengthened both by for∣rain and home-bred power. Fear might have terrified him, ease sollici∣ted, honour and profit allured him to have left it, and joyned with the o∣ther side. But he shrinks not for any perill, hatred, or envie, for no pains or travell to be sustained, no case or security could allure him, no hope of favour, of riches, of honour could move him to abandon it. Which

doth evidently justifie, and clear him of all the imputations which the wit of man can devise, or imagine against him. Whether it be that he con∣spired with Murray to make him King: he was now dead, and that hope with him: Or if it be any particular end and aime of his own, what ap∣pearance is there that he could have any private end, which he followed forth with certain danger, and uncertain event, or profit? For clearing of which, let us weigh the parties, and the forces and meanes at home and abroad on both sides. First there were of the Queens side Duke Ha∣milton, Argyle, Athole, Huntley, almost all pettie Princes in their seve∣rall Countries and Shires. Also the Earles of Crawford, Rothuse, Eg∣linton, Cassils, the Lord Harris, with all the Maxwels, Loghenvarre, Johnston, the Lord Seton, Boyde, Gray, Oglevie, Levingston, Flemin, Oliphant, the Sheriff of Air, and Linlithgow, Balcleugh, Fa•…•…hast, and Tillibardine. The Lord Hume did also countenance them, though few of his friends or name were with him, safe one meane man, Ferdinando of Broom-house. Metellan the Secretarie (a great Polititian) and Grange an active Gentleman, who was Captain of the Castle and Provest of the Town of Edinburgh; they had the chief Castles and places of strength in their hands, Edinburgh, Dumbartan, Logh-Maban. France did assist them, Spain did favour them, and so did his Holinesse of Rome, together with all the Roman Catholiques every where. Their fa∣ction in England was great, all the North-folcians, Papists, and male∣contents had their eye upon Queen Mary. Neither was she (though in prison) altogether unusefull to her side: for besides her countenance, and colour of her authoritie (which prevailed with some) she had her rents in France, and her Jewels, wherewith she did both support the common cause, and reward her private servants and followers; especially they served her to furnish Agents and Ambassadours to plead her cause, and importune her friends at the Court of France, and England; who were helped by the banished Lords, Dacres, and Westmoreland, to stirre up forraine Princes all they could. Thus was that partie now grown great, so that it might seeme both safe, and most advantagious to follow it. The other was almost abandoned, there were but three Earles that took part with Morton at first; Lennox, Marre, Glencairne. Neither were these comparable to any one of the foremost foure. In Fyfe there was the Lord Lindsay, and Glames in Angus, no such great men, and no wayes equall to Crawford, and Rothuse. The Lord Semple was but a simple one in respect of Cassils, Maxwell, Loghenvarre, and others. Methvaine in Stratherne a very mean Lord; Ochletree amongst the meanest that bare the title of a Lord, and yet Kirkart was meaner than he, both in men and means. Neither was Ruthven so great, but that Tillibardine, and Oliphant were able to overmatch him. They had no Castles but Stirlin and Tantallon, which belonged to Morton. The commons indeed were very forwardly set that way, but how uncerraine and unsure a prop is the vulgar? England did befriend them some times, but not so fully as they needed; and even so farre as did concern their own safetie. So that when all is duely considered, we shall not finde any ground for one to build on, that would seek nothing else, but his own private ends of honour or pre∣ferment.

Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretarie Metellane, and Grange (men that sought themselves onely) did joyne with that partie which was likest to thrive and prosper, in all discourse of reason and humane wisedome. Neither can any man think that Morton did aime at his own greatnesse, or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other partie with such disadvantage, if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man. And therefore if we search with an unpartiall eye, what could have been the motives that made him cleave so stedfastly to this cause, we shall finde them to have been no particular of his own, nor any thing else besides the equitie and justnesse thereof (as he conceived) his love to the young King, as his King and Kinsman, together with the preservation of Religion, and the welfare of his Countrey, which he thought did stand, and fall with this quarrell and cause. This in all like∣lihood hath been his minde; which whether it was right or wrong, let them dispute who list: our purpose is onely to shew so farre as may be gathered by discourse of reason, what it was that did induce him to fol∣low this course.

Now although he had bent all his power and endeavours this way; yet there lacked not some who did blame him, as not zealous enough to re∣venge Murrays death. His brothers Uterine (Loghleven, and Buchain) cra∣ved justice against the murtherers; so much the rather, for that he was not slain for any private quarrell or enmitie, but for the publick defence of the King and Countrey. When it came to a consultation, some were of opinion, that those who were suspected, should be summoned to appear a∣gainst a certain day, according to custome, and order of Law. Others again thought that such processe and legall proceeding needed not to be obser∣ved toward them, who had already taken arms to maintain by force, what they had committed by treacherie and treason, but that an Army should be levied against them; and not only against them, but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament. But Morton did not like of this last course, nor Athole: because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things: and besides, they foresaw that the joyning of many faults would take away or diminish, and make men forget the principall; and to mingle other crimes with the murther, were but to make all the guiltie, in what ever kinde, to joyn with the mur∣therers, and so raise a generall and open insurrection, and a most dange∣rous Civill Warre. Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May, the day appointed for a Convention, as also for choosing of a new Regent. These delayes were motioned by Secretary Metellane, who (at Granges request, upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regents mur∣ther, and of the Rebellion raised in England, and having found sureties to appear, and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued) was relea∣sed by the Nobility here conveened. For what ever respect Metellane made this motion, Athole consented to it, and Morton also, because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time. This was ill taken of the vulgar, who did interpret this delay, of which they knew Metellane to be authour, to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction; and that Murrayes death might be forgotten, or at least

the heat of revenging it might cool, and relent, which they thought should not have been granted, and given way to. This was done the 14. of February, the day after the Regents Funerall.

The 15. of February, Argyle, and Boyde, wrote to Morton from Glasgow, where the principall of the Queens side were conveened, that they were willing to joyn with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regents death; but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were, they desired that they might meet, and conferre about it, so that they of the Kings side would come to Lithgow, or Faw∣kirk, or Stirlin, for they would not come to Edinburgh. Morton did impart the businesse, and communicate these Letters with Metellane (as they had wished him to do) but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edin∣burgh, there was no meeting at this time. But afterward the 24. of Februa∣ry, they came to Morton to Dalkeeth, and laboured to perswade him to come over to their side; but he was so farre from listening to them, that he did assure them, he would stand to the maintenance of the Kings au∣thority to the utmost of his power. It may be, some will think that this constancie did proceed from distrust, according to that Pseudo politick and Machiavillian maxim, qui offensa, non pardóna, who once offends, ne∣ver forgives: and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen, that it could not be pardoned. But why should he have thought so? His was no greater, than were some of theirs, who were pardoned, than the Lord Humes by name. And certainly by all appearance, he could have made a far better mends: he might have put an end to the controver∣•…•…ie, and restored the Queen again to her own place, which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions. Wherefore we may justly call it constancy, which was accompanied with courage, in under∣taking so hard and difficult a task, and with wisedome in atchieving, and bringing of it through. In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh, whither the principals of the other party came also, Huntley, Crawford, Oglebee, and the Lord Hume, Seton, and Metellane. There were but few with Morton, till Marre and Glencairne came in to him. The next day after, they met to consult of businesse; but because Argyle was absent (whose power was great) they could conclude nothing. Wherefore Huntley goes to him, with intention to bring him along with him, but he came back without him, which every body thought was done by Me∣tellans cunning, who hindred all agreement, that he might the better fish in troubled waters. The night following, these Lords, who were on the Queens side, took such a sudden apprehension, and panick fear, without any apparant cause, that having watched all the night in their Arms, they departed next morning, without order, and very dismayedly.

About the end of April 1570. the Earle of Marre set forth from* 1.183 Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May, which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States; but the Lords of the contrary partie lay in his way at Linlithgow. Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500. horse, and 1000. foot, so that Marre having crossed the water of Aven a good way above Linlithgow, they joyned their Troupes, and came both safe to Edinburgh the 29. of April, about twelve a Clock at

night. Thus were the two parties, the one at Linlithgow, the other at Edinburgh; each accusing other and blaming other as authours of dissen∣tion; yet they at Edinburgh offered to yeeld unto any thing, and to come to any terms of agreement, which might not be prejudiciall to the K. au∣thority, and upon condition that they would assure them of their concur∣rence to avenge the late Kings, and Murrayes slaughter. But they were so farre from accepting of these conditions, that on the contrary they chose three Lieutenants for the Queen, Arran, Argyle, and Huntley, they ap∣pointed also a Parliament to be held in her name the 3. or 4. of August at Linlithgow. In this mean time, Sir William Drury with 300. horse, and 1000. foot came into Scotland to pursue the Queens Rebels, and such as received them (as was given out) but the Lords at Linlithgow fearing they might be brought against them, assoon as they heard of their co∣ming, went toward Glasgow, and besieged the Castle thereof, which Minto had in keeping. But he being absent, and not above 24. of the Garrison Souldiers within, the Castle notwithstanding was so well de∣fended, that having slain moe of the besiegers than they were themselves in number, after six dayes stay, hearing of the approaching of the con∣tary partie, they raised their siege, and went every man unto his own home. The Kings side with Drury (and the English) went into Cliddis∣dale, and cast down Hamilton, and other Houses belonging to the Queens faction. After this the English returned to Berwick, and Morton did go along with them the 3. of June, having stayed some 20. or 22. dayes, from the 2. of May.

The 13. of July 1570. they chose Lennox to be Regent, in a Con∣vention* 1.184 holden at Stirlin, and gave him the oath to observe the Laws,* 1.185 and to maintain the professed Religion. His first care was to stay the Par∣liament, which the contrary partie had appointed to be kept at Linlith∣gow in August. Wherefore he sends to Grange for some pieces of Ord∣nance out of the Castle of Edinburgh: but he refused to send any, preten∣ding that he would be a procurer of peace, and not an instrument of War, and shedding of Scottish bloud. Notwithstanding hereof, the Regent goes to Linlithgow with 5000. men the 3. of August, where he could see no appearance of a Parliament, nor of any meeting, nor hear no news of them at all, save that Huntley had been at Brechin, and placed a Gar∣rison there of some hired Souldiers, and that he had also commanded them to provide victuals and lodging for some thousands of men against the 10. of August. Hereupon the Earle of Morton made haste to go to Brechin, to surprize them before they were aware, and sent word to the Lord Ruthven and Lindsay, to go with him, or before him, because they lay nearer. But the Souldiers having gotten some inkling of their coming, fled, and retired, some to the Steeple, some to the Castle, where they thought themselves to be in safety. Morton therefore lay about* 1.186 these places, and not long after, the Regent came thither himself in per∣son, and the Gentlemen of the Countrey about came all to him, so that* 1.187 his Army did now amount to the number of 7000. men. Those that were in the Steeple, yeelded presently: but they that were in the Castle stood upon their defensive at first, and wounded some that approached

to have assaulted the castle; but hearing that the Batterie was to be plan∣ted, and that Huntley, who they looked should have come to their relief, according to his promise, had abandoned them, offered to yeeld, their lives only safe; but when they could not obtain that, they came in the Regents will, simply, without condition. Thirty of them were hanged,* 1.188 who had bin taken divers times before, and bin pardoned, upon their pro∣mise never to bear arms against the King; the rest, with their Captains, were let go free. This being done, they returned to Stirlin the 15. of Aug.

The Winter following was quiet, and free from trouble. In the be∣ginning of February, Morton was sent into England to Queen Elizabeth* 1.189 at her desire, with whom went Pitcarne, Abbot of Dumfermling, and Ma∣ster James Mackgill Clerk Register. Being come to the Court the 18. of February, he was remitted to seven of the Councel, who were appoin∣ted to treat with him. These propounded two heads to be spoken of; one was, that the Queen might be better informed of their proceedings, and the equity of their cause, then as yet she was, and that their reasons and proofs might be so clear, and such, that both she her self might be fully perswaded thereof, and that she might be able to satisfie others, who should require her help against them. The other point was, to make some overture of Peace, and to finde out some way of reconcilement, that so the Kingdome of Scotland might be quieted and settled. For the first point, they gave in their Reasons in writing, the last of February; which when the Queen had read, she answered by her seven Counsellours, that she was not satisfied therewith fully, and therefore desired them to come to the second point; what course was to be taken for pacification. She propounded the first Head onely for a shew, she knew well enough be∣fore what they could say, and was sufficiently satisfied, but would not be so, at least she would not seem to be so. As for the second Head, they an∣swered, that their Commission was limited, and that they could not con∣sult of any such thing as tended to the diminution of their Kings authori∣tie, neither would they take it upon them (though they might) nor use any such power, although it had been given them. The Queen was at Green∣wich, whither she sent for them, and in a manner, chid them for their ob∣stinacie, that they would not listen to a Treatie of Peace, but did rather avoide that which did concerne their good so much, and made large Protestation of her good-will toward them and their King, wil∣ling them, at least, if they would do no more, to hear what her Counsel∣lours would say unto them. On the morrow her Counsellours propoun∣ded many things, for deciding the Title of the Crown betwixt the Mo∣ther and the Son, Morton craved the Propositions in writing, in regard there were many Articles, and of great importance. Which being given him, after he, and the others that were with him, had considered of them, they found them to be such as did diminish the Kings authoritie, and were without the bounds of their Commission; wherefore they returned answer; that these were things of so high a nature, that they belonged on∣ly to the three Estates, and could not be medled withall by so few as they were. This answer the Counsellours craved also to have in writing, which was done accordingly the day following. The 10. of March, they had pre∣sence

of the Queen, and were again importuned to come to some proffers of agreement, but they absolutely refused. Again, the 20. of March, they were brought before the Queen, who confessed that these matters belonged to a Parliament, which (sayes she) seeing it is to be shortly, go home to it with Gods blessing, and take such order, as that there may be men chosen of both sides, to consult how to put an end to these controversies. And for the furthering thereof, I will send my Ambassadors thither, and will now present∣ly deale with the Ambassadours of the Scottish Queen, and move them to gothi∣ther also, if it be possible. And so she did, but they could give her no pre∣sent answer, untill such time as they had acquainted their Queen there∣with, and received some direction from her thereabout. So they were forced to stay till Letters were sent, and brought again from her: which being come, the 4. of April they got presence again, and the Queen told them, how Queen Mary had rated her Ambassadours for their boldnesse, in daring to go so farre, as to enter into any terms of agreement. Where∣fore (sayes she) seeing she is so averse from this way, I will stay you no longer; but if afterwards she shall repent her, and be contented to hear of it, she said, she hoped they would be ready to follow the way of peace. And so they were dis∣missed very lovingly the 8. of April, and came to Stirlin the first of May,* 1.190 where having given an account of their Ambassage in the Convention assembled there, their proceedings were allowed, and approved by all.

During Mortons absence in England, Lennox the Regent had taken Pasley, and the Castle of Dumbartan; but on the contrary, the other Fa∣ction (by Granges means, and their own Forces) had made themselves Masters of the town of Edinburgh, with intention to keep out the Lords, & to hinder them from meeting in Parliament. Wherefore Morton being come to Dalkeith, kept 100. Musquetiers about him, together with a Company of horsemen, both to be a Guard to himself (if they should happen to attempt any thing against him) as also to hinder their excursions, & to keep them from pillaging the countrey about. This com∣pany of foot, with some 70. horse, he sent to Leith to assist the Herauld in making a Proclamation in the Kings name, to discharge all men to relieve or support the city of Edinburgh with victuals, or munition, or any other necessary provision. As they returned out of Leith (out of a braverie, or because it was the nearest way) the footmen would needs go hard by the City gates, & the horsmen (though they liked it not) would not forsake them. They in the town not knowing what might be their meaning, ar∣med themselves, and seeing so smal a number, issued out at the two gates, (called the Nether-Bow, and the Cow-gate-Port) and skirmished with them. Mortons men (though they were fewer in number) had the better of them, and beat them back again within the gates. This fight was called* 1.191 the Lowsie-Law (or hill) because it was fought near to a little hill (or Law) where Beggers used to sun and louse themselves. It was the first yo∣king or bickering they had, and the beginning of the Warre between Leith and Edinburgh; so called, because the Lords that were on the Kings side lay at Leith, and the contrary party at Edinburgh. And howsoever it was of small moment, yet it is not unworthie the observing, that this little essay, was, in a manner, a presage and prognostick of the issue of the

ensuing Conflicts, that they should be of answerable successe. And so indeed it fell out, that the Kings side, though fewer in number (as at this time) had ever the better, during the whole time of these warres.* 1.192

The day appointed for holding of the Parliament being come (which was the 14. of May) the Regent comes to Leith, and Morton with him; but not being strong enough to force the Town of Edinburgh, they went hard to the Gate, and having caused cast up a trench to keep the e∣nemie from sallying out, they held the Parliament, though without the Gates, yet within the liberties of the Citie, which Lawyers said, was as good, as if it had been within the walls. In this Parliament, Secretary, Metellane, with his two brethren (John and Thomas) and the Abbot of Kilwinning were declared Rebels, their Lands were forfeited, and their Goods confiscated. They sate five dayes, during which, the Ordnance from the Castle did play upon them continually, and the Bullets did often fall amongst them, yet not any man was slain, or hurt, as if by spe∣ciall providence they had been protected. Afterward they adjourned it, and transferred it to Stirlin against the 4. of August. They in Edin∣burgh also kept their Parliament, where they had the Crowne, Sword, and Scepter (which they had gotten from Grange out of the Castle) and declared some of the Kings side Rebels, and in end adjourned it likewise till a new day.

The Regent returned to Stirlin, and Morton went with him to bring him on his way as farre as Corstorphin: As he returned to Dalkeith, they of the Citie issued out, as if they would have fought him, and the Castle at the same time did shoot at him; but he being without their reach, and the Enemy not daring to go farther from the Town, than the Cannons could shoot, he went home without fighting. His house being near to Edinburgh, he kept all those that lay about him, or offered to come that way, from bringing any victuall thither. Wherefore they issu∣ed out of the Citie to the number of 220. Foot, and 100. Horse, with in∣tention to surprize him, and either to burn his town of Dalkeith, or at least to brave him at his own gate, supposing that hee durst not come out to fight them, now that his Friends were all gone home to their own hou∣ses, and not above 200. or few more of waged souldiers left with him. So they march, and carry with them two Field-Pieces, and were come to Lugton (within half a mile of him) before they were espied. But assoon as the Alarme was given in Dalkeith, Mortons men (about 200 foot, and* 1.193 60. horse) came forth, and having put themselves in order in the open fields, offered them battell. After some little skirmishing, they of Edin∣burgh seeing themselves disappointed of their expectation (who thought to have found very small or no resistance) began to retire toward the Ci∣ty in good order, and keeping their Ranks unbroken. The Dalkethians did follow them in the same manner, til they came to the castle of Craig∣Miller; then some of Mortons Foot getting before them (by running a∣bout on the other side of the castle) & rising as it were out of an ambush∣ment, fell upon them in a narrow Lane which leadeth from the Castle; & having broken their Ranks, made them flee. When they perceived from the Castle of Edinburgh, that the flight was towards the City, and that

their men had the worse, they sent out 30. Harquebusiers to their aide, and a barrell of Powder on horseback. By this new supply, they drove back Mortons horsemen as fast as they had followed them before: but while they are in filling of their measures out of the barrell, the Powder being fired by some of their Matches, killed and hurt some 24. or 30. a∣mongst whom was Captain Melvin, that did keep the barrell, and di∣stribute the Powder. By this mean, the losse on both sides was almost equall, safe that there were moe killed of the Citizens, and more of Mor∣tons made prisoners; having followed too eagerly at a straight place, cal∣led the Queens Bridges. This fell out the 2. of June.

Not long after this, Morton was advertised, that they of Edinburgh were gone to Leith, to intercept Captain Weemes, and 100. Souldiers who had served in Denmark, and now being come home were waged by the Kings side. They had gone to Fyfe, and having refreshed themselves there a little while, were now coming over to Leith, to enter into the Kings service, and some 24. of them being in a little Ferrie-Boat, were taken by the enemie, and carried to the Castle of Edinburgh, the rest be∣ing* 1.194 in a prettie good big Barke, arrived safe at Leith. Morton came thi∣ther too late, for the men of Edinburgh were all gone ere he came, save some 10. or 12. whom he took, and kept for the Souldiers that were car∣ried away. Morton lay long at Leith, during which time there fell out a notable conflict, and the most memorable that happened all the time of that Warre. The Queen of England laboured to mediate a peace between the parties, and for that purpose had commanded Sir William Drury (Mar∣shall of Berwick) to deale with them, and trie what conditions of agree∣ment* 1.195 he could bring them to. Drury went to Stirlin to the Regent, he did also speak with Morton, and was now come to Edinburgh to take his leave of them there, seeing he could do no good, nor prevaile with either side. Morton in the mean time being wearied with watching, and excessive paines and travell; tormented also with a vehement fit of the Colick, kept his bed, which they at Edinburgh having notice of, ei∣ther to take advantage of his sicknes, or to brave them of Leith in the pre∣sence & sight of Drury, to make him beleeve that they were the stronger, and hardier; they issue forth of the Town, and march toward Leith, ha∣ving ordered and ranked their men as ready to give battell. This was the 10. of June in time of their Parliament, where the chief of their faction* 1.196 was present, and did make Huntley Lieutenant for Queen Mary. He with the Abbot of Kilwinning, and Master John Metellane Priour of Col∣dinghame, had the leading of the foot, Balcleugh and Farnihaste were Captains of the horse. These came as farre as the hill where the Gibbet* 1.197 useth to stand (called commonly the Gallow-Law) not farre from Leith, Morton understanding hereof by the watch, esteeming it a great indigni∣tie and affront, that they should offer to come so near to the place where he was, forgetting his own sicknesse and infirmitie, rose out of his bed, and caused sound the Trumpets, and beat up the Drummes, and march∣ing out of the Town, set his men in order within halfe a mile, and lesse, of the enemie. Sir William Drury rode betwixt the Armies, and made them promise not to fight that day, but then there arose a question which

of them should retire first. Morton alledged that those of Edinburgh ought to do it, because they came out first, and were in a manner the pro∣vokers. But Drury to decide the controversie desired, that when he standing in the mid-way betwixt them should give a signe, they should both retire together at the same instant•…•…. Morton was content, but the o∣ther partie refused flatly, threatning withall, that unlesse he retired first, they would make him do it with shame, and would scarcely forbear till Drury withdrew himself; who when he could not prevaile with them, went aside, and looked on, saying, GOD shew the right. Morton, who had yeelded before not out of fear, but onely to satisfie the English, think∣ing that he had done enough to show his moderation unto them, began to march toward the enemie. There were with him 3. Companies of foot, which were Mercenaries, under the leading of Captain Thomas C•…•…ord, David Hume of Fishick, and Captain Weemes, who was come out of Den∣mark, all expert and valiant Captains. Besides these there were some Voluntiers of the Townsmen of Leith, and of Edinburgh also, who had left the City to follow the Kings side. The horsemen about 130. were conducted by William Douglas of Drumlenrigge, James Hume of Coldin∣knowes, and one Jordan of Aplegirth. Morton had about himself a Company of Pikemen, and such as carried Speares, and long Weapons. The fore-named Captains began the fight, and made the enemies shot quickly to give ground, and drave them back. The horsemen in like man∣ner beat the Rebels horsemen, and routed them; which Huntley percei∣ving, fled also as they did. There was no head or resistance at all made a∣gainst them, save onely by a few of the foot men in the Abbey Church∣yard, who made shew as if they would have defended that place of ad∣vantage, but they were quickly forced to leave it, and flee with the rest. For some of them being slain, some trampled under foot, and divers crush∣ed to death in the throng and crowde, the rest ran away so disorderly, and fearfully, that they forgot to shut the Citie-gates, and sled straight to the Castle. And so great was their •…•…r and confusion, that if the fol∣lowers had not been too much bent, and eagerly set upon the pillage and spoyle, they might easily have entred, and taken the City. There were slain in this fight about some 50. of whom Gawin Hamilton Abbot of Kilwinning was one: there were 150. taken prisoners, the chief of which was the Lord Hume, being a little hurt by the falling of his horse, James Culen Captain of a foot Company, and a Kinsman of the Earle of Hunt∣leyes had hid himself in a poor wives Aumerie, and being found, was drawne out from thence by the heeles, and brought to Leith: There so soon as the people saw him, they made a great noise and clamour, desi∣ring that he might not be spared, but punished according to his deserts. For in the time of the Civill Warre at home, hee had behaved himself both covetously and cruelly, more like a thief and robber, than a Cap∣tain or generous Souldier: and abroad in France, he was very infamous for many vile and base pranks he had played there. And in the Warre be∣twixt Sweden and Denmark, he had taken Money of both Kings to le∣vie men, and promised to aide both, but performed to neither. For these things, besides many moe foule and horrible crimes which he had com∣mitted,

hee was publickly executed, to the great contentment of all the commons. Sir William Drury, when he saw how things went (contrary to his desire, as is supposed) being (as was thought) a North-folcian, went a∣way to Berwick.

After this, the Regent came to Leith, and caused fortifie it, and make it as strong as he could, to hinder any victuall to be carried from thence to Edinburgh; and having appointed the Lord Lindsay to remain there as Governour, he returned to Stirlin, and Morton went with him to hold* 1.198 the Parliament, which was appointed to be there in August. There was at this time no small contest and debate, betwixt the Court and the Church, about Bishops, and Prelates, concerning their office and juris∣diction. The Ministers laboured to have them quite abolished and taken away, and the Court thought that forme of government to be more a∣greeable, and compatible with a Monarchicall estate, and more conforme to the rules of policie, and Civill government of a Kingdome. Besides, the Courtiers had tasted the sweetnesse of their rents and revenues, put∣ting in titular Bishops, who were onely their receivers, and had a cer∣tain* 1.199 Pension or Stipend, for discharging and executing the Ecclesiasticall part of their office, but the maine profit was taken up by the Courtiers for their own use. Wherefore they laboured to retain at least these sha∣dowes of Bishops, for letting of Leases, and such other things, which they thought were not good in Law otherwayes. There was none more for∣ward to keep them up than the Earle of Morton; for he had gone Am∣bassadour to England on his own private charges, and to recompense his great expenses in that journey, the Bishoprick of S. Andrews, being then vacant, was conferred upon him. He put in Master John Douglas▪ (who was Provest of the new Colledge in S. Andrews) to bear the name of Bishop, and to gather the rents (till such time as the solemnity of inaugu∣ration could be obtained) for which he was countable to him. This he did immediatly after he came home out of England. Now he wil have him to sit in Parliament, and to vote there as Archbishop. The Superintendent of Fyfe did inhibite him to sit there, or to vote under paine of excommunica∣tion; Morton commanded him to do it under pain of Treason and Re∣bellion. The Petition given in to the Parliament, desiring a competent provision for the maintenance of Preachers, in which they complained of the wrong done unto them by the Courtiers, who intercepted their means, was cast over the Barre, and rejected; and by the most common report, Morton was the cause thereof. Afterward Morton in a meeting of some Delegates, and Commissioners of the Church at Leith, by the Superintendent Dune's meanes, used the matter so, that he obtained their consent to have his Bishop admitted, and installed. Wherefore the 3. of February, he caused affix a Schedule on the Church doore of S. An∣drews, wherein he charged the Ministers to conveene, and admit him to the place, which they did accordingly, but not without great oppositi∣on. For Master Patrick Adamson (then a Preacher, but afterward Arch∣bishop there himself) in a Sermon which he preached against the order and office of Bishops, said, there were three sorts of Bishops▪ 1. The Lords Bishop (to wit Christs) and such was every Pastour: 2. My Lord

Bishop, that is, such a Bishop as is a Lord, who sits, and votes in Parlia∣ment, and exercises jurisdiction over his brethren. 3. And the third sort was (my Lords Bishop) that is, one whom some Lord, or Nobleman at Court did put into the place to be his receiver, to gather the Rents, and let Leases for his Lordships behoofe, but had neither the meanes nor power of a Bishop. This last sort he called a Tulchan Bishop, because as the Tulchan (which is a Calves skin stuffed with straw) is set up to make the Cow give down her milk; so are such Bishops set up, that their Lords by them may milk the Bishopricks. Likewise Master Knox preached against it the 10. of February, and in both their hearings (Mortons, and his Archbishop) to their faces pronounced, Anathema danti, anathema ac∣cipienti, a curse on the giver, and a curse on the taker. This much I thought fit to mention here, and to cast these things together which are of one nature, though done at severall times, yet which began at this Parliament in Stirlin.

While the Lords assembled at Stirlin lay there securely and negligent∣ly,* 1.200 without fear of the Enemie that lay so farre off as (they thought) at Edinburgh, they had well nigh been cut off all of them, and the whole cause overthrown. Forthere was in Edinburgh one George Bell (an En∣signe-bearer to a Company there, and a Stirlin-man borne) who knew all the Town, and every Lane, and Street, every turning and corner in it. He had learned also in what particular houses everie Nobleman was lodged. This Bell knowing by intelligence how carelesse the Lords were, how few they had with them, and that there was either no watch kept at all, or else but very negligently, & the Centinels very thin placed, thought it possible to surprize them with a very few men; wherefore having im∣parted it, and acquainted the chief Commanders withall, they liked, and approved of it. So with all speed they prepare for the journey, and march from Edinburgh with 200. horse, and 300. foot; the Earle of Hunt∣ley, Claude Hamilton of Pasley, and Walter Scot of Balcleugh being their Captains and Leaders. They used such expedition, and were so fortunate, that having got thither undescried, they planted themselves in the Mar∣ket-place, and setting men to guard all the Lanes, and narrow passages of the Town, they entred the Noblemens lodgings, and took them priso∣ners; the Regent, Glencairne, and others. Onely Mortons house made some resistance; which being so well defended, that seeing they could not enter otherwayes, they set it on fire, and he, seeing all filled with fire and smoak, one or two of his servants also being slain, yeelded himself to Balcleugh, who had married his Neece Margaret Douglas. And thus having made all sure, as they supposed, the Souldiers began to roame up and down the Town, and rifle the houses, seeking for spoyle and bootie. In the mean time the Earle of Mar•…•…e, and his folks, who were in the Castle, and had essayed divers times to break into the Mar∣ket-place, but in vain, all the passages and entries being so well guarded, that they could by no means do it; at the last he sent some 16. of his men, with small brasse pieces of Founds (as they call them) to his own new house, which was then a building: and because no body dwelt in it (for it was not yet finished) the Enemy had not regarded it. These entring

in at a back-gate, got up to the top of the house, and to the windows which did look directly into that Street where the Enemie was, and be∣gan to shoot among the thickest of them. Hereupon they presently fled so fast, that they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one upon another thronging out at the gate. Marres folks came presently down and pursued them, but the lodging-gatebe∣ing shut, they could not get out at the little narrow wicket but one at once, and that very slowly, whereby the Enemie had time to flee safe∣ly. And now many that before kept within doores for fear, began to creep out of their corners, and come forth to the Street, and joyne them∣selves with the Earle of Marres men; so that the case was quite altered▪ For the Victours and Conquerours, leaving their prisoners and their spoyle, fled for life to save themselves; and divers became prisoners un∣to their prisoners, namely those who had taken Morton and Glencairne. The Regent was taken by David Spense of Wormiston, who was himself* 1.201 killed while he laboured to save the Regents life, and the Regent also re∣ceived his deaths wound. They might have utterly destroyed the Ene∣mie, but that at their first entry the Tividale men had taken away all their horses, so that they could not pursue them. And so they escaped (we may say) on both sides: for both were victorious, & both were vanquished in a few houres space. A rare and remarkable example, how available, and of what moment it is to use diligence and expedition; and how dan∣gerous in time of Warre to be negligent and secure. But especially this accident doth make good that often repeated observation of that great Warriour Julius Caesar, Multum in utramque partem fortuna potest; that in all the exploits of Warre, fortune hath great power either to frustrate, or make successefull. But what he cals fortune, we know to be provi∣dence, and ought so to call and acknowledge it; which turnes the wheele of humane affairs beyond, and contrary to their expectation. If we may judge of the justice of the cause by the perpetuall successe of the maintai∣ners, and by their meeknesse and moderation therein, the Kings side have* 1.202 had the better and the juster. The Regent died that same night, and was buried in the Chappell of Stirlin Castle, with such solemnitie as the Town and time could afford.

The Grand-father being dead, the next Regent was Marre, being cho∣sen* 1.203 the 8. or 9. of September the same year 1571. There were three put* 1.204 on the list, Argyle, Marre, and Morton. It is strange, they should have made Argyle one, who had been all this while on the contrary faction, and was now but a reconciled Enemy at most, unlesse they were sure how to carry it. Many thought Morton should have been the man, but he nothing ambitious of the title, which was but matter of envie, helped to cause Marre be chosen, who was a very sufficient and trusty Noble∣man, able to discharge the place, and who had the Kings person in keep∣ing within the Castle of Stirlin. The main thing that he did in his Re∣gencie was, that he conveened the Countrey, and lay about the Town, but wanting Artillerie to batter it, he returned again to Leith; where ha∣ving divided the Kingdome into quarters, he appointed the severall di∣visions to come to him by turnes, with whom having broken the Mils about Edinburgh, he placed Souldiers in the villages and Gentlemens

houses about it, to hinder all kinde of provision from it. In the South parts of the Kingdome, Balcleugh and Farnihaste did molest the Kings side, especially the town of Jedburgh. Wherefore Morton both for this cause, as also for a particular against Farnihaste, who claimed to be Bailiffe of Jedward Forrest (which belonged to the Earle of Angus) by inheritance, sent for the chief Gentlemen of the Merse, and desired them to subscribe a Band, by which all those that were by name insert there∣in, did binde themselves to assist other, and all of them to aid and assist the Warden Sir James of Coldinknows. In this Band were contained the townsmen of Jedward, the Laird of Badrule, together with the Trumbles and Rutherfords, and divers others.

The first that wascalled (they being all assembled together in Mor∣tons lodging at Leith) was Sir David Hume of Wedderburne, who flatly refused to subscribe it; but said, Hee was ready to serve the King, as became a faithfull Subject, so farre as hee was able; but that hee would not binde himself in any Band to any man, further than hee was already bound in duty, especially such men, with whom he would not enter into any societie, fellowship, or combination. He understood chiefly the Trumbles and Rutherfords, which names were infamous, and most of them reputed theeves, and Badrule a notorious one. Morton seeing him thus resolute, lest the rest might by his ex∣ample refuse likewise, caused him go aside into a back-room, and called in the rest.

The first of which was Patrick Hume of Polwart, who hearing of the Trumbles and Rutherfords, refused also to be joyned with them, or to subscribe. When Morton asked him his reason, he answered round∣ly, Because, sayes he, it may be some of these men have helped to steal Wed∣derburnes cattell. And hath Wedderburne any cattell stollen from him, sayes Morton? Yes, my Lord, answered the other, that he hath. He did not tell me so much, sayes Morton. But it is true, my Lord, saith Polwart. Well, sayes Morton, will ye subscribe this Bond? I cannot, my Lord, saith he, as the case stands. If you do not, saith he, you shall do worse. Worse, my Lord, saith the other, nay, rather than do worse, I will do it. No, but saith Morton, I do not mean to compell you. No; but my Lord, saith hee, you have said enough; and so he signed it, accounting it threatning and compulsion, and so himself no whit bound by his subscribing. The rest of the Gentlemen being called, seeing Polwarts hand at it, made no more scruple, but set to theirs likewise.

After this, Morton went to dinner, and being set, hee remembred himself, and sent one to call Wedderburne out of the back-roome, and when hee came, he asked him, Why he did not come to dinner? I was (saith he) lawfully committed, my Lord, and I would not break prison, but stayed till I was lawfully released. These dealings made some that were rigid censurers think hardly of Morton, that hee would use such infamous men, and tolerate them for his own ends, especially being a publicke person, and in the place of justice: Yet others did excuse him, as being necessitated thereunto

by the times; there being no other way to counter-poyse the power of Farnihaste and Balcleugh, but by these Trumbles and Rotherfords; al∣ledging withall, that it is not fit, or possible, to observe those School∣rules precisely in Politick affairs, which it seemes hath been his opini∣on also.

In February, Morton being absent in S. Andrews, about the* 1.205 installing of his Archbishop Master John Douglas, those in Edinburgh watching and laying hold on this opportunitie, went forth, and setting fire in the town of Dalkeith, burnt some twenty houses thereof, and ha∣ving spoyled and pillaged it, returned safe to Edinburgh. There was little other thing of moment done by either side, during Marres time. And now by the Garrisons (which lay about Edinburgh) hindering Victu∣all to be brought to them, their scarcitie increased so much, that they sent to procure an Ambassadour from France, and another from Queen Elizabeth, to mediate a Peace. And for the preamble of a full Peace, the* 1.206 Ambassadours obtained a Truce in July, to begin the 1. of August, 1572. and to last till December, or January. The conditions were simple, that the Town of Edinburgh should bee patent to all the Kings Subjects; which was as much to say, as that they should render it up, since they could keep it no longer. And so it was done* 1.207 the first of August 1572. Before the expiring of this Truce, the Regent sickened, and died at Stirlin about the twenty eighth of October, 1572.

Thus have wee waded through those times and actions of the Earle Mortons which were inter-mingled with those of other mens; in which though he were not the sole agent, nor the principall and first in place, yet had he a main hand in all of them, and in all the affaires of E∣state, he was ever a chief Actour, during the reigne of the Queen-Mo∣ther, and Queen Mary (her daughter) in the time of the three Regents, Murray, Lennox, and Marre; to all whom, he was ever even more than a second. Now we are come to that time and those actions, which are absolutely and fully his own; where he is the deviser and executer, sole counsellour and sole commander of all, where there is none to go before him, none to share or partake with him in his praise, or blame. What hee doth aright, the honour thereof is due to himself alone; and if hee do any thing amisse, the blame thereof must lye upon him onely. The pain or pleasure, the gain or losse, touch and concerne him, and none else. For Marre being dead, wee do not finde so much as any question made, who should succeed him in the Government; mens mindes had by presage designed him to it, and the Lords meet to accomplish that presage, rather than to consult of it. Wherefore the twentie fourth of November, he* 1.208 was by uniforme consent of all those of the Kings side, chosen to be Re∣gent. Would you know the reason of their choice? Be pleased then to hear it in the words of a stranger, who is very impartiall, and farre from lavish commendation, that is, Master Thin (or Boteville) in his Scottish Chronicle; They sought (sayth he) a new Regent to succeed in Marres place, that might in all respects defend the Kings Person, and the

Realme, as he had done before. Wherefore the Noblemen assembling, did select by one consent, the Earle of Morton to that Office, a man no lesse wise than provident, and such a person, as both for the nobilitie of his birth, and ser∣vice to the Realme and to the King, did well merit the same. By which it appeares, that he did neither ambitiously seek the Place, nor got it by fa∣ction, but was chosen to it for the good of the Countrey, freely and ad∣visedly. He sayes indeed, that it was after long consultation, but it could not be very long, being little more than a moneth, which was short e∣nough time to be spent in making the late Regents Funerall, and to con∣veen the Nobilitie therein. For according to himself, the election was in December; but our Acts of Parliament (which are more authentick) say, it was the 24. of November. But how ever long their consultations were, we do not hear that he had any Competitour, or that there was any other mentioned or nominated with him; and seeing he sayes, it was done (by one consent) then was there not any contrary Votes, or contradiction and contesting; but a perfect and full uniformitie and har∣monie of minde amongst all of that side. Nay, even of those of the o∣ther side also, who sent (as some Notes say which I have seen) Commis∣sion and Proxees to that purpose, and namely, the Duke and Earle of Huntley. Others say, these were at the Parliament, where this Regen∣cie was confirmed, holden the 26. of January, in Edinburgh. They that delay it longer, cast their yeelding in February at Perth, where they name Huntley, Argyle, Athole, and in generall, the greatest part (say they) of the Nobilitie, and so we see his entrie was free and right, and duly approved by all; the rest of his Office we have to consider. It lasted the space of five years and three moneths, till the twelfth of March, 1577. which is the time of his dismission. All this time the Countrey injoyed a full and perfect Peace, save so much warre as they had in reco∣vering the Castle of Edinburgh out of the enemies hands. There were* 1.209 within the Castle (beside Grange Captain thereof) Secretarie Metellane, and his brother Master John, Priour of Coldinghame (afterward Chan∣cellour of Scotland) who remained still in terms of hostilitie. I know not why, nor wherefore, whether it was, that they thought themselves so guiltie, as that they could not be pardoned; or that they had conceived such spleen and hatred against the other Faction, that they would not be reconciled; and so, out of despair, taking a desperate course, or that they were borne up with hope of some change, perswading themselves, that this agreement among the parties could not last long, being so ill cemen∣ted (as they conceived) but that some difference would soon arise upon some occasion or other, and that the rather, having their example for the present, and the Castle of Edinburgh for a place of refuge, when it should be needfull.

Upon these, or such like considerations, being also not altogether forsaken of the French (who sent some small supply of Moneyes, but large promises by James Kircadie, brother to Grange, who lan∣ding at Black-Nesse, conveyed himself and it secretly into the castle) they resolved to be the last in yeelding, and to hold out so long as possi∣bly they could, assuring themselves that they could make their peace

when they listed (if it should come to the worst) by surrendring the place upon good conditions. There were with these forenamed (as their fol∣lowers) the Lord Hume, who was altogether led by Metellans coun∣sell, and Logan of Rastarig, who depended upon Hume. Pittadraw was Lieutenant to Grange the Captain, and Sir Robert Melvill was Uncle to Grange. The Regent being resolved to pull this thorne out of his foot, caused the Castle to be inclosed with a trench, and Soul∣diers set to keep it, under the command of Captain Crawford, and Ca∣ptain* 1.210 David Hume before mentioned. And because they of the Castle wa∣tered at a Well (called S. Margarets Well) Captain Michell was appoin∣ted to lie with his Company at S. Cutberds Kirk, who hindred them from fetching water from thence, and after a while, he found means to poyson it, and so left it without any Guard. While the Castle was thus blocked up, one Captain Bruce issued forth thereof, to bring in victuals, but he was taken by the Regents men, saith Master Thin: a thing very hard to be conceived, how he either durst, or could do it; neither is there any mention or memorie of his being there, o rany where els to be found. Now because the Castle did annoy the City with their Ordnance, so that none could walk in the Street (which lies open in a straight line from the Castle exposed to their mercy) without danger of their lives, the Re∣gent caused make three Traverses or Dikes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ramparts of earth, turfe and dung, over-thwart and crossing the Street, so thick, as that they were Cannon-proofe, and could not be pierced, and so high, that they took away the view of the Street from them of the Castle. One of these was raised hard by the Land-Market above the Tolbooth, and the other two (with proportionable distance one from another) nearer the Castle; so that the Citizens and others walked safely to and fro about their busi∣nesse,* 1.211 and the Lords also sate in Parliament without any hurt, notwith∣standing that the very day of their sitting (the 26. of January, or as others the 16.) for their welcome and first salutation, they had bestowed on them 87. great shot; onely there was one poor dog killed before the Regents door. Neither was there any great hurt done before, though they had been still sending their vollies the 1. of January (at what time the truce expired) not above 6. persons hurt that kept the •…•…nches, and as many within the City, but none slain. One night the Captain issued forth, and skirmished with the Regents Souldiers in the trenches, till he found means to set some houses of the City on fire; which, the winde be∣ing high, did spread through the City, and when any did offer to quench it, he caused the Ordnance to play so thick upon them, that none daring to come near it, there were some 100. houses consumed therewith be∣ing burnt down to the ground, but not any man either slain, or hurt. This fact made him, who was hated before, to be abhorred and thought abo∣minable by all men.

Wherefore the Regent determining no more to dally with him (not* 1.212 having sufficient store of Artillerie of his own, and fearing lest the Castle being well victualled, might hold out too long) he sent to the Queen of* 1.213 England to borrow of her; who sent him 30. pieces in •…•…ll (viz. 9. Can∣nons, 6. Demi•…•…anons, 6. Sacres, and 9. Culverins) with all manner of

needfull provision; together with 700. or (as Master Thin saith) 1500. men under the conduct of Sir William Drury Generall. With these and 500. hired Souldiers of Scots, besides the Gentlemen Voluntiers, and the Citizens of Edinburgh (after he had summoned the Castle, and they not obeying) he sate down before it the 20. of April 1573. They raised five Mounts or Terrasses, whereon to plant their batterie, in that place where now Heriots work is built. These (being called by the seve∣rall names of the chief Commanders, First, the Kings, Secondly, Mount Drury, Thirdly, Mount Leyes, from Sir George Leyes, Fourthly, Mount Carie, from Sir George Carie, and fifthly, Mount Sutton, from Thomas Sutton Master of the Ordnance) were finished the 17. of May, with great toyle and labour, and not without some losse of men by shot from the Castle. They began their batterie the 17. of May, and continued it till the 26. The Castle is situate on a steep and inaccessible Rock, having a large utter Court beneath that Cragge whereon the Castle standeth. About this Court there is a strong Wall, and on that side which lieth to∣wards the Town of Edinburgh, a Bulwark (or Blockhouse) ending in a sharp point, being made in form of a triangle. The use of it is to defend the entrance and gates of the Castle. The wals of this Blockhouse are subject to the sight and shot of the Castle, and so may be defended by those that are within, but the corner & sharp point thereof is not so, and if it be taken by the Enemy, those that are within the Castle cannot annoy them. There were within the castle at the inner end of the said Blockhouse, two turrets of ancient workmanship, but more high than strong; of which the one was called Davids Tower (which stood nearer the Gate) the other with∣out it nearer to the South, was called Wallace Tower, but I know not the reason of their names. Against these two Towers, and the side of the Blockhouse nearest to the Castle, they directed their first batterie. There∣after they battered round about on every side of the Castle, and having dismounted some of the Ordnance within, and broken other some by shooting in at the mouth thereof, their Cannon did little hurt, being made unserviceable. Besides, Davids Tower being battered, was beaten down, and fell in such sort, that the ruines thereof did damme up the gate and •…•…trance betwixt the Castle and the utter Court and Block∣house. The Blockhouse was also battered in that part that was over against the gate; and Wallace Tower, which stood above the gate within the Castle, was beaten down. There was a breach large enough, made not farre from the gate of the Bulwarke, and the ditch also was filled up with stones and rubbish, so that they might well enough have entred there; but because it lay so open in the very mouth of the enemies shot, it was not thought safe to give the assault at that place. Wherefore ha∣ving provided Ladders, they went to the point of the Blockhouse, there to climbe up out of danger of the Enemies shot. The foremost in this ser∣vice were Captain Hume and Captain Crawford. Humes Ladder being too short, and there being one of his men also shot upon the Ladder behinde him, he was forced to come down again, and so Crawford got first up, and Hume followed him upon his Ladder, and so did the rest of the Souldi∣ers without any hurt done. So they went forward, and planted a Corps

de guarde before the Gate of the Blockhouse called Humes Porter-lodge, I know not why or how it got that name. They had no let or impedi∣ment, save that they had some small shot from the Castle, for the great Ordnance could not annoy them, being so high above them. And those that had kept the Blockhouse, had forsaken it, and weretaken in to the Castle, being towed up over the Wall in the night. Forit being sore battered, and the passage from thence to the Castle being so dammed up, that there could come no relief nor succour to them from within, they would not stay in it any longer, but abandoned it. While they were in scaling the Blockhouse, there was another Company sent to make shew of giving an assault at another place, but they having gone further on than they had warrant or direction, they were repulsed, and about thirty of them slain. And so they did (as it were) make an exchange, and recompense their losse of the Blockhouse, with the death of these thirty. But this taking of the Blockhouse, was a matter of no great consequence; for neither could they any wise annoy or harme them that were within from thence, neither was the Castle Wall any where scalable, but as hard and difficult to get up into it as ever. Onely they had taken from them the onely Well which was left them, and out of which had been furnish∣ed to each man a pint of water a day. For the other Well that was with∣in the Castle, by the fall of Davids Tower, was so filled with lime and rubbish, that it served them to no use. Besides, they were at variance amongst themselves; for the Souldiers were not well pleased with their Captain, in regard of his hard usage of them. For he had committed to his wife the charge of distributing their Vivers, so to please her in that, that she might be the better contented to bear with his untimely and unlawful love toward her maid whom he intertained all this while. It is true, the victuall began to grow scarce, but she made it scarcer by her niggardly disposition. They did not mutine, but they murmured so, that they with∣in were content to Parley with the besiegers. Wherefore the 26. of May, Grange the Captain, Pittadraw Lieutenant, and Sir Robert Melvill came down over the Wall by a rope, and spake with Generall Drury; for they addressed themselves to him, as one in whom they did much confide as a favorer of theirs. They demanded that their lives, lands & honor safe, they might depart with bag and baggage, both he, and all that were with him. But when he could not obtain that, he returned to the Castle again. The Regent after this, found means to let the souldiers understand, that if they would render up the Castle, their lives should be saved, and they should have free libertie to passe with bag and baggage whither they pleased; else that they must expect all rigour and extremity. Hereupon they shew themselves unwilling to undergo any more paines or danger for him, and refuse to obey him; so that he was constrained to yeeld up the Castle the 28. or 29. of May, without any condition at all, but refer∣ring* 1.214 himself absolutely to the Queen of Englands pleasure. Her pleasure was to remit all to the Regents own wisedome and discretion, and so the 16. of July she called back Sir William Drury and her Souldiers; as also about the same time her Ships and Munition were sent home againe to her. Concerning the prisoners, the Lord Hume was committed again

to the Castle, and the Castle to the keeping of George Douglas of Parke∣head, brother naturall to the Regent. Sir William Metellane of Lithington deceased (the 9. of July at Leith, where he lay with Drury) before he was suspected, and reported to have poysoned himself. What fear, what guil∣tinesse, or what other occasion there was to move him hereto, or what information he got, or apprehension he took of the Regents minde to∣ward him in particular, I know not; but after that he knew that he was to be left by the English in the Regents hands, he lived not many dayes. None of the rest were hardly used, save Grange the Captain, who being odious for his breach of faith to those of the Kings side (with whom he took part at first) and much more hated for his treacherous dealing with the first Regent Murray, who had been so kinde and loving a friend to him, and had trusted so much to him; but most of all for his obstinacie and unmercifull cruelty in firing the Town of Edinburgh, and not suffe∣ring them to quench it, the common people did so abominate and detest him, that they could not abstaine from revlling and cursing of him, as he was led along, after the Castle was surrendred; neither could they be hindred from stoning of him: so that they who were with him were faine (for saving of themselves and him) to take the house upon their heads. And now that he was in the Regents power, there was no way to satisfie them, but by executing of him: Wherefore being condemned for these things, he was put into a Cart, and drawn backward to the Market∣place* 1.215 of Edinburgh, where he was hanged, and with him his brother Master James Kircadie, and two men of Edinburgh (Mossman and Cackie) who had made false Coin in the Castle on the 3. day of August 1573. Master John Metellan was sent prisoner to Tantallon, and Sir Robert Mel∣vill to Lithington, to be kept there by David Hume of Fishick, who th•…•…n possessed it.

This was the onely exploit of Warre which he atchieved, and by which he acquired great reputation; the former Regents having never been able to get this Castle into their hands: as also by his no-wayes rigo∣rous dealing with those that were in it. The rest of the time of his Re∣g•…•…ncie, there was a generall peace in the Kingdome, and full obedience was yeelded to him by all men. No man of those times had seen the like before; no King was ever more dreaded and reverenced, nor did ever keep all sorts of people (High-Landers, Low-Landers, Borderers and all) in better order and greater subjection, even to inferiour Magistrates, both Civill and Ecclesiasticall. The chief mean hereof was the execu∣tion of the Laws. He made not many new ones, but what he made, he* 1.216 took care to have observed. Concerning Religion, there are these five Acts extant, which he made in his first Parliament the 26. of January 1572. before the besieging of the Castle. 1. The first of these is relative* 1.217 to an Act made by Regent Murray before. In it (being made for esta∣blishing of Religion) it had been declared:

That they were not of the Church, that did not approve the heads of Religion then received, and who refused •…•…o participate of the Sacraments as they were administred. Morton ordains (in this Parliament) such persons to be first searched, and secondly, admonished to recant then wicked errours; thirdly, to

make confession of their faith according to the form prescribed; fourth∣ly, to participate of the Sacraments▪ fifthly, submit to the Discipline of the Church within such a competent time; sixthly, if they fail to do this, that they be excommunicated; seventhly, then have their names printed in a catalogue; eightly, divulged; ninthly, & affixed on the Tolbooth door of Edinburgh; tenthly, from thenceforth to be reputed infamous; ele∣venthly, not to sit or stand in judgement, pursue, defend, or bear any publick office; twelfthly, not to be admitted as a proof or witnesse, or assessour against any, professing the reformed Religion, till they sub∣mit, be reconciled, and obtain a testimoniall of their reconcilement. That to be in this Catalogue shall be a relevant exception against, first, Judges principall: secondly, or Deputies: thirdly, Members of Court: fourthly, Officers: fifthly, Parties or Procutors: sixthly, persons of inquest: seventhly, or witnesses, to decline them from, first, Judge∣ment: secondly, Office: thirdly, Pursute: fourthly, Procuration: fifthly, Inquest: or sixthly, Bearing witnesse: That the Arch-bishops, Bishops, Superintendents, Visitours, Commissioners, Readers, shall give in their names within every one of their bounds; under pain of forfeiting a years rent in case they fail. 2. The second Act is: That all Ecclesiasticall persons (that is Ministers, or such as pretend any right to have, or brook and enjoy any, first Benefice: secondly, Life-rent: thirdly, Stipend: fourthly, Pension: fifthly, or Portion of Benefice) who shall not confesse, subscribe, and participate the Sacraments, as said is, shall be ipso facto deprived, and all his Ecclesiasticall promoti∣ons and livings shall be voide and vacant, as if he were naturally dead. 3. The third Act: That none should be reputed as loyall and faithfull Subjects to our Soveraigne Lord, but be punishable as Rebels, that gave not confession and profession of the reformed Religion: That such as had once professed it, and afterward made defection, should returne before the first of June next, and renew their former confession: first, Promise to continue in it: secondly, To maintain the Kings authori∣ty: thirdly, The Preachers: fourthly, And Professours of the true Religion, against whomsoever and whatsoever enemies, especially against all (of whatsoever Nation or degree) that had bound them∣selves to maintain the decrees of the Councel of Trent, and were falsely called, The holy League. 4. The fourth Act: That whosoever were ex∣communicated, and remained so 40. dayes, letters of horning should be directed to charge him to satisfie the decree of the Church pronounced against him, and to be reconciled to the Church, and submit to the Discipline thereof under pain of Rebellion: and if he did remain obsti∣nate, that hee should bee put to the horne, and then letters of caption should be granted to apprehend him, &c. 5. The fifth Act was: That Ecclesiasticall persons (such as above) remaining year and day at the horne, should lose their Life-rents.

These Laws he procured to be made in Parliament, and being made, he saw them duely executed; by which mean it came to passe, that in his time, there was no man in Scot∣land, that professed advowedly any other Religion than the reformed; or maintained any point of Religion, contrary to the doctrine of this

Church. Men do now wonder at it, how it could be: yet so it was, and this was the mean that procured it.

As for the Borders, hee tamed and daunted them by In-rodes, and Justice-Eyres, executing some for terrour to others, taking pledges and hostages of the rest, and punishing them that transgressed according to their faults, most part by pecuniarie mulcts and fynes. The High-lan∣ders were kept in, by binding the chief of the Clans over to the peace; and partly by fear, partly by gentlenesse, he drew them to the obedience of the Laws. But the chief mean for all, was a solid and perfect peace esta∣blished amongst the Nobilitie, the onely certain and sure way of keeping the Borderers in order; as by the contrary, a stir amongst the States (as themselves speak) doth never faile to incite them to their theeving and robbing. This he knowing well, partly by his wisedome compassed and effected it, partly it fell out of its own accord by mens inclination thereto, being wearied with so long troubles, and the turbulent heads that stirred up and entertained dissention, being now taken away by death. It is matter of laughter and sport, to consider mens judgements concerning this his government. I heard then, and have read since in some memorials of those times, his government mightily taxed, and reproached, and him∣self censured as covetous & greedle, as one that hanged some poor snakes for a shew of justice, but suffered the richer theeves to escape for their money. And yet the same men do not stick to say and write, Betwixt the 3. or March 1575. and the 4. of March 1577. the space of two years, there was nothing of importance to write of: All this time the Regent gover∣ned the Realme both well; and wisely: for during these two years, the common people had rest and quietnesse; Not considering that his go∣vernment in the former years had procured, and caused the rest and qui∣etnesse of these years: Yea, these same things which they call (hanging of the poor for shew of Justice, and letting the rich go for money) they might call it (if they would speak in proper termes, and give it the right name) a just moderation and tempering of justice with lenitie▪ pu∣nishing some (lest impunity might breed contempt of the Law) punish∣ing the fewest and in the gentlest sort, lest too much rigour might drive them to despaire, and so force them to desperate courses, and to stirre up new commotions. If this course did withall meet right with any natu∣ral inclination in him towards money; yet that inclination did rather concurre with this judgement, than cause it. He knew the nature of his countrey-men, how they cannot easily endure to have their lives touched, or their bloud medled withal, and how hard it is to over-master them by the strong hand, and a violent way, but farre more easie to be overcome and gained by fair meanes; and therefore out of his wisedome hee made choyce of this, as the best way for his purpose of settling Peace. The event and issue did justifie his choyce: for from hence did arise a full Peace, and perfect quietnesse, together with all obedience and good order in Church and State at home▪ and ac∣count and great esteem of Strangers abroad. His meanes (indeed) were also increased, yet that came not so much by publick fynes or for∣•…•…ures, as by his good husbandry and thrifty managing of the revenues

of the Crown, and his own private estate. For no man knew better how to improve both the one and the other, and to make the best of them; and no man was more carefull and diligent in it, than he. He guided both himself, and imployed his own pains and industrie therein, as in all affairs whatsoever. His servants were ever particularly directed by himself, and they did but execute what he commanded. The chief men he used were John Carmichael of Carmichael, and George Auchinleck of Balmannoe. He imployed the former in all matters that were to be done upon the Bor∣ders, having made him even a warden; theother had a care to gather in his rents, and was (as it were) Stuart or Chamberlaine to him. His private delight was in planting and building, which hee did very magnifi∣cently, especially at Dalkeith; for which Drumlenrig admonished him that it was too sumptuous and stately for a Subject, and too near to Edinburgh. He built also an house in Tweddale, called the Drogh∣holes, for his private retreat.

He grew so▪ in esteem of wisedome and riches with all men, that it was no wonder though hee were a little touched with the opinion of it himself; being now past all emulation, and so accounted of by all men, he could not but esteem also well of himself. They who did envie him had little hope to hurt him by action, being above their reach; but by their tongues they sought to make him envied of all; saying, He had all the riches, all the friendship, and all the wisedome of Scotland, Him alone. This was Hyperbolicall, and spoken to stir envie; yet thus far it was true, that he had more of all these than any other one man, and so much as all his enemies were not able to match or impaire. He had added to his friendship great parties, the Lord Maxwell and Hamilton. Max∣well married his Niece (a daughter of his brother David, and sister Germain to Archbald Earle of Angus) and the Lord Bothwell also had married her sister Margaret, Relict of Walter Scot of Balcleugh. The Lord Hamilton had been in great enmitie with him; for (besides the pub∣lick cause of Regent Murrays death) he with his brother Claud of Pasley, had killed Johnston of Wester hall, a follower and depender of the house of Angus. At that time the Countesse of Cassills (Lyon by name, of the house of Glames, and a near Cousin to the Regent) was a wi∣dow. Whether the love to that Lady brought on the reconcilement, or their reconciliation occasioned the affection to the Lady, it is hard to say; but so it was, that Hamilton suited her in marriage, and obtained his suit; and by this all quarrels, and more especially that slaughter of Wester∣hall was taken away. And for the better satisfaction herein, both the brothers (the Lord Hamilton, and Claud of Pasley) made publick obey∣sance to Archbald Earle of Angus, in the Palace of Haly-rood-house, by coming the whole breadth of the Inner-Court thereof bare∣footed, and bare headed, and falling down on their knees, holding each a naked sword by the point, delivered it to him to take hold there∣of by the Pommell. This was in the yeare 1575. the seventh of March, being Monday, A•…•… this, Hamilton was married to the Lady. Yet may it bee doubted, whether he acquired more friend∣ship in private by them, than he furnished matter of obloquie in publick

to the countrey; because both these brothers were accounted authours or accessarie to the killing the Earle of Lennox, (then Regent) and the Kings Grand-father; as also they had been of that of Regent Murray. These slaughters all the Nobilitie (especially of the Kings side) had so∣lemnly sworne to avenge: and now by this hee seemed to neglect that quarrell, and his oath, and that he had more care to be satisfied in his own particular, for the slaughter of one mean man his depender. It grieved particularly William Douglas of Logh-leven, who desisted not from the pursuit of those that had slain his brother Murray: after a privat manner, seeing he could not get publick justice executed; twice he set up∣on the Lord Hamilton, as he was coming from Arbrothe, and chased him so, that he was constrained to return to Arbrothe again. Another time as he was coming through Fyfe, he made him flee to Darcie, which he beset & lay about it, till the Regent sent to him, and commanded him to desist. However, by the alliance of these Noblemen, he seemed more strengthe∣ned & more secured. The Earle of Angus (his Nephew) was married to the Lord Ereskins sister, daughter to the late Regent, Earle of Marre, a La∣dy of rare beauty and vertue, and worthily made choice of by Morton who was author of the match, both because of the Ladies deserving, as al∣so for that it not a little seemed to strengthen him, seeing her mother and uncles (during the minoritie of her brother) had the custody & education of the young Kings person, which was the only way to attempt any thing against his Regencie. Whether these things begat in him security, and security bred carelesnessè to entertain mens love, from whence did arise a loathing of him in all estates, & coldnesse in particular friendship; or what ever the occasion was, certain it is, that he keeped his place more by the e∣stimation of all, than by the affection of many, on the occasions following. We shewed before, how in matters of Church-government, he ever inclined (as the most politick course) to the estate of Bishops. The name was yet retained by custome, the Rents were lifted also by them (as we have said) more for other mens use & profit, than their own. They had also place & vote in Parliament after the old manner, and he would gladly have had them to have kept their power and jurisdiction over their bre∣thren. M. John Douglas being dead, he filled the place by putting in M. Pa∣trick Adamson his domestick Chaplain, who then followed that course, thoughbefore he had preached against it. Many were displeased herewith, all the Ministers (especially they of greatest authority) & all men of all e∣states that were best affected to Religion. He endeavoured also to have put the charge and cure of more Churches into one Preachers hands, that there being the fewer to provide of stipends, the Kings revenues (who paid them out of the thirds of the Church lands) might be increased by the sur∣plusage which remained to him. Hee did so eagerly presse this point▪ that some thought it necessary to write against this course; namely, Ma∣ster John Davidson (Minister at Salt-Preston) then a Student at S. An∣drews. Him he caused to be summoned to under-lye the Law, and to be indicted criminally, and being entreated for him▪ he shewed himself so animated against him, that he durst not under-go his triall, but fled to England, with the consent of those that were bail for him; of whom he

exacted the summe to the full, and they willingly did choose rather to pay it, than to expose their friend to the hazard of his wrath. The Printer* 1.218 of the Book Robert Lake-privike, was convicted by an assise or jurie, and committed to the Castle of Edinburgh. It was also hardly taken, that* 1.219 he sought to diminish the authoritie of the Generall Assemblies of the Church, by refusing to be present (being desired) at an Assembly hol∣den in Edinburgh the 6. of March, 1573. which was very frequent∣ly and solemnly kept almost by the whole body of the Countrey; the Nobility, Gentrie, Commissioners from Burrowes, as the custome had alwayes been, and as he himself before had been present at them. Yea, he began to question the priviledge and libertie thereof, by asking the Commissioners (which were sent from them to crave his assistance there∣at) who had given them power to assemble the Kings Lieges without his leave, who was in authority: With this unlooked for demand, they were dashed at first, but re-collecting and gathering their wits again, they answered: He that gave power to preach aud hear preaching, gave power also to conveene in Assemblies: Neither doth it depend on man (say they.) He said, that was treason. They answered, That if so be, then all the Apostles were Traitours, and the primitive Church in time of persecution. He said, That they conveened onely to preach the word: They answered, That they convee∣ned to advance, facilitate, and set forward the preaching of the word, and that was to preach also. But however, if to conveene without the consent of the Magistrate were unlawfull, preaching was also unlawfull, unlesse they should preach to the Wals. A little velitation thus passed, he in end refused to goe, which did so grieve them all, that a publick Fast was appointed to pray for diverting and averting of such things as he seemed by this to intend against the accustomed Assemblies. He propounded to be reaso∣ned, whether the supreame Magistrate should not be head of the Church, as well as of the common-wealth; and there were Divines appointed to dispute it for the Church, Master James Lowson (Minister at Edinburgh) the Laird of Dun (Superintendent of Angus) and Master John Spoteswood (Superin∣tendent of Lowthian) and James (or Master David) Lindsay. For the Regent, there was the Justice-Clerk, Master David Borthwick, Sir James Balfoure, and William Douglas of Whittingame. These met at Edinburgh in the Abbey, and conferred for the space of 12. or 13. dayes; but hee finding no appearance of obtaining that point, dissolved the meeting till a new appointment.

The Commons, and chiefly the Town of Edinburgh were offended with him, because he had diminished the value of a certain brasse or cop∣per coyne (called Hard-heads) and abased them from three half pence to a penny: and also the plack piece (another brasse coyne) from foure pence to two: which was done (notwithstanding) by the consent of a very frequent Convention, where the whole Nobility (no Earle, Lord, or great man in Scotland being absent, except the Lord Hamilton, not then reconciled) was present the 25. of February 1573. He licensed also the transporting of Corne out of the Countrey, against which he himself had made an Act, but now he dispensed with the Act for money. He committed all the Butchers of Edinburgh for forestalling the Market, and

afterward dis-missed them, having paid a Fine. He held Justice Eyres, and raised a taxation under colour to c•…•… down the Woods of Hair-law (on the Borders) which was a place of retreat and refuge to out-laws, theeves and rebels. These things were interpreted to be done rather as a pretext to get Money, than for any other good use or end. He was in his own person loosely given (his own Wife being frantick) and his houshold servants were not much better, as it commonly comes to passe by imitation. They were also not altogether void of envie for their great wealth: nor of hatred, in regard of the way that men thought they got it, which was by receiving and taking bribes from such as had suites to him for obtaining accesse to him, or his favour by their means, and some such indirect wayes. Riches are ordinarly accompanied with hauti∣nesse and disdaining of others, either really, or in mens opinion; which doth again beget disdain in those that think them disdainfull. This was the generall opinion men conceived of his servants, from the highest to the lowest, even of his door-keepers and grooms. One thing did mar∣vellously offend men: George Authenleck of Bawmannow having (I can∣not tell what) small quarrell against one Captain Nisbet, being come out of Dalkeeth (where the Regent kept commonly his residence) and going up the Street, he met this Nisbet, where drawing his Rapier, he thrust him through, and leaving him as dead, he held on his way to the Tol∣booth where the Lords of the Session sate, as though he had done no wrong, with great indignation of the beholders: and at night he returned to Dalkeeth, where he waited upon the Regent as before. This made the people to murmure both against him as the actour, and against the Regent as conniving thereat, who perhaps did not hear of it, at least for a certain space. This Authenlecks credit with the Regent was so great, that all suites (for the most part) were obtained by him: and therefore men of the best qualitie countenanced, and followed him, which was both observed and disdained. One day this man being in the Tolbooth within the Inner-Barre, Oliver Sinclar (sometime Minion and Favourite to King James the fifth, who was now at Court) standing at the Middle▪ Barre, intreated earnestly to speak with him, which having obtained with diffi∣cultie, when the other asked him what he had to say to him: Oliver answe∣red, I am Oliver Sinclar, and without saying any more, left him; as if he should have said, Be not too proud of your courtship, I was once as you are, you may fall to be as I am. This was matter of much talk a long time.

The Nobilitie grudged to see the Regent and his servants to ingrosse all matters of profit and commoditie to themselves alone. If any Writ were to passe, it passed through at the highest rate; few casualities were given cheap, fewer gratis. The marriages of Wards, the gifts of es∣cheit, re-abling, or naturalization, were bestowed all upon his Dome∣sticks. They were neglected in these things, and in other things also of a higher nature, their advice was not often sought, nor themselves much imployed, as if he had not stood in need of them. The Earle of Argyle was mightily incensed against him upon this occasion. He had a Jewell which had sometime belonged to Queen Mary, which was an ensigne of precious stones, set in forme of the letter H (for Henry) which his Lady

had either gotten from the Queen (who was her sister) to keep, or some other way in a token perhaps; the Regent re-demanded it as belonging to the King, and when he got it not by request, he sent an Officer of arms to him, and charged for it; whereupon it was delivered to him, but with great alienation of his heart and affection ever after.

His most near and particular friends wanted not their own exceptions and grievances against him. In the East and middle March, he planted strangers amongst them, as Arch. Auchenleck (brother to George) and Arch. Carmichael (brother to John Carmichael of Carmichael) in the Merse. These he married to two Wards; the last to one Hume, Inheretrix of E∣drem; and the former to one Sleigh of Cumblege; notwithstanding that she had gone away with Patrick Cockburne (brother Germain to the Laird of Langton) who had kept her certain dayes, yet he caused an Of∣ficer of arms to charge him to deliver her, and so she was exhibited, and married to Auchenleck. Both these march with the Lands of Bonckle, be∣longing to the Earle of Angus; and therefore this planting of these men there, was not well taken, but was interpreted, as if hee had meant to strengthen himself there by them, and to acquire dependers there for himself, not leaning or trusting sufficiently to those of the Earle of An∣gus, or his friends in that Countrey. The purchasing of the Lands of Spot to his naturall son James, wrought him both hatred and hurt (in the end) for it quite alienated Alexander Hume of Manderston. This Ale∣xander had to wife a sister of George Hume of Spot, and by her divers chil∣dren, of which one was George, afterward Earle of Dumbar. George of Spot having but one daughter, had taken to him, and (in a manner) ad∣opted this George sonne to Alexander, with resolution to bestow his daughter on him in marriage, and with her his whole estate. It fell out afterward, that John Cockburne of Ormeston married a daughter of Ale∣xander of Manderston. This John having some difference with Spot a∣bout some Lands, the very day before his marriage, rode with his Com∣pany, and did eat up the Cornes that grew on the controverted Lands which Spot had sowne. The next day Spot being at the Wedding of his sister daughter, complained of the wrong done to him, but received small satisfaction, either of the Bride-groome, or of his brother-in-law, who was loath to offend his new Allie. Spot conceived such indignation hereat, that to be revenged of Manderston, he resolved to sell his estate, and to bestow his daughter somewhere else, and so to disappoint his sonne George. Wherefore he addresses himself to the Regent, and offers his daughter with his whole estate to his sonne James. The Regent, no∣thing slack to such an occasion, without more scruple or any question, transacted and contracted with him, and the marriage was accordingly accomplished betwixt Anna Hume, and James Douglas who got by her all the Lands pertaining to her father George Hume of Spot, his life-rent onely being reserved. By this mean Alexander of Manderston, and his sonne George were debouted and frustrate, which did so incense him, that from that time forward, he lay in wait (as it were) and watched for an opportunity to be revenged of the Regent. There lyeth near unto these Lands of Spot, the Lordship of Thurston, which belonged by inhe∣ritance

to Craigie-Wallace, but was possessed by Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and had been possessed by his Predecessours of so long a time, that it is thought to have been their possession before they had Wedderburne, for eight or nine generations. The right they had was sometimes a Lease, sometimes (the Lease expiring) kindlinesse onely. At last, the King having given to Wedderburne the Lands of Dundonald (which lay hard by Craigie Wallace Gates) Wedderburne puts him in possession of them, and retaines his possession of Thurston, wherewith they rested both a long time well contented and satisfied. This ex∣cambion being reall, and without Writ on either side, it fell out that the Kings Lands (which had not as yet bin set to feud) coming to be set out, they that were intrusted therewith, finding Craigie-Wallace in possessi∣on of Dundonald, gave him a legall right to it, and so he had the right both of it and Thurston. Hereupon he warnes Wedderburne to remove from Thurston, as having no right thereto, but he kept his possession. On this ensued no little trouble, by reason of Waughtons assisting of him, who had married Craigie-Wallace sister. Afterward Sir George of Wedderburne (Uncle to this Sir George) marrying a daughter of Waughtons, matters were taken up and accorded, and Wedderburne was no more molested. The Regent knew all this very well, and yet not∣withstanding hereof, the nearnesse of Thurston to Spot, and his desire to enrich his sonne, made him to send for Craigie-Wallace, and buy his title and right from him to Thurston. T•…•…en he sends for Wedderburne, tels him what he had done, and that he did not mean to make him a loser thereby: and therefore desires to know what satisfaction he would have for his right and interest. He answered, That he desired nothing but his own, and that onely could content him. The Regent replyed, That he had now bought that: And the other answered, That he was the more unkinde to buy that which he knew to be his by so long and kindly possession. No other in Scotland (sayes he) would have bought it, nor you, my Lord, if you had not been Regent. This he bore patiently, as a free speech of a justly offended friend▪ yet he still pressed him to know what contentation he would have▪ but the other persisted in his former answer, That his own would onely con∣tent him. So they parted, being divided in words and minds, concerning this particular, but without breach of friendship. After a while the Re∣gent (to bring on the matter more freely, and to necessitate him thereto) makes warning, and no objection being made, obtaines a decreet of re∣moving against him. Wedderburne to shew what little account he made of these doings, fals a building on it, that he might know he had no in∣tention to remove. He had a Lease which was not expired as yet, and there were two or three years thereof to run; but he would not make use of it, but kept it up, par•…•…ly to trie the Regents intention, partly reserving it as a ground of reduction, if it should need. Thus they continued all the time of his Regency▪ after his dimission the difference was taken away by William Douglas of Logh-leven, after this manner▪ Wedderburne got one half of the Lands (the Manour-house, and what lay about it) and a full and perfect right thereof, and did quit the other half, which was let out in Tenantry. Sir James Hume of Coldenknows, and Alexander

Hume of Huton-hall were also alienated from him, but I know not what the occasion of it was. In Tiviotdale William Ker of Cesford, and Andrew Ker of Fadunside were likewise displeased, and had fallen off from him for some hard usage. Hee had banished Wil∣liam Ker of Ancram, for the fewd betwixt him and the Ruther∣fords, of whom hee had slaine one. His fathers house of Ancram was seized, and given in keeping to his enemies the Trumbles. His mother (a daughter of the house of Wedderburne, and the Regents Cousin Ger∣mane) had often sued to him, to have it restored to her and h•…•…r husband, but could not prevaile with him. At last, she found means by her self and her servants, to get into the house (being negligently kept) and turn∣ing the keepers out of doores without doing them any harme, dwelt in it with her husband, and her other sonne Robert. William absented himself from publick view, and remained sometimes in England, but most part in Wedderburne, both in Sir Davids, and Sir Georges time; neither was the Regent very carefull to pursue him, or search after him (though hee knew of it, and they made no bones to confesse their receiving and enter∣taining of him in their houses) yet would he not release him from his ba∣nishment, being loath to displease the Trumbles and Rutherfords, whose service was very usefull to him. He tolerated also John Hume (sonne na∣turall to John, called of Crumstaine of the house of Wedderburne) who had been with William Ker of Ancram in all his troubles, so farre as at the meeting which the Regent had with the English (after the Red-swire;) he being in company with Wedderburne, the Trumbles and Rutherfords per∣ceiving him to be there, went to the Regent, and complained that he was suffered to live in the Countrey, being a Rebell, and one that had so much wronged them. Let him alone (sayes the Regent) and do not meddle with him at this time, when he hath so many of his friends about him: for if he were now challenged, it might trouble you and me both. Some few dayes after this, he went to Tantallon with Wedderburne, where having kept him∣self out of the Regents sight all the day long, at night (when the Regent was gone to bed) he fell to Cards with the servants in the h•…•…ll. The Re∣gents Chamber was hard by, and he, not resting well, arose and came forth to the hall in his night-gowne to look on their gaming: By chance John sate next to him, and he leaning with his hand on his shoulder a long time, without knowing who he was, at last going away to bed a∣gain, he perceived it was he, and smiling, said to him, GOD make you a good man; and so went his way. From thence forward John conversed in publick and came ordinarily into his sight and presence without being challenged, as if he had been formally released from his banishment. The Earl of Angus himself had his own discontents; and thought him too care∣full to preferre & provide for his natural sons, and not so careful of him as he should have been. Besides, these that thought themselves dis-obliged, he had professed enemies that hunted for all the advantages against him they could devise; at home the Castle faction (Master John Metellane, Sir Robert Melvin, Pittadraw) and abroad in France, the Lord Seton, Far∣nihaste, Waughton (who was not very busie) the Bishops of Glasgow, and Rosse, Ambassadours, and Agents for the Queen. These things,

like warts or freckles in a beautifull body, seemed to stain the lustre of his government, and though they may be thought but small slips and weak∣nesses, yet they made impression in the mindes of some, and in the own time brought forth hard effects, albeit in respect of his place, wisedome and power (like slow poyson) they were long ere they did shew forth their operation.

There fell out a businesse in the year 1576. the 7. of July, which men looked should have brought on warre with England. Sir John Forester, Warden of the middle March in England, & Sir John Carmichael Warden for Scotland, met for keeping of the Truce, at a place called, The* 1.220 Red Swire. There the Scottish Warden desired that one Farstein (an En∣glish man) who had been filed by a Bill of goods stolne from Scotland, should be delivered (as the custome was) to the owner of the goods, to be kept by him untill he were satisfied for them. The English Warden alledged that the man was fugitive, and so the Warden was not bound to answer for him, or deliver him, but the party endammaged was to seek redresse of any that should be found to receive or harbour him in their houses. Sir John Carmichael taking this not to be spoken in sinceritie, but for a shift to frustrate justice, urged and pressed the matter more hardly, desiring him to speak and deal plainly, without sparing any ma•…•… for fear or favour; but regarding onely what was just and right, ac∣cording to equitie and reason. Sir John Forester thinking himself taxed of partialitie, beganne to bee angry, and in a contemptuous manner bad Carmichael match himself with his equalls, and not with him, who was above him both in birth and quality; and therewith hee rose up from the place hee sate in, and walked a little away from thence. The English Borderers (chiefly they of Tindall) being all Bow-men, when they perceived their Warden displeased, glad of occasion to trouble the Peace, sent a flight of ar∣rows amongst the Scots, whereby they killed one of them, and wounded diverse. The Scots who looked for no such thing, and were gone some to Cards, and some to other Pastimes, being scat∣tered here and there, fled at the first many of them. At length some few (about twenty persons) taking courage, and calling to the rest to stay and stand to it, they joyned together, and charged the English so fiercely, that they slew divers of them, amongst whom was Sir George Heron, a worthy Gentleman, and well beloved of both the Countreyes, whom they would have been loath to have hurt, if the heat of the con∣flict had not carried them to it unawares. Sir John Forester, and the Gentlemen that were with him, were taken prisoners, and brought in∣to Scotland to the Regent. He entertained them kindely, and honourably, but detained them as lawful prisoners, and breakers of the Peace, till the Queen of England sent for them. It was expected that this should have bin an occasion of warre; but the Regent was nothing afraid of the mat∣ter. He knew them, and they him; he entertained friendship with them af∣ter his wonted manner, and sent many Scottish Falcons for a present to the Courtiers of England, whereof one made a jest, saying, That hee dealt very nobly and bountifully with the English, in

that he gave them live Hawkes, for dead Herons, alluding to Sir George Heron, who was slain. The businesse came to a treatie, and the Regent came in person to Foulden in the Merse, where the English Commis∣sioners met him. They agreed on these termes, That the goods should be restored, and for satisfaction and repairing of the Queens honour, Car∣michael should go to London, and come in the Queens will. He went as far as York, where being come the 26. of September, he was detained there some five or six weeks, and so was dismissed. Concerning restitu∣tion of the Goods, the Regent caused make a Proclamation, by which he commanded all that were on this side of Forth, to come to him at E∣dinburgh the 8. of October, with provision of victuall for twenty dayes, intending to go to the Borders. But he continued or adjourned the diet till he should give new advertisement; for the Borderers ceased from their stealing, and took order for restoring what they had taken. Afterward he held Justice-Courts at Peebles and Edinburgh, which was interpreted to be done, more for getting money, than doing of justice. The townsmen of Edinburgh were especially aimed at, & most carefully summoned; yet they were continued and cast over to another time; only they paid a thousand marks Scottish for Bullion, which the Merchants are bound to furnish to the Mint, but had neglected to do it. During the time of his Regencie, he met with one private conspiracy, of which John Semple, son to the Lord Semple was author; upon what ground or motive I know not. It was revealed by one Gabriel Semple, who being confronted with John before the secret Councel, avouched it, and offered to make it good by combate: But it needed not, for John confessed it, and was there∣upon condemned to be hanged, quartred and drawn. Yet when his friends interceeded for him, the Regent (nothing bloud-thirsty) did onely send him to the castle, there to remain during pleasure; which not being decla∣red, he was kept there during his Regency, after which he was set at liber∣ty.* 1.221 In the year 1577. the 4. of March, the Nobility assembling at Stirlin, concluded that the King should take the government into his own hands, and should be guided by a Councell, and the Regent deposed. No cause was given out, nor could there be any sufficient reason pretended. The King was not yet 18. years of age, which was the time limited and set down in the Act of the Queens dimission for him to be governed by Re∣gents. At most he was but 11. or 12. years old, When these newes were brought to the Regent at Dalkeith, being astonished therewith, he came to Edinburgh; but little countenance was made to him by the townsmen; few came from the countrey (no Baron almost of note, save Wedderburn) none of the Nobility, so far were they alienated from him in affection. And indeed though they had intended to have come in to assist him, he gave them no time to do it; for, ere they could have come (as my Lord Boyd only did) he had dimitted his Regencie; and was so far from ma∣king any impediment or let to the Proclamation, that he assisted a single officer with a trumpet, who came to proclaime the Kings authoritie, and publickly laying down his Office, he took instruments of his dimissi∣on. The next day when the Lord Boyd came to him, hee chid him soundly for this his haste; and even he himself, when he had thought

better on it, was angry with himself, that hee should so rashly and un∣advisedly have given way to his enemies, who used the Kings bare name against his authoritie, which was to last five or six years longer, and was established by the Laws of the Kingdome, and Act of Parliament; unto which they themselves had consented and given their approbation. Whether or not hee did best in dimitting, it may be disputed on both sides. The adverse party seemed strong, Argyle, Athole, Crawford; yea also (which did most astonish him) his friends Glames, Ruthven, and Lindesay; his most cherished, Pitcarne (Abbot of Dumfermling) Secretary, and Tillebardin Controller; he had the ill-will of the Bur∣rows, especially Edinburgh. And yet having right and the law on his side, some would have regarded that; the multitude (so mutable) might have been reconciled, and the Faction dissolved (being glewed together by nothing but common discontentment) by contenting some, and putting some in hope of having place in managing the affairs of the Kingdome. Neither could matter of division have been long wanting amongst themselves, where there were so many heads, such diversitie of judgement, and so many severall aimes and intenti∣ons.

If hee had but stuck to his right declared, and claimed it, and in the mean time kept himself safe by his own power and friendship in Dal∣keith or Tantallon, it is possible, and not improbable that hee might have dis-appointed them. But hee left that way, and having dimitted the authority, he rendered also the Palace of Haly-rood-house, the Mint and Coyning-house, with the printing irons; also the Kings Jewels, and what else belonged to the Crown was delivered to the Lord Glames and Maxwell, who were sent from the King and his new Councell to receive them. And good reason he should do so, for now they were no more his, seeing he was no more Regent, having dimitted the authority, he could not retain them. Yet he did not so with the castle of Edinburgh, which the same two Lords had also commission to receive. His bro∣ther (George of Parkhead, as we have said) was Captain of it, who not being well provided of Victuall before, he found that it was then too late to begin. For seeking to Victuall it both privatly and openly, hee was hindred by the Townsmen, whereupon ensued bloud-shedding and slaughter. The Town had placed a Guard about the Butter-market (where the Weigh-house now stands) and the Constable of the Castle Archbald Douglas (brother to John of Tillie-whillie) issuing forth, set upon the Guard before they were aware, and having killed two or three of them, retired to the Castle again. This did no good; it procured hatred toward himself, but purchased no Victuall to the Castle. Where∣fore the Guard being more warie, he was so straited for want of Vivers, that he was forced to surrender it to the Lord Ruthven and the Lord Lindsay the first of April 1578.* 1.222

In this mean time (some fourtnight before, the seventeenth of March) the Lord Glames Chancellour, was slaine at Stirlin. There had been some old quarrell betwixt the Earle Crawford and him; but now both being on the Kings side, they were upon termes of agreement or

assurance. I•…•… happened so, that as the one was going to the Castle of Stirlin, and the other coming from it, they rencountred in a narrow Lane. Both of them commanded their followers and train to give way, which they did, and were now all passed save two of their servants that were last, who having first justled one another, drew their Swords, and flew to it. Hereupon both their Lords with their Companies turned, and began to skirmish; where the Lord Glames being a tall man of stature, and higher than the rest, was shot with a Pistolet, and so died. It is un∣certain who it was that shot him, but many thought it was Crawford him∣selfe, because he was very skilfull in shooting with a piece. Wherefore he was committed to prison, but was released again soon after, without further triall or enquiry: Whereupon followed great enmity and mis∣chief betwixt these two families of Crawford and Glames. It was observed with admiration, that the news of this slaughter, which was committed about five a Clock in the after-noon, was reported punctually and per∣fectly at Edinburgh by six, there being 24. miles distance between. It appears by this, that if Morton had not laid down his authority over ha∣stily, other such things might have fallen out to have divided that faction, which might have furnished him with matter enough to have wrought out his own continuance therein.

But now having laid it down, he must play the after-game as well as he may. There were chosen to be of the Kings Councell, Argyle, Athole, Montrose; the Bishop of Caithnesse (Montroses Grand Uncle) the Ab∣bots of Dumfermling, and Newbottle; the Lord Ruthven, Lindsay, and Oglebee. These coming to Edinburgh, he gives place, and withdraws himself, not to Dalkeeth (it was too near) neither to Douglas (it was too farre off and out of the way) nor to Tantallon (it was a place of strength, and it might have been interpreted fear in him) but to Logh-leven to his Cousin William Douglas, who was also a near Cousin to the Earle of Marre; that from thence, and by him he might deale with them who had the Kings Person in keeping, and finde meanes to turne about the wheele againe, and to overturne them who had turned him (in a manner) out of his Regencie. There hee busied himself in making of Walks and Alleys, in drawing of Garden plots or knots, little minding any State affaires in appearanee; or if any warie wit did suspect any thing of him, or any clear eyed Lynceus, or well sighted Argus espied some designe (which was very hard for them to doe) yet most part saw nothing; and there were but few that suspected any thing, and none that could help or hinder it. For so hee brought it (as most men think) or so it came to passe, that Alexander Ereskin (brother to the late Earle) a man of a good easie nature, and no ill disposition, and who, though of himselfe hee were nothing factious or malicious, yet he had been an instrument, whom the other partie (Argyle, Athole, &c.) had used to turne Morton out of his Regencie, by admitting them unto the King, who was com∣mitted to his charge as Captain of the Castle of Stirlin, and Tutour to the young Earle of Marre, was himselfe almost after the same manner turned out of his charge of keeping the King and Castle.

For as the King had been moved to take the government upon him∣self before the time appointed, so the Earle of Marre was moved to take upon himself that his own charge (of keeping the King and Castle of Stirlin) before his time, being not yet of age nor Major. The manner of it was this: One morning (the 26. of April 1578. the Earle got up betimes to go a hunting, and sending for the Keyes of the Castle Gate, Alexander (his Uncle) came himself in person, and having opened the Gate to let his Nephew forth, he himselfe and his servants were thrust out at the Gate by the Earle, assisted by his own naturall brother, and his Uncles the Abbots of Cambskenneth and Driebrugh (very worthie, kinde, upright, and honest Gentlemen) and so he took the Keyes and keeping of the King and Castle into his own hands the 27. of April 1578. (as my notes say) and so not above 7. weeks after Mortons dimission of his Regency. Whether or not Morton imployed Tillibardine in this work, and gave him Money for it (he being Uncle to the Earle of Marre) I cannot affirme it, though I know it was reported; neither in∣deed can I say confidently that Morton plotted this businesse, and that it was his doing, or what hand he had in it, or whether it were nothing else but division amongst themselves.

However it were, by this meanes the designes of the new Counsel∣lours were turned to nothing. They had (the 9. of April) chosen the Earle of Athole Chancellour, and indicted a Parliament to be held the 10. of July, and had consulted of many Articles to be concluded therein. Upon the newes of this change, they go to Stirlin, but the Castle was kept so close, that they were not suffered to come in, save one at once. There they had some meetings in the Town, and afterward returned to Edinburgh the 8. of May. Morton waa come to Dalkeith a little be∣fore; wherefore they send to him, and desire to conferre with him. He came to Craig-Miller, and there spake with Athole and Argyle, and at last (after much tossing of businesse) they agreed so well, that they went with him to Dalkeith to dinner. On the morrow (the 9 of June) Morton goes to Stirlin, and was friendly received by the Earle of Marre into the Castle. The rest followed that same day, so that the whole Nobilitie was assembled together the tenth day. By their advice the Counsell was changed, and Morton made Principal and President there∣of. The Parliament by Proclamation was transferred to Stirlin, there* 1.223 to be held the twentie fifth day of July, whither the Lords of Parlia∣ment were ordained to come with their ordinary train. The other Lords, Athole, Argyle, Montrose, Lindesay, Oglebee, Maxwell, Harris, and the former Councell conveened in Edinburgh, and sent Montrose and Lind∣say, to excuse their absence, and to give the reason and cause of it, be∣cause (as they alledged) the Parliament was not free, being kept within* 1.224 the Castle of Stirlin, and both King, Castle and all in the Earle of Marres power. All this notwithstanding the Parliament held, wherein there were not many things concluded. The chief things were a discharge gi∣ven to Morton for his government, during the time of his Regencie. An •…•…xoneration to the late Earle of Marre (who had been Regent) for his

keeping of our Soveraigne Lords Person within the Castle of Stirlin. The Lord Hume was also restored from his forfeitrie, by the meanes and procuring of Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, with the consent indeed of Morton (whom he solicited for that end) but against his opinion and advice. For he told him freely, that he thought it was not his best course; for (sayes he) you never got any good of that house, & if it were once taken out of the way, you are next, and it may be you will get but small thanks for your paines: Sir George answered; that the Lord Hume wa•…•… his Chief, and he could not see his house ruined; if they were unkinde he could not do withall, that would be their own fault; this he thought himself bound to do, and for his own part, whatsoever their carriage were to him, he would do his duty to them; if his Chief should turne him out at the fore∣doore, he would come in again at▪ the back-doore. Well (sayes Mor∣ton) if you be so minded, it shall be •…•…o, I can do no more but tell you my opinion, and so consented to do it: Yet Sir George had so ordered the matter, that he made no question to have carried it without Mortons consent by the Abbot of Driebrugh and Cambskenneth, to whom he was allied by his wife. Wherefore they are mis-taken that say 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did all, and that there was nothing done but according to his pleasure; for hee was but accessary, and concurred (as one of the chief and prime Noblemen) but the house of Marre had the main sway at this time. At this Parliament, the wardenrie of the East march was taken from Col∣dinknowes, and given to Sir George of Wedderburne, and he thought it no robberie to take it, being given him. In August the other Lords (with whom were Coldinknows and Manderston, Cesford and Fadun∣side) assembled their forces, and having set forth a Declaration, that their purpose was to set the King at liberty, they marched from Edin∣burgh to Fawkirk. Neither was Morton slow in gathering together his friends at Stirlin, with resolution to have tryed the hazard of a battell. The Earle of Angus went out divers times, and skirmished with them, but there was no great hurt done. Onely in a single Combate or Duell* 1.225 (upon a challenge) which was fought on horse-back with Lances, one Taite (a Tividale man that belonged to Cesford) was slain by James Johnston a follower of Angus, he also being sore wounded. At last they came to an agreement, and lest they should seem to have done nothing, they condescended that the King should be brought to Edinburgh or elsewhere, as they pleased, by the advice of the Nobility, which served little for their purpose; for there was no time limited; and when he was brought to the palace of Haly-rood-house (the 30. of September 1579. a year after) yet was Marre and Morton the chief men about him, and had greatest credit with him.

But before that time it was concluded in Councell that the Lord Aberbrothe and Claude of Pasley his brother should bee pursued as slayers of Lennox and Murray (late Regents) which was done accordingly. But they themselves having fled into England, their servants were taken, and some executed, others imprisoned, and their Lords Houses demolished. This motion is thought to have proceeded chiefly from the house of Marre and Logh-leven. Wee

hear of no new occasion given by them, for they remained neutrals, and did not side with either partie at this time. Mortons part was, that he remained a spectator, and was contented that mens minds should be taken up with some other thing, and not have leasure to think of him, and his late greatnesse, and that their furie should be powred forth on somewhat else.

While they remained yet at Stirlin, the Earle of Athole died sudden∣ly,* 1.226 which was matter of much talk, and gave occasion to Mortons enemies to lay that foule aspersion upon him, that he had poysoned him. For all the Doctours did affirme that he was poysoned, save onely Doctour Preston, who said it was no poyson; but being desired to taste of it, and having onely touched a little thereof with the tip of his tongue, it had almost cost him his life, and he did never after fully recover, but languished and was sickly so long as he lived. Where∣fore seeing it was certainly poyson, Who could give it him (said they) but Morton? And yet they could never tell how he could doe i•…•…. For hee was not in Mortons lodging, nor Morton in his, as they knew, and doe themselves confesse. Neither were any that belonged to Morton in his house, and though they had beene, they were neither Cooks, nor Cup-bearers, nor Carvers to him. So blinde is malice, or so malicious are impudent detractours. Morton cleared himselfe of this imputation at his death. And yet there are some to this day, that are not ashamed to report it.

In the next yeare 1579. in June, upon the Kings longing to be a∣broad, it was concluded in Councell that he should go to Edinburgh the 25. of September next, but he came not till the 30. day there∣of. Morton and Marre were still with him as his chief Counsellours. They invited him to Dalkeith, where hee remained a certain space, and returned to the Abbey of Haly-rood-house the 16. of October:* 1.227 The day following hee made his entry through the City of Edin∣burgh with great solemnity and pompe; with great concourse and ap∣plause of people, rejoycing to see him whom they loved heartily and dearly, as they testified by their acclamations and prayers, powred forth for his safety and welfare. After this (on the 20. of October) he kept a Parliament, extant in the printed Acts. Hitherto wee have seene our Earle of Morton, though not an absolute Favourite of for∣tune, yet so cherished by her, that howbeit shee did now and then frown on him, yet shee seemed rather to try his strength whether or not he were able to endure a storme, and ride it out with resolution, than that she meant to over-whelme him in her waves; for the issue did ever prove advantagious to him, and he became rather a gainer than a loser by his sufferings. But now having raised him to the highest dignitie and pitch of greatnesse that a subject was capable of, according to her accu∣stomed levitie, all of a sudden turning down that was up of her wheele, she brings him so low as to lose life and estate. There is nothing more de∣serves our observation, than these vicissitudes of great places, to see men of low made high, and than again falling from their height and greatnesse to become low, which is to be seen in this last Act and Catastrophe of his

Tragedie, so notably as is rare to be found elsewhere. Who could and would truly discover the depth of the mysteries of these times, and tell exactly who were the chief plotters and first movers of this work, and who were the instruments and executers thereof, as he should do a piece of good service for clearing of the truth of things to posterity, & the ages to come, so do I confesse for my own part, that it is too hard a task for my self to performe, and more than I will undertake or promise to do. All that I can do is to set down the actions which are evident in grosse, and to fol∣low such conjecturall probabilitie in the narration as my weak judgement can lead me to. We have heard how the King & Queens factions did long contend, and how Morton had ever been on the Kings side, and how in* 1.228 his Regencie he had so handled businesse, that they that stood for the Queen had yeelded and acknowledged the King and him as Regent. The keeping of the Castle of Edinburgh was the last Act of opposition, and with the yeelding of it, all was whisht. Lithington and Grange were taken out of the way, who were the strongest or the stoutest upholders thereof. Yet the Society was not quite broken or extinguished with them. Master John Metellane (sometime Priour of Coldingame, and brother to Li∣thington) Sir Robert Melvin (uncle to Grange) Pittadraw, the Bishop of Dunkell, and some others remained. These he had committed to prison for a short while; afterward had pardoned them, and set them at liberty. They kept still their old minde, entertained mutuall friendship and corre∣spondence, and wanted onely occasion to shew the effects of their former disposition: Especially Master John Metellane, and Sir Robert Melvin bore great hatred to Morton; the one for putting his Nephew Grange to death, the other because he supposed Morton would have done as much to his brother, if he (fearing so much) had not prevented it by poysoning himself, as the common rumour was. Besides these private grudges, the publick cause did also egge them on and animate them against him; which they never forgot, and looked upon him as the man who had beene the bane thereof. Yet they set it on foot again, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of it openly, and advancing it (all they could) secretly and indirectly; using all the means they could to make all things work for the Queenes advantage. She had her Agents and Ambassadours in France, together with her Uncles (of Guise) and wanted not her under-hand Favourers in Eng∣land, that still had their eye upon her (as upon the rising Snnne) whom they esteemed the hope of their Religion. Their suite now was (who would not think it so?) both plausible and modest; to joyn the mother and the sonne in an equality of government, being so near joyned in na∣ture. It could not but be for the good of the Countrey, and make much to confirme and strengthen their title to England. Thus they said; but how can this bee done? He is in possession of the Crown, how can it be taken from him again? How can he be desired to dimit? And though he would demit, yet those of his party will never be contented that he should doe it. On the other side, Shee is living and dis-possessed; but who that hath ever worne a Crowne, can live and bee content to want it? What other mids then, and meane can bee found out, but association in the Crowne? So shall both have it, and

both be satisfied, a happy society, from which will flow the sonnes love, and the mothers blessing. All shall so goe well, and it will bee easie to perswade a childe (though never so wise) being unacquainted with such things, especially one that is so gentle, and of so towardly▪ disposition: onely the difficulty will bee to move his old friends thereto; they will never consent to it; they will bee jealous and fearefull of any party or equalitie in ruling, though of never so neare and deare friends: they will choke us with that old saying, Nulla fides Regni sociis, &c. They will thinke it a diminution to the Kings authoritie, which ought not to bee admitted either in effect, or in appearance. The grounds of his Title will seeme to bee brangled and overthrowne; also his estate will bee made thereby more unsure, and doubtfull: The match (though with a mother) will bee too hard for him; shee is elder, and so wiser, and more experienced, and may soon steppe up from this equalitie to a Superioritie, by questioning her former dimission, by revoking and re∣calling of it, as being done in prison, and so not free, nor voluntary. Thus shall the King bee thrust out of his place, the Countrey, his old friends, Religion, and all quite undone.

Morton was too old a Cat, to draw such a straw before him, or to propound any thing tending that way: wherefore their best was to make him away, that so the plot might goe on. And much more good ef∣fect would come of that one stroke: Hee was rich, hee had faire lands and houses, a faire reward of all their pains and travell. And no que∣stion, his friends that should take his part, might bee involved, and in∣snared with him: Especially the Earle of Angus could hardly in this case of his Uncle, so behave himselfe, but occasion might bee found against him, which would bee a faire bootie.

The facilitie of compassing a businesse doth often draw men on, and doth greatly prevail in all consultations. The new factions against him were very strong, yet •…•…ee kept them downe, but it was meeerly by the Kings countenance; if that were once taken away from him, the rest would prove but easie. And now to facilitate all, there fell out such occasions, as they could have wished, or as they had made.

For in September, in the yeare one thousand five hundreth seventy* 1.229 and nine, Mounsieur d' Obignie was come (or brought) home: his name, his kindred, his carriage, his commission from friends in France, his comelinesse, his observance, his person did procure him credit with the King; and this faction did privately insinuate with him, and open∣ly thrust him forward into the Kings favour; and put him out of con∣ceit of Morton; and indeed quite alienated him from him, and so by him the King, whose eare hee now had; for Morton being such an adversary to the Queene, and so to France, Obignie to doe the Queene, and to doe France service, to pleasure the holy League (him∣selfe being a Papist) and to gaine the good will of this faction by whom hee was to rise to some great place about the King, was ea∣sily induced to promove their plotte and malice against him. Nei∣ther was there great difficultie in it: hee had lost many friends, of∣fended

all sorts of men; the Burrowes, the Ministerie, and who so doth zealously affect them, so farre as that if they were not his enemies, they were but cold friends, and such as would bee but spectatours, and no wayes actours for him. There fell out also (about this time) in October (1580.) an accident, which did him much hurt, and made for their purpo•…•…e. The Lord Ruthven having beene in* 1.230 Kincarn (a house of the Earle of Montrose) at the marriage of the Earle of Marre, as he returned to Perth, his way lying neare to Diplin (which belonged to the Lord Olyphant) and there being enmitie, and deadly fewd betwixt Olyphant and Ruthven: Ruthven notwithstanding, rode that way in view of Diplin. Olyphant tooke this as done in contempt of him, and therefore issuing forth with some horsemen, and some fire locks, fol∣lowed them, and came upon them so unexpectedly, and with such ad∣vantage of weapous, that Ruthvens men fled presently, and their Lord was forced to doe the like. Onely one Alexander Stuart (of the house of Traquaire, and a Kinsman of Ruthvens) stayed behind the rest, partly to keep off the pursuers, partly to speake with Olyphant in fair termes, and was slain by a shot, from one that knew him not, sore against Oli∣phants minde, and to his great griefe and discontentment. The Lord Ruthven, seeking by order of law to repair his credit, and to be revenged for the killing of his friend, causes summon Oliphant to answer crimi∣nally before the Justice Generall. This Oliphant had married Margaret Douglas, daughter to William Douglas of Logh-leven, and now being pursued upon his life, was assisted by his father in law. The Earle of Morton would gladly have agreed the parties, but the fact being recent, and the Lord Ruthven (together with the friends of the Gentleman that was slain) having received such an affront and indignity, there was no possibility to take it away, save by law. Wherefore Morton joyned with the party that was pursued for his life, which hath ever beene accounted most Noble, most tolerable, and free from excepti∣on or quarrelling. Besides, Oliphant had not commanded his servant to shoote, neither did hee allow or approve (but was sory for it) in his heart; but hee thought hee could not with his honour deliver one who followed him, and had done this rash fact, in and for his service, but was bound to defend him all hee could, and protect him from all danger, and harme, according to his power. Notwithstanding, of this, Ruthven was mightily displeased with Morton, for countenancing, and assisting Olyphant against him, and Master John Metellane, and Sir Robert Melvine (who tooke part with Ruthven) laid hold of the occa∣sion, and blew the bellowes so, that they brought him to that point of unkindenesse, that hee could very well have beene contented to see Mor∣ton reduced to such an estate and condition, as that hee might neede his helpe, and bee sensible of the losse of so steadable and usefull a friend, as hee tooke himselfe to be.

Wherefore, when hee understood that his enemies were plotting a∣gainst him (either for that he knew not that they aimed at no lesse then his death and finall overthrow, or if hee did know so much, because hee thought hee could give them a stop when hee pleased, and hinder them

from attaining that point of their aime) hee suffered the course to goe on, and perhaps helped it forward. The name of Stuart were also of∣fended with him for assisting one who was accused of the killing a Stuart, and all this was aggreaged and aggravated by those of his oppo∣site faction. Besides this, hee had shewed that hee was not well pleased with the Courtship and favour which Mounsieur D' Obignie had with the King; because there was a generall suspition and feare, that hee was imployed, and would labour to corrupt and pervert him in his Religion. There was with Obignie, one Monbirneau (who was thought to have been an actor and executioner of the Massacre in France) extreamely dissolute in his conversation, and therefore much hated, feared and abhor∣red of all men, which did reflect upon Obignie for his entertaining, and familiarity with him. The Ministers spake and preached openly and plainly against them both, and the English Embassadour (Sir William Bowes) desired Monbirneau to be removed off the Counsell as such an one, and when it was refused, he likewise refused to deliver his message, or to shew his Commission, for so he had been commanded by the Queen and State of England. Morton withdrew himselfe as discontented, and reti∣red to Dalkeith, either for dislike of the present estate of things, or out of feare and doubte of some danger, or inconvenient, or for both; neither did hee come to Court or Counsell, but when hee was sent for by the King. This disliking of their wayes, made them to dislike the more of him, and his feare caused them to feare him more also: dislike and feare increased their hatred, and hastned their resolution to overthrow him. The way was laid, which was to charge him with the murther of the late King, the accuser (either made choice of by them, or who did willingly offer himselfe) was James Stuart (sonne to the Lord Ochletr•…•…e) a bold, venturous and aspiring young man. And so the last of December he was* 1.231 sent for, and being set in Counsell, he was accused by James to his face. The crime was, of being airt and pairt of the murther of the late King Henry. Being greatly moved herewith, he arose from the table, and purged himselfe with great vehemency, as innocent thereof: and offered to abide a legall triall, not onely of his Peeres, but of any Gentlemen whatsoever, though he himselfe were an Earle, and had been Regent. Hereupon hee was confined to his lodging, where he abode all the next day, which was the first of January, and the Sabbath day. So much leasure he had to bethinke himselfe of his case, and what were best for him to doe: he might have seen that it was a quarrell pickt against him of malice, seeing the crime laid to his charge was so hainous, as none but his mortall ene∣mies would have broched, and such as sought his utter ruine. And hee might know that innocency is not alwayes a sure warrant and defence against such: and that it was dangerous to fall into their hands. On the other side, to avoid and shun a triall were halfe a confession of the crime, and would make him seem guilty; nay it would make him truely guilty of contempt, disobedience and rebellion, which might (perhaps) bee the thing they sought; through feare to drive him to some rebellious act, and so to involve him in a true crime while he sought to eschew a fals accusa∣tion; his friends & followers advised him to take the first way, but he him∣selfe

resolved on the second: for he supposed that they could not con∣vict him by law, and that they would not proceed against him without law, having (as he thought) friends that would not suffer it, especially the Earle of Angus, being at liberty, and out of their power. But he had for∣gotten the old maxim of his predecessors, That it was better to heare the Larke sing, then the Mouse peep; and their Proverb, Loose and living. On the second of January, hee had a warrant sent to him to enter himselfe* 1.232 prisoner in the Castle of Edinburgh, which he obeyed immediately. As hee went up the street, accompanied onely with his owne domesticks, James Stuart (his accuser) was coming downe, and as he passed by, hee said to him (in an insolent and insulting manner) fare well my Lord, goe on. His servants would fain have made an end of the accuser, if not of the accusation, but he would not suffer them by any meanes, but held on his way toward the Castle (without replying any thing) and so entred there a prisoner. This obedience of his is liable to bee diversly thought of by diverse, and is diversely censured by men (according to that saying) Laudatur ab his, culpatur ab illis, it is commended by some, and discommended by others. They blame his wisedome, that he should have trusted, and relied so much upon his innocency, as to have put his life into the hands of his enemies, who used the colour and sha∣dow of the Kings authority, for their owne private ends, and to fulfill their owne malice, and revenge. Others commend him, that being in∣nocent, he obeyed the King, and submitted himselfe to the lawes. The event gave judgement for the first, and all men since are of the former opinion; yet it may be he did not rely meerly on his innocency; and that he looked not to have had such a number of enemies, having never de∣served such hatred of any; and that he thought the Nobility would ne∣ver give way to such extremity, which was an ill precedent and prepara∣tive against themselves. But however, God had his worke to bring to passe, and meant to humble him this way; and therefore his wisedome (which appeared at other times) did now fail him, so that hee was con∣founded in his discourse and reason. There can nothing else bee said or alledged for this grosse errour in so wise a man.

This is the first evident step of his falling. They might now doe with him what they pleased, and yet scarce all that they pleased, with safety and security. His Nephew the Earle of Angus was at liberty, and re∣mained at Dalkeith, who being sent for to come to Court, refused to come; yea, though he were charged under pain of treason by a Herauld to come to the King, yet he would not obey, but was declared rebell. Al∣so Mortons keeper Alexander Ereskene (master of Marre) being an ho∣nest and kinde hearted Noble man, they could not use any violence to∣ward him, so long as he was in his custody. Therefore they thought it best* 1.233 to send him to Dumbarton: and that they might doe it the more safely, they set forth Proclamations, discharging all men that had any relation to him, or that they suspected to favour him, to come within foure miles of any place where the King was, or should happen to be. So in the 17. or 18. of January, he was brought forth of the Castle of Edinburgh to be carried to Dumbarton. There it did appeare, how the change of mens

fortune doth change the minds and affections of people toward them. When Morton dimitted his office and authority of Regent, none of the Citizens would take norice of him, or looke toward him: Now that hee suffers for a good cause (as they esteemed it, to wit, opposing Obignie, and his courses) they flock to him, and accompany him out of the town in such numbers and multitude, that his keepers were afraid of them. And that the rather, because some of his well-wishers had (some nights before) called the Captain of the Castle, and desired him not to deliver him, or to let him come out; and had threatned, that if hee should deli∣ver him, it should be remembred as an act of hostilitie, and hee reputed and used as an enemy. They that were his convoy were commanded, if any should come to rescue him from them, that they should kill him ra∣ther then suffer him to escape. The Queen of England by her Embas∣sadour, Master Randolfe, interceeded for him, and told the King and Councell, that she understood that hee was a true and good Subject, a worthy Noble man, and free of that he was accused of. Shee desired that he might be tried by an assise (or jury) and that his enemy (knowne to be so) Mounsier d' Obignie (now made Earle of Lennox) who was also an enemy to the reformed Religion (as being a Papist) might bee removed off the Counsell. It was answered, that the King was not so farre bound to any forraign Prince, as to change his Counsellers at their request, or to trie his Subjects but where and when he pleased. The Embassadour discontent with this answer, gives up all bond of friendship, and having denounced warre, returned into his owne Countrey the 27. of March, 1581. Hereupon a taxation was imposed, and a company levied of 1000. foot, and some horsemen, to be a Guard for the Kings person. James Stu∣art (the accuser) was preferred to be a privie Counseller, is made Baron of Bothwell-haugh (say the notes) Lord Hamilioun, Earle of Arrain, and Captain of the Guard; with most ample Commission to apprehend whomsoever he suspected, and to banish and punish at his pleasure; espe∣cially any that favoured the Earle of Morton, of whatsoever degree, ranke or quality. But the English intended rather to threaten then to make war indeed; and they knowing that well enough, went on with their intended projects against Morton. He being still kept prisoner in Dumbarton, learned a lesson there, which he had not well learned till then. Let the prophane be silent, and let mockers leave off their mocking, and let all mortall men know that there is a happinesse which consists not in ho∣nour or riches; that there is a God who disposeth of all things, who is All-sufficient, and who is able alone to satisfie and content the mind: few there are that know, or consider it, but when t•…•…ey are brought to such a point; and happy is he that can doe it then. He had heard of it before, and beleeved it, but had not taken it so fully to heart, nor felt it by expe∣rience. Now he sees, now he feels and findes it really, and experimen∣tally. He contemns the world, and his riches are vile in his eyes, his glo∣ry vanity, and all his delights madnesse. He findes that one thing is neces∣sary, and is all that is of man, which is, to reverence God. Hee sees his over-sight, in that he had been so slacke and carelesse thereof before: now he goes about it as he can, and labours to amend his fault; hee reads the

Scriptures, and meditates on them; he makes his use, and findes comfort therein: he sees his sinfulnesse, and repents him thereof; sees Gods mer∣cifulnesse, and layes hold on it. He acknowledges himselfe to have been miserable when he seemed to swim in happinesse, and that now hee was truly happy when he seemed overcharged with miserie, in respect that God had given him leasure to meditate and thinke of his end, and time and grace to repent, while being sequestrate from all worldly affaires, and restrained by his imprisonment, his minde had full scope and libertie to raise it selfe to those better and higher thoughts of the life to come, and of eternity: wherein he found such contentment and resolution, that now death was no more death to him, nor terrible, and that all the hor∣rour thereof was swallowed up with the hope of those eternall joyes and pleasures which last for evermore. Thus being prepared for that last act, he was sent for to give proofe how well he could practise and make use of this lesson. For on the 24. of May the Earles of Arran and Mon∣trose, with some companies of horse and foot, brought him from Dum∣bartan to Edinburgh the 27. to Robert Gourleyes lodging, which was one* 1.234 of the strongest in the Citie. Before they tooke their journey (on the 22. day) proclamation was made, commanding all that favoured him (in generall) to depart out of the towne, and not to come within ten miles of the King and his Court; and particularly some 52. Citizens by name were expressed, and strictly charged to goe forth of the Citie. After foure dayes respite (the first of June) he was called to the Tolbooth, and* 1.235 there empannelled, and convicted by a Jurie, aud found guilty of the late Kings murther. The sentence was given out by the Earle of Montrose, who was Chancellour of the Assise, and it is said to have beene pronoun∣ced in these termes; The Jurie (or Assise) doth finde him guilty of being airt and part of concealing the murther of our Soveraigne (King James his father) the late King Henry. When Morton heard it, he repeated these words twice over, Airt and pairt, airt and pairt, and without speaking farther, he held his peace.

It is reported that the Jurie did finde him onely guilty of concealing the murther, and that Arran and Montrose, thinking that to be onely guilty of concealing was not sufficient matter of condemning him, did •…•…oist in these words (airt and pairt) to give it the greater sound, and to make it be thought and understood, as if he had beene found to be airt and pairt (that is, deviser, contriver, plotter, and part▪ ker or accessary) to the Kings murther, whereas he was onely found to have concealed it. This made one that heard it, and perceived the sophistry thereof, to say, that they had stollen his head from his shoulders by sophistry. His known enemies (the Lord Seaton and Wauchton) were of his jurie, yet it is thought they did him no wrong in their verdicts. But however, it shew∣ed partiall dealing, in that they would not suffer them to be set aside when he excepted against them as knowne enemies. Being asked at his death what he thought of the judgement; he answered soberly, that he would leave them to God and their owne conscience: but he perceived that whe∣ther he had beene guilty or guiltlesse, as Stephen, or Judas, all had beene one, his death had beene concluded before; for his lawfull and legall

exceptions were not admitted, his enemies were on his Jurie, (naming the two former) and such as were partiall, and not indifferent, who had gi∣ven partiall counsell against him, by name the Earle of Argyle. He ad∣ded also that it was not his death alone that would content them, and that they would not stay there, others should be put to it as well as hee, he was but made a precedent, and preparative to make way for the rest: the cause was the maine thing they aimed at. However it were, whether the sentence were thus involved and wrested, or if it were plaine and cleare; whether it were indeed so given out by the Jury, or if it were thus patched out by Arran and Montrose, he was conveyed backe againe to his lodging as a condemned man. There he carried himselfe after his wonted manner, his countenance was no wayes cast downe, or changed, he supped cheerfully, and slept soundly, without any apperance or shew of feare, or solicitousnesse.

About three of the clocke in the morning hee arose and wrote letters (for the space of three houres) with his owne hand to the King, and af∣terward laid him downe againe and slept till nine. These † 1.236 Letters were sent by the Ministers who came to visit him, but Arran and Lennox would not suffer them to be received. When he was up, Master Walter Balcanquell, and John Durie (two of the Ministers of Edinburgh) came to him, and had long conference with him, which is set downe at length in the Historie of Scotland, written by Francis Boteville, called Thin, an Englishman and joyned to Hollinsheds Chronicle, so that he who desires to know it, may reade it there. The summe of it is his confession con∣cerning such things as they questioned him of,

1. And first concerning the murthering of the King, he said he was* 1.237 neither airt nor pairt thereof, and that being prest by the Earle Bothwell, he would never consent to it. And although (say the notes) Bothwell al∣ledged that the Queene had determined it, and divers Noblemen had gi∣ven their consent under their hand-writing, and had sent to him to desire him to put to his hand also; yet he answered resolutely, that he would in no wise meddle in it, nor be guilty of innocent bloud. As for the Queen (said he) though it be so, yet women will say and gain-say, she may in her anger doe or say that which afterward she will repent her of. Nay, when Bothwell promised to bring her consent thereto under her hand∣writing, yet he refused to joyne with him upon any termes; and to avoyd his importunitie, he passed over to Saint Andrewes to vifit the Earle of Angus, who was then a Student in the New colledge there; neither did he see or meet with Bothwell after that, untill such time as the fact was committed.

2. As for poysoning the Earle of Athole at Stirling, he said he was neither author of it (if he were poysoned) nor any wise accessary or conscious to it; that he detested and abhorred all such formes of dealing even with enemies, and was sorry to think that so base, foule, and wicked practice should creep into this Countrey, which was already guilty of too many, too common other sins of its owne: he said also that he was not such an enemy to Athole, as that he would have done him any hurt, though he had found him lying asleep by the way side.

3. Touching the Earle of Lennox, he said, he never wished him any hurt, so farre was he from conspiring against him. Onely it grieved him that he knew the estate of this Countrey no better, and that he saw not what danger the King was in, and that he was induced by perswasion to bring home such as were enemies to the true Religion, which he purposed to have let him understand, and hoped to have advised him better, when they had beene better acquainted, and more intimately familiar.

4. And as for carrying the King to England, he said, he would not have done it for a world, unlesse it had beene to have made him King of England: that there was never such a motion made to him directly nor indirectly by the Queene, or any other in England or Scotland: that he never had any pension of her.

5. As touching his setting up and maintaining the estate of Bishops (whereof there had ensued great debate and contention betwixt him and the Ministery) he said, it did not proceed of any ill minde; of any malice, or contempt of them, or their callings, but meerly out of want of better knowledge, thinking that form of government to be most conforme to the rules of policie, and to be fittest for the times. That if he had then knowne better, he would have done otherwise, and that he had intention (if he had lived) to have made amends.

6. Concerning his incontinencie, and worldly mindednesse, he freely acknowledged and confessed it, seriously repented, and craved God par∣don for it, and said, he firmely beleeved to obtaine it: that •…•…e saw mercy, and had found more grace during the time of his trouble, then ever hee had done all his life before.

7. For his detaining of some Citizens of Edinburgh in prison, he said, he had not done it out of any spleene, or private quarrell against the men; but the matter of bringing in Bullion being then in hand, and he being informed that these men did hinder it, he thought it his best course to commit them till such time as the businesse were done: Wherein, if he had wronged them, he was sorrie, and craved them pardon, & forgivenes.

His counsell to the Earle of Angus (his Nephew) was doubtfull: for he said he durst not advise him in any particular for the present, because he thought it would endanger his life if he should come to Court; and not to come (if he were commanded) would hazard his estate. His best were to use what meanes he could to obtaine the Kings favour and leave, that (life and lands safe) he might serve God, and him, in a private retired manner, which he would wish him to doe in all humility, and to submit himselfe and all to the Kings will and pleasure.

To the King (his master) with all submission; yet in the name and fear of God, he would exhort him to beware of Papists, either profest, known or suspected, who (as he thought) were become too too familiar with him: that he would continue in the true Religion, and fear of God, & entertain in his company such as loved it, according as he had bin bred and brought up, & not to make defection from it, or slide back, else it could not be well with him: he feared there was danger, which men should see when he was gone. He remembred the admonition which master Knox gave him when he came to visit him on his death bed (or a little before) being newly made

Regent: God hath (said Knox) blessed you with many blessings, he hath gi∣ven you wisedome, riches and friends, and now he hath preferred you to the go∣vernment of this Countrey; use these things well, and better than hitherto you have done; alwayes to his glory who hath given them you▪ first by advancing the Gospel, and maintenance of the Ministers, and the whole Church; next, by procuring the good and welfare of the King, the Countrey, and all good subjects; which if you do not, God shall rob you of them with shame and ignominie. This he spake (said he) and this I finde now, yet I doubt not, but God will be mercifull unto me.

He was much with them in prayer, and very earnest to have their aid & assistance therein; whereof he acknowledged that he received great com∣fort. He reasoned of the natural fear of death, which sticks and remains in men, even though they have assurance of the forgivenesse of their sins; wherein hee declared his own sense, and the collections he had made in his reading, since his going to Dumbartan.

He said, that in the Histo∣ry of the Bible, he had observed Gods wonderfull mercy toward the children of Israel; who when they sinned against him, he chastised them; when they repented, he forgave them; and though they sinned again, and were corrected again, yet when they cryed to him again, he forgave them again, he hoped so of himself, that God would forgive him also.

He shewed them a Book he had about him, which had been sent to him by the Lady Ormeston, when hee was first committed, which he had read, and made good use of it: it was M. Bradfords Medita∣tion of Death; hee caused M. Balcanquell to read a passage or two of it, (which he had chiefly noted) and as he read, Morton discoursed thereof to his own comfort, and their great satisfaction and contentment. He professed, that now he heard with other eares, and read with another minde and sense than he had done in former times. This Book he sent back to the Lady by Master James Lowson, with many thanks, acknow∣ledging he had been bettered by it. When break-fast was brought in, he desired them to take part with him, & spake very chearfully to them, tel∣ling them what a difference there was betwixt a man troubled with cares, and him that is resolved and free from them.

The last night (said he) before I came to my triall, I could not sleep nor take rest for thinking how to make my defences; but all this night I sleeped very sound, having 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to trouble me, but to make my peace with God.

After noon, M. James 〈◊〉〈◊〉, M. John Davison, and divers others of the Mini∣sterie came to him. There he embraced M. John Davison, and said to him, You wrote a Book, for which I was angry with you, but I never meant any ill to you, forgive me M. Davison was so moved herewith, that he could not refrain from weeping. Then he repeated again before them the same things which we have set down before. The Ministery hearing that the King was otherwayes informed of his Confession, than was true, sent John Durie, David Ferguson, and John Brand to his Majesty, who informed him rightly, and related things as they were.

They being returned, his Keeper (William Stuart, as I take it, brother to Arran) required him to come forth to go to the place of execu∣tion:

To whom he said, They have troubled mee much to day with worldly businesse, wherefore I supposed they▪ would

have given me this nights leisure to have thought of things which concerne my soul: But his Keeper replied, I think they will delay no longer, for all things are ready. If it be so (said Morton) so am I too, I thank my God.

And so (after a prayer made by one of the Ministers) he went down the stairs without any farther stay. The Earle of Arran met him by the way, and brought him back to the chamber again, wil∣ling him to stay till his Confession were set down in writing, that hee might signe it with his own hand. But he, and the Ministers that were present with him, entreated that he might not be any more troubled with that matter, seeing they had all heard it suffi•…•…iently. Then Arran desired that he would forgive him for what he had done, seeing he had no particular against him. He answered, that it was not time to remem∣ber quarrels; he forgave him and all others, as he desired they would forgive him.

So he went to the Scaffold very resolutely, and repeated the same* 1.238 things in audience of the people, which he had spoken before in private. He added moreover: The King (sayes he) shall this day lose a good servant, who dieth professing the Gospell taught now in Scotland: and though I have not walked worthy of that profession (as by the grace of God I should have done, if I had lived longer, to the hazarding of my Life, Lands and all) yet am I per∣swaded of Gods mercie in Jesus Christ. And here I charge you all to continue therein, and to maintaine the same to the uttermost of your power, and God shall blesse you, otherwayes you shall not escape his punishment. Then while the prayer was conceived by Master James Lowson, he fell down all along flat on his face: during which he uttered great signes of being mightily moved, which he expressed in his sighes and groanes, which many of the be∣holders saw evidently did not proceed from fear, but from the spirit of grace working powerfully in his hea•…•…t. Prayer being ended, he stood up, and his friends came to take their leave of him, and after he had bid∣den them farewell, he saluted the Ministers, and took them all several∣ly by the hand, and bade them farewell in the Lord.

After all was done, he went without fear or dismayednesse, and laid* 1.239 his neck upon the block, crying continually that happie song, Lord Jesus receive my spirit, till the axe (of the Maiden, which he himself had caused make after the patterne which he had seen in Halifax in York∣shire) falling upon his neck, put an end to his life, and t•…•… note together. His body was carried to the Tolbooth, and burie•…•… •…•…ecretly in the night in the Gray-friers, his head was affixed on the Gate of the City.

Thus he died the 2. of June 1581. proudly (said his enemies) and Romane-like as he had lived: constantly, patiently, humbly and Chri∣stian-like, said the Pastors, who were beholders, and eare and eye∣witnesses of all he said and did. These outward motions being so like to other, are hardly discerned but by a skilfull and unpartiall eye. Where∣fore the judgement and testimony of the Pastors deserves best credit; they being best able to distinguish nature from grace, and being freest from prejudice and partiality. His enemies censure may justly bee su∣spected as coming from that same disposition which moved them to

plot and work his death. And certainly if we observe and consider his whole carriage and discourse, during the time of his imprisonment, and at the very point of his execution, he must be voide of all charity that doth not judge the best of his confession, profession, and Christian dispo∣sition. So that it seems to be more than humane hatred and enmity, to be thus affected toward an enemie after his death, to kill him again by an un∣charitable construction of his devotions, and piety towards his God. Li∣vor post fata quiescit. Envie ceaseth after death▪ and so let it do toward him.

If a man would see a pattern of one, exercised in all the changes & vicissi∣tudes of fortune, who had gone through & tried all the estates and condi∣tions of humane life; let him cast his eye and look upon our Earl of Mor∣ton, in his child-hood, in his riper years & m•…•…nly estate, and in his old age, in peace and in warre, in private and publick employments. In every thing he took in hand, in every estate and condition, he acquit himself with credit, honour; and even admiration. When he was a serving-man, he was industrious, carefull and faithfull; when he came to an estate, and was a Nobleman, he behaved himself as if he had been bred such from his infancie. In Court, he acted the Courtier▪ in Councell, a States-man, abroad in England, being sent thither Ambassadour, he approved himself to both Nations, and gained great reputation of sufficiencie. While he en∣joyed the favour of his Princesse, he was not puffed up; and being in dis∣grace and banished, he was not casten down. He was a faithfull Colleague and fellow-governour with others; and when he came to be sole and su∣pream, this Countrey never enjoyed greater peace, and a more flourishing Regencie. Being returned to the condition of a private Nobleman, he o∣beyed as well as before he had commanded. And last of all, when he was accused, condemned and executed, he shewed himself to be himself, and a good Christian. He was well skilled, as in politick government, so in oeco∣nomie, from the shrub to the scepter, from planting of Cabbage in his Garden, to the weelding of the Sword and Scepter in the seat of Justice. The smallest and meanest points of husbandry did not escape him, and the highest and deepest points of State were not above his reach. So that the saying of the Hystorian concerning Cato Major (In hoc viro tanta vis animi ingeniique fuit, ut quocunque loco natus esset, fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuissevi∣deretur) Is no lesse true, and mayas wel be applyed to Morton. And that al∣so which followes; Nulla ars neque privatae, neque publicae rei gerendae ei de∣fuit, urbanas, rusticasque, res pariter callebat. Hee was slow of speech by a naturall stayednesse and composed gravity. He was of a middle stature, ra∣ther square than tall, having the hair of his head and beard of a yellow∣ish flaxeri. His face was full and large; his countenance majesticall, grave and Princely; he was affable and courteous to all, yet so as to keep bold encroachers aloofe, and so familiar as not to forget to keep his distance. He was given to gather riches, yet without oppression or sordidnesse and basenesse: For hee was liberall upon occasion, and not unkinde or un∣mindefull of his friends. Of which disposition I remember this instance; when John Halden (of Gleneagles) with his friends of the house of Marre (especially the Abbot of Driebrugh) came to him to agree with him for his wardship (hee being Regent) told them that

hee had bestowed it on Isabel Hume daughter to Sir David, and sister to Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and that hee might take her and it together, which hee did accordingly. This came meerely of him∣self having never been spoken to, and when there was none that be∣longed to the Gentlewoman near him, to motion or suggest it to him. He was also calme and not easily moved to anger, and apt to forgive and forget injuries or contentions, that had been betwixt him and any other. This appeared in his carriage toward Master Knox, who had used him roughly, and rebuked him sharply for di∣vers things, but especially for his labouring to set up and maintaine the estate of Bishops. For howsoever he took it hardly for the time, yet when Master Knox lay a dying, he went and visited him, and after he was dead, was present at his buriall; where hee gave him this honourable and ingenuous testimonie; Here lyest thou (said he) who •…•…ert never afraid of the face of man in delivering thy message from GOD. Hee set a foot a great good work, and would (no question) have seen it perfected, if hee had brooked his Regencie a while longer, which was the reducing of our Lawes into a more easie forme and method, than now they are. The care of this was committed to, and the task laid upon Sir James Balfoure, and Master John Skeene Clerk-Register, and Master of the Rols. The work (as I am informed) was well advanced, but when he quit his authority, they left off any further proceeding in it. And I have heard since some question it, whe∣ther or not it would have done good to the subjects, as if it wer•…•… to be doubted whether it were better to have some order than none at all. So apt are men to calumniate any thing that hinders their particular emolument, or limites their unwarrantable power, and curbs them from doing what they list. Hee kept a Concubine or two, because of his La∣dies being distracted and frantick, and was even too much set to heap up treasure. Yet his care was, that his enemies should not be enriched by it▪ and his luck was answerable to his care. For those on whom he would have bestowed them (if hee had had power and opportunitie to distri∣bute them according to his minde) by good fortune lighted on it; I know not if they got all of it▪ or if it were divided according to that proportion, which he perhaps would have observed. James Richiso•…•… of Smeeton (his brother-in-law) got a share of them, having been tru∣sted with the keeping thereof; Jannet Sharpe his Lemmon another share, James Douglas of Spot got some part thereof; and some very small por∣tion (as is thought in respect of the whole summe) came to the hands of Archbald Earle of Angus, after his returne from his first banishment. A notable example of the uncertainty of these corruptible riches, and of worldly treasure, which cannot be preserved from the digging through of the thief, the eating and consuming of the moth or canker-worme, or the dispersing and scattering of an unfaithfull hand and hea•…•…t. Though he imployed himself much about it, and thought it a great point of wisedome thus to store up wealth; yet at his death hee saw and con∣fessed it to be but vanity and folly.

If wee admit Morton to be a judge or witnesse (and what better

either judge or witnesse can we finde?) he will decide the question be∣twixt the two (both self-pleasing) parties, which do challenge (each to himself, and derogates from the other) that high honour and title of wisedome; I mean betwixt him that seeks after, and labours for world∣ly honour, dignity and riches: and him that having his minde raised higher and pitched upon better things, slights these earthly things as trash, not worthy of his thoughts or care. The worldling cals, and thinks him a foole, and he esteems no better of the worldling; and each laughs the other to scorne. Who then shall be judge or witnesse? Seeing all are parties; and there is no man but is either of the one side or of the other. Certainly, we may judge best by the confession of the parties themselves. Of which the last never yeelded, never gaine-said or be-lyed their assertion; while they live they avouch it, and at their death they do confirme it much more. Though Chrysippus tormenter do torture them, though the world (for the want of it) do afflict them with contempt and despising, still they stand fast, and stick to their point unshaken and unmoved. The worldlings, by the contrary, sometimes while they flourish in prosperity, ever when they are in adversity: Some∣times while they live and are in health, ever when they lye in dying, con∣fesse against themselves, and cals all their labour and pains about it folly and vanity. So did Morton amongst others, which the wise will lay to heart, and make their use of it.

Jacobus Duglassius, Mortonius Comes, Prorex pro JACOBO Sexto, Edinburgi securi percussus Anno 1581.

Hunc specta Heroem, celso cui spirat ab or•…•… Majestas, toto & pectore rarus honos. Augustos inter terrarum lumina, reges Pro Rege, & Domino, regia sceptra tulit. Consilium, imperium, virtus, facundia, census, Quaeque homines capiunt, quaeque dedêre dii, Unus cuncta fuit. Nihil ad fastigia summa. Defuit, aeternum si sua fata d•…•…rent. Sed viden' ut subito fatorum turbine versa Omnia, & in praeceps pondere pressasuo? Discite mortales mortalia temnere, & illa Quaerere, quae miseris non rapit aura levis.

Joh. Johnstonus in Heroibu•…•….

James Douglas Earle of Morton, Regent, beheaded at Edinburgh, 1581.

Behold this Heros how his looks be grac't With Majestie, what honour's in his breast! How high his port may to the world appear! He rules a King, and doth his Scepter bear. Counsell, commanding, and perswasive Art, What ever men injoy or gods impart, Is found in him: If Fortune did remain Constant, no greater height he need obtain. But ah! what sudden change is here! this state Falne with its own weight lyes opprest by Fate. Observe it well, and learn those goods to prise Which never can decay; the rest despise.

Of Archbald (the third of that name) and ninth Earle of Angus.

NOw we come to Archbald himself (the third bearing the name of Archbald) son to David, as hath been said.

He was thrice married; first to Margaret Ereskin, daughter to John Earle of Marre, who was Regent of Scotland immediatly before Morton. Shee was a beautifull, chaste, and vertuous Lady. Shee lived with him but few years, and died without children.

After her, he was married to Margaret Leslie, daughter to the Earle of Rothus. She lived with him the space of years, after which he was divorced from her for her adultery. She likewise had no children.

His third wife was Jeane Lyon, daughter to the Lord Glames (Chancel∣lour) and Relict of Robert Douglas of Logh-leven. She bare to him a daughter after his decease (named Margaret) who died about the age of fifteen years a maid unmarried.

He was bred and brought up with his Uncle Morton, as wee have said,* 1.240 who was his Tutor and Guardian. He studied in S. Andrews in the New Colledge with Master John Douglas Provest of that Colledge, and Re∣ctor of the Universitie, till he was fifteen years of age. After that, he lived at Court with his Uncle, having with him his Pedagogue Master John Provaine, who endeavoured to instruct him in the Latine tongue, and taught him his Logicks & Rhetoricks, but with such successe as is custo∣mable to youth and Nobilitie; nature, counsell, and example drawing them rather to the exercises of the body, which are more agreeable to their inclination, and are esteemed more fit and proper for their place. Whereas Letters are thought onely necessary and usefull for mean men, who intend to live by them, and make profession of some Art or Science for their maintenance, but no wayes either suitable or requisite in Noble∣men, and such as are of any eminent rank or degree. For these they are

judged to be too base, and he that affects them, pedantick a•…•…d of a mean spirit. Nay most men do accompt the studie and knowledge of them prejudiciall, hurtfull, and no small let and impediment to politick activenesse, and that it doth abate the courage of the minde and vigour of action, which is requisite for their charge and calling of being States-men and Warriours. A perverse and pernitious Tenent, and farre contrary to the practice of the most famous Captains, and Princes in all ages; such as were Julius Caesar, Scipio Africanus, Alexander the Great, and Pompey called the Great also; of Trajane, Antonius, Charle∣maigne; and almost of all the Grecian Worthies. And yet (we heare) that the Nobility (in France especially) accompt it a reproach to be cal∣led or esteemed learned, and deeme it honourable to be illiterate and ig∣norant.

Much good may this honourable ignorance do them, ere any wise-man envie it. As for the Earle of Angus, sore did he repent him of this neglect, and greatly did he blame himself for it. Especially in the time of his last banishment, during which he laboured to have repaired that losse and over sight of his youth, by reading and hearing read to him Latine authours of all sorts, both Historians and others; chiefly •…•…us and Tremellius translation of the Scripture, which he took great pleasure and delight in. And though the defect of practice in his youth could not be altogether and fully supplyed, yet such was his naturall ju•…•…gement, that in expressing of his minde either by word or writ, none c•…•…ld do it more judiciously and sensibly; and in dictating of Letters or any other thing, he even equalled (if not over-matched) those who would challenge to be the greatest and most skilfull Artistes therein. This was well known, and ingenuously acknowledged, and witnessed by Chancellour Metellane (of honourable memorie) who having lighted upon some letters of his written with his own hand, so well conceived and penned, that some who heard them read, supposed they had not been of his own penning, but that he had onely transcribed them, that they might seem to be his own; he on the contrary affirmed (and it was true) that they were of his penning, and that he did seldome use any mans help that way, being himself very sufficient and able to discharge it.

Concerning his actions in the time of his uncles Regencie, wee have spoken of them above in his life (as▪ the fittest place for them to be re∣membred in) and we need not repeat them here. After his death, finding no sure footing for him in Scotland (amongst these who were authours of it, and would seek to secure themselves from all revenge* 1.241 thereof by making him away in like manner) being commanded by the King, and summoned in his name to come to Court, he retired into England. There hee was kindly received, and honourably entertained by the bountifull liberality of that worthie Queen Elizabeth; partly in memorie of his uncle, but no lesse for his own sake, being of such great hope and expectation, conceived by the appearance of his present vertues, his wisedome, discretion, & towardlinesse, which made him acceptable to all, and begot love and favour both from her Majesties self, and her Coun∣cellours

and Courtiers that then guided the State; Such as Sir Robert Dudley (Earle of Licester) Sir Francis Walsinghame Secretary; and more especially, he procured the liking of him who is ever to bee remembred with honour, Sir Philip Sidney I mean; like disposition, in curtesie, of nature, equality of age and years, did so knit their hearts together, that Sir Philip failed not (as often as his affaires would permit him) to visit him, in so much that he did scarce suffer any one day to slip, whereof hee did not spend the most part in his company. He was then in travell, or had brought forth rather (though not polish∣ed and refined it as now it is) that his so beautifull and univer∣sally accepted birth, his Arcadia. Hee delighted much to impart it to Angus, and Angus took as much pleasure to be partaker there∣of.

There were with him at this time in England, of the name of Dou∣glas, James Lord Torthorrell, and Sir George his brother; two sonnes of Mortons, James of Spot, and Archbald of Pittendrigh: Also James of Maines, and Sir George of Langnidderie. There were besides these (of note) onely John Carmichael and his sonnes, together with Hugh Carmichael: the rest were but his ordinary servants and depen∣ders.

He resided openly at Court, being no Rebell, and not convicted or guiltie of any crime committed against his Prince or Countrey. No such thing was laid to his charge by his enemies; otherwayes the recei∣ving and entertaining of him had been a breach of the peace betwixt the Kingdomes. All that could be alledged was, that he had withdrawn him∣self from the furie of his enemies. And yet, as if he had been a Rebell and forfeited, they intrometted with his rents and estate for their own use. He spent his time there, in learning to ride great horses, and handling of his Armes and Weapons, together with using such courtly and manlie exercises as became his age and place. But above all, he was carefull to observe the Government of the Countrey, and Policie of that State and Kingdome; making his own use thereof for his bettering, both in Chri∣stianity and civill prudencie. He looked with an heedfull eye upon mens wisedome, and through that, upon Gods working by their wisedome; he noted the actions of those who were the guiders of that State, Court and Countrey, saw their aimes and designes; and comparing them with his own affaires, and things fallen▪ out at home, he called to minde what had befallen his Uncle Morton; who (like them) had no lesse flourished, but was soon cut down and withered: who had been so powerfull and honoured but a little before, yet in a moment (as it were) was over∣thrown and trod under foot. His thoughts also reflecting upon himself, and his own condition, how hee was forced to forsake his own Coun∣trey, and depend upon the estimation of strangers; that though for the present he were somewhat respected, yet it was uncertain how long hee should be so, no longer than they should think it profitable for their own estate, and conduceable to their ends. From hence raising his minde to the contemplation of all humane affairs, and of all mor•…•…, men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 even of Princes themselves, he learned that (which few 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉

learne of any ranke, and fewer doe practise that are in high places, whose places crave action, and action over-treads contemplation) hee learned (I say) truly to contemne all worldly things, such as riches, ho∣nour, dignities, and the like; and truly to long and seeke after heavenly treasure, which perisheth not, and bringeth with it no anxietie, or soli∣citude of minde, having the soule fully set and fixed on God alone. Many speake of it, and that very well, and not without some sense and feeling thereof, but it lasts not, save for a fit, and sudden flash. We are all of us too earthly, and savour too much of earth, from whence we were taken, and of which we were made, and thither also we bend, and tend ever down-ward, what through our naturall propension that way, what by example of the multitude, which like a violent stream of an over∣bearing floud, carries us along, if we be not firmly built upon the rock of heavenly resolution, and unlesse we keep fast our hold by perpetuall and never-intermitted meditation. For him I dare avouch it, that howsoever he refrained from outward showes, for feare of falling into ostentation, or whatever other wayes he was employed about in regard of his place and calling, yet his minde was ever (even in the midst of businesse) wholly bent to God-ward, and would have beene glad to have beene freed from all thoughts and affaires which had any mixture of earth∣ly things. And this disposition wrought in him by his being exi∣led, he esteemed no small benefit and advantage of his sufferings; so that in private where he expressed himselfe freely, without all maske of ceremon•…•…e or nicenesse, he hath many times been heard to thanke God very heartily and seriously, with grave words, and settled countenance, saying, That hee would not have exchanged the crosse of his first banishment for all the Crownes and Princes estates in the world: farre lesse for an Earle∣dome, or Lordship, such as Angus, or Douglas. So did God work with him by adversitie.

While he was thus working upon himself in England, and framing his heart after a new mould and fashion (which few knew or dreamed of) God was preparing the way for his return to his place and honorsin Scotland. The love which his Countrey-men bore to him was great, and likewise generall, and almost universall (as it did commonly follow that popular name of Douglas, to which it was in a manner hereditarie) even in re∣gard of his owne courteous, milde, and towardly disposition, and of the great hopes and expectation of excellent fruit •…•…rom so noble and worthy a plant. This being accompanied with his suffering, and innocen∣cie, together with his harmlesse youth, age did move pitie, and stirre the affections of most men toward him.

As for particular friends, hee wanted them not (as few Noblemen in this Countrey doe, all the Nobilitie being linked and bound one to another by Kindred or alliance) his house having beene so eminent of a long time, and there being few of the Nobles, but were either descended of it, or tied to it by some consanguinity, affinity, or other relation. And therefore one would thinke it strange that he should have beene so long banished: yet when we looke upon his uncle Mortons case (who had the same friends or more) it is farre more strange that hee

should have come to such an end. But as in this, when the appointed time came, nothing could hinder his fall and overthrow: so in Angus his case, untill the time appointed by God did come, nothing could worke his re∣stitution. What the estate of businesse was at his departure, we have told already in Mortons life, ere that yeare came fully to an end (or not long after he had beene a yeare in England) there fell out a change at Court, which was thus:

Esme Lord Obignie (now Duke of Lennox) and James Stuart Earle* 1.242 of Arran, had (with their great riches and honours) acquired much hatred from all sorts of men. The Ministerie were offended at them for making master Robert Montgomerie Archbishop of Glasgow, (an Office then odious and unlawfull, as being against the Lawes of the Countrey, and ordinance of the Church) and were jealous of the one as a suspected Papist, and perswaded that the other (to wit, Arran) was a downe-right Atheist. The Nobilitie stormed and grudged at their extraordinary and sudden preferment. For James was made Lord Ham∣miltoun, Abercorne, Bothwel-haugh, and Earle of Arran, with a power almost absolute (given or usurped, under the name of Captaine of the Guard, and the pretext of pursuing the Douglasses) to apprehend, imprison, and put on the racke whomsoever he pleased. Obignie was made Lord of Dalkeith, Tantallon, Darlin, Torbouton, and Duke of Lennox, Keeper of the Castle of Dumbartan, and great Chamberlaine of Scotland.

Thus did they overtop and overshadow the rest of the Peeres, as tall Cedars doe small Shrubs, to their great discontentment and disdaine. The Gentlemen were so used by them, that they esteemed themselves brought into a thraldome and slaverie, none of them being sure of their estates, which were wrung from them by colour of law (the cloake of their oppression) and all fearing the rage and unlimited violence, espe∣cially of James Stuart, who was composed of nothing else, and whose actions were sutable to his disposition.

The Burrowes were alienated by being cut short in their privi∣ledges, liberties, and immunities, which were quarrelled, retrenched, cancelled, and taken away, according to their humours of avarice, and desire of gaine, and according to the pleasure and suggestions of their in∣formers and parasites.

With this their exorbitant increase of power and insolencie, as the hatred of others did increase toward them, so did variance arise betwixt themselves. The first occasion hereof was the carrying of the Crown at Parliament: this was proper, and is the hereditarie right and priviledge of the house of Angus, and he being now banished, and the Duke of Len∣nox having his estate, either for that regard, or because of his more honou∣rable descent, or by the advantage of the Kings favour (which he had in greater measure then Arran) we cannot affirme; but so it was, that he was preferred to bear it. Arran stormed at this, & protested that his bearing of it at this time should not be prejudicial to his claim, who being descended of the house of D. Mordack (which was nearest to the King) ought in reason to have carried it; yet he renounced all title to the kingdom, notwithstanding

of this extraction of his pedegree, and challenging of this honour. This renunciation was derided by some, and disdained by others, as a great malapartnesse, and high presumption in him, who being but lately raised from so meane a fortune and estate, durst utter such speeches as be∣wrayed such vast and high thoughts, as to aime at no lesse then the King∣dome, if ever (the Kings owne race failing) the right thereto should come in question, and happen to be controverted. And indeed his designes are thought to have flowne to no lower pitch, which (perhaps) had beene no very hard or impossible taske for him, if he could as well have kept out the Hammiltouns (who could onely pretend right to it) and the Douglasses (whose power and authority was the greatest in the Countrey) as hee found meanes to cast them out of Court and Countrey. For then he had had no Competitor but the Duke of Lennox, and him, being a stranger, and subsisting meerely by the present Kings favour, he nothing doubted to supplant by his craft and violence, joyned with such a colourable claim. Another occasion of discord fell out by Sir John Seaton, son to the Lord Seaton, and Master of the Kings horses. As the King was about to goe to his horse to ride a hunting, Arran having something to speake to him in private, all men were commanded to remove, which all did saving Sir John, who being by his place to wait upon the King, and set him on his horse, stayed still, and did not remove with the rest. Arran seeing him to stay behind the rest, either threatned to throw his batton at him, or did throw it indeed; for hee carried a staffe or batton as Captaine of the Guard. Sir John would have requited this affront, but was hindred by the Guard, who carried him downe staires, and so parted them for that time. The next day Sir John, his brother Sir William, and the Lord Sea∣ton himselfe, were all commanded to keepe their lodgings; which the Duke (who favoured them) tooke so ill, that he refused to come a∣broad that day. At last they were so divided, that the Duke carried the King with him to Dalkeith, and Arran abode in the Palace of Haly∣rood-hoose. There were with the Duke, the Lord Seaton, Maxwell, (then Earle of Morton) with some others. Argyle, Ruthven, (then The∣saurer, and lately made Earle of Gowrie) the Secretarie, the Con∣troller, and other Officers of State, stayed with Arran, and tooke upon them to make the body of the Kings Councell, and to sit as such. But all their Decrees and Conclusions were dashed by the King in person, which they wanted.

These broiles lasted from the end of October till mid-Februarie, about which time the King returning to Halyroodhouse (from whence Arran had removed before) and from thence going backe againe to Dalkeith, he sent for him, and reconciled him to the Duke, after which they became greater friends then ever they had beene before: so that Arran would doe nothing for any man but what hee knew stood with the Dukes good liking But this union betwixt them∣selves divided them the more from others, and others from both of them; for now hee that had any businesse with either, behoved to sue to both, and hee that disliked, or bore ill-will to ei∣ther, was forced to fawne on him also, or to hate both, and seeke

the overthrow of them both alike. At the Justice Aires in Perth 1582.* 1.243 in July, in some contest betwixt the Duke and the Earle of Gowrie, the* 1.244 Duke spake some reproachfull words to him in French, which Gowrie not understanding then; afterward, when he had learned what the mean∣ing of it was, he upbraided the Duke for ungratefulnesse, telling him, that was all the thanke he got for having twice saved him from being killed. Thus was he alienated, or thus did he bewray his alienation of minde, which lay hidden till now it burst forth. Another time the Chamber∣laine Aires being indicted to be kept (the 28. of August) by the Duke (then Chamberlaine) which was a Court very odious to the Burrowes, as being rather a legall robbery, then a Court of Justice, and upon which it is thought he was set of purpose that he might incurre more hatred, which commonly falls out, when a former generall dislike doth meet with private grudges. This Court (I say) being indicted, while the Duke was bu•…•…ied in preparing for it, and he with Arran ha∣ving left the King, were at Edinburgh and Dalkeith about such things as was necessary thereto: the foure and twentieth of August the King came from his hunting in Athole to Ruthven, where Gowrie, assisted* 1.245 by some of the Nobilitie, removed the Guard, that were under the command of Arrane, with no great adoe, and laid hold also of the Earle himselfe as he entred into the house of Ruthven, and conveigh∣ed him into a close roome, where he was kept, and not suffered to come neare the King.

He had, upon the first surmising of an alteration, come from Edin∣burgh with a company of some fourescore horse, but hearing that the Earle of Marre was at Kinrosse in his way, hee sent his company with his brothers (Robert and Henrie) and he himselfe with one or two ta∣king a byway, came to have slipt into the Kings presence before they had beene aware of him. But Gowrie being advertised hereof, met him at the gate, and had straightwayes killed him, if George Au∣thenlecke (sometime servitour to Morton) had not held his hand as he was about to have pulled out his dagger to have stabbed him. His two brothers, with their company, were defeated by the Earle of Marre, of which Robert was wounded also, and taken prisoner.

There joyned with Marre and Ruthven openly, Thomas Lion (Ma∣ster of Glames) Lawrence Lord Oliphant, together with Sir Lewis Ballandine of Achnowle (Justice-Clerke) and others. Before Marre came, the Guard made some difficultie to admit them, and grant them entrance into the Kings chamber: for they serving for pay, and be∣ing put in, and commanded by Arran, when they heard what had happened to their Captaine, made an offer to resist, and not to suffer any man to come neare the King, unlesse hee should signifie his pleasure to be such.

Sir Lewis Ballandine conceiving great indignation hereat, asked at master David Hume (who by chance was come thither, and stood next to him) if he had a pistoll about him, which he gave him, but with∣all said to him,

Be not too hastie to shoot, let them alone, you shall find that their fury will soone fall (lacking their Captaine, and a head)

and that they will give way, when once they see the Nobility approach.

And so they did indeed, for the Earle of Marre being come, and the rest joyning with him, they shranke away and gave place. When they came to the King, they shewed him the necessity of doing what they had done, in regard of the violence of Arrane, and their feare and suspition of the Duke of Lennox:

That there was no other way to remove the generall discontent of his Subjects, and to prevent the dangers which would follow thereupon to himselfe, and his Crowne, then by removing of these men from about him, whose unjust actions, and violent oppressions, reflected upon his Majesty, to the great prejudice of his honour and estate, as also to the great disadvantage of Religion, and the good of his people.

The King assented to what they said, either because he thought it to be the true, or rather, (as appeared afterward) that he might seeme to approve of that which hee could not resist▪ So they goe to Perth, then to Stirling, where their Proclamations were set forth; the one containing the Kings Declaration, concerning what was done at Ruthven; that it was for his service, and acceptable to him. In the other the Duke of Lennox was commanded to depart out of the Realme of Scotland before the 24. of September. There was a third also, by which the Chamberlain Aires were discharged to be kept.

The Earle of Angus had (a little before these things) come down from* 1.246 the Court of England to Berwick, in expectation of this change; and now having notice given him by these Noblemen of what had passed, he stayed a while in the towne, and thereafter came into Scotland: yet did he not goe directly to Court, but came to Cumledge in the Merse, a house within eight miles of Berwick, which belonged to Archbald Authen∣leck (a follower of his Uncle Morton) and lay next adjacent to his Ba∣rony of Boncle. There he remained till Master Bowes, and Master Cary (Embassadours from the Queen of England) came into Scotland (the 11 of September) and did by their intercession obtain of the King, that hee might be assoyled from that crime of Rebellion, which his enemies had put upon him, because he had not obeyed their charges given out in the Kings name, to come to Court, which was indeed to come into their power. Neither did he presently after hee was relaxed come neare the King, untill he had assurance that the King was very well contented, and desirous that he should come to him; but stayed some five weekes, expe∣cting his full and free consent therein, that his return might bee such as could not be excepted against. The King delayed him a while, that hee might be beholding to him •…•…or this favour, and he was contented to stay so long, that the King might see he was willing to receive it at his hands as a favour, and that by so doing, he might fully remove all hard constru∣ction that his Majesty could make of his withdrawing into England. He had presence of the King the 20. of October (about two moneths after he came home) in the Palace of Haly-rood-house, where hee was kindly and lovingly received, to the great contentment of all men, and with great commendation of his modesty; for that hee had patiently waited for his Princes pleasure so long a time, and had not abruptly rusht into his sight, which many would, and he might have done easily had he plea∣sed

to have made that use of the times and opportunitie which was offe∣red: but his disposition was not that way set; he was truely of a milde disposition, abhorring all turbulencie, every way towardly, inclining to peace, and to all submission toward his Prince.

Now being thus returned, gladly would hee have lived in quietnesse, and injoyed the Kings favour still, as he had it at this time, and willingly would he have served him as a faithfull and loyall Subject according as he had been pleased to have imployed him, without further stirring or meddling with any thing, or any person. Neither (as I thinke) did the world ever know, or bring forth a more calme and quiet spirit, voyd of ambition and covetousnesse, as also of all envie and malice to any crea∣ture, which are the chiefe causes of restlesse and tumultuous practices. He was also mindfull of Mortons counsell at his death, who advised him to doe so: and being alreadie in so honourable a place (first of the Nobili∣tie) he had little or nothing else to desire or hope for, if hee could have been assured to possesse his owne in peace. But finding the Countrey divided, the dregs of the old faction that stood for the Queen, still work∣ing underhand, and by it the Romish party labouring to undermine the true reformed Religion, and such as had been instruments to establish it, upon whose ruine these new men (by their new courses) did indeavour to build their preferment, so that none could with surety live in any ho∣nourable place, as a good Patriot, but behoved to take part with them that stood for Religion, and undergoe the like hazard as they did. Be∣sides, these Noblemen had (in very deed) wrought out and made way for his returne from exile, by removing of those who were (as common enemies to all honest men, so more particularly) his especiall enemies, having been authours of his Uncles death, and who had seized upon his owne lands and possessions. They were also his near kinsemen, and deare friends, Gowrie and Glames were come of his house, Oliphant was of his alliance (having married Margaret Douglas, daughter to William of Logh∣leven) and Marre was his brother in law, and no lesse his brother in love and affection, which continued without the least breach or diminu∣tion, so long as he lived. These private and publick inducements thus meeting and concurring, he could not esteem that cause to be more theirs then his owne, and therefore could not choose but embrace it as his own, that is, to the utmost of his power.

Therefore he joyned with them in it sincerely for his owne part, but* 1.247 they continued not long undivided amongst themselves. For the Duke being divers times charged to voide the Realme, after divers shifts and delayes, at last he went through England into France in the moneth of December, and not long after he died there the 27. of July 1583. After* 1.248 he was gone, they being rid of that feare, there fell out dissention be∣twixt* 1.249 the Earle of Gowrie, and Secretarie Pitcarne (made Lord of Dum∣fermeling) in April 1583. The King went to the Castle of Saint An∣drewes* 1.250 in August, and there the Earle of Gowrie (having changed his minde with the change of affaires) tooke a remission for his fact at Ruth∣ven, as being Treason, and so by his owne confession condemned him∣selfe, and all his partners therein, and by separating himselfe from them,

overthrew the cause, and them with it. All this while after Angus his returne, there was nothing done worthy of memory, save that he (out of his love and respect to his Uncle Morton) caused his head to be taken downe from the City gate, and honourably buried with his body, the 10. of December 1582. The chiefe instrument in this change, was William Stuart, a brother of the house of Goston, who had beene a Co∣lonell in the Low-Countreyes, and was then Captain of the Kings Guard. Gowrie had brought him home, and preferred him to the Kings service, of purpose to counterpoyse the greatnesse of Arran: but they were so wise, as not to crosse one another; but on the contrary, they did aid and strengthen each other all they could.

By this Williams means, the authours and actors of the fact at Ruthven* 1.251 were strictly commanded to depart from the Court, and the Earle of Ar∣rane recalled thither again. Angus had joyned with those of Ruthven, yet because he had not been an actor there, and had had no hand in it, he hoped that they would suffer him to live in quietnesse at home. Secretary Walsingham (Embassadour from Queene Elizabeth▪ had gotten a promise of the King that he should be fully restored to all his lands and possessi∣ons, and hee had relied thereon, and waited long for the performance thereof; but finding nothing but delayes, he perceived they had no good meaning toward him. And so indeed it proved, for Marre, and the ma∣ster of Glames were confined in Argyle, the Castle of Stirling (of which Marre and his predecessours had been keepers time out of minde) was committed to the custody of Arrane; and the Earle of Angus was confi∣ned beyond Forth.

Before his going to the place of his confinement, hee wrote to some* 1.252 of his friends to accompany him thither for his safety in his journey. This being knowne at Court, it was interpreted to be done of intention to sur∣prise the King, who was that day to goe abroad to his haulking. It was alledged also, that Marre and Glames were to meet him at Achnowes∣hill, and to joyne with him in his surprisall. Hereupon the King having risen by times that morning to goe to his sport, and being ready to take horse, was stayed that day, and curriours were sent out to try how mat∣ters went, and whether that report were true. Some of these scouts came to the Key-stone, (for that way Angus tooke of purpose, being furthest off from the Court, that he might be out of their danger, and they freed from all feare of him) and found him riding in a peaceable manner, ac∣companied with a small train of his domesticks onely, and those but halfe-armed (which was ordinary then, even in the most peaceable times) and no wayes prepared for warre. Hee desired them to tell his Majesty that he was going toward the place of his confinement, in obe∣dience to him; and they did relate the truth very faithfully and honestly to the King. This rumour (of surprising the King) was said to have proceeded from one of his owne name, who having been in Tantallon the day before, and perceiving that there were letters in writing, which they did not communicate to him (as Angus did never impart businesse to any, but such as were his intimate friends, and there having been some difference betwixt him, and this Gentleman, he never used him after that

so familiarly) made this conjecture of their secrecie, and whispered, it to the Courtiers, who were apt to beleeve it: whether he did indeed suspect some such thing, or if it were raised onely by envious, and malicious persons, we cannot affirme, but fame laid the blame of it on him; for that he, having been so late over night at Tantallon, had made great haste to be in Edinburgh that night, and came to Court before day light: and that upon his coming, the Kings haulking was stayed; yet it is uncer∣tain, for he was commanded also to depart out of the Countrey.

The Earle of Angus crossed Forth at the Queens Ferry, and went to his owne house at Aberdowre; but because there hee was too neare the Court, and so obnoxious to suspition, hee removed from thence to Kin∣rosse: and to secure them yet more, leaving his houshold there behinde him, he went almost alone to Lesely, a house belonging to his brother in Law, the Master of Rothusse. Being there, he moved him, and the Earle his father to deal with the Courtiers to grant him so much favour as to suffer him to live a private and retired life, at one of his owne hou∣ses in the Countrey farre from Court, and State businesse: but they were so farre from yeelding to any such thing, that whereas he had been charged onely to remaine beyond Forth before; now hee is sent* 1.253 to remain beyond Spaye.

Wherefore hee takes his journey thither, and came to Dundie; and from thence toward Elgin in Murray. Master Scrimger of Diddup* 1.254 (Constable of Dundie) would needs bring him on his way; and as if he had intended no more, caused carry his haulkes with him, but by no means would leave him till he came to his journeyes end. By the way he being well knowne, tooke upon him to be the chiefe man, and gave out that Angus was his sonne in law, the Laird of Inshmartin. This hee did, least the Courtiers should have laid some ambushment for him by the way, hee being to passe through a Countrey, where their par∣tie was strong, and where they had many favourers, having none of his owne followers with him, save Robert Douglas of Cavers, Gentle∣man of his horses. So he passed the Carne-Mont with great celerity and haste, the rest of his houshold following after by easie journeyes. Great was the care his worthy friend the Constable had of him; and many wayes did hee labour to keepe him from melancholy, and to di∣vert his thoughts from too much dwelling upon his present hard condi∣tion: there was no kinde of sport or game, which he did not afford him with all the varietie he could devise to entertain him, and to cheare him up: till the court, envying even this small contentment to him, command∣ed the Constable also to goe off the Countrey; yet was hee never desti∣tute of friends; such was the sweetnesse of his disposition, and of such power and force was it, that it wonne the hearts of all the Gentlemen in those quarters to him: such as the Innesses, Dumbarres, Hayes, and others, who did all strive who should shew most affection toward him, by inviting him to their houses, and feasting him by turnes, and using of him with all courtesie, and respect; so that hee could not have beene more honoured and regarded amongst his dearest friends, and nearest kinsfolkes. Nay, such was their love to him, that hearing some sur∣mises

of no great good will borne to him by Huntley, they of their own accord came to him, and forbade him to bee afraid of him, for they would spend their lives in his defence, and for his safetie, if the Earle of Huntley should attempt any thing against him▪ Where∣fore it was thought that they being thus affected, he durst not ad∣venture to execute any Court plot against him, which he wanted no good will to do, and otherwayes would have done. Yet was this the place of the Kingdome, where all Huntleyes power and friendship lay very neare at hand, and where Angus had least ac∣quaintance and fewest friends, all of them being meere strangers to him, without any other bond of obligation or tie of relation, but what his vertue and worth had gained in that short time of his being amongst them and conversing with them.

The Courtiers at this time were at no small contest and vari∣ance* 1.255 with the Ministers; chiefly with Master James Lowson, Ma∣ster Walter Balcanquell, John Durie (Ministers at Edinburgh) and Master Andrew Melvin, Principall of the new Colledge of Saint Andrewes, and Professour of Divinity there. The occasion was this; they had at a Generall Assembly approved the fact of Ruth∣ven by the Kings especiall commandement, and now being desired by the Courtiers to condemne it, they refused to doe it. Both sides alledged the Kings authority; the Courtiers pleading, that such was his will now: and the Ministers, that it was not such then. The Courtiers said that he was a captive then; and the Mi∣nisters replyed, that (perhaps) he was so now: that they saw not any thralling of him then; and that it might as well be alledged hereafter that he was a captive now, as it was alledged now that hee was a captive then. As for the particular quarrels of either side, they said they knew them not; but one thing they knew, that they were as good men, as Noble, as worthie, as well affected to his Majestie who were with him then, as those were who were about him now; that they were as free from all suspition of unsound∣nesse in Religion, nay, much freer, the others being at least suspe∣cted.

In which regard they could not retract what they had done, and could not but allow of their fact who had removed from the King, men that were not altogether free of suspition. What private ends or aimes they had, was unknown to them, as also they were ignorant what the respects were which they now had; both pretended the Kings will; but they were sure of this point, that the removing of suspected men was a good office, and made for his well being, and that the instruments thereof were instruments of a good work, whatsoever were their intentions. Thus most of them spake: Others expressed themselves more harshly, saying, that wicked men were removed, and such as were enemies to the Church, to the Countrey and to the Nobility, who sought their own preferment with the overthrow of all, that they might be built upon the ruines of all these. These speeches

were very unfavourie to the Earle of Arran, to the Colonell Stuart, and the Prior of Pitten-weeme. It rubbed upon them, and (by consequent) as they would have it appeare) reflected upon the King. Wherefore they called it sedition, and stirring up of dissention be∣twixt the King and his Subjects. So they informe the King, and by their Information, animate him against them. Wherefore John Dury be∣hooved to be removed from Edinburgh to Monrosse: Master James Lowson, and Master Walter Balcanquell were rebuked onely. Master Wal∣ters Text was treason (against the Courtiers) and spake too much though hee had said nothing. It was that passage of Ecclesiastes [I saw Princes walking on foot, and servants riding on horse-back] that is, Great and worthie men displaced, and base men set up in their room; to which doctrine hee added an admonition, that they should look to themselves when the cup of their iniquitie should bee full. Ma∣ster Andrew Melvin was dilated to the King and Councell by one Wil∣liam Stuart, that he had said in a Sermon of his, That the King was unlaw∣fully called to the Kingdome; but he craved, that seeing he was accused of wrong doctrine, that hee might bee tried by a Generall or Synodall Assembly, who are the proper judges of doctrine delivered from the Pulpit. It was answered, that he should have no other than the King and Councell, who ordained him to enter himself prisoner in Black∣Nesse.* 1.256 Whereupon hee fearing, and informed that Colonell Stuart and Arran had no good meaning toward him, fled secretly to Ber∣wick Before his departure, hee drew up his Apologie, of which it will not be amisse to set down the summe, as a testimony of his in∣nocencie and equity of his cause, as also of the violence, and iniqui∣ty of those times, that so it may appear more evidently what just grounds and reasons the Noblemen had to labour to have things re∣dressed, and such enormous insolencies repressed.

First, He pro∣tested* 1.257 solemnly before God and his Angels, that he never utte∣red either in that Sermon or in any other, any one word which might import any disgrace or slander of his Soveraigne the Kings Maje∣stie: but had ever exhorted all men to yeeld him all reverence and obedience: that hee had ever, and still did acknowledge him his lawfull Prince and supreame Governour in civill matters; that he had ever, and even then prayed for his preservation and pro∣sperity: Secondly, that his desire to bee tried by a Synod of the Church, did not proceed from any intention to call his Majesties authority in question, but onely because they were appointed to bee the ordinary judges of any thing delivered in preaching, In primâ instantiâ. He alledged for this a plaine Act of Parliament, and a con•…•…erence betwixt certain Lords of the Councell, and some Ministers deputed by the King, who had agreed upon this con∣clusion. Thirdly, hee said that Councels and Doctors of the Church did think that the triall of such things is most conve∣niently and fitly to bee taken in the place where the slander is raised, and scandall given; which was Saint Andrewes, for there that Sermon was preached: Fourthly, hee pleaded, that the

priviledges of the University, granted and given to it by former Kings, and confirmed and ratified by his Majesties self, made the Rector and his Assessors, Judges to all Ministers, Masters and Students that were Members of the same, and were accused of any offence committed within the liberties thereof. Fifthly, that he spake nothing but what he had good warrant for from scripture. Sixthly, that he had for him; first, the testimony of the Universitie, signed by the Rector, and sealed with their seal; secondly, the testimony of the Church-Session in S. An∣drews, subscribed by the Ministers, Elders and Deacons; thirdly, the testimony of the Provest and Bailiffs, and town Councell, signed by the town Clerk by their commandement, and sealed with their seal; fourthly, and last of all, the testimony of the Presbyterie, subscribed by the Clerk thereof: which testimonies were of more value to absolve him, than any one mans accusation was to condemne him. Seventhly, he desired that he might have the common priviledge of all the Sub∣jects, which was to know his accuser▪ and the prerogative of a Minister of Gods word, that an accusation should not be received (or put in pro∣cesse) against him, but under two or three witnesses. Eighthly, that his accuser might be liable, and incurre the punishment due to him by the Acts of Parliament, if his accusation were found to be false. Ninthly, that the Defender might have place, and be permitted to object against his Accuser: And that if William Stuart were the man, he would prove that the said William had professed hatred against him, and had threat∣ned him to do him bodily harm; in which respect, his information was to be suspected if he were the Delatour, or if he were a witnesse his te∣stimony was not sufficient. Notwithstanding of all this, yet he said, he would simply declare the truth in the presence of God and his Angels, so far forth as his memory would serve him. He said, his text was, Dani∣els expounding of the hand-writing on the wal to Baltazar. Here he ob∣served how Daniel in reproving Baltazar for not giving glory to God for his benefits toward him and his father, and for abusing the vessels of the house of God, did apply the Text (of the hand-writing) to Bal∣tazar. From hence (and other places of Scripture) he inferred, that application ought to be made of examples (whether of mercies or judgements) by the Ministers of the Word (as Daniel was) to Kings, as was Baltazar: And that the nearer the example touched the party to whom it were applied (as that of Nabuchodonosor, who was father to Baltazar) the more forcible it would be. This (said he) is the right way of application, but who doth it now-a-dayes? Or if any do it, who cares for it, or is moved with it? If a man should now apply the example of our Predecessours to these times, as of King James the third, how his Courtiers and flatterers abused him, would they not say that he raved, and wandered from his Text? Nay, perhaps, accuse him of Treason. Secondly, he said, concerning these words which his accuser did alledge to have been spoken by him (that our Nabuchodonosor, to wit, the Kings mother, had bin banished twice seven years, & would be restored again) as it never came into his mind, so did he not remember the words, or any expression tending to that purpose,

or importing any such thing: Thirdly, As for that speech (That the King was unlawfully called to the Crown) or any thing sounding that way; he protested before God, he never spake it, nor did he ever doubt of the lawfulnesse of his Majesties authority, which the Church had e∣ver maintained, & he himself constantly avouched, as all that knew him could bear witnesse. That it was true, that in speaking of Nabuchodo∣nosor, he had said; That first, howbeit he had succeeded to his fathers Kingdome, and that when he was of ripe years: secondly, though he were endowed with wisedome, learning, liberality, and other vertues: thirdly, though he had conquered and purchased divers Territories and Countries, as a valiant Captain (having been Lieutenant to his father) in his fathers time: fourthly, And although he were made King (after his father) by all the Nobility: yet Daniel maketh mention of none of all these, but saith, That God gave him the Kingdome. From whence he gathered as a firm conclusion; That, by whatsoever way Kingdomes do come (whether by election, succession, or conquest, whether by ordi∣nary or extraordinary means) it is God that gives them, & he that makes Kings. But (alas!) men do forget this that are in high places, as experi∣ence doth shew: And not only Atheists and Idolaters, but even godly Kings are subject to this forgetfulnesse. David extraordinarily called, Salomon also extraordinarily, and Joas extraordinarily preserved and crowned in his tender years, did all forget the ordainer, all forget God their advancer; and he therefore did chastise them. That instead of ap∣plying this to the King, he did (as his custome ever was, when he spake of his Majestie) turne and convert it into a Prayer: That since such was the weaknesse of Godly Kings, it would please God of his mercie never to suffer our King to forget Gods goodnesse and mercie toward him, who had called him extraordinarily to be King of the Countrey: first, being but a childe in his Cradle: secondly, his mother yet alive: third∣ly, a great part of the Nobility his enemies: and fourthly, some of them still pursuing of him, ever since the heavie burden of government was laid on his shoulders. He concluded that these were his formall words, upon which, what ground any man could have to build such accusation against him, he referred it to the wisedome of his Majestie and his coun∣cell, who, he hoped, would not give eare to such who through malice did stretch or wrest his words, or through ignorance did mistake them; not being able to distinguish betwixt extraordinary calling, and unlaw∣full calling.

This Declaration he set forth, not so much to beg favour or releasement, but to render the reason of his chosen and voluntary exile. Divers moe than he, who suffered as he did, and for the same cause, set forth likewise their apologies to justifie themselves, by clearing of their innocencie, and shewing the causes of their leaving the Countrey & their callings. The Courtiers did interest the King in all these quarrels, and laboured to embarke him therein the deepest they could: and by all meanes strove to make him beleeve that all was against him, and that their aime was at him, whom they wounded through their sides: and fain they would have perswaded all others to the same. But all were not so blinde: there were many that could, & did distinguish and separate the Kings cause

from the Courtiers; and did shew that as they hated them, so they loved him. Especially the Ministery, who at a Generall Assembly (held at Edin∣burgh in November) appointed a generall Fast to be kept throughout the whole Kingdome, and gave out the reasons thereof to be: first, The a∣bounding of wickednesse: secondly, The danger of the Church: thirdly, The danger of the King: fourthly, The danger of the Common-wealth (which all were meant, & did directly point at the rulers of court chiefly) through their wickednesse, Atheisme, want of Religion, Godlessenesse, Popishnesse, or Libertinisme, avarice, aspiring; Who being sole (said they) or chief about the King, under the shadow of his authority: first, do trou∣ble the Ministery: secondly, seek to pervert his Majestie, and draw him (if it were possible for them) to the same contempt of Religion; that so in time he might become a persecuter and enemie to the Church, and over∣throw it altogether: thirdly, do tread under foot the Common-wealth of this Countrey, by banishing the best of the Nobility, who do love God and the Church best, and are best affected toward the Kings welfare, that they in the meane time may possesse and brook their Lands and Inheri∣tance: And fourthly, who suffered murther, oppression, witch-craft, whooredome, and many other sinnes to passe unpunished and uncurbed. This Fast continued the space of a Week, including both the Sundayes.

The Cou•…•…tiers (notwithstanding of this) contemning and slighting all admonitions, kept on their own wayes and course of committing, banish∣ing, discrediting, and weakening of all such as they thought did favour the Nobility, and were not forward enough to further them, and advance their faction. They ingrossed all places of power and authority to themselves; dis-armed, dis-abled, and diminished all others, and even derided them. Of which dealing I will recompt one example amongst many: I have made mention above, how some discord and variance fell out betwixt Pit∣cairne, Abbot of Dumfermling, and the Earl of Gowrie. Hereupon Gow∣rie (to match Pitcairne) had reconciled himself to the Courtiers, and was thought to side with them; and especially to be very intimate with Colo∣nell Stuart. Pitcairne laboured to out-shoot the Earle in his own Bow, and for that end sues to the Colonel for his friendship, which because he knew that it was vendible, he sent him the price thereof (according to his esti∣mate) in gold. The Colonell liked the mettall, but not the condition, and therefore he kept both his friendship and the gold to himself; and having shewed it to the King and Gowrie, deriding him, said, that the Abbot had sent him that to draw the King to favour him; and thus was he flouted, and wiped clean of his Moneyes. William Douglas of Logh-leven was con∣fined in the Merse, for no other fault, but because he was a Douglas, and an upright honest man as any was in the Kingdome. Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, because he was in Kinne, and a friend of the Earle of An∣gus, was sent prisoner to the Castle of Downe beyond Forth: Sir James Hume of Coldinknows was committed to the Castle of Edinburgh; Ma∣ster Cunninghame of Drummewhasle was likewise imprisoned; and Ma∣ster John Colvill brother to Cleish had been served in the same kinde, if he, fearing their rage, had not prevented it by fleeing. Many others were used after the like sort, it being a sufficient crime to favour

any of the discourted Noblemen. Last of all, a Proclamation was made, wherein the Fact at Ruthven was condemned as foule, abomi∣nable, and treasonable, and all the actors therein (or favourers of them) were commanded to depart from Edinburgh, and not to com•…•… near the place where the King was, or should happen to be, under the pain of death. The Earle of Gowrie had taken a remission for it, but it served not his turne, nor did him any good at all: for he was particularly charged* 1.258 to go off the Countrey, and not to remain in Scotland, England, or Ireland, with a non obstante, notwithstanding any remission obtained be∣fore. And to secure themselves yet further, they prohibited all men to car∣ry Pistols, except the Kings Domesticks, and his Guard. They brought home also into Scotland, Lodowick Duke of Lennox (son to Obignie) be∣ing then but a child, to strengthen their party, and to tie the Kings affecti∣on* 1.259 so much the more to them. He was restored to his fathers estate, & (as a part thereof) to the Lordship of Dalkeith. This being Angus his inheri∣tance, they thought it would engage the Duke in a perpetual enmitie with him, as it is ordinary for a man to hate him whom he wrongs. On these & the like grounds they established to themselves (in their own conceit) a perpetuall & safe estate; which they had so fastned and linked with the Kings, that neither could be brangled without the shaking and over turn∣ing of the other. But these courses produced a quite contrary effect, & even then wrought such disposition in men, as did at last over-throw all their plots, and themselves withall. So frail, and so unsure a foundation is ini∣quity. For Angus as he was altogether innocent of any thing that could be alledged against him, even in their own judgements, so was he univer∣sally beloved of all, by an hereditary popularity from his Auncestours, and more for his own known vertues; and therefore being thus wronged in his person, and in his inheritance, he was pitied of all. Marre in like manner, being descended of an honourable, ancient, faithfull and loyall race of Progenitours, as also for his own good parts and conditions, was beloved in like sort, and pitied, notwithstanding that he had been an a∣ctour at Ruthven. The Earle of Gowrie (by the contrary) was greatly hated by the Courtiers, and little set by, or regarded by the other partie. He had assisted (with his father) at the slaughtering of Rizio, and was the chief man and principall authour and actour in the fact of Ruthven. Yet had he changed his minde and side at S. Andrews, repented him of what he had done at Ruthven, condemned it, and taken a remission for it. Now being casten off by the Court, and commanded to depart off the Coun∣trey, he repents him of his repentance, and condemnes his condemning; and would (if he could) salve all again by his recanting and retracting of this last act. But as the committing of the fact had made him to be hated by the Courtiers, so his condemning of it had brought him to be suspe∣cted of the Noblemen. He had condemned himself, and did deserve to be condemned, either for that he had done at Ruthven, or for his condem∣ning of what he did then, and taking a remission for it. He had given a co∣lour to the adverse party to condemne it by his confession and example, and had furnished them with that argument whereby to presse the con∣demning of it upon the Ministerie or others. For that was their maine ar∣gument,

and the string they most harped on, Gowries confession of a fault, and remission for it. All this notwithstanding, he desires to joyne with the Lords, and offers to tie himself to their partie with the strictest bonds that could be devised. Their case was the same with his; all to be utterly undone, unlesse some remedie were found; their enemies were the same with his, the guiders of Court; neither should they onely bee overthrown, but with them and through them the es•…•…te of Religion, and of the whole Countrey. This as it was spetious, so was it most true and certain, and which could not be denied. But what society could be sure with the Earle of Gowrie so often changing? If his changing proceeded from fraud and deceit, who could joyne with him? Or if it were from feare, what sure hold could they have of one so fearfull? Even Angus himself (whose nature was farre from distrusting) could not but distrust and suspect him. Onely, his present case seemed to plead for his since∣rity at this time; which was such, that he knew not where to shelter or se∣cure himself, but by joyning with them. For he was charged to de∣part out of the Kingdome, which was a token of no good will, nay of true enmity with the Court: or certainly, a deeper dissimulation than any man could concei e. And as necessitie did force him to take part with them, so were they also no lesse urged by necessitie to admit and receive him, in re∣spect of his great power & friendship in those quarters. The Earl of Athol and the Lord Oglebee (two Noblemen of great power and command) were his sonnes-in-law: Inshe-chaiffrey and Drummond his dear friends; and he himself was Sheriffe of Perth, and Provest of the Town. Where∣fore Angus his confinement being enlarged to the North-water, and he residing in the Castle of Brechin (his brother the Earle of Marres house) he sent one† 1.260 Master David Hume, whom he trusted, to conferre with him, that hee might trie and sound his minde as narrowly as he could, and report to him what hee found. The Gentleman found him in words, in countenance, and in gesture greatly perplexed, solicitous for his estate, besides the affairs of the Countrey, and greatly afraid of the violence of the Courtiers. So that looking very pitifully upon his Gallerie where wee were walking at that time (which hee had but newly built and de∣cored with Pictures) he brake out into these words, having first fetched a deep sigh; Cousin (sayes he) Is there no remedie? Et impius haec tam culta novalia miles habebit? Barbarus has segetes? Whereupon he was perswa∣ded of his upright meaning, and at his returne perswaded the Earle of Angus thereof also. So partly upon this assurance, partly enforced by ne∣cessity (there being no possibility to be strong in those parts without his concurrence) hee resolved to assume him into their fellowship and societie. Then did those scruples and doubts arise in Angus his minde, which are incident to honest natures and loyall dispositions. Hee considered that banding against Courtiers would be called, and seem to be combining against Authority and the King; for hee would take their part for the present: so was he to force his will, whom his heart carried him to honour. But what should hee doe? There was no other way (that he could devise) to secure their estates, their houses, themselves, their Countrey, and all honest men from oppression

and ruine, to preserve Religion (which ought to be dear to all men, and was dear to him) nay, even to save the King himself (whose safe•…•…e did consist in the preservation of the Church and Kingdome) and to deliver him, and pluck him out of the claws of these Harpies, whose oppression and wickednesse did reflect upon him, and redound to his dishonour: For whatsoever they did, was done in his name, and said to be the Kings will and pleasure. Their banishing of Noble∣men, and oppressing of all sorts and ranks of men, without diffe∣rence or respect, so that there was no honest man but stood in con∣tinuall fear of losing his life and estate: all this was laid upon the King. Their avarice was insatiable, their malice cruell, and their suspi∣tion unsatisfiable. They stood not upon reason, law or right; any pre∣tence (which they never wanted) served them for a warrant to seize mens persons or estates. Their ordinary course was to summond a man super inquirendis, and if he did compeir, to commit him to a free or close prison; if hee were afraid, and did not compeir, hee was found guiltie of rebellion, denounced, and his goods seized. They would be sure not to want witnesses to prove any thing against any man, by torturing his servants, or himself, to wring something out of him, which might bee matter against him, through impatiencie, and the violence of the Rack: At least hee should bee sure to bee vexed by re-examinations, and with-drawn from his necessary affairs, that so hee might bee constrained to buy his libertie and leave to stay at home, with some portion of his land, or a piece of mo∣ney.

These doings of theirs, though many knew that the King did not allow of them, yet being coloured with his authoritie, were apt to alienate (and might in time produce that effect) the mindes of the Subjects from their Prince, as also the heart of the Prince from his Subjects, by their filling his ears with jealousies, and by making vertue a cause of suspition, and him that was vertuous in any eminent measure, suspected and hated; and on the contrary, vice and the vicious to have vogue and credit, and to over-rule all.

How could this bee obviated, unlesse these men were removed? And how could they be removed without controlling of the King? And to contrary him (though it were for his good and sasetie) how ill would it be taken by him? Invitum qui servat, idem facit occi∣denti: To save a man against his will, is commonly rewarded with slender thanks. Patriam & parentes cogere etiamsi possis, & utile sit, tamen importunum est: To save a Prince against his will, and to force him for his good, how dangerous a point is it? For they account it as their life to reigne, and no reigning without absolute∣nesse, unlesse they reigne at libertie, without any controllment, were it never so little. But there was no remedie; whoso under∣takes any great enterprise, must resolve to passe through some danger.

And it is good for Kings sometimes that their hands bee held.

had Alexanders hands been held when he killed Clitus, hee had not of∣fered to kill himselfe, nor should Calistines have needed to take such pains with him, to make him digest his griefe for it. If speeches could have prevailed with the Courtiers, the Ministers had tried that way, but with bad successe: for they were accounted seditious and traiterous for their liberty and freedome therein. Wherefore there was nothing re∣maining but to remove them at what ever rate: and if his Majestie should take it ill for the present, future obsequiousnesse would make it appeare, that what they did, was in love and humilitie, and no wayes out of any treasonable or malicious intention, or out of arrogancy, pride, or presumption. The French Proverbe ta∣keth place; Il faut passer par la: there was no other way be∣sides; no audience, no accesse could bee had to him by any other means.

So they conclude to joyne their pains, and to partake of the pe∣rill. The way resolved upon, was, to assemble themselves at Stirling with their Forces; there to supplicate the King, and to make their de∣claration to the Countrey: to intimate their grievances and desires, with all respect to his Majestie, and with all evidence and plainnesse, against the Courtiers.

For this end, the Earle of Marre and Master of Glams should bee sent for, and first finde meanes to take in the Castle of Stirling (an easie taske for the Earle of Marre to performe, having his friends lying near to it, and the Towne devoted to his service) then the Earle of Gowrie should goe thither (who lay nearest to it) toge∣ther with the Earle of Athole, the Lord Oglebie, the Drummonds, and the Murrayes: Next to him the Earle of Angus from Brechin, to whom his friends would repaire out of the South parts, the Merse, Liddesdale and other parts: The Earle Bothwell, my Lord Lindsay, and diverse others of the Nobilitie were also on the party, and had promised to joyne with them.

Being once Conveened, and having the affection of the Ministe∣rie and Burrowes, they hoped to bee strong enough against these new mens owne power, assisted onely by their particular friends. If the Kings name were used against them, there behoved to bee a Con∣vention of the Nobilitie, and Barons; who would heare the Cause, judge impartially, and informe the King truely, without flattery or feare of the courtiers, whom they hated; neither could they doubt of his equitie, and tractablenesse, when hee should under∣stand how things were. So the businesse should end without bloud, and have a good and happy issue. And if the worst should come, yet were it better to die noblely in the field, then to bee hailed to the scaffold and suffer by the hand of the Execu∣tioner.

Thus did they propose, but God did dispose of things otherwayes. Men know not the Councell and secrets of the Almightie, whose deter∣mination doth onely stand and come to passe. He had not ordained, that they should execute their designs, nor that they should die in the quarrel;

it was to be done by another way, and at another time: the cup of their iniquitie, was not yet full against whom they tooke armes. Wherefore they were disappointed at this time, which fell out thus. The Earle of Gowry was charged the second of March to depart the Countrey with∣in fifteen dayes. Hee shifted and delayed; this affrighted the Courti∣ers, or gave them occasion to seeme affraid, and to put the King into a feare and suspition, that there was some enterprise in hand against him: whereupon the Citizens of Edinburgh were made to keepe a watch about the Pallace. Gowrie made shew as if hee had intended to obey the charge (contrary to the advice of his associates) and that they might beleeve that his intention was reall, hee goeth to Dundie, cau∣seth provide a ship, and make all things ready; so that the Courtiers were not more affraid that hee would stay, then his Partners were that hee would hoise saile, and bee gone; Especially, the Earle of Angus distrusted him, and was jealous of his dissimulation, being uncertaine whether it were with the Court, or with them that hee did thus dis∣semble.

At last having trifled out the time, till mid Aprill, Colonell William* 1.261 Stuart came to Dundie, and having a small company with him, setteth upon him at unawares, and made him save himselfe in his lodging. Then having brought some pieces of Ordnance out of the ships, which lay in the Haven, being aided by the Townesmen (to whom hee had brought a Commission, and warrant from the King) hee began to bat∣ter the house; whereupon it was rendered, and the Earle taken priso∣ner. By chance as this was in doing, a servant of the Earle of Angus, coming from Dalkeith by Dundie, and having seene all that had hap∣pened, made haste, and came to Brechen about twelve a clock of the night, where hee gave his Lord notice of what hee had seen. Hee a∣rose presently, being much moved therewith, and sending for the Gen∣tleman, whom hee had imployed to trie his minde before, made a hea∣vie moane, bewailing the overthrow of their cause, and of them∣selves. Then hee asked his opinion what hee thought of it, and first told his owne, that hee thought it could bee nothing else but deceit, and collusion, which hee had ever feared, and was now evident, that his going to Dundie (contrary to his advise) had no other end but this: and that his lingering proceeded from the same ground. For (said hee) how could the Colonell undertake to apprehend him with so small a number of men, if hee had not himselfe beene willing to bee taken? If hee doubted, or distrusted the towne of Dundie, why did hee commit himselfe to them, or come in their power? Why did hee not stay at Perth, where hee was out of all danger, till the time ap∣pointed were come? Doubtlesse, hee hath betrayed us all, and hath colluded to suffer himselfe to bee taken; so to colour his unfaithfull dealing with us.

It was answered, that hee could not approve his coming to Dundie, which hee ever disliked, and had laboured to disswade him from it, but could not prevaile: yet it seemed a hard construction to thinke that hee came thither of purpose to act a fained apprehending;

that his slownesse and lingering was well knowne to bee his naturall di∣sposition, (being another Fabius Cunctator in that point) which hee had often found by former experience, and often contested with him for it. But to thinke him false in such a degree, or to imagine him to bee so foolish as to come in the hands of those Courtiers, with a crime lying on him, (though but counterfeited) it was such a point, that for his owne part, his opinion was, that he durst not do it, lest they should make use of it for his ruine, and convert a colluded crime into a true dittie, and so worke his death. But this could not satisfie the Earle of Angus, but still hee kept his opinion, that there was no realitie in that act of Gowries apprehending. And hee was the more confirmed there∣in, when he heard that the Colonell carried Gowry to the houses of his owne especiall friends, such as Weemes of Wester-Weemes, whose sonne offered to set him at liberty, and to take him out of the Colonels hands, and to goe with him himselfe, which hee refused to doe. Angus pas∣sed the rest of that night in great solicitude and feare, lest hee himselfe should bee assailed, and taken after the same manner, which had beene no hard matter to performe, hee having but a small family, and the Castle not being furnished with Armes, the Earle of Crawford lying hard at hand with his dependers, and that whole Countrey being evill affected to him.

But whether the Colonell had no Commission to take him, or that hee did not thinke of it, and thought hee had sped well enough al∣ready by taking Gowry, is uncertain: but however it were, hee went away with the prey hee had gotten without attempting any thing a∣gainst Angus. And yet for all that, Angus was not altogether secure, knowing well his danger, and the small power hee had to defend himselfe: for in the day time hee went abroad a hunting, that they might not know where to finde him: and in the night, hee caused his servants to keepe watch, that hee might not bee surprized una∣wares.

Within three dayes after, the Earle of Marre sent to him, to let him know, that the Master of Glames and hee had performed their part of the worke, had taken the Castle of Stirling, and were rea∣dy to wait upon his coming, which they entreated him to hasten. There was no choice, they were his true friends, and hee was no lesse theirs: and they were resolved to runne the same hazard in that course, from which there was no retiring for any of them. Angus desired the Lord Oglebee, and Master Oglebee of Powrie, with others of that name, to goe with him. They were allied to the Earle of Gowry, and were well affected to the businesse, as also they were his owne vassals; but being terrified with Gowries taking, and thinking that their joyn∣ing with the Lords would incense the Courtiers to take some hard course with him, and not knowing what his minde was herein, they refused to goe. Hee notwithstanding, goeth with his owne family, from Brechin to Stirlin, and avoyding Perth, he crossed the river of Tay, at that place where it meets with Almont by boat, and comes to Inshe∣chaffray, where he lodged with the Lord thereof, but could not perswade

him to take part with them for the same reason, when he came to Stirling* 1.262 he was kindly welcomed by Marre, and the rest that were there; and pre∣sently dispatched away letters, and messengers to Douglas, and other places, for his friends and dependers to come thither to him, with as great speed and diligence as they could. He wrote also to Robert Dou∣glas (eldest sonne to William Douglas) of Logh-leven to the same pur∣pose; but the letter falling into the hands of his mother (her name was Leslie) she tooke upon her to answer it after this manner.

It is not enough (saith she) for you to undertake so foolish a worke, whereby you cannot but ruine your selves, but you would also draw my sonne and house to the same destruction: I have hindered him, and laid my curse and malediction upon him, if hee take part with you, like as I doe upon you, if you make him disobey me.

This letter moved him very much, and he caused an answer to be re∣turned to her according as it merited, which was thus.

I can very well beleeve that it is your doing to keep backe yo•…•…r sonne from so ho∣nourable an enterprise, knowing his owne disposition to bee alwayes honourable and noble, and such as of himselfe hee would not neglect, his duety either to his friends, or countrey. The Noblemen that are conveened here, have entered upon such a course as becomes them, for discharging their duetie both to God and man: what the event will prove, is knowne onely to God, and in his hands alone; if wee perish herein, wee cannot perish more honourably. Yet wee hope that God, in whom we confide, and whose cause wee have taken in hand, will worke out our safety, and accomplish that which wee intend for the good of his owne Church; when you and your house (for which you are so solicitous, with the neglect of the house of God, and of all friend∣ly duety) shall finde the smart of such carelesse indifferency, and pe∣rish (as we feare, and are sory for it) through such carnall and world∣ly wisedome and warinesse.

And so indeed the event proved more answerable to this prediction then he wished: for the Lords escaped into England (for that time) and were safe in their persons, and within a yeere and a halfe, they brought their designes to passe, (which were now frustrate) by Gods blessing upon them: but her sonne Robert, and her son in law Laurence, Master of Olyphant, being commanded to depart the Countrey, as they were sailing for France, perished at sea, and nei∣ther they nor the ship, nor any that belonged thereto, were ever seene againe, yet how it came to passe is uncertain.

The most common report is, that being set upon by the Hollanders, and having defended themselves valiantly, they slew a principall man of the enemies; in revenge whereof they sanke the ship, and all that were in her: Others say, that after they had yeelded themselves, they were hanged upon the mast. A pitifull case, but a notable example. The youthes were noble, active, and of great hope and expectation, and so great pitty of their losse. But it may shew us how little suretie there is in too great affecting of it; as on the contrary, how perills are a∣voyded by hazarding and undergoing of perill. And their case is so much the more to bee pittied, and lamented; as that they them∣selves

were very unwilling to have followed such perverse wise∣dome, had they not beene forced to it by their mothers impor∣tunitie.

The Lords proceeded as they could with their intended course. They* 1.263 caused set forth a Declaration, shewing their minde and purpose, toge∣ther with the causes thereof, the abuses in Church and Common-wealth.

They remonstrated what tyranny was exercised by James Stuart, under colour and pretext of the Kings will and pleasure; how the Nobilitie, and men of all rankes, were vexed by him; what mis-reports were made of them to their Prince; what violence used against them; what evils were presently felt, and what more were to be feared and looked for hereafter to ensue hereupon: The distraction of the hearts of the people from their Prince, and of the Prince from his people; the blast∣ing of the greatest hopes of vertue that ever was in a young Prince, and of his pietie, in the solid use of true Religion; by working feare of the contrarie; tyrannizing in government, and superficiall profession of Religion, yea of reducing Poperie, or (which is worse) of irreligi∣on and Atheisme. They told how dea•…•…e their Religion, their Coun∣trey, their Prince was to them; what their owne estate and condition forced them to; what the care of all these required of them, out of dutie, in regard of their place, being Nobles, and Peeres of the Land, and Privie Counsellours by birth; how every man, according to his place, was bound to lend a helping hand, but chiefly those of the No∣bilitie, yet not excluding either Barons, Burgesses, or men of whatever degree, ranke, or qualitie, when the common Ship of the State was in hazard, and in danger of being overwhelmed and perishing, and when there was such a fire kindled as would devoure all, if it were not quenched in time. How they, for their owne part, after long patience, seeing all things grow worse, had now at last (being driven thereto by necessity) called to minde what duty, conscience, God, and the station wherein God had placed them, did crave of them: which was, to en∣deavour, that wicked Counsellours (namely James Stuart, called Earle of Arran, chiefe Authour of all the mischiefe) might be removed from about his Majestie, after such a manner as they could best doe it. And since no accesse was free, and no man durst or would undertake to pre∣sent their supplications to the King, which contained a true information of his owne estate, of the State of the Church and Countrey, toge∣ther with theirs; therefore they had conveened in Arms, not intending any hurt to their Prince (whom they ever had honoured, and still did honour, and whose welfare was their chiefe end and aime) or to wrong any good subject, but for defence of their owne persons, untill they should inform his Majestie of that which concerned him, and belonged to them to remonstrate unto him, either in his owne presence, or by a publick Proclamation, that so it might come to his eares, which other∣wise these wicked Counsellours did and would hinder him from hear∣ing: and that so it might come to the knowledge of all men, and move the hearts of such as had true, honest, and courageous hearts, to con∣curre with them in that so honourable and necessary a worke. Where∣fore

they exhorted all men that they would not, through fearfulnesse, or a vaine opinion of obedience to the pretended command of a Prince (who then was best obeyed, when God was obeyed, and wickednesse punished; who did then truly reigne, when wicked Councell was re∣moved) withdraw themselvs by lurking, & abandon the common good, in hope to provide for their own particular safety, which was not possi∣ble for them to doe at any time or in any case; much lesse under such a man could there be any security for any good and honest man, he being so violent, proud, tyrannicall, unjust, and such a profane mocker of Reli∣gion, who would not be tied to, or guided by any law or reason, but was carried away by his owne appetite and ambition, and who was more fit to be the executioner of a bloudy Nero, then a Counsellour to such a just and Christian Prince: farre lesse to be sole Ruler and Com∣mander of the Kingdome under the shadow of his Majesties authority, having so abused and polluted his name, who was so honoured in his cradle, and admired through the world for his hopefulnesse, and great expectation of all princely vertues. Whoso truly loued him, ought to concurre and lend their aid to plucke him out of the jawes of these worse then wilde beasts, that so his estate, kingdome, honour, and per∣son (both in soule and body) might be preserved.

This was the summe and straine of their Declarations and Letters sent abroad to move men to joyne with them in this businesse, but all was in vaine: for despaire of doing any good at this time had so possessed the hearts of all men, that even the best affected did choose to sit still, and lie quiet. The Earle of Gowries apprehending had so astonished them, and the incertaintie how to construe it did so amaze them, that all his friends (who should have made up a great part of their forces) as Athole and o∣thers, absenting themselves, others fainted and held off. Even Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, a man both zealously affected to the cause, and entirely loving the Actors (Marre and Angus) as being tied to them by bloud, alliance, and particular intimatenesse of friendship, though he were acquainted with their proceedings from time to time, and being prisoner in the Castle of Downe in Monteeth, might easily have e•…•…caped from thence, and come to them to Stirlin, yet did he avoid all medling therein, and would neither receive nor send message concerning that matter: yea, they themselves were contented that he should doe so in that generall de∣sertion, having gained nothing by their Declaration and Remonstrance, save the publishing of their Apologie, which was not necessary to friends (whose approbation they had already) and wrought nothing upon others. For though the King had a copie thereof delivered into his own hand (which they greatly desired, that thereby he might know the naked truth of things, and be truly informed of the Courtiers carriage and be∣haviour) yet did it produce no effect to purpose: neither did they make any use thereof, that was known, either to informe and perswade the King of the things contained therein, or to reforme themselves. Wherefore now their whole thoughts ranne onely upon this, how to come off, their lives safe, and reserve themselves to a better and more convenient time: so incertaine is the event of all humane enterprises. The Courtiers failed

not to make contrary Proclamations in the Kings name; the bare shew whereof (though there were but very few that favoured them or their proceedings in their heart) was of such force, that men conveened there∣upon out of all quarters. It was made in the strictest forme, command∣ing all that were able to beare Armes, from sixteene yeares of age to six∣tie, to assemble themselves, and to bring with them provision of vi∣ctuall for thirty dayes, to march whither the King should be pleased to direct them. Hereupon Francis Stuart Earle of Bothwell▪ came with his forc•…•…s to Edinburgh, where the King was: but he being bro∣ther-in-law to the Earle of Angus (having married his sister) the Cour∣tiers did not like of his company, and so he was commanded to returne home againe to his house. He was indeed of the Lords faction, and so were many others who obeyed the Kings proclamation, who, if they had had hearts and heads, were enow of themselves to have taken order with the Courtiers. But being dasht with feare of they knew not what (if they had considered aright) they looked upon one another, and so were forced to guard those men whom they could have wished to be hanged.

The Town of Edinburgh were commanded to make out 500. Muske∣tiers, which they did, and this was the Courtiers greatest strength, yet consisting of the vulgar, and such as had no obligation to binde their fi∣delitie to them, and (if they had seen the Nobilitie & Gentry go about to take them in hand) would not have made great opposition, nor have ha∣zarded themselves for the Courtiers safety, in all likelihood. However, Colonell William Stuart is sent with 500. men to Fawlkirke, whereupon the Lords at Stirling went to a consultation to see what were best for them to doe. They had not with them above 300▪ men, which were their owne proper followers; yet being resolute, willing, forward, and active Gentlemen, it was thought fittest by some to assaile him, and to punish his boldnesse and audacitie for taking such charge upon him, being but a meane Gentleman, to invade and come against the Nobility. Dis∣daine, anger, and courage seemed to approve of this resolution, that so his malapertnesse might be chastised and dashed. Neither were it with∣out good use; for if he were once defeated, the rest would make a halt, and not be so forward: that the first successe is of great moment, and might bring matters to a parley, or such as craved audience of the King to get it: that it was no hard matter to doe, he being accompanied by such as cared not for his personall safety, and had no tye to defend him with the hazard of their owne lives especially, but would be glad to have a faire excuse, and occasion to abandon such an one, in such a quarrell: especially if he were invaded in the night, the darknesse would excuse, and take away their shame of flying. It was argued of the other side, that night conflicts were subject to hazard, errour, and mistaking, as well on their owne side, as the enemies: and that it could not be performed with∣out bloud, and that (perhaps) of the most innocent, whereas he himselfe, whom they chiefly aimed at, might escape: neither would the defeat of these few bring successe to the cause, the enemies forces remaining whole and entire in Edinburgh, which would guard and defend them: besides,

by so doing they should be involved in a crime, and made obnoxious to the lawes, which as yet they were free of: that it were better to suffer the guiltie to goe unpunished for a while, then to spill the bloud of the guiltlesse: and seeing they could not thereby accomplish what they had intended, their best was to retire and withdraw themselves, with as great innocencie and modestie as they could, having done hurt to no man. This advice prevailed with them, and so they concluded to march in the night season toward Fawkirke, but so soone as they were gone out of the* 1.264 towne of stirling, to take the way that leadeth to Lanericke; the which they did accordingly, leaving the Castle of Stirling in the custodie of David Hume of Argatie.

Being in Lanerick, as they were refreshing themselves, and baiting their horses, word was brought them that a Troup of horsemen did approach: whereupon fearing that it was Colonell Stuart pursuing them, they took horse, and sent Archbald Douglas (called the Constable, because he had beene Constable of the Castle of Edinburgh in the Earle of Mortons time, as hath beene shewed before) to discover what they were. Hee finding that it was Johnstoun (who had beene sent for to Edinburgh to assist against the Lords, and was dismist upon their retreat from Stirling) went familiarly to him, fearing no harme, so much the rather, because Johnstoun and Angus were brothers by their mother. But Johnstoun ei∣ther fearing that notice might be given to the Courtiers, and he chal∣lenged thereof, if he should let him goe; or to get thankes, and shew his forwardnesse to their service, layes hold on him, and carries him imme∣diately backe to Edinburgh, declaring what way he came into his hands, and what way the Lords had taken, delivering also Archbald their pri∣soner to be used at their pleasure, not looking for such cruelty from them as •…•…e found. For they, partly to seale the justice of their cause by bloud, partly to make the greater alienation betwixt the brothers (Johnstoun and Angus) that being out of hope of reconciliation, he might be ne∣cessitated to cleave to their side: they thanke him in words for this his* 1.265 good office, and hang Archbald.

The Earle of Angus, and the rest that were with him, being re∣solved to goe into England, tooke their way through Tweddale to∣ward Branxton: from •…•…hence passing through east Tiviotdale, they en∣tred England on that hand. Calso, where the Earle Bothwell re∣mained, was not farre out of their way; wherefore as they passed by it, it being now night, hee came forth to them secretly, and had con∣ference with them. Thereafter, as if hee had come to pursue them, there was a counterfeit chase made, and a counterfeited fleeing for the space of a mile, till they were on English ground. The next day they came to Berwicke, where they were received, and remained a certaine space.

After their departure, the King went to Stirling with his forces, where the Castle was rendred by the Keepers, who forced the Captain* 1.266 to yeeld it absolutely, without condition of so much as their lives safe. So hee and three more were executed by the Courtiers sugge∣stion. Here also the Earle of▪ Gowrie was brought from Kenniel, and

arraigned of high Treason, whereof being condemned by a Jurie,* 1.267 hee was beheaded. Neither did the forbearance of his friends to joyne with the Lords at Stirlin (then in England) procure him any favour; whereas if they had joyned with them, and so strengthened their* 1.268 party, they might have terrified the Enemy, and obtained better conditi∣ons for him. Hee was executed the eight and twentieth day of April 1584. The points whereof he was convicted, were the fact at Ruthven; and the late enterprise at Stirlin.

His speech was short; hee answered to the first, That he had a remission for it: and to the second, That there was no intention there against the King: onely they had purpo∣sed to remove those wicked men who abused him, and whose thirst of bloud hee wished that his death might quench.

But they cared little for his speeches, and as little for his alliance, his Countesse being a Stu∣art of the house of Methven, toward whom and her children they shew∣ed no respect at all, but used them with all incompassionate rigour and crueltie. For she coming to intreat for her self and her children (in the* 1.269 time of the Parliament) and having fallen down upon her knees before the King, shee was troden under foot, and left lying in a sound.

From Stirlin they returned to Edinburgh, and there kept a Parliament* 1.270 the two and twentieth day of May, in which the Earle of Angus and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the late Earle of Gowrie, and the Master of Glames, with divers Barons, and others their associats were forfeited; the fact of Ruthven* 1.271 con•…•…emned, the order of Church-government (by Presbyteries, Sy∣nodes, and Generall Assemblies, which had been received, and publick∣ly allowed in Scotland, all men swearing and subscribing thereto, and the oath translated into divers languages with great approbation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reformed Churches, and no small commendation of the King and Countrey) forbidden and prohibited, and termed unlawfull conventi∣ons. And in place thereof the office of Bishops (condemned by this Church as unlawfull, as an invention of mans braine, having no warrant of the word of God) was reared up again and erected. Also Master Ro∣bert Montgomerie (who had been excommunicated for accepting such an office) was now released and restored to his place. There was strait in∣hibiting all men from speaking against these Acts, against the Kings pro∣ceedings, Counsellours, or Courtiers under highest paines. What shall the Ministers do here? Shall they oppose? That were to cast themselves into certain danger, and to expose themselves to the crueltie of cruell men, armed now with a colour oflaw. Should they keep silence? hear with patience that order blaspemed, which they had approven, received, sworn to, and the contrary (which they had detested, abominated, condemned) set up and allowed, to their no small disgrace, and shame of the Countrey; yea, to his Majesties discredit in forraine Nations? and suffer a doore to bee opened to those corruptions, which had been kept out of the Church, both in doctrine & manners, by vertue of that order, which onely (in their conscience) was agreeable with Scripture? This their zealous hearts could not endure: let all perill be silent, where conscience and Religion speak: let no enemy breathe out his threatnings, where the minde is set on God. So it came to passe here. For while the Acts were in proclaiming at the

Market-Crosse of Edinburgh, the Pastours of that Towne, Master* 1.272 James Lowson, Master Walter Balcanquell, Master Robert Punt, taking their lives in their hands, went boldly and made publick Protestation against that Act of the erection of Bishops, as unlawfull, in many respects, whereof they took instruments. Hereupon they being menaced, to a∣voide their furie, Master Walter Balcanquell flees to Berwick, together with Master James Lowson: Thither came also after them Master James Carmichael (Minister at Hadinton) Master John Davison, and William •…•…ird, Ministers of the Suburbs of Edinburgh, or some Churches neare to it: also Master Patrick Galloway, and Master James Melvin, with di∣vers others of the Ministerie. Edinburgh being thus destitute of Pa∣stours, Master Patrick Adamson (Archbishop of Saint Andrews) was brought to supply their places, and to maintaine the lawfulnesse of the office the seven and twentieth day of May, being Wednesday, which was an ordinary Sermon day, but on which the Courtiers were not or∣dinary auditours. But that day they would needs accompany their Bishop, and grace him with the Kings personall presence. Yet the people disgraced him by their absence; they disdained to heare a Bishop, other than a Pastour, whose office is not ordained by GOD in the Scriptures, and was ejected out of the Church of Scotland; wherefore being grieved to see this Wolfe in their true Pastours place, they go out of the Church and leave him to preach almost alone. Besides the common people, the Kings owne Ministers Master John Craig, and John Brand, also John Herriese (with others) preached against it, and were therefore summoned to appeare before the Coun∣cell the five and twentieth day of August; where they were reviled and rebuked with bitter words, as sawcie and presumptuous fellowes: and being demanded how they durst speak against the Kings Lawes,

they answered boldly, that they both durst and would speak against such Lawes as were repugnant to the word of GOD.

Hereupon the Earle of Arran starting up suddenly upon his feet in a great rage, fell a swearing many an oath, and with a frowning countenance said unto them,

that they were too proud to speak such language to the Councell; adding, that hee would shave their heads, paire their nailes, and cut their toes, that they might bee an example to others.

Then hee warnes them to compeir before the King him∣self at Falkland the foure and twentieth day of September; where they were accused againe by the Earle of Arran (then Chancel∣lour) for, breaking of the Kings injunctions, in not acknowledging nor obeying his Bishops.

To which they answered, that Bishops were no lawfull office of the Church, having never beene institu∣ted by Christ; and that therefore they would not obey them; nor no person else that would command without warrant of the word of GOD; assuring him that GOD would humble all proud Tyrants that did lift up themselves against him: as for them, their lives were not so deare to them, but that they would bee contented to spend them in* 1.273 that cause. Arran arising from his seat, and sitting down on his knees, sayes to them scoffingly; I know you are the Prophets of God, and your

words must needs come to passe; behold now you see me humbled and brought low. Well, well, (saith Master John Craig) mock on as you please, assure your selfe, GOD sees, and will require it at your hands, that you thus trouble his Church, unlesse you repent.

Then they were remitted to the sixteenth day of November, and in the mean time Master John Craig was discharged to preach. About this time (in November) Master James Lowson died at London, meek∣ly and sweetly as he had lived. Edinburgh had been all this while destitute of Pastours, and did want preaching at sometimes for the space of three weeks. This was very odious amongst the people, and now (Master John Craig being silenced) they were like to want oftner than they had done: to remedie this, the Archbishop of Saint Andrews was ordained to preach to them, and the Towne∣Councell ordained to receive him as their ordinary Pastour. The Councell obeyed, but the people would not heare him, and when they saw him come up to the Pulpit, they arose, and went forth at the Church doores.

The Ministers every where persisted to oppose that office, and by common consent appointed a Fast to be kept the foure and twentieth day of October, whereof they publickly and advowedly gave out these to be the causes:

First, to stay the creeping in of Wolves (meaning Bishops:) Secondly, that GOD might send true Pa∣stours: Thirdly, that he would repair the breaches and decayings of the Church (which had been sometime the Lanterne of the world:) Fourthly, that he might remove the causes of this decay (tyranny, and the flatterie of Courtiers.) This was plainer language than plea∣sant, they behooved to be wisely dealt with. There are two wayes to deal and work upon men: by fear and by hope: by terrifying and flattering; they used both these toward them. Wee heard how the sixteenth day of November was appointed for their compearance: many therefore were warned against that day from divers parts. When they were conveened, they were pressed to allow of the Act concerning Bishops; and in token of their approbation thereof, to pro∣mise and subcribe obedience to their Ordinary. To move them here∣to, they partly flattered, and partly threatned them; saying, That all was well meant, and no hurt intended to Religion: Who was so well affected to it as the King? Who so learned among Princes? Who so sincere? That he would respect and reward the worthy and obedient: And by the contrary, no Stipend should be payed to him that refused; but hee should be deprived, imprisoned, banish∣ed. When all this could not prevaile, they devise how to temper and qualifie their promise of obedience, which was conceived in these words; You shall acknowledge and obey Bishops, according to the word of God.

This seeming a restriction and limitation (as if the mean∣ing had been that they should allow of, and obey Bishops as far as the word of God allowed, and ordained them to be obeyed) many took it for good Coyne, and were so perswaded of it, that some said in plaine terms, Bring a Cart full of such Papers, and we will subscribe them all.

For to obèy such a Bishop in such a sort (according to the word of GOD, that is, so far as the word of God commands to obey him) is not to obey him at all: for the word of GOD commands not any obedience at all to such a Bishop: neither doth it ordain, acknowledge, or once name such a Bishop. Thus either truly deceived, or deceiving themselves, that they might redeeme their ease by yeelding, and cover their yeelding with an equivocation, they found that it was all in vaine; for they were not admitted nor permitted to expound it in that sort (whatsoever their meaning was) but were forced to accept of the expo∣sition which the Court and the Bishops did put upon it: who understood that phrase (according to the word of God) not as a limitation but affir∣matively, wherein it was acknowledged that the word of God did com∣mand obedience to them; and therefore they promised obedience accor∣ding to that command. Notwithstanding of all this, divers stood out, and would no wayes be moved, neither by threatnings nor by promises to give the least shew of approbation directly or indirectly, by equivoca∣tion, or any other forme whatsoever; but spake plainly against them, and prayed publickly for the banished brethren. Of these Master Nicho∣las Dagleish was one; who thereupon was accused as too bold to pray for the Kings Rebels. He answered, that they were no Rebels, but true Subjects, who had fled from tyranny, and such as sought their lives by commanding them to doe against their conscience. Hee was empannelled, put to his triall by an assise, and was cleansed, in despite and maugre the Court; so farre there remained conscience in men. But the Courtiers will not let him escape thus dry-shod; they labour to finde a hole in his Coat another way: they search and finde that a Letter had come from Master Walter Balcanquell to his wife, which because shee could not well read the hand, shee had given him to read to her, and he had read it. Hereupon he is again put to an as•…•…se: and they, not daring to cleanse him, yet would they not finde him guilty, but de∣sired him to come into the Kings will. Hee was contented to sub∣mit himself to the Kings pleasure (for so much as concerned the reading of the Letter) and so was sent to the Tolbooth, where hee remained three weeks, and was from thence sent to Saint Andrews.

And thus went Church-matters; In the civill government there was none now but the Earle of Arran, he lacked the name of King; but hee ruled as absolutely, and commanded more imperiously than any King, under the shadow of the Kings authority, and the pretext that all that he did was for the Kings good and safety. Hee had gotten before the keeping of the Castle of Stirlin; he behooved al∣so to have the Castle of Edinburgh in his power. Alexander Ere∣skin (Uncle to the Earle of Marre) was Captain of it, hee must needs favour his Nephew and his Faction: wherefore it was taken from him, and given to Arran, who was also made Provest of the Towne. Hee was Chancellour of Scotland, and having put out Pitcairne, Abbot of Dumfermling, hee made Master John Metel∣lane Secretary. Hee did whatsoever hee pleased; if there were no Law for it, it was all one, hee caused make a Law to serve his ends.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 was observed, that his Lady said to one who alledged there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…or doing of what shee de•…•…red to have done; It is no mat∣•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shee) wee shall cause make an Act of Parliament for it. If 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…an re•…•…used to do o•…•… grant any thing hee craved, they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bee tossed and vexed for it; even the chief of the Nobility. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Cassils, and the Lord Hume were committed: Athole, be∣•…•… •…•…ee would not divorce from his wife, and entaile his estate 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Earle, or Master of Cassils, because hee would not give 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 great summe of Money, under the name of a Loane: the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, because he would not give him his portion of Dirleton. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…he Lord Maxwell (then Earle of Morton) was quarrelled, be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hee would not excambe his Baronie of Pooke, and Maxwell (〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ld inheritance) for a parcell of the Lord Hamiltons Lands, which we•…•… •…•…ow his by forfeiture. Many Lands had hee taken from many, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 satisfied, ever seeking to adde possession to possession, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was not impertinently remonstrated to him by John Barton Gold∣smith, a wittie and free-spoken man. Hee had directed this Barton to ma•…•…e him a Seale, and to carve on it his Coat of Armes duely quartered according to his Lands and Honours. This he did pretty well to his contentment, but he left one quarter thereof blank and void. Hereof when the Earle asked the reason, he answered, That there may be room for the Lands your Lordship shall purchase hereafter. Hee took for his Motto, Sic fuit, est, & erit: m•…•…ning that it was an ordi∣nary thing in all ages for meane men to rise to great fortunes; and that therefore it ought not either to bee wondred at, or to be envied. And it is true, if the meane had been vertue and not wickednesse, which ever was, is, and will be both envied and hated, as it deserveth. His ambition was such (amongst other examples thereof) that Queen Elizabeth must needs bee God-mother to his daughter, whose Am∣bassadour was present at the Christening. His crueltie (though con∣spicuous many wayes) did appear singularly in the causing execute Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle, and Master Douglas of Maines, his sonne-in-law. This Cunninghame was an ancient Gentleman, and of an* 1.274 old house, who (himself in person) had beene a follower of the Earle of Lennox (the Kings Grandfather) and had done him good service when he took in the Castle of Dumbartan, and Douglas of Maines was esteemed to bee one of the properest men in the Kingdome, and was a youth of good expectation: yet both of them were hanged at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh. The pretext was a forged con∣spiracie to have taken the King on a certain day at hunting, and to have carried him into England. Their accuser was Robert Ha∣milton of Inshemachon, who was (as hee said) himself upon the plot, or at least (as hee said) had been desired to bee of it by Master Edmiston of Duntreath. Edmiston being apprehended, related; How they had plotted to bring in the exiled Lords on horses (forsooth) which had their eares, their maynes, and their tails cut, themselves being dis∣guised, &c. A tale which was so unhandsome, toyish, and ridiculous, that no man did beleeve it, but esteemed it a foolish fable; yet did they

make use of it, to practise their crueltie upon such as they feared, and to make themselves a terrour to all men.

To returne to the Earle of Angus, he and his associats were removed from Berwick to New-castle, in May. So it seemed good to the State of England (seeing no appearance of their hastie restoring to* 1.275 their own Countrey) to secure the Court of Scotland, by taking that thorn out of their foot, which was too near, and too pricking at Berwick. Besides, these banished Lords were not greatly liked of by the Lord Hunsden, then Governour of Berwick: for hee en∣tertained correspondencie with the contrary Faction; either out of his own inclination, or being directed so to do for reasons of State, or for both; hee so inclining, and the State of England making use of that his inclination, that by him they might understand and make use of the mysteries of the Court of Scotland, and such as guided it. But our Courtiers being rid of the fear of the Lords so near neigh∣bourhood, did the freelier vent themselves, and discover their wayes, and by discovering, bewray their wickednesse, and disgrace them∣selves.

As they went to New-castle, they visited by the way, Lord John Hamilton, and Claud of Paslay (his brother) at Widdrington, the place of their abode. There had been some variance betwixt them, but now being all involved in the same case of banishment, it was to no purpose to entertain and keep in t•…•… sparkle of discord, and therefore they were reconciled.

Being come to New-castle, they stayed there a while, not so much to enterprise any thing from thence upon any ground they had laid al∣ready, as to wait for any occasion that should be offered. Here did the* 1.276 Earle of Angus his kindenesse and bountifull disposition toward all men plainly shew it self. For hearing that the Ministers were come to Ber∣wick, hee caused a Letter to bee written, and sent to them, from them all in common; and hee himselfe wrote particularly to them besides, and caused the rest of the Nobilitie to write also their private Letters, wherein many arguments were used to perswade them to come to them. Especially hee wrote very earnestly to Master James Low∣son, and Master James Carmichael, not neglecting any of the rest, fit∣ting his argument according to his acquaintance and relation, and ac∣cording to the persons of the men; pretending some such cause and ne∣cessitie of their coming, as hee thought would bee most effectuall to move them; but the true cause which moved him to send for them, was, because hee thought they all stood in need of supply in necessaries. Besides, hee caused one that was with him, whom hee knew to bee very intimate with Master James Lowson, to write to him for the same effect; and to tell him, that hee longed to see him: and when Master James excused himselfe, alledging that hee behooved to stay at Berwick, because hee expected some things from Scotland, hee would not accept of his excuse, nor of the interpretation there∣of, (that hee meant of Books that were to bee sent to him) but cau∣sed returne him answer, that hee took it ill that hee should think to

lack any thing where hee was. Wherefore hee entreated him to make haste to come to him, by doing of which, hee should do him a singular pleasure. Hee dealt even so with others also, and sought pretences to put curtesies upon them. David Ereskin Abbot of Drieburgh, being an exceeding honest, modest, and shamefast man, and who had ever been readier to give, than to take from any, and Angus fearing that hee would not (out of his bashfulnesse) take any curtesie directly from him, found out this way to fasten it upon him. Hee pretended that hee had some Tithes of Lands in Tweddale, which belonged to his Abbacie of Drieburgh, for which hee did owe him some arrearage duties and meales, which hee would needes pay him, and under that colour gave him what he listed to take, without acquittance.

The Mini•…•…ers were for a long time wholly maintained by him, and he extended his liberalitie, not onely to supply their necessities, but even to furnish them with what Bookes they desired to buy. And indeed there was no man that wanted in that company, who did not taste of his bountie.

At last when all was gone (for it could not last alwayes) hee said to one with whom hee was pleased to bee familiar, with a chearfull countenance; Now it is gone, and fare it well, I never looked that it should have done so much good.

Meaning, that being acquired by more rigorous exacting than either hee himselfe could allow of, or the common people took well, by the Earle of Morton in his Regencie (for this was his treasure, at least that part of it which came to his hands) hee doubted whether it should have had such a blessing as to have done so much good to so many honest men. Neither was this lavish∣nesse in him, or superfluous waste so to bestow it, in regard that their English allowance was spare enough, and oftentimes very slowly furnished unto them: So that having occasion to use mo∣neyes, and not knowing from whom to borrow any, hee was forced to employ one of his followers to borrow from Master Archbald Douglas on his owne credit (for my Lord himselfe would not be beholding to him, nor use him so familiarly) two hundred pounds Sterling, which hee lent very courteously upon the Gentlemans owne Bond, knowing well enough that it was for my Lords use. This was re∣payed to him when their allowance came in.

While they remained at New-castle, Master John Colvill was sent to* 1.277 attend at Court about their affaires, partly because of his acquaintance there with Secretary Walsinghame and others; partly by the advice of the Master of Glames, whose opinion and recommendation the rest did much respect. He fed them with hopes; and upon occasion of the pre∣paring and rigging forth the Queenes Navie, hee did insinuate by his Letters, as if there had been some intention to have sent it into Scot∣land for their behoof, which some did beleeve. But they could not perswade the Earle of Angus of it, he esteemed it but a dream, as it was indeed no other. When that hope was vanished, and there was no

appearance of any thing to be done of a sudden, one (whom he was plea∣sed to use familiarly) seeing no great use of his remaining there, told him, that he had a desire to go to London, being loath to spend that time idlely, that there he might the better advance his private studies and ex∣ercises, as in a place more fit for bettering himselfe therein. Hee most wil∣lingly and lovingly consented to the motion, not onely to satisfie his de∣sire herein, but having a reserved intention to imploy him in their com∣mon businesse, as occasion should serve, or at least in his own particular to his particular friends; which purpose he concealed then, but shewed it afterward.

Hee had almost over di•…•…iked Master John Colvill, and did many times in private complaine, That hee could not finde that sin∣ceritie in him which hee wished, and which (he said) was seldome to bee found in any such as hee was, who had left the Function of the Ministerie, to follow the Court and worldly businesse. And for him in particular, he said, hee was a busie man, thrusting himselfe into all affairs; and who sought onely his particular ends in doing of publick businesse, without sinceritie or uprightnesse; which (sayes hee) when it is wanting, I know not what goodnesse can bee in him; and if it bee not to bee found in the world (as they say it is not) I know not what can bee in the world but miserie. For mine own part, my heart cannot like of such an one, nor of such dealing. It is true, hee hath traffiqued with the States-men of England, and others think fit to use him, neither will I contest with them about it, but truly I have no delight in such men.

But this was after at Norwich. For that time hee said no more, but desired him to write often to him, both concerning businesse as hee could learn, and other things, as hee should also write to him upon occasion. This was performed on both sides, after such a private and secret way, as they agreed upon be∣fore their parting. For howsoever there was nothing passed betwixt them, but what might have endured the censure of any man, yet was it not fit that every man (into whose hands their Letters might have falne) should know all that was written familiarly be∣twixt them, though the matter were never so good, sincere, and unblameable; in regard that many are incapable of things, many not able to discerne or judge of them, many contemners and mock∣ers, many of a different, and some of a contrary minde and judge∣ment. If the•…•…e Letters were extant, there were nothing more fit to shew the Lineaments of his minde and most inward thoughts, and to represent to the life his true disposition, without all mask of dissimulati∣on (from which he was ever free) or shadow of ceremonious reserved∣nesse, which even the best men (for some one respect or other) are forced to draw over their inclinations, and wrap up, and obscure their meaning in it at some times, especially in publick. Besides, they would also conduce to cleare some historicall points more fully, which neither can ones memory serve to do, nor can any other (now alive) supply so certainly and unsuspectedly. Now wee can but grieve for this losse.

To supply which defect (so farre as they can doe it) wee will set downe one or two of those that were written to him, which be∣ing answers to his (and containing so much of them, as that the summe and substance of them may bee gathered from thence) will beare witnesse of his Noble, and Honourable disposi∣tion.

The first was written in October (one thousand five hundreth eightie and foure) the first yeare of his banishment to Newcastle, where hee still remained as then.

Please your Lordship,

I Received your letter dated in September. Master James hath pro∣mised* 2.1 to seeke out those bookes of which your Lordship wrote to him; and is in good hope to come by some of them, though it bee harder to finde them out then it was not long agoe. Other things I hope your Lordship is advertised of at length, by Master John Colvill.

What bookes these were, and what Master James this was is quite forgotten, save that it would seeme to have beene Master James Car∣michael, whom hee imployed in things of this kinde for most part. But this being onely for show (that the paper might not seeme blanke, if it had fallen into such hands as would have opened the letter) the maine businesse was written in such darke and unperceive∣able manner, that none could reade it, but such as were acquainted with the wayes thereof. And thus it was:

I have read your Lordships letter, and am very glad that my opi∣nion did so jump with your Lordship concerning that point, where∣of you wrote that you have not beene forgetfull, and that you minde to hold your ground as neare as can bee, from which you thinke that other matter to bee so farre different, and so contrary to all rea∣son, that no man (as you beleeve) will propound it to you direct∣ly. That which made mee feare that it would bee propounded (be∣sides the speeches sounding that way) was the end of your Lord∣ships letter (written before) wherein you make mention, that some thought it necessary for your cause, that yee should enter with them into some strait, and indissolvable bond. This I tooke to bee a mean to trie your Lordships minde: First, in that generall, that after∣ward they might come to the particular, which would bee, that the best way to make it strait and indissolvable; were to have it of your Lordships hand-writing. For as concerning the lawfulnes there∣of, it did seem to some unlawfull (as I wrote to your Lordship at greater length) and I had heard also generally that there was some scruple made by your Lordship to enter into bond with them. And because (if I be well remembred) before your comming from Scotland, you

were resolved to receive them into the societie of that common acti∣on, and to compose any particular of your owne which you had a∣gainst them; I did the rather thinke that some new occasion had oc∣curred, which had made you nice and difficult to it now. And if I have failed in my conjecture of the cause, it is no wonder that (not having knowledge of the particular circumstances whereof you now write) I lighted upon that which seemed to me would breed greatest difficultie in this. If it be not so, I am contented to be deceived, & could wish that every mans minde that shall have hand in that action, were as upright as your Lordships, then we might hope that it would prosper so much the better.

However, I cannot omit to put your Lordship in minde of this ge∣nerall caveat, to take heed, and have a care, that whatever bond be made, it may bee perspicuous, cleare, plaine, and as particular as may bee: for the more particular it be, it is the better for your Lord∣ship, who meaneth uprightly, and for all others that have the same meaning, and who doe desire that their upright dealing may be evi∣dent unto all men. It will also (being such) bee lesse obnoxious and subject to the calumnies and sinister interpretation of the adver∣sary and enemies, who may seeke to traduce your Lordship, and make you odious thereby. It will likewise bee freest, and not lyable to the sinister glosse, and wrong interpretations of those, who shall bee bound by it, if they should (perhaps) hereafter seeke any evasion or subterfuge to frustrate it, and make it void through the generali∣ty or ambiguitie thereof. And by the contrary, where a bond is couched in obscure, generall, and doubtfull words, it is both more ea∣sie for them, who list to deale after that sort, to elude it by some wrested construction; as also for such as would calumniate your Lordships intention, to finde greater colour to doe it. Concerning which purpose, I remember a distinction which the Earle of Gowry made, upon occasion of the bond which your Lordship remembers was presented to him to have signed it: It is (said hee) very good, and well penned, but it is too prolixe to be a Bond, and too short to bee a Proclamation, or Declaration: for a Bond (said hee) ought to bee short, and generall; but a Proclamation or Declaration, would contain the particulars. I was then, and still am of a contra∣ry minde: for I thinke a Bond should bee cleare, and speciall, and contain the causes of their binding; and that a Manifesto or De∣claration should bee conformable to it, and the very same in sub∣stance and effect, having the selfesame reasons and narration; onely it ought to bee amplified with admonitions and exhortations, which are not proper nor per•…•…ent for a Bond. And I beleeve no man can shew mee what inconvenience can follow upon the prolixitie of a Bond, unlesse it bee the greater pains of the Writer; which is re∣compensed with this great advantage, that being drawne up at large, it needeth no other Expositour, or Pleader for it, b•…•… doth expound and justifie it selfe. And your Lordship know∣eth what great necessitie and neede there is of this circumspecti∣on

in this case, that the very band it selfe be an exposition and justi∣fication of it selfe, into whose hands soever it shall happen to come. For its owne interpretation of it selfe cannot be rejected, when no other will be admitted to expound it. For this purpose let them that please reade and consider the Memorials of France, of the Low∣Countreyes, and of Germany in the beginning of their Reforma∣tion: they shall see that the tenour of all these bands, containes am∣ple declarations of the causes wherefore, and the reasons moving them to joyne themselves together in that kinde of association, as also for what end they did it, so that no Declaration can bee more large. But I did declare my opinion to your Lordship in the like matter long agoe; and I doubt not, but, if it shall please your Lordship to weigh and consider it, you shall easily finde how necessary it is (for many respects) that into whatsoever band you enter, it be cleare and parti∣cular.

Whereas it pleases your Lordship to write, that if you can finde a fit occasion (whereof you also have some hope) you will cause em∣ploy me here, and withall you adde (That none should refuse to fur∣ther the businesse all they can) I am not so ignorant, or forgetfull of my duty, as either directly or indirectly to refuse that service, or any other your Lordship shall be pleased to command mee. But I see there are divers others who seeme to be so diligent, that my paines will not be very needfull, as I doubt not but your Lordship knowes sufficiently. When it pleases them at any time, in halfe words, and darke speeches (like parables) obscurely to signifie ought to me of the State of businesse, they appeare and seeme to mee so deepe and profound mysteries, as I can no wayes understand or know what to make of them. Wherefore I am very well contented that I am free of them, and to be a beholder of all, leaving the mana∣ging thereof to those who know these obscure grounds better, and like better of them, then (it may bee) I should doe, in regard of their deepnesse. I had rather employ my time upon other thoughts farre more pleasing to mee (where dutie rightly considered calls mee not from them) then businesse of that nature. They are not desirous of any companion or copartner in their travels, nor am I desirous to encroach upon their labours, or the labours of a∣ny man, or to bereave him of the fruit of his paines and indu∣stry, by intruding my selfe thereupon, and to bee a sharer with him in the good successe of his endeavours, if they shall hap∣pen to bee successefull. And as little am I willing (if there be no appearance of the prospering of it) to take the worke out of their hands, which is (perhaps) marred already; or to enter in at the broad side, upon grounds already laid by them with this State, wherewith I have not beene (as yet) so throughly acquainted as were needfull for one to prosecute their worke dexterously, and to purpose. However, I doe not speake this to prejudge your Lordship, or that I meane to shunne any burden you shall bee pleased to lay upon mee, and I am able

to undergoe (whatever it be) but onely to tell my minde freely, that I had rather (if it were in my choice) your Lordship would employ me in any particular of your owne, which might give me occasion to vi∣sit master Secretary (for your Lordship knows how ill I can trouble any man without an errand) and if upon that occasion he should happen to speake of the publicke businesse, I should manage the opportunity the best I could. However, my dutifull service ever remembred to your Lordship in what I can, in this mind and disposition (which your Lord∣ship knows) and leaving you and all to be rightly managed by that God, who certainly can, and assuredly will manage all things rightly, in whom I rejoyce alwayes to see your Lordship so depend, I rest in him, &c.

The other Letter (the onely extant of many) was written long after from London also, but to Norwich, whither he was then come from New∣castle. It is dated the 20. of March following, in the yeare 1584.

Please your Lordship,

SInce the writing or my other, the Earle of Lancaster hath beene* 3.1 (most part) from Court at his owne house. On Saturday hee re∣turned, and I attended all that day, and the next day (till 12. of the clocke) but in vaine. At last, when he came to Westminster, I got speech of him with great difficulty in the Councell chamber, by the meanes of one master Baptist (one of his chiefe Gentlemen) who professeth to love your Lordship entirely. I delivered your Lordships Letter to him, and declared the credit: it was courteously received, with many loving words concerning your Lordship: That in that, and all other things, he would doe for your Lordship what lay in his power: that his affection to your Lordship was no whit changed, but remained the same that it was of old, and that it should appeare he was no lesse carefull of you then he had beene before. I went after that to Sir P•…•…ilip Sidney, who so soone as he saw me, (of his owne accord, be∣fore I spake to him) told me, That he had not beene unmindfull of your Lordships businesse; that he had spoken of it to Leicester, and the Secretarie, and that he would not forget it, but doe in it all that could be done. I wrote to your Lordship before, what cold hopes I had to speed herein, and the cause thereof. Now I am put in better hope by divers: That your Lordship shall be licensed to come up, and that the Ambassadour will insist against you, concerning which matter I shall shew your Lordship farther (God willing) at meeting. He is gone this day to Court upon occasion of Letters which hee received on Saturday at night: what they beare I have not yet learned. One∣ly I heare no word of any alteration or stirring in Scotland, as it was reported, save that in the generall there is an universall feare and envie at Court amongst themselves, and in the Coun∣trey every where, of every man against his neighbour. How∣ever it bee, if I bee not mistaken, this motion (of your Lord∣ships comming up hither) is occasioned by these last Letters:

and •…•…et it is said even by some of their favourers, that they thinke verily that your Lordship hath great wrong done unto you: which speeches argue but small hope to prove, yea, or to colour their pre∣tended accusations, and that they diffide and distrust, that they shall be able to doe it. And most men thinke, that if there bee nothing wrung out of John Hume, by some one means or other (as there is no cause to doubt of the Gentlemans honesty and constancy) they will have no subterfuge for their false allegations, which must needs tend to your Lordships good and honour, clearing your innocency, and con∣futing the calumnies of your enemies. I received a letter, by Master James Melvine, and Master Walter Balcanquel, (who arrived here on friday last) declaring the couragious and constant death of Maines, who gave testimony of your Lordships innocency and loyall affection to his Majestie, by his last words. There was no other new matter of importance in it, being dated the 18. of February, not long after your Lordships coming from Newcastle. But I shall have no more intelligence that way; for the Authour is forced to flee hither, having been searched for, and escaped narrowly. Hee was delated by the con∣fession of William •…•…ray (my brother Wedderburnes servant) who being booted, confessed he had delivered him a letter from me. It is done by Manderston, to make it reflect upon my brother; and he (to recriminate) hath accused his son George; and it is thought he will be able to prove it by George Hume of Cramnicrook: John Johnston is also fled, and great summes of money offered for him: this other letter will shew what comfort I may expect from Scotland; or he, who is now in the same case. There is sure word from France, that the Duke of Guise is in the fields with an Army of 30000. or 40000. men: some say against the King; maniest, against Navarre, or Geneva. So ceasing to trou∣ble your Lordship, I rest, &c.

Out of these may be seen the honest and honourable dealing, together with the right and loyall disposition of the Earle of Angus, whatever hath been set abroche or intended by any other: as it is clear there have been some other motions made to him, which his heart could not in∣cline to, nor his minde dispense with. For certainly, this feare could not arise without some great occasion; and what it hath been, or whether it did tend, as also who are likeliest to have been Authours of it, though it may be conjectured in some sort probably, yet I will leave it to every mans consideration of the circumstances and persons who were upon this course of joyning together. For my taske being at this time to draw, (though with a rude hand) as I can, the true draughts of this Noblemans minde, whom I have now in hand. I could not omit this piece, where∣by (though there were no more to bee found of him) this generall may appeare, that duetie, justice, and vertue, were the men of his counsell, and the square by which hee ruled all his actions, from which, no extre∣mity or hard estate, could ever divert him or drive him away; but to touch upon any other man, or glance at any thing which might rubbe a blot upon any, is besides my purpose, and no wayes incumbent to mee. But to returne, it fell out with them according to this last letter: for as

they were removed from Berwick to Newcastle, to secure the Scottish Court; so Newcastle being not so farre from Edinburgh, but that with∣in twentie foure houres (or little more) they could have been there upon a necessary occasion, the Courtiers were put in feare by others, or faigned and imagined feares to themselves, for taking away of this (suggested, or apprehended) feare, as they had been removed from Newcastle to Nor∣wich; so now they are brought from thence to London, as was pretend∣ed,* 3.2 to answer to the Embassadours accusation, but indeed, to advise with him of the way, how they might be restored to their Countrey, and the Countrey rid of Arran, who was now become odious both to Court and Countrey. It is a true saying, That there is no society amongst Pirats without Justice: for if the Arch-Pirate take all to himselfe, or if hee di∣vide not the prey equally, the rest will kill or forsake him. The Earle of Arran knew not this rule, or regarded it not: for in parting of the spoile of these Noblemen, their lands, their goods, honours, government, and places of Command, hee dealt them unequally; drawing most to him∣selfe, and in Councell and guiding of the State, he was the onely figure (or number) and the rest were but ciphers and instruments to execute his decrees.

There were then at Court (of greatest note) the Master of Gray, a near* 3.3 Kinsman to the late Earle of Gowry, and of the ancient Nobilitie, who did hate and disdain Arran, for that he had beene Authour of the death of his deare friend, seized on his lands, and did presumptuously take up∣on him to govern the whole Countrey alone, being but newly raised to bee noble. There was also Sir Lewis Ballandine (of kinne likewise to Gowry) an ancient depender on the house of Angus: and Master John Metallane (Secretary) who had beene indeed an enemy to the Earle of Morton, and was well contented that Arran should be imployed to work his ruine; but he could not away with his peremptory, and absolute do∣mineiring. These were the actours and great instruments of his fall: Gray, directly, and of purpose, the other two by conniving and being conscious to the plot, yet so as they would have seemed not to know of it, and they did rather give way to it, then worke it. They all thought it reason, that they should (at least) have their share of the spoil in a fit proportion; but they could not have it any wayes proportionable to their esteem of themselves. There was besides these, Francis Earle Bothwell, who (amongst other causes of discontentment) was grieved at the banishment of the Earle of Angus, his Ladies brother. Alexander Lord Hume had been discarded for being thought to be his friend: Sir George Hume of Wedderburn, and Sir James of Coldenknowes were knowne and pro∣fessed friends to the Earle of Angus: and Wedderburnc was of kinne to the Master of Glames, and allied to the house of Marre. Robert Carre of Cesford was also of the party, what out of love to Angus, what for emu∣lation with the house of Farnhaste, who were on the other faction. His Uncle the Provest of Linclowdan (Douglas to his name) was a speciall stickler in the businesse: hee was very familiar and intimate with the Se∣cretary (Metellane) who without his advice did almost nothing. But above all, the Lord Maxwell (made Earle of Morton) entred into open

hostilitie: for being charged to compeare, he disobeyed and refused; and by intelligence with the banished Lords hee levied souldiers, slew one Captain Lammie, that was sent against him, with his companies, whom Johnston did assist. Hereupon a Proclamation was set forth in the Kings name, that all that were able to beare armes, should come and follow the King, who was to pursue him in person the 24. of October. These and many others (and indeed the whole Countrey) agreeing in this conclusi∣on, that Arran was to bee removed from the helme of governement, which hee steerd so ill: the Master of Gray was sent Ambassadour into England, and had broken the businesse with the Lords concerning their returne, and his removeall. Now Sir Lewis Ballandine is sent up Ambas∣sador* 3.4 with Commission to accuse them of a conspiracy, detected by Dun∣trethes deposition: Hereupon they are sent for from Norwich, to make answer to it. The Master of Glames being of greatest age and learn∣ing, they made choice of him to plead their cause before a certain num∣ber of the Councellours of England, deputed by the Queene to heare and judge of it. Their owne innocencie, the abilitie of the pleader, and the favour of the Judges meeting together, made them to be easily absolved, notwithstanding, that the Ambassadour did his best in framing, and pres∣sing his accusation to the full, to discharge his Commission every way. It is a pretty sport to consider the proceedings of the world, and what masques and vizards men doe put on sometimes to cloake their designes. With what respect and reverence did they carry themselves towards my Lord Ambassadour? and with what strangenesse and aversation did he looke upon them? One day as the Earle of Angus was walking into the fields for his recreation, he encountered the Ambassadour coming from Tuttle-fields in a narrow lane, ere he came near, he espied him, and knowing it was he, hee called to his servants to give way to my Lord Ambassadour, and he himselfe standing aloofe with cap in hand, made a low reverence to his Lordship as he passed by. The Ambassadour again acted his part finely, remembring his place, the person hee represented, and the errand for which he was sent (to be his accuser) with a counte∣nance which did beare anger and grief in it to see the Kings rebells, hee turned away his face, and would not so much as looke on that side of the street, notwithstanding that hee both loved and honoured him in his heart, and was even then laying the ground-work of his restitution. Hee being gone home, the plot went forward in Scotland. England was no better affected toward Arran, then his owne Countrey was: they did altogether dislike of him, and suspected his wayes, they conceived that he did prosecute the Guisian plots begunne by Obignie, and which had beene interrupted by his disgrace, and discourting. And yet they acted their part also, bore faire countenance and correspondence with him, and he with them, but all was but dissimulation, and like a stage play. The Lord Hunsdon Governour of Berwick, and Warden of the Marches on that hand, paid him home in his owne coine, and entertained a shew of friendship with him, but no more. Divers meetings they had upon the borders, and many fair promises were made by Arran, to keep back Eng∣land from favouring or aiding the Lords: That the King should bee at

the Queens devotion, that he should follow her advice in all things, that hee should not marry without her consent, and that hee should make a league with her, offensive, and defensive. The Master of Gray, Ambas∣sadour, had promised so much, but when the English urged the perfor∣mance of it, it was a jeast to see their fine shifting. The Master of Gray put it upon Arran, Arran upon the Master of Gray, and the King professed that neither of them had warrant or direction from him to say any such thing, and therefore he was not tied to make it good: they were too sharp and quick sighted not to see through greater clouds. In the mean time it fell out at a meeting of the Wardens ofthe middle-march∣es, that Sir Francis Russell (sonne to the Earle of Bedford) was killed, whe∣ther* 3.5 by chance or of set purpose, is uncertain. This did alienate them from the Courtiers, and joyned them to the Lords, whom they knew to be honest, true, and trusty, and therefore they wished well to them, and helped forward their interprise endirectly all they could. While matters were thus in working, the Lords remained still at London, and were lodged at a place appointed to them (called long-ditch, near Saint James Parke, whither the banished Ministers resorted, and kept conti∣nuall exercise of preaching, praying and fasting (on occasion) in a private manner, without ostentation or notice thereof in publicke, being done within their lodging onely.

There was a motion made to the Counsell of England, that there* 3.6 might be a particular Church allowed, and allotted unto the Scots, as the French, Italians, and Dutch, have their Churches apart: but it was not granted, they being unwilling (apparantly) that being of one lan∣guage, our discomformitie with their ceremonies should appeare to the common people. This grieved us greatly, and especially Master James Lowson, who partly for that, partly because of a letter written to him from the towne of Edinburgh, (in which they did unkindly reproach his flying into England as a de•…•…ertion, and did renounce him for their Pa∣stour, calling him a Wolfe, who had fled without just cause, and had joyned himselfe with rebells, and such other calumnies, as Bishop A∣damson had endited, and caused the Provest and towne Counsell signe) he sickned and died, being much lamented, both of English, Scots, and all that knew and were acquainted with him. Notwithstanding that they could not obtain a peculiar Church, yet the Lievetenant of the Tower, being acquainted with some of our Ministers, he desired them to preach in his Church within the Tower (which is a priviledged place, and without the jurisdiction of the Bishops) and many of the people came thither to hearethem. Amongst other exercises, Master Andrew Melvine read Lectures in Latine upon the old Testament, beginning at Genesis, which were much frequented; and the Earle of Angus was a diligent Auditour, and a painfull repeater of them for his owne use and contentment.

But now the negotiation of their returne being farre advanced, and* 3.7 come even to the maturitie and full ripenesse, Angus, Marre, the Master of Gl•…•…mes (with a few onwaiters) take post from London, and came with all expedition to the Borders. They had composed their differences with

the Lord Maxwell, and the Lord Hamilton, and so all were to joyne in the common businesse, with one heart and hand, as one man. Before Angus came from London, he wrote to his friends in Scotland after this sort:

You have now knowne by M. John (Colvill as I think) that wee stay here only till wee receive new advertisement from the Provest of Lincluden, in name of the rest of our friends that should joyne with us in that Countrey; after the receit whereof we mean not to stay, but im∣mediatly to come down; wherefore be ye not unready, seeing others will be forward enough, as we beleeve. At our first coming we mean to be quiet two or three dayes, in which space I mean to speak with some principals, and by their advice to go more plainly to our purpose. This State will not seeme openly to know our designes; but wee are to receive some help of Moneyes, for so it is promised. Sir William Russell shall also joyne with us as a male-content, having been of late ill used by that State (in killing Sir Francis) but not as having any command so to do. If matters go on, we minde to enter on both hands. Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders, An∣gus and Marre at the East, with such as will joyne with them there.

Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person, howbeit it was written all with his own hand. But Sir William Russell did not joyn with them. Angus, Marre, and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe, and remained there with the Earle Bothwel two or three nights. Thither came the Lord Hume, Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and others of their friends; and with common consent from thence they went to Jed∣brugh, where they made their coming known, and professed their inten∣tions. Upon the report hereof, Colonell Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get, and came to Peebles; but he found that he had not to doe with irresolute and lingering folks, as the Earle of Gowrie, nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin, and therefore he retired in due time, to tell tidings of the cer∣tainty of their coming. They took their journey toward Hamilton, and there joyned the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell; and so alto∣gether marched to Fawkirk. They caused publish Declarations every* 3.8 where, containing their intentions, and justifying their proceedings, which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland, written by Holinshed an English-man; who pleaseth, may read it there. The summe is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin (when they fled to England) onely such things were added thereto, as had fallen out since then, in the time of their abode there.* 3.9

As namely; First, The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the Kings name, whose Predecessours did commonly labour to winne the hearts of his Subjects by clemencie: Secondly, The execu∣ting, imprisoning, banishing (by wrested Lawes) the worthiest, most ancient, and the most faithfull (to G O D and the King) both Noblemen and Barons: Thirdly, Acts and Proclamations published, inhibiting Presbyteries & other exercises, priviledges and im∣munities allowed by Parliament, or practised and permitted by laudable

custome of the Church, without which, purity of Doctrine, & the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue: Fourthly, compelling & forcing the most learned and most religious men, and such as were of most entire life & conversation, & of most sincere conscience, to forsake their Countrey; or inhibiting them to preach, and defrauding them of their Stipend, by violence: Fifthly, the entertaining of Jesuites, and executers of the Decrees of the cruell Councell of Trent: Sixthly, ob∣durate Papists having place in Session, and honest men removed, an e∣vident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion: Se∣venthly, the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows (contrary to their priviledges) which were neither free of the Townes, nor fit to dis∣charge the place in their persons: Eighthly, the secret practices of James Stuart, and the Colonell, to turne the love and amitie which hath been now of a long time entertained with England (very happily) into open hostility, having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of Englands destruction: a point confessed by divers her Rebels, executed in England, and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell, a man noble in birth, honourable by vertue, zea∣lous in Religion, of great expectation, and a speciall friend and lover of Scottish men, notwithstanding that they had made shew of the con∣trary for certaine moneths, and had pretended to enter into an offen∣sive and defensive League with her. The conclusion was, Wee com∣mand and charge in our Soveraign•…•… Lords name (as his born Counsel∣lours, who are bound in dutie to be carefull of his welfare, honour and reputation, for which we have our Lands and Inheritances) all and sundry his subjects, to further and assist this our godly enterprise, to concurre with us, and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion, his Majesties welfare, and publick peace and quietnesse of this Realme. It contained also certification, That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary, yea, that did not take plaine and open part with them, should bee reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquitie, as assisters of the said treasonable Conspiratours, (James and William Stuarts) and enemies to Religion, to his Ma∣jestie, and Authoritie, and to the publicke quietnesse of the two Realmes, and should bee used as such, in body and goods. Com∣manding all Justices and Magistrates, as well the Lords of the Session as others, Sheriffes, and whatsoever inferiour Judges, to administer justice, for the furtherance hereof, as they would answer upon their al∣legeance and highest perils: with the like certification to them also, if they failed herein.

They staid at Fawlkirke that night, being the second day of No∣vember,* 3.10 and kept strong watch, being within five miles of the ene∣my. It was observed with great disdain, that the Lord Maxwel, who had the charge of the hired souldiers that were put on the watch, and so the choyce of the watch-word, gave it, Saint Andrew; as smelling of his superstitious disposition, and which was a blemish, and contradiction (in a manner) to their declaration, wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion. But it was rather privately grudged

at, than publickly reproved. On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin, as from the King to the Earle Bothwell, whereby he was desired to forsake that Company, and either come to the King, or returne to his own house, which he pleased. This was a trick to divide them, and which did so work upon him, that if the Earle of Angus had not partly by reason perswaded him, and partly by his authoritie (being a man greatly respected) detained him, and fixed his wavering minde, he had forsaken them altogether, not without great danger to have weak∣ned the hands and hearts of the rest, by such an untimely example. On such moments (many times) do even the greatest businesse depend. But God had determined to blesse that Work at that time in their hands. That rub being removed, they march forward, and about the going down of the Sunne, they shewed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk, which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin, and were seen from the Castle wall, of friends and foes. They lodged there-about as they could, till near the dawning of the day; and then upon a secret signe given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victuall, without sound of Drumme or Trumpet, they came to their Camp and Colours. The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus: First, one of the Commanders, with a few Companies, was dire∣cted to go and make shew, as if hee meant to enter the Town through some Orchards that lay on the West side thereof; and at the same instant another (with some other few Companies) was sent to go through the Park as if they had intended to assault it on that hand, near to the Castle hill; while in the mean time the Noblemen themselves, with the grosse and body of the Army, marched on the South side, and passing the ditch a little above the Mill, going through some Gardens, entered at a certain narrow Lane, not •…•…arre from the West gate, where the way was so strait, that single men with weapons could hardly passe it. The hired souldi∣ers which carried shot were set formost, to remove any that should offer to make head against them. They that were within the Town were equall in number to those that were to assault it without; Noblemen, (the Earle Marshall, and the Lord Seton) and Barons, who were come, out of obedience to the Kings Proclamation: These had the keeping of the West gate. But the onely enemies were James, and the Colonell (Stuarts) together with Montrose and Crawford, in respect of some particular quarrels. For Montrose had been Chancellour of the As∣sise, by which the Earle of Morton was condemned, and was esteemed to have been a bad instrument therein: And Crawford had killed the Lord Glames, the Masters brother, whereupon deadly feude, and divers murders had ensued on both sides. The rest, though they did not openly assist the invaders, yet did they wish them no hurt, nor make any resi∣stance against them. There were in the Castle, the Master of Gray, and Sir Lewis Ballandine, who were suspected by James Stuart, and not without cause. He knew also that Master John Metellane bare him no great good will. These hee intended to have rid himself of, and to have slaughte∣red, but they were too strong to do it without great hazard; and be∣sides, it had been but little wisedome to have gone about that, wherein if

hee had failed, it would have been his overthrow, and though hee had prevailed, it would not have freed him from his enemies without. All he did was, that the Colonell with some shot, was set in the Street near the West-Gate of the town, which was the place likeliest to be assaulted, James Stuart himself stayed about the Bridge, having the Keyes of that Gate in his pocket, making that back-doore sure for his last refuge to e∣scape by it. The Earle of Montrose was placed at the foot of the Castle hill, to make good the entrie through the Park. The event was, that ha∣ving entred the Town through a narrow Lane, they were welcomed and entertained by the Colonell with some shot in the street, but seeing that they were resolute, and more in number than he was able to deal with, he retired to the Castle. In this entrie there was but one onely (of the Lords side) killed, and it is uncertaine whether it were done by the Enemie, or by one of his fellowes, who were so unskilfull in handling their Muskets, that their Captain said, That who had known them as well as hee did, would not willingly have marched before them. The Earle Marshall and the Lord Seton, seeing the Colonell so quickly quit the Field, stood still at the Gate, invading no man, and no man invading them. The Earles of Montrose and Crawford, hearing the tumult of the Towne taken, on the other hand, forsook their station, and were received into the Castle. James Stuart fled by the posterne on the Bridge, and having locked the Gate be∣hinde him, he threw the Keyes into the River. The Colonell in his re∣treat was followed so near by Master James Halden (brother Germane to* 3.11 John Halden of Gleneagles) that he overtook him, and was laying hand on him, but in the mean time was shot by Josua Henderson (a servant of the Colonels) and so died presently. He was a young Gentleman, much la∣mented of all that knew him, being lately come out of France, where (as also in Italy) he had lived divers years, with great approbation of all his Countrey-men, being greatly beloved for his sweet courteous disposi∣tion. If it were lawfull here to bewaile a particular losse, I have just cause to loose the reins of my private affection, and pay that tribute of sorrow and teares which I owe to the memorie of so faithfull, upright, and trusty a friend. For the present it shall suffise to say thus much (and let it remaine as a poore witnesse of some small gratefull remem∣brance, as long as this piece can remaine) that before him I found not a∣ny, and since have known but very few so hearty and sincere friends, as he was to me from our childe-hood for many yeares.

Having thus without any further losse or hurt made themselves Ma∣sters* 3.12 of the Town, all rejoyced at their successe, and with chearfull minds and countenances welcomed them, and congratulated their returne. One thing was like to have bred some stirre and tumult, but that the parties in∣terressed knowing the Lords own noble disposition, and how these things could not be helped, bore patiently the losse they received, for the joy they had of the publick good. This it was; when the Nobles and Gentle∣men alighted to enter the Town on foot, they gave their horses to their footmen to be held without till they had made all cleare within. While they were busied in assaulting and rambarring, Colonell Stuart; the An∣nandale men (and others also by their example▪) who came with the

Lord Maxwell, seized on their horses, and went cleare away with them, having spared no man friend or foe, of their own, or the ad∣verse partie. It was no time to follow them, and though it had, yet could they not doe it, their horses being gone. That day they lodged in the Towne, and kept watch and ward about the Castle, that none might go forth, or come in without their knowledge. Robert Hamilton of Inchmachan, who had falsly accused Master Douglas of Maines, and Master Cunninghame of Drummiewhasle caused himself to be let downe over the Castle wall (at the back-side thereof) in a basket, thinking so to escape; but he was perceived, followed, and slaine (in the Park) by John∣ston of Westerhall, receiving that just reward of his betraying innocent bloud. The Lord Hamilton himself when he heard of it, said he had got∣ten but what hee had deserved. The Castle not being provided of Vi∣ctuals, and no man (almost) caring to defend it, it could not hold out: wherefore messengers being sent to and fro betwixt the King and them,* 3.13 all things were agreed on; and so the fourth of November the Gates were set open, and the Companies entering, the Noblemen presented themselves before the King in all humble and submisse manner, and did by their carriage and behaviour really confute the calumnies of their ene∣mies, who had accused them of traiterous intentions and practices.

When they came, they used not many words; onely, They were his true and loyall Subjects, ready to serve him with their bloud; and that they were come to declare themselves, and to cleare them from those calumnies which wicked and seditious men that sought their own par∣ticulars, had filled his Majesties eares and minde with, and so made him to be suspicious of them without cause. The King answered loving∣ly; That it was true, and that he now saw that hee had been too long abused. That it was certainly the mighty hand of GOD working with their good affection that had brought them so through without shedding of bloud.

And so embracing them heartily, he wel∣comed them with a chearfull countenance; desiring that they would for∣give and spare the Earles of Montrose and Crawford, who were afraid to lose their lives and estates, being conscious of their own deservings. This request divers of the Earle of Angus his friends would have had him to have denied; but he, by a rare moderation, and to shew how far he regar∣ded the desires of his Prince, being willing also that the whole work should be free, not onely of innocent blood, but even from particular (though just) revenge, neither could nor would refuse it.

This was the Catastrophe of this Tragick-comedie, acceptable and joyfull to all (except these few particular men) and harmefull to none, which did justifie their (unjustly condemned) former meeting at the same Towne of Stirlin, which if it had had the same successe, had produced the same effect, as it had the same aime and end. It justified also those of the Ministery who had fled to England, and those at home who approved and favoured them, that in so doing, they did not favour Traitors, or traiterous enterprises. This the Earle of Angus (above all) did observe, and did often remember this consequent of the successe, with no lesse contentment than the successe it self, esteeming it a greater mercie and fa∣vour

from GOD to have thus cleared their innocencie and loyaltie, than that he was restored to his own home and inheritance. And there∣fore he did often call to minde, and mention that speech of the Kings, That it was the very hand of GOD which had prospered their enterprise, and given them that successe without bloud. For though it may seem no hard matter, in respect of the generall favour of the Countrey, yet if we consi∣der what a desperate enemie, loath to quit such places as they have enjoy∣ed, is wont to doe, it will seem strange that they should without once striking a stroke thus be gone without more ado. But as it hath been found in broyles (and I have particularly observed) that GOD hath preserved their hands from bloud, whose hearts did abhorre from the shedding of it, even upon such occasions as men thought they could hardly avoid, either to be frustrate of their intentions, or to obtain them with much bloud; where by the contrary, many whose feet have been swifter, & their hearts lesse carefull of it, have on very small occasions fallen into it. So in this publick businesse, it pleased GOD to look on the hearts of the actours, and according to the innocencie thereof, to dispose of the means of their restoring, that their hands were kept pure from the bloud of any. He observed also of the Town of Edinburgh, how it had pleased GOD to cut short their aid and assistance, which they might have given the ene∣my by laying of it waste and desolate through the death of 20000. per∣sons of the plague (which had raged there) whereby the rest were so ter∣rified, that they were glad to forsake the City. For the Courtiers did most repose and rely upon them, who were readiest upon the sudden, and who (upon the least advertisement) were wont to come at their beck, without any disputing, or questioning the lawfulnesse of the quarrell or justice of the cause, but took every thing as from the King, whatsoever was com∣manded in his name, as they had given proof before, when they convee∣ned at Stirlin; having been the first that were sent against them, when they were forced to flee into England. This plague began immediatly after their flight, and the departure of their Ministers, and increased daily with such terrour and fearfulnesse in the hearts of men, that every man did in∣terpret it to be the immediate hand of GOD, striking them for their ob∣sequiousenesse to the Court, and contempt of their Ministers; and now they being returned it diminished daily, so evidently, that after their entry into Stirlin, it ceased, not by degrees or piece-meale, but in an instant (as it were) so that never any after that hour was known to have been infected, nor any of such as were infected before, to have died. The Lane also, in Stirlin, by which they entred, was wholly infected, yet no man was known to have been tainted with it, or to have received any hurt. Nay, the men of Annandale did rob and ransack the pest-lodges which were in the field about Stirlin, and carried away the clothes of the infected, but were never known to have been touched therewith themselves, or any o∣thers that got, or wore the clothes. They also that were in the Lodges, returned to their houses, and conversed with their Neighbours in the Town, who received them without fear, suspicion, or reproof, and no harm did ensue upon it. As for Edinburgh, before the first of February (within three moneths) it was so well peopled and filled again with inha∣bitants,

as none could perceive by the number that any had died out of it. As if GOD from Heaven should have said, Lo, the cause of my wrath, lo, the cause of my mèrcie, with the going and coming of his servants: a rare and remarkable work never to be forgotten, as he did never forget it. And for my part, I think it merits to bee recorded here, and that it is worthy that the remembrance thereof should remain to all posterity, so far as my weaknesse can preserve it, that men may see and learn to fear and seek that GOD who worketh so great things, and none can hinder him. A notable wonder, and next unto that overthrow of the Spanish Armado in 88. both in my time, both immediatly by the hand of GOD: But this, so much the more evidently, as that there, some ordinary industrie and help of man did intervene; here, nothing can be alledged to have brought it to passe, but the very singer of GOD. Let mankinde advert and admire it. And whosoever shall go about to bereave GOD of his glory by laying it over upon chance or fortune, may his chance be such as his blindnesse or perversenesse deserveth. Things being brought thus about, who would have been so modest, as not to have been so farre ambitious, as in distribu∣ting the offices of the Kingdome, to have taken to himself, or bestowed on his friends some place of honour or profit? But Angus did neither take to himself, nor procure any for his particular friends & followers. Let am∣bition be silent, and let her plumes fall, when she seeth her self truly con∣temned by him. He contented himself with that onely which was his own; yea, he even dispensed and forbore that which was his own; mo∣destly tolerating, that the Lands, House and Lordship of Dalkeeth, should still be retained by the young Duke of Lennox, upon the Kings promise to be restored thereto, so soon as any occasion should fall out of providing some other Lands to the Duke; which was not done, till the Lord Meth∣ven dying without heires male, the Lands falling to the King, he gave them to Lennox, and restored Dalkeeth to Angus. Out of the like modesty & will, to gratifie his Prince in whatsoever he could to the very uttermost of his power, at the Parliament (held in Edinburgh 1587.) about two years after, he dispensed with his priviledge of bearing the Crown at the Kings request, and suffered the Duke to carry it, with protestation (and promise) that it should not be prejudiciall to him nor his house in time coming, and so (with all meeknesse) submitted himself to take the second place, and carry the Scepter. In this last point, it was thought wisedome to yeeld, so to disappoint those, who were thought to have put the King upon it, of purpose to have made a breach betwixt the King and him by his refusall. The former was not effected without the bribing of those Courtiers who did then possesse the Kings eare. Secretary Metellane got his Lands of Die-Water to work it; which when he would have holden of the King by renunciation, Angus refused to renounce, and would onely give them, holding of himself, not without some indignation on both sides. It was hardlier constructed, that he suffered a decreet given in favours of Farni∣haste to his prejudice, to be reserved, and stand good in his restitution. And thus did he behave himself in his private affairs.

As for the publick affairs of the Kingdom, hee suffered them to bee* 3.14 managed by the Master of Glames, to whom the rest of their society

were most inclined, for the opinion they had of his wisedome, greater ex∣perience and age; as also for that now he was a prime officer of State (Treasurer) and allied with the Lord Hamilton; rather than hee would enter into any contest, which might breed any division amongst them∣selves, being set altogether on peace and calmnesse, howbeit he did not approve of all their proceedings, and differed much in judgement from them, concerning the administration and handling of matters. So in the policie of the Church, though out of a sincere minde and true zeal, hee favoured and affected the right form as much as any, and was much grie∣ved, that such order was not taken in it, as should have been, & was expe∣cted; yet he did tolerate that course which the rest thought good to suf∣fer to go on. For this they gave out, That the King inclined to the govern∣ment of Bishops, and therefore it was not convenient to crosse his inclina∣tion abruptly and directly, left he should seem to be constrained or thral∣led in his actions (a point which they avoided carefully) and not used with that respect and liberty, which is due to a Prince: yet they said they should labour to work him to it with time, taking their opportunity as it should be offered unto them. And so indeed it was brought to passe; for Bishops were first restrained of their using their pretended jurisdiction, and by fact (de facto) even then brought under obedience to Synodes and Presbyteries, and in the year 1592. the former discip̄line was re-esta∣blished by Act of Parliament, and all authority directly taken from Bi∣shops. But neither in the former Parliament (holden at Linlithgow in December 1585.) neither in the next (holden at Edinburgh the 29. of July 1587.) was there any mention made thereof. This gave occasion of much discontentment to the best affected, and bitter contention betwixt the Court and the Ministery; they reprooving this toleration of that unlawfull office, and the King committing them for their freedome of reproof. So no man of any judgement and good disposition was satisfied with their proceedings. Notwithstanding, there was none of any degree, but had a good opinion, and thought well of the Earle of Angus, and excused his part of it, laying the blame thereof upon the rest, who (they thought) were more care∣full of their own particular, than mindefull or solicitous for the state of GODS Church. And when I call to minde the disposition of men in those times, I cannot expresse it otherwayes than thus; That they accused all, but excused him; and yet they so excused him, that they did also accuse him; not for his want of good-will, but for want of acti∣on. They were perswaded of the sincerity of his heart but they thought him defective in action according to their opinion, and would have had him to have taken more upon him than he did. Concerning which pur∣pose I have thought it best not so much to deliver my own judgement, or use my own words in excusing or accusing what might be thought wor∣thy to be excused or accused in him (for what is mine may be more obno∣xious to mens censure) as to set down every point according to the judgement, and in the words of others, who were present eye-witnesses and special actours in those times: what they thought worthy to be repre∣hended, and what they required to have amended, which wil comprehend

whatever negligence or omission any man can lay to his charge: for as touching any fault of Commission, and doing what he ought not to have done, there was no man complained of him. To which effect, diverse letters might bee produced, which were written to himselfe by diverse persons of all sorts, Civill and Ecclesiasticall, Scottish and English, of the Ministery, which had beene banished with him, and of the brethren of the Church of England: but I have made choice of one for all, which containeth the summe of all, both Church and State businesse, both pri∣vate and publicke, and that in the Authours owne words most faith∣fully, neither adding nor impairing any thing. To which wee shall sub∣joyne his owne answer, in his owne words (so farre as our memory can serve) at least his owne estimation, and judgement of every point; his ends, grounds and reasons of his actions, which hee delivered in his most inward, and private conference, where it pleased him to open himselfe, as hee was accustomed, freely, and even to the laying naked of his very heart and soule.

The letter was (after the wonted formalities) thus,

HAving occasion of this bearer, I thought good to remember some* 4.1 things, especially that you would (as you know I intended to have done) purchase in name of the Countrey, some to bee sent to keepe Justice Courts, in our Countrey and Teviotdale, otherwayes all will breake. Also let the sitting of the Session bee hasted, that such things as flow from their restitution may bee decided, other∣wayes some men may bee greatly prejudiced and disappointed. As for Master John, it is hard for my Lord to helpe you both (I am still of that opinion) wherefore if no place fall about the King, let it not displease his Lordship that one of you seeke some other course.

After my departing from Linlithgow, I continued in great anger, whereof I am not yet fully freed, because of that sentence (or de∣creet) reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus: and though the doers bee partiall, yet I blame most his owne simplicitie (I must needes so call it) seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others, where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe. But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe, or undoe himselfe, and all the rest with him. For if the Master of Glames, forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse, will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie, it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance. They are in∣deed at Court, but are esteemed no better (abroad) then beasts in the Countrey, never like to acquire the favour of any; but continually de∣clining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends, who all speake, as though they saw already an evident ruine of them: and that (doubtlesly) deserved, for lying in their good cause, and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen, and return, or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee

shall never bee able to amend. If they sticke to their cause, all is sure; otherwise nothing sure: for either their suretie is by the Kings fa∣vour (whereof I speake nothing) or the favour of the people: this they must have by pressing their cause; of Noblemen, for relieving them from bondage, and revenging their bloud; of Gentlemen and Com∣mons, for purging Religion, restoring of Justice, and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe. If this bee urged, it will con∣firme such as are already in the cause, and will make more to joyne in it: So shall the cause prosper; and if occasion crave so, there is a par∣tie ever ready to take Armes for it. But if, omitting this, a flattering, or a fearefull course bee taken, who shall speake plaine, and assist such fearefull dissemblers? who shall credit them, when afterwards (as heretofore) they shall take on the name of the good cause? I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence, but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing, though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked. I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not? (and yet of all these evils, under the burden whereof the Countrey groned, they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie) why is it not then justi∣fied in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned? Is their cause already ended? And if not, why is it then left off? hath it not enemies? why should it not then bee fortified against them? The Declaration of their cause, why was it published? To acquire fa∣vour at the hands of the people? And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour? yea rather, why are such things done, as pro∣cure their disfavour, and hatred? I see nothing, but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts, God (to discover their hypocrisie) hath given them their hearts desire, but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie. I cannot forbeare to write this, though I bee out of hope of any good, yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly, shall (in Gods favour) bee provi∣ded for (though with trouble) when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished, and shall perish through their default, giving them a proofe of their owne wits, and their un∣faithfull hearts: They would not serve God, hee made men their masters. Are means failed him? No: the last shall bee worse then the first. It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them; and therefore given them over to their owne devices, where∣with they are so drunke, and blinded, as men in a melancholicke ap∣prehension, who are past all cure of Physicke. But this, above all, troubles mee most, that till such time as good men bee all un∣done, and the Land utterly ruined, and overborne with Tyrannie, it shall not bee resisted hereafter. For a new Generation must a∣rise (that hath forgotten these things) before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit: good men are so often de∣ceived under that colour and pretext, and drawne on to their wracke. And certainely, rather then I were hee, that (through mis-governance and evill order) should undoe so many as are like

to bee undone at this time, I had farre rather give my owne life for it. But I speake to deafe men, and therefore I cease, committing to God the providing for those, whose hearts hee sees to bee upright, having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men, and the cause, without troubling them with any particulars. If Angus could steere in his owne roome, hee might redresse the Masters errours: Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe: See what is done about the Barons, and give me notice of such directi∣on as goeth to their Shires. I say, for conclusion, their earnest suite in particulars, and negligence in the common cause, convicts them be∣fore all men, and the King may justly say, They had no good mean∣ing. But if it were mine to doe, wee should goe all together to the King, and say, this or the like speech. Sir, in that yee have (as may be) redressed our particulars, wee thanke you heartily, though it was ever the least part of our desire; for Gods Church hath beene heavi∣ly oppressed (then tell him the particulars apart) Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over: (then tell him also some proofes) Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie, and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue. Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged, under the colour of your Majesties name, and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is pos∣sible; and such order taken, that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering, so they keepe the Lawes. Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men, and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects (for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde.) This being done, wee doubt not, but God shall blesse you, and your Countrey; seeing, the neglecting hereof, hath beene the cause of the evills past. Sir, doe it your selfe, for the gaine is yours, though wee put you in minde of it. Now except this bee done, there can bee no conti∣nuing quietnesse.

Postscript.

THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe. I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland, but seeth not that in them which hee could wish. Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth, can the King but thinke that hee would ra∣ther wish his owne •…•…ster sonne King? I finde great fault that the Ab∣bots (Driebrough and Cambuskenneth) Lie abake, who are practi∣tioners and partakers, as Marre at Ruthven: let them joyne together and bee knowne.

This letter being received, and a fit opportunitie espied; it was* 4.2 brought to my Lord, and without further ceremony; I have received here a letter (saith hee) from whom, and from whence your Lord∣ship may see. It is written to mee indeed, but not for my sake, (for hee

knowes my minde) but that I might so informe your Lordship concern∣ing your estate, and the state of the publicke cause which you have em∣braced; and you might know what the thoughts of honest men are con∣cerning it, what they thinke, what they expect, what they wish and re∣quire. I thinke it best that it speake for it selfe in its owne language, let it be your Lordships pleasure to reade it. He tooke it and read it, and af∣ter a little pause; This (saith he) that is here in the beginning of this let∣ter may be obtained, this Commission for Justice Courts, and this for our securitie we shall and must needs bee carefull of. There is next that which concerneth your selfe; wherein I am sorry that occasion hath not served me to expresse in effect the good will I bore you, as I thinke I ought to doe. And while he was about to goe on in that purpose, the other interrupting him, made answer: Let it be your Lordships pleasure to breake off that discourse: I never doubted (nor never will doe) of your Lordships minde, which is enough to satisfie me; you know my ambi∣tion. I am content to doe any thing, I am content to doe nothing: hope did not bring me to this cause; frustrating, nor feare cannot divert me. If I can serve to any good use, I am glad of it: if I cannot, yet am I con∣tented: it is enough to me that I have been willing, and gone as farre as God hath called me: hee knoweth how farre hee will imploy any, and your Lordship is my best witnesse, that I never did thrust my sel•…•…e into your Lordships publicke or private businesse. So farre as you were plea∣sed of your owne accord to communicate with me, so farre I knew and meddled. I know what men thinke, but this shall ever be my wisedome, or my folly (let who list account it so) yet if I were even aspiringly dis∣posed, how can your Lordship doe for your friends, at his Majesties hands, who doth your owne affaires with him by the mediation of stran∣gers? But (seeing we are fallen upon this purpose) let it not displease your Lordship that Master John retire himselfe (as you see it is desired here) I will (by Gods grace) runne such hazard and fortune as may befall me, by being your Lordships onely; to which my minde, my liking, and the honour I have to be your Lordships Kinseman, and will to honour and doe what good office I can to your Lordship, do carry me; and if so I can serve your Lordship to any good use in any thing you have to doe, it is all I crave: for the present let me bee bold to aske your Lordships minde and disposition concerning this letter, what you thinke rightly ad∣monished, and what you intend about the prosecution or amending of every point in it?

Before we come to this (said my Lord) let mee demand a question of* 4.3 you first, and heare your judgement in a point which hath greatly per∣plexed me: you remember the sermon preached at Linlithgow, by Master Craig, what thinke you of it? I remember you told me you did not ful∣ly like it: but I would heare you againe more particularly to refresh my memory, because it is greatly incident to this purpose, and seems to cut short all our actions. For if the case of all Subjects towards their Prin∣ces be such, what can we doe but depend on their pleasure? The other (smiling a little) indeed my Lord (as it is in our Proverbe) It is time to aske the question! for if you must depend on their pleasure, why did you not

expect it? and stay in England till you were recalled? why came you un∣sent for? and that in such a manner? what is become of your Proclama∣tions? and of all the faire reasons of it? you must goe backe again, and recant all, and cry peccavie for these things. Oh, (saith my Lord) that is another question, for what we did in that, was done of necessitie for our lives and estates, and to remove that violent tyrannous man, who else would have undone King, Countrey, and all: But now that he is remo∣ved, and that necessitie taken away, it is another case; how to deale with our Prince, to whom we owe such obedience, he being amongst Kings, Who are in the place of God, who are called Gods, and to whom is due the obedi∣ence to God. But leaving the particular, let me heare you of the generall, What you thinke of that Sermon, and of his grounds? I know there are others also, that were not satisfied with it, but I would heare you. Ha∣ving paused a little, he answered: Loath am I my Lord, to enter upon that taske of censuring any man, chiefly a Preacher: I like better to dispute a point and discusse a truth, without touching upon any mans person, so farre as it can be avoyded. But seeing your Lordship drawes me to it: I confesse, wee all disclaime implicite faith, and thinke wee are reasonable c•…•…eatures, apt to weigh and consider mens reasons, and yeeld assent to their opinions so farre as they enforce, neither ought wee otherwayes to consent, nor can any reasonable man enforce himselfe to assent, which makes me, in matter of consenting (chie•…•…ly in Religion) to dislike of constraint: For I judge of others as I finde my selfe; the world cannot force mee, nay, I cannot force my selfe to thinke otherwayes, then my judgement alloweth of. But to your question, I am more favourable to Princes, then many beleeve, and to Monarches: I account it a great and heavie charge, and burden, which hath need of great reliefe, and many comforts to recompense the pains thereof, and can permit much to a good Prince, yea, as much as he himselfe pleaseth; which will never bee more then is good and just, though it were all the estates of his Subjects, and the whole Countrey to be guided by himselfe alone, with as absolute power as any ever spake of, and yet not thinke that hee had an haires bredth of more power to doe hurt. But to the question we are on; your Lordship remembers the ground that Master Craig did lay? yes (saith he) very well: It was that passage of the 82. Psalme (God sits in the assem∣bly of the Gods) And what he built thereon? He built (said he) obedience to Kings commandments and impunitie without controulement; your Lordship remembers right, and reports the best of his speech in the fair∣est termes [Obedience to Kings, Impunitie to Kings] whereas hee said* 4.4 roundly, [Obedience to Tyrants, Impunitie to Tyrants] which two who confounds, doth great wrong to good Kings. But whether wee call them Tyrants, or Kings, which that Psalme speakes of, Who so inferres these conclusions from thence, doth it without warrant from the text, the drift of which is clean contrary; not to extoll or lift them up, but to abate their pride, and to humble them; not to secure them, but to terrifie them; not to exempt them from death (the lot of other men) but to let them know that they are subject to it as well as others, and to threaten them therewith. Wherefore let men build up Power and impunitie to

Tyrants upon what other place of Scripture they please, I dare affirme that this place is most unfit for it. For here there is never a word of [Obe∣dience] never a word of [Impunitie] but by the contrary of [punish∣ment.] Oh,! but it saith [I have said ye are Gods:] True, but it saith also [Neverthelesse, you shall die] which two being put together, the one shewes them their duety, [Do justice as God doth] the other threatneth pu∣nishment [Te shall die if ye do it not.] But they will say, that this threatning is from God, and therefore God (indeed) may and will punish, but man may not. I answer, the Text makes no mention whether God will pu∣nish them immediately, or by the hand of man: but however that be, the scope of the Psalmist is to humble them, and hee who from thence doth gather any Prerogative or impunitie to them, gathers that which is con∣trary to the Text. Now to come to the particulars of the Sermon: To what use was it at that time to preach [Obedience] to Tyrants? was it not sufficient to have preached [Obedience] to good Kings? And to have showne his Majesty to be a good King (if he thought that any man doubted of that point) which was more honourable for his Majestie, more beseeming a Preacher, more easie to perswade, then to roote out the inveterate opinion of the lawfulnes to resist Tyrants? Concerning his Ar∣guments: 1. Was the first solid? [God sitteth in the assembly of Gods] therfore Tyrants sit in the seat of God: though it were true, yet it followeth not: and it is even like to this, The King sits in the Assembly of the Lords, therefore the Lords sit in the Kings seat. As on the contrary, The King (being present) doth sit in his owne seat, and the Lords do rather sit in his seat when he is absent, then when he sits in the Assembly amongst them. Also (as I have said) the presence of God is there mentioned: not to au∣thorize, but to controll them. Neither doth the Text inferre, [There∣fore obey them] there is no word of that there, but [Therefore they shall die] Because God sits and sees them, eyes them, and perceives the wrong they doe, and how they abuse their power, which is a contrary illation to his, and farre more consonant to the Text. 2. His second Argument was [The people of God are commanded to obey Nabuchodonozor, who was a Tyrant, therefore all Tyrants should be obeyed.] How hard an inference! Of a particular extraordinary, to gather a generall ordinary rule! If wee allow of this kinde of arguing, it will bee replied: God commanded Jehu (a private man) to slay Achab (a Tyrant) therefore private men ought, or may slay Tyrants. 3. His third [David did not slay Saul, therefore no man should lay hands on a Tyrant] how loose is it? from example or authoritie, negative. 4. But the fourth [God placed the Tyrant in that place, therefore no man may put him out of it, though his Tyranny bee never so great] what doe you thinke of it? A mans goods are taken from him by a briggand, who doubts but God hath given them into the briggands hands? But doth it therefore follow, that no man (not the Magistrate) may take them from him againe, because God hath put them into his hands? yea, who knowes but God hath cast them into his hands for that end, that they may bee taken out of his hands, and hee punished for it? Besides, this inconvenient will also follow hereon: if an usurper shall once get himselfe place in a Kingdome, no man (by this reasoning) may

ever dispossesse him again, to repossesse the lawfull King; because (with∣out all doubt) God hath placed him there. This were a maxime very prejudiciall to lawfull and rightfull Kings. 5 The fifth was a Simile] which all men know are ever lame, and doe halt some way; yea those which he used, are brought by others to prove the contrary. 1. For even Children are sometimes made free from their Parents by the civill law Romane. 2. And Servants from their Masters, by Gods Law gi∣ven to the Jewes; as, If his eye bee beaten out, let him goe for his eye. 3. Wives are divorced, and freed from their husbands, if the essentiall knot and tie of matrimonie bee violated, and broken: why then may not the tie we have to Tyrants be taken away? If the Essentiall cause of o∣bedience (the image of God) justice) be violated, and cast off by the Tyrant, why may not the obligation of obedience cease? And this for his Arguments, which you •…•…ee how frivolous and weak they are. As for his conclusion [Men may not put hand in Tyrants] it can never be de∣duced from his text: There is only one word, which seemes to make for him [I said ye are gods] but the next words say plainly [Neverthelesse ye shall die,] whereby it is clear, that this appellation of (gods) is not given them to free them from punishment, but to put them in minde of their duty; which when they neglect, they lose the name, and are lyable to the punishment. So that (according to his owne forme of reasoning) if it follow from hence, that because God hath placed them in that place to doe justice, therefore men should not take them out of it, though they prove Tyrants; it will follow farre better; God appoints them to die, because they doe not justice, therefore they must die, therefore men may make them die, when they become Tyrants in stead of being gods. Which kind of reason∣ing if he think not to be good, then must he quit his own reason, and leave this passage, as neither making for him, nor against him; neither exempt∣ing them from punishment (in calling them gods, which showes but what they ought to be of dutie) nor yet giving expresse command for men to slay them, in this other word (ye shall die) which showes onely what God will doe in his justice. He alledged (as others also doe in this cause) that the thing which moved him to broach this conclusion, was, because that if a liberty to kill, or disobey Tyrants be granted unto men, then good Kings shall not be obeyed, nor sure of their owne lives, be∣cause seditious or ambitious men (of which there are enow) will call a good King a Tyrant. But your Lordship may consider the futilitie of that pretext; for by the same reason all lawes are taken away, and all pu∣nishment of vice and wickednesse. For where the law ordaines theeves to be punished, an unjust Judge may call an honest man a theefe; and if we allow blasphemie to be punished, a Jezabel will finde meanes to cause Naboth be accounted a blasphemer; and if we suffer sedition to be punished, Tyrants will call a good Patriot, a seditious fellow; free admo∣nitions, treason; and any word of liberty, rebellion. Shall therefore se∣dition be unpunished? shall theft? shall blasphemie? And certainly there is more danger, and it comes oftner to passe, that a Tyrant should call an honest man seditious, then it is found that subjects call a good King a Tyrant. The people suffer much (what by custome, what through a

naturall inclination and love toward their Princes) and beare with many great faults, and seldome come to rise up against him, but when the injury is intolerable. And you shall finde (when you please to trie it) that they have comported more and oftner with wicked Princes, then ever they have made insurrection against good ones; nay, then they have made a∣gainst the wicked, unlesse their wickednesse hath beene extreme enor∣mous and pernicious. Yea, I doubt whether any can finde an example of insurrection against any that was good, nay, against any tolerably wic∣ked: whereas of the other side, many honest men have beene opprest, and put to death by Tyrants upon small or no occasion, upon a forged accusation, lie, or calumnie. Wherefore it is a foolish and ridiculous pre∣text, to maintaine Obedience, and the Impunitie of Tyrants, that so good Kings may be obeyed, and secured: as if a man should plead for impuni∣tie to harlots, that so honest matrons may be secured. All is but folly, for there is but one way to secure honest women, which is to avoyd whorish fashions; to secure honest and true men, to take heed they be not found breaking or digging through of houses. And let a good King be∣ware and carefully avoid all tyrannicall actions. So (and onely so) shall he be sure (if word and worke justifie him) and free from all feare of pu∣nishment from God or man. And thus much concerning your Lordships question, what my opinion is of that Sermon.

But seeing we are fallen upon this subject, let me tell your Lordship* 4.5 how men, while they labour to put a good face upon this matter, waver∣ing betwixt flatterie of Princes, and truth of reason received, and allow∣ed by the common consent of all men against Tyrants, involve and in∣tangle themselves into many difficulties and absurdities. I will bring one instance for all, and that is Bodinus (a Frenchman) in his booke De repub∣lica: faine would he make even Tyrants to be sacred and inviolable, and perswade that all obedience is due, and ought to be given them. And he concludes, that they are not to be touched by their subjects, but obeyed; whereof he gives this for his chiefe reason, Because their subjects have no jurisdiction over them▪ yet finding how hard it were to free them from all feare of punishment, he puts them into the hands of forraine Kings, and exhorts them to exterminate and root them out, commen∣ding it as a laudable action, by the imitation of Hercules, who travel∣led through the world (sayes he) to destroy these Monsters, Tyrants. Now let any man judge what good reason can be given for denying that power to the Countrey it selfe (under the pretext, because they have no jurisdiction) and to give it to a forrainer, who hath neither interest nor ju∣risdiction over another Prince. And whether is there more danger in the sedition of his Countrey people, then in the ambition of a stranger Prince? And which of them is likeliest to picke a quarrell against him, and to call him a Tyrant, and seeke occasion to worke their owne par∣ticular ends? Besides, what shall be the part of the people in this case? Shall they fight against this forrainer, who comes to cut off their Ty∣rant? Who then shall come to relieve those from tyrannie, that will take armes for defence of the Tyrant? Shall they joyne with him? Certainly in all reason they ought to joyne with him, seeing it is for

their sakes that he under-takes the warre. But that is Rebellion (if wee beleeve Bodinus.) Shall they be neutrall, and spectators? Even that is disobedience. And yet the same Bodinus sayes, That Tyrants are mon∣sters; now there is no societie (farre lesse bond of obedience and subje∣ction) with monsters. Yea, hee sayes, That there is no societie with Pirats▪ because they break the Lawes of humane societie; and Tyrants break them much more. This same man in his D•…•…monomania sayes, A King may become a Wolfe; and that a great King in Christen∣dome was one when hee pleased. I ask him then, Whether such a King should bee obeyed, when hee is a Wolfe? And if hee should ever continue to bee such, without returning to bee a man, whether or not must hee bee ever obeyed in all things? Shall his sacred Ma∣jestie bee reverenced? And (lest hee should starve) shall hee bee fed with childrens flesh (perhaps) because hee will eat no other, or (at least) because hee likes that best? Certainly, his reason will inferre no lesse than that hee should. And if hee bee ashamed to affirme this, and will confesse that it is lawfull to put such an one from his Kingdome, who hath put off humane nature, and can now no more guide a Kingdome: what shall wee think of one, who (though retaining the shape of a man) hath a wolvish nature and disposition, be∣ing cruell, wicked, licentious, and over-throwes all right and equitie? And is not a Tyrant (for the like reason) as worthie to bee deprived of that Kingdome, which hee cannot, or will not guide rightly, but de∣stro•…•…s and makes havock of all? Certainly, the reason is all one: for it is n•…•…t the shape (so much) of a Wolfe that men abhorre, as the wolvish and ravenous nature and disposition. For suppose a good Kingwere (contrary to his will) transformed by Magicall incantation onely, into the sh•…•…pe of a Wolfe, who did retaine his reason, his speech, his wisedome, justice, equitie, meeknesse, and all good Go∣vernment, omitting nothing that belonged to a good Prince, men would not so much abhorre, as pity him, and expect till some way were found how hee might recover his former shape, and would (doubtlesse) preferre his humane nature, though in the shape of a Wolfe, to a wolvish nature, though under the shape of a man; it being farre more tolerable, and f•…•…rre more advantageous for the Common-wealth, whereof the good and safetie is ever to bee respected and preferred in all things. And thus much for Bo∣dinus.

But will your Lordship bee pleased to hear what that great Doctour* 4.6 of the Lawes (a professed Patron of Princes, in his book which hee wrote of purpose for their defence) I mean Blackwood sayes concerning* 4.7 this question? It is (sayes hee) an absurd thing to affirm, That a Prin∣ces commandement should or may be dis-obeyed. Yet if a Prince com∣mand any thing that is unjust, it must not be obeyed. But how shall we do then? Even this, sayes hee, when the commandement is unjust, we must suppose that the commandement is not the Kings commande∣ment: but either that it is, first, some fained and forged thing under his name; secondly, or stoln from him at unawares; thirdly, or that being

busied some other way, he did not take heed to it:

Fourthly, or that he hath been ill informed: Fifthly, or mis-taken it: Sixthly, or that hee is mis-led and mis-carried with some passion or prejudice.

So in the point of controlling Princes, he cannot endure that the Sacred Majestie, Gods Vice-gerent, should be constrained or forced any way; that is absurd and abominable: Yet if he mis-governe the Countrey, so that the state of the Common-weale bee in danger, the blame must bee laid on his evill Counsellours; those they may lay hands on, and take order with them; nay, hang them, if they please, and place good men about him, whose better advice he may follow. But by no meanes must they touch or meddle with himself in person. This opinion is such, that (I beleeve) hee against whom he writes, hath not written any thing that may seeme more hard. For if we may call his commandements (when they are un∣just) stolne, and so dis-obey them; wee are not bound to obey his unjust commandements. And if wee may take order with his counsellours, who will be his counsellour? Or who will execute his unjust will? Nay, how can subjects do either of these two without a manifest con∣trolling and forcing of him, Since hee will oppose and interpret all as done against himselfe, and call it Treason and Rebellion against him? So that in effect, all comes to one. Besides, this way leaves that ground (which men so carefully pretend to avoyd) which is, to call all his commandements stolne (though they bee never so clearly his) and albeit they bee never so good; as also of calling his Counsel∣lours evill, though they bee not so. Whereby hee makes them Judges both of his Commandements and Counsellours; so that they may call it in question whether they bee good or not; which doth brangle, and (indeed) over-turne all that absolute power which he gave them before.

I will not omit here to tell your Lordship of another distinction that* 4.8 some use against unlawfull commandements: They grant that we should not give them Active Obedience, that is, that we should not do the thing commanded, but that we must yeeld Passive obedience, that is, Suffer what punishment the Prince shall be pleased to lay upon us for our refu∣sing to do what he commands, whether it be a pecuniarie mulct, impri∣sonment, or death it self. But if this be rightly weighed in the balance of reason, if the commandement be unlawfull, the punishment inflicted for refusing to obey it, is also unlawfull, and the commanding of us to un∣der-go that punishment, is likewise unlawfull. Therefore there is no necessitie of obedience to that command, according to Blackwoods rule; for it is not the Kings; it is stolne. Therefore if a Tyrant com∣mand a thing unlawfull, under the pain of paying a summe of money, a man is no more bound to pay the money, than hee is to obey the com∣mandement; for both are unlawfull. Farre lesse is he bound to submit himself to a corporall punishment, or to lay down his life, or to enter in∣to prison, which takes away his libertie, as dear to him as his life, and doth oftentimes endanger both his life and goods by consequence. If (I say) he can get these things avoided, he is not bound in conscience to under-go them, but may lawfully with-draw himself from them, and shun them.

What hee is to do when he cannot eschue these things, is not a case of duty, but of prudencie: for that same question will come to bee consi∣dered, when a man hath to do with a Robber (to whom he owes no ob∣ligation of obedience) if hee bee not able to resist him, how farre hee shall yeeld to him. Let us put the case then, That a Tyrant would (for our dis-obeying of his unlawfull commands) invade us his subjects by Armes, wee are not so bound to him, but wee may avoide the blow; nay, the subject (in this case) may warde the blow, and put by his Prin∣ces Weapon, he may hold his hands (if it be necessary) and if hee can∣not otherwayes save himself. And what will these that stand for Pas∣sive Obedience answer to those that suppose this case: That the Prince and his subjects were in a ship, and the Prince should command a leake to be made in the ship, by which the water might come in, and drown both them and himself? They will (perhaps) say, that they would not do it, although he should command it. But would they give him a Passive Obedience? Would they suffer him to kill them for their refusall? Would they give him leave and way to do it? Or would they set a∣side such ceremonie, and stay him from it calmely? Put the Augre or Wimble out of the way, or keep it from him? Hold his hands; or (if there were need) even binde him rather? so to save themselves and him. Which if it be right and lawfull to do for preserving a private ship, what shall be said of the Bark of the Common-wealth (I pray you) if a Tyrant do such things, which will cast it into danger of drowning and ship∣wrack?

Now the ground of all this;

First, (That tyrants must bee obeyed; Secondly, that they must not be controlled, nor resisted, but get ever a Passive Obedience; Thirdly, that they must no wayes bee deprived, and farre lesse touched in their persons) is in this (forsooth) That they are Gods; which name (as they alledge) inferres all these, Obe∣dience, not resistance, not depriving, &c.

And indeed (to bee God) carries more with it; it imports both Active and Passive Obedience to whatsoever he commands without exception, to kill his sonne with Abraham; for each man to kill his brother, as the Levites did. But how farre these (called) Gods, come short of that priviledge (notwithstan∣ding of the name) I have said before: and therefore this appellation will not import any of the rest by any necessary consequence, no more than it doth absolute Active Obedience. Neither are Princes there compared to GOD, because of equall soveraignity or obedience due to them, but because of the likenesse of the action, and to warne them to imitate him in justice. And to draw an argument from a Comparison of things, to prove an equality in them, in that wherein they are not matched or com∣pared, is against the law of Similies, or Comparisons. Secondly, those who dispute in this sort, speak onely of absolute Monarchs (as they call them) but the name of [Gods] is not onely given to absolute Monarchs. It is given to the Judges of Israel before they had Kings: & the Turks use (at this day) when they go to law, this phrase, Let us go to God: by which they mean, not their absolute Monarch, the Emperour, but any inferiour Judge, even the lowest and meanest, as (no question) even a

Sheriffes depute, or a Barons Bailiffe sit in the place of God, when they sit to do justice betwixt parties; yet no man for that doth attribute abso∣lute power to them.

Behold the ground of your Lordships cause, and of this so worthy an action done by you, to your perpetuall honour, of rare memory and ex∣ample in any age: lo what you have been; not contemplating and dis∣puting in the Schooles, but practising in the Common-wealth. For if it be not lawfull to disobey the command of Princes (even of lawfull and borne Princes) in any case, then is this that you have done, very un∣lawfull. If it be a wrong to controll their wills, then must this your fact be condemned as wrong. If it bee not lawfull to remove from them wicked Counsellours and instruments of iniquitie, then is this your act altogether unjust, enormous, unlawfull and treacherous. But the world acknowledges, all men assent, and the Prince himselfe con∣fesses, that you have happily atchieved a worthie worke, in freeing your King from the jawes of these wolves and lions, who devoured the Realme, and polluted his name and fame; that you have restored him to his honour, and that high expectation of him to his Countrey, and to the Church of God throughout the whole world.

There rests onely this exception and doubt in mens mindes, whether or not this hath been your aime (in very deed) and the true scope and end of your enterprise; or if this bee but incident and adventitious to your own particular designes. For it is sure, your particular was joy∣ned with it; but that is no fault: yea, I account him happy, whose lot joynes his estate with an honest cause, so that they must stand or fall to∣gether; or whose minde and resolution casts him upon it. But it is of great weight, and makes a great difference, when the cause is our end, and (our particular but accessorie, or contrarily) when our particu∣lar is the maine motive, and the common cause but a by end, and em∣braced only to advance our particular. Your Proclamation (or Declarati∣on) which ye published, speaks much of the publick cause and com∣mon-weale; but you may perceive what men think (how your acti∣ons and doings since do not answer thereto) by this Letter. For they are begun to think, that howsoever you pretended the publick, yet your intention was fixed onely on your own particular; because you have done nothing for the Church or Countrey, and hath settled your own par∣ticular. And it is observed, That of all the Parliaments that were ever held in this Countrey, this last (held since you came home) is it, in which alone there is no mention of the Church, either in the beginning thereof (as in all others there is) or elsewhere throughout. This neglect of the state of the Church and Countrey, as it is a blemish of your fact, obscuring the beauty and lustre of it; so is it accounted an errour in policie and civill prudencie, by so doing, to divide and separate your particular from the common cause of the Church and Countrey; which as it hath been the meane of your particular resti∣tution, so is it the onely meane to maintain you in this estate, and to make it sure and firme.

Hee having thus spoken, the Earle of Angus answered, I know* 4.9

that question stands yet undecided betwixt those that stand for Ty∣rants, and those that are against them, and is disputed by Law∣yers on both sides; as what is not disputed and called in que∣stion by them? I see also there hath been continuall practice of both wayes; and the practice hath been allowed or dis-allowed accor∣ding to the successe; The Nobility calling it Tyranny and mis-govern∣ment, and the Prince calling the controlling of him, Sedition, Re∣bellion, Treason. But if Doctor Blackwood say that which you say, hee touches the point very right, and the fashion of our Countrey, whose ordinary custome hath ever been such, to take order with wicked Counsellours, carrying all respect to the Prince, and as much reverence as ever any Nation did.

Yet that begin∣ning with the Counsellours drew many at last by necessity to betake themselves directly to their Prince himself, when hee would needs espouse their quarrell, and either to protect and maintaine them, or to revenge them. So that if Blackwood say that it is lawfull to pu∣nish wicked Counsellours, he must confesse also, that it is lawfull to controll Kings. Neither is hee aware that in so saying, hee makes the Nobility (or Estates) Judges to discern whether the Counsel∣lours bee wicked or not; and whether their proceedings bee for the good of the Countrey, which he will alledge they are; and that both themselves are good servants, and their service good and pro∣fitable to him and the Countrey; and these actions which they do, and the counsell which they give▪ that they do them as his servants, and by his direction, as Counsellours advising and propounding things, not prescribing or enjoyning; and therefore what is done against them, is not done against them, but against him; and that they are not wick∣ed, but good and faithfull men. Now the case standing thus, to whom∣soever he allowes the power to put order to them as wicked, hee al∣lowes them also power to cognosce of them as wicked, to judge of them as wicked; and that contrary to the judgement of their Prince who will never judge them such. And indeed, unlesse it be so, when wicked men shall winde themselves in about a Prince, and abuse his name, or pervert his minde, How shall the Prince be preserved? How shall the Countrey, the State, Religion, Lawes, Order, and particular mens estates be saved from ruine? As hath been profitably and neces∣sarily practised (divers times before) in this Kingdome; and of late by us upon a flat necessity for his own good, and the good of the Countrey.

And for my own part (I will answer for one, and can answer but for one) his good did as much move me to that course, as any private interest of my own: and I still shall as much regard it (by GODS grace) so long as this weak life is in my body. I know not how long that will be, and who lives longest, lives but a short time; and I account not that hee lives, who lives onely to live this life, or to enjoy any thing that is in it. This Lesson I have learned substanti∣ally (so my GOD hath schooled me) and I speak it to you seri∣ously, knowing to whom I speak. Neither shall ever any endeavour of mine have any particular for the last end of it. That all is not

so well done and so clearly to the satisfaction of the Ministery, and all honestly affected, it grieves me as much as any, and I am not igno∣rant that these inconvenients follow thereupon, That we undergo the slander of respecting our particular, Of carelesnesse of the Church and Countrey; as though all our speeches and Proclamations tending that way, had been but pretexts, and that if ever any such businesse should fall out again, our credit will not be so great. Yet (not for these causes, but for the well doing it self) my desire is, That every thing be rightly done, because it is right so to doe. But what can I help it? I am but one of the society, neither can I perswade my associats to do otherwayes, nor am I able to compell them, nor were it fit I should, it not being the Law of a society to doe so; but to do all with commune consent, and to obtaine what may bee ob∣tained by a fair way, but to go no further. Otherwayes it would quickly dissolve into divers factions amongst our selves, and make some of us joyne with others to the overthrow of us all: which if ever it come to passe, it shall never be through any occasion from me. Men think (I know) that my place is a principall one, yet it is but the place of one; neither is it so principall, but that there is as prin∣cipall as it, equall to it, or (perhaps) beyond it, in respect of proxini∣tie to the Kingdome, if it should fall out so, which GOD for∣bid it should. For no King (you know) can ever bee so neare to mee, and therefore there is none whom I should or will affect so much. And this is it that carries it away from me, and gives them no little advantage: The Lord Hamilton being next the Crowne, is guided by the Master of Glames: and the Master de∣lights to bee deep in his counsels, and pleaseth himself in this form of managing affaires, which you see is now used. I have many times told him (and others also) my opinion, but cannot bring them to it. If I should take a course to crosse and force them, How dangerous were it? Yea, what concurrence or assistance should I have? Or, of whose friendship could I assure my self? Maxwell, you know what his respects are: and what Religion he is of. I can never forget the Watch-word he gave at Fawkirk, whereby he did plainly professe his disposition to superstition, Saint Andrew was it. And who knowes what intention he hath to retain the title of the Earle of Morton. As for your Chief (the Lord Hume) dare we think better of him? My brother-in-law (the Earle Bothwell) how uncertain is hee? What ado had I to retaine him at Fawkirk? And what trouble have I still to keep him in good order? There is onely one, of whose stedfastnesse and friendship I dare assure my self, as much as of my self, who is loving, faithfull and constant, and that is the Earle of Marre: yet hee hath been so tossed with troubles already, that he is loath to intangle himself a new, if it can be avoided any way. And why should not I be as loath to put him to any ha∣zard, or to occasion any trouble to him, contrary to his disposition? GOD forbid, but that I should▪ bee as carefull of him as hee is of himself.

And concerning their proceedings; as I do not approve them alto∣gether, so dare I not condemne them altogether. Wee have to doe with our Prince; what should we not doe to gain him by all faire and Gentle meanes? Wee ought not to crosse or thrall his will, but to draw it easily to a better temper; and not so much oppose him, as by complying with his inclination a little, to winde him from that ill way and course hee hath beene set upon. He desires to bee at liberty, and to bee knowne to bee so, and it approves and justi∣fies our proceedings to have it so, and testifies to him and to the world, our love and obedience, and what our mindes have been from the beginning toward him. Hee promiseth not to with∣draw himself from us, to joyne with others; our trusting of his promise will deserve that hee should continue with us, and will gaine his affection, which is a surer bond than a guard placed a∣bout him; which would entertaine mutuall suspition, and move him to seek meanes of freeing himself from us: and hardly could any guard bee so kept, but that one set to escape, might •…•…inde a way for it; not to speak of the charges that were required to entertaine it. Neither need wee to feare much, though hee had a minde to forsake us; for wee know who would or could bee our partie, and what forces they have. That there are some suffered to re∣maine about him, who are no good friends to us, nay, who have been evill instruments against us, proceeds from the same ground: for it is done, that himself and others may see his liberty, and what confidence wee have in him. That the state of the Mini∣stery is not brought to that point which we wish: wee cannot get it done suddenly, except wee will plain•…•…y and directly enforce his will: and how many would agree or concurre to that? But wee hope to work it with his owne consent in time: for the Ministery insist in their right, and he commits them; and wee inter∣cede and mitigate his anger so farre, that it proceeds onely to a short and easie confinement or imprisoning. In the mean time, they have leasure to informe him, and hee of himself will be wearied with such continuall opposition; and will give way to settle such a course as they desire; and so it will be better and more durable, than if it should now bee extorted from him by any show of compulsion. These bee the grounds, upon which such as think themselves very wise amongst us, build their work; which though it be not so framed, as to give every man present satisfaction (who knowes not what their way is? or if they knew, allowes not of it?) yet when they shall finde the effects thereof, they will think better of them. Neither are they afraid to want the assistance of such as are honestly affected, in case wee should bee assaulted by any; for they cannot betake them∣selves to any other, having none else from whom they can look for any good in the least measure: nay, who is there besides, that hath no•…•… a very bad meaning? And wee, though wee doe not all the good •…•…hey would; yet are wee doing somewhat, and keep off much evill; and therefore they will •…•…ather take part with us,

than suffer all to go to wrack. You may happly think that you have much to say against this: but (as I said before) though I approve not all, yet I do not condemne all; so I say now, though I report all, yet I doe not approve of all; and doe confesse that wee should doe much more, and it were better if wee could agree to it, and bee all of one minde. Yet this is the wisedome of our deepest and profoundest Politicians, whom I am resolved not to crosse nor presse any more, but to take my hazard amongst the rest; and I doe hope, GOD will provide for me as well as for them, and that my part shall bee as well known every way to honest men. And therefore we will have no more objections nor reasoning at this time.

Well, my Lord (said the other) it shall bee so then; wee shall rea∣son no more of this Subject. Indeed your Lordships part is best interpre∣ted, save that they think that your authority should be of greater moment (as you may see by this Letter) and that you should rather go be∣fore all, than follow any. This one thing give me leave to remem∣ber concerning the King; Hee is the most apparent instrument that is in Europe (and so in the world) of whom wee can expect greatest good and comfort to the Church of GOD; as being the onely King that hath been bred in the purity and sincerity of Religi∣gion, and therefore of great expectation; and because of this expecta∣tion, greatly favoured and beloved of all true Professours of Religion every where: He is of a great spirit, ingine, wit, judgement, and lear∣ning. Great pity therefore it were, that such an one should be lost, ei∣ther through corruption creeping into his own minde, or by the poy∣sonable suggestions of others. You doe therefore exceeding well to cherish him calmly, and to entreat him gently, and deale with him in an humble and submisse manner; which is the way to tame and gaine even wilde-beasts that are without reason; farre more is it like to prevaile with reasonable men; and most of all with Princes, who in respect of the height of their place, are not to be violently thralled or enforced, which were the way to spoyle them: as they write of Alexanders horse Bucepha∣lus, whom Philips riders could not manage or over-master by force of bit or bridle, but Alexander by stroking and making much of him, made him manageable. And if ever you intend any worthy or great enter∣prise in this Countrey or in Europe, behold the mean, use it wisely, and the LORD of Heaven give successe. But this (I hope) may be sug∣gested to your consideration, that you would weigh with your selves, and see whether or not this obsequiousnesse (so to term it) be the onely mean to be used toward him, smoothing all, and allowing all; never mentioning the abuses that have been, and yet are in this Countrey; or if it be not fit also to remonstrate freely (though reverently) what hath been, or (per∣haps) yet is amisse in Religion and the common-wealth, in some such forme as is set down here in the end of this Letter. And whether it bee fit or tolerable for the gaining of him to a right course that such men as have no good meaning, have his eare, and bee his most intimate and •…•…nward Councellours. Now I feare mee greatly that the meane

by which they have perverted all, and which may be still used to per∣vert all, and whereby they have gained most upon his tender age, is the eye he hath to our neighbour Kingdome of England, upon which his minde is greatly set, and to which (no question) he hath the right of succession; yet hath he need of assistance to obtaine the possession thereof. And they perswade him (as hee may also thinke of him∣selfe) that this cannot be done without helpe from the Papists in Eng∣land, France, Spaine, Italie, and from Rome it selfe; and that the way to make them to be for him, is to put them in hope of him, by (perhaps) a present toleration, countenancing, cherishing, and advancing of their Re∣ligion. And this (he may thinke) cannot stand with the puritie of Disci∣pline, and Government of our Church, which may make him the more averse, and hardly affected toward it, and thinke it fit to curbe it, and so the more to encline to Episcopacie; by which as he shall more please the Statesmen of England, so shall he be able the more to restraine our Preachers, and their freedome of speech, and the more freely deale and trafficke with Papists, and so make use of all sorts of people, because he may thinke all sorts necessary for his ends, whereas (indeed) none of these are of great consequence. For Papists that are without the Coun∣trey (as France or Spaine) will never in their hearts wish him to be King of England. France for his nearnesse to them will not desire that he be so great, in respect of hi•…•… claime to their owne Countrey, and because so the league with Scotland will fall, and they shall want the assistance of the Scots against that title. Spaine pretends a title themselves, which the Papists in England will rather set forward then hinder. Such Pa∣pists as are within the Island are of small force, and almost of none yet in Scotland, and not so many in England as to counterpoise the Prote∣stants. Bishops there stand by the State, not the State by them; men of meane birth, no great riches, lesse following, attendance, or friendship; easie to be framed to what course he pleaseth, their life-time being reser∣ved, or without condition. Those that seek Reformation are the strength of that Countrey, and certainly the wisest in it, of greatest power by the peoples favour, and credit in Parliament, and every where. Your Lordship hath seene the lettter directed to you all from some of them, containing their judgement, not to be contemned: gaine these, gaine that Countrey. This (as it is the truth) would be imprinted in his minde by such persons and meanes as are fit, and others removed, who perswade him otherwise, and his Majestie made to know, that by blending and mingling of Religions, or by professing, or seeming to favour and incline to a contrary Religion, hee cannot attaine to that Kingdome. That hee is happy in this, that the professing and advancing of the true Religion is most profitable for his ho∣nour, and prosperous estate in the world, and the best meane to preserve his owne, and to attaine another Kingdome. Neither doth hee stand in need of any bastard, or spurious policie, or farre sought, profane, or wicked course; a plaine and sincere uprightnesse, in maintaining justice, pietie and religion in this his present Kingdome, will serve his turne; and the more seriously, fully, and exactly

that he observe and follow this way, it will increase his credit and re∣putation so much the more there, and facilitate his designes. And this is that which will most throughly joyne him to your Lordship, as the opinion of the contrarie is the most effectuall meane that ever they can use to dis-joyne him from you. From the same ground it a∣rises to be considered, whether it be fit to suffer his Majestie and the Ministerie to bee at such variance, they finding fault with him, and he committing and confining them; and if it be not to be feared that it beget in him a loathing of them, and in them and the Countrey a wearinesse of him: And whether (therefore) it were not better to interpose your credit to informe him freely and truly, then thus to looke through your fingers (as wee speake) and behold things, and onely now and then procure some little reliefe to them▪ which forme of dealing rather fosters the rancour, then remedies it, seeing the King gets not the thanks of it himselfe.

Certainely if I were a Politician, an ill affected Statesman, and had a desire to make way for another intrant, I would take this course to incense him, and irritate him against the Ministerie, that hee might commit them; or at least feed and foster his disposition herein, that so hee might bee brought to loathe them, and to bee loathed of them, and so take away that great expectation men had of his Religion, and their love to him for it: I would separate and divide him from such, and such from him; then bring him to a neutralitie in Religion; then to countenance men of contrary Reli∣gion; then stirre suspicions on each side; then alienation would fol∣low; and what not? But as I am, out of my poore affection to∣ward his Majestie, I doe wish that these occasions were taken a∣way. I wish (I say) that your Lordship see to it, as you would have things right, and out of that minde you spake of, which was, that you have the honour to bee nearer in kinne to him, then to any King that can come after him; howbeit your Lordship is in the same degree of kindred with the next apparent, my Lord Hammil∣touns children. But you desire no change, I know, and that it may continue in the present race, as I am perswaded that Hammiltoun himselfe hath no other minde: yet the matter is worthy your Lord∣ships consideration, so much the more, as ye have had experience how farre evill company about him hath had power alreadie to make things goe on. I leave it, and rest, as having no part or particular save onely to wish well, and to follow, as your Lordship goes before. In the meane time I have also here a note (of a sheet of paper or two) concerning the abuses in the Church and Common-wealth, sent to me by master James Melvin, to be (I know) imparted to your Lordship: you may lay it by you, and reade it when you have leasure, for your remembrance.

This hee tooke; and having read a little of it, with a deepe sigh, (which expressed the inward passion of his heart) God knowes my part (sayes hee) I shall neglect nothing that is pos∣sible for mee to doe; and would to God the King knew my

heart, how I am affected to his welfare, and would give eare to mee. But, &c.

Many times was hee most earnestly dealt with to take more upon him, to frequent the Court more, and to make his residence at it; e∣specially by Sir Lewis Ballandine. His pretext was the common cause, and the good of it; but it proceeded from a particular betwixt him and master John Metellane, then Secretarie, who had crossed him in some suite hee had concerning Orkney, and drawne the halfe of it to his owne use. For which cause hee endeavoured to employ the same Gentleman to have perswaded my Lord to that purpose: but he knowing both my Lords inabilitie of body, and aversenesse of minde, told him sincere∣ly and plainly which way my Lord was inclined; and that his dispositi∣on was not to be drawn by any man farther then he thought fit, out of his owne discourse of reason. And for his owne part, hee was to fol∣low his Lordship, and not to goe before him, or prescribe him what he should doe. Sir Lewis grieved very much hereat, having beene fami∣liar with him of old, and complained to his friends, that the Earle of Angus was too slow, and that he had one with him that was as slow as himselfe.

Not long after, the infirmitie of his body increasing, and his strength and health decreasing, he was seldome able to come to Court, and could not stay long at it when he did come. I finde (in a note of those times) that at the Parliament holden in Edinburgh 1587. (in June) there was some dispute betwixt the Earle of Angus, and Master of Glames. But I remember no such thing, neither doe I know how there could bee any publicke dissention (either in this, or any o∣ther thing) howbeit they differed in judgement concerning the gui∣ding O•…•… State affaires, yet I see not how that could come to any publicke contention.

His associates propounded to him to accept the Office of Chan∣cellour,* 4.10 which had beene vacant ever since the removing of James Stuart. This hee did familiarly impart to the former Gentleman, and asked his opinion therein. Hee answered plainly, That it was indeed the most fit place for him, as being the most honourable Office in the Kingdome, by which he might doe most good offices to his Countrey, in Councell, Session, and elsewhere; and that by that occasion it brought great dependance, and many followers: That it had beene before in the hands of his Predecessours, as of Earle Archbald the first (called Bell the Cat) and of late in the Earle of Mortons, before he was Regent. Hee answered, that it required skill in the lawes, and more learning then hee had. It was replied, that (in very deed) much learning was not ab∣solutely necessary; that it was not knowne what learning Arch∣bald the first had, and it is not likely that hee had much. But it was well knowne that the Earle of Morton had very little, or none at all to speake of, not so much in the Latine tongue as he himselfe had; and yet hee had discharged the Office with credit. A naturall judgement to con∣ceive and resume the question, and the reasons of each side, is more need∣full in a Chancellour then learning, his part being properly to doe that,

whereas the decision seldome hangs upon his vote. Or if it come to that, learning does not alwayes the turne, knowledge of the customes of the Countrey is more requisite, and is onely required in Councell. As for the Session businesse, the President does commonly supply the Chancel∣lours roome. Besides, seeing that ordinarily the question is not ended at the first hearing, what is difficult may be advised, and tossed by whom your Lordship pleaseth, before the next hearing. And although you finde not that full sufficiencie for the present, which you could wish, yet time and custome will bring experience, and experience beget know∣ledge. And this is said to have beene observed of the Earle of Morton, that having beene rude enough at first, he became afterward very skil∣full, and as able and sufficient as any man in the Kingdome: and therefore your Lordship needs not to distrust or diffide your selfe in the like case. Well (saies my Lord) I know not what dexteritie either of them hath had: and as for the Earle of Morton, though he wanted letters, yet hee was of a singular judgement, and rare wisedome, scarce to be matched by any in this age. But for my owne part (as I yet thinke) neither am I able for the present to discharge it, neither doe I thinke it fit to enter into an Office before I have learned what belongs to it; neither can I digest to doe it by others, seeing I ought to doe it my selfe: yet I shall advise.

The conclusion was, he rejected it, and thereupon it was given to* 4.11 Secretarie Metellane, to his associates great griefe, he having ever been a man of a contrary faction and disposition in all businesse of the Com∣mon-weale. Hee accepted of the Office of Lieutenant on the Borders* 4.12 willingly, being more sutable to his disposition, and his proper element, as we speake; and he professed that he delighted as much to hunt out a theefe, as others did to hunt a hare; and that it was as naturall to him, as any other pastime or exercise is to another man. But he lived not long after this, nor had he time to doe any memorable thing in it. He made onely one roade against the outlawed theeves of the name of Arme∣strang (most of them) after the King was gone home, who had beene present at the casting downe of their houses. Hee pursued them into the Tarrasse Mosse, which was one of their greatest strengths, and* 4.13 whither no hoast or companies had ever beene known to have followed them before; and in which they did confide much, because of the straight∣nesse of the ground. He used great diligence, and sufficient industry; but the successe was not answerable either to his desire, or other mens ex∣pectation. Neither did hee forget to keepe his intention close, and •…•…e∣cret, acquainting none of the people of that Countrey therewithall, untill he was ready to march. Then directing one Jordan of Aplegirth to goe to the other side, whither hee knew they behooved to flee, hee sent with him one of his especiall followers, whom hee knew to bee well affected to the service, to see that hee did his du∣tie. Hee himselfe with the Armie came openly and directly to the place of their aboade, that they fleeing from him, might fall into the hands of Aplegirth, and his companie, who were come in suf∣ficient good time, before the Army could bee seene to that passage

which they were sent to keep. But the birds were all flowne, and there was nothing left but the empty nest, having (no question) had some ink∣ling and intelligence hereof; but it could not be tried by whom the notice had been given them. In the retreat, they shew themselves, and rode about to intercept and catch such as might happen incircumspectly to straggle from the Army, and they failed very narrowly to have attrapped William Douglas of Ively, a young Gentleman of my Lords family; for which incircumspection, he was soundly chid by him, as having there∣by hazarded his owne person, and his Lords honour.

After this he came to Langhop, where his infirmity having continued long, and being now increased through travell, it grew at last to a formed disease. Wherefore hee was carried from thence to Smeeton, (neare to Dalkeith) a house belonging to James Richison, of whom wee have spoken before. His care of the good of the Church (which was ever in his mouth during his sicknesse) shewed that it lay nearest to his heart of all other things. There hee departed out of this transitory life, with great comfort to himselfe, and great griefe of all honest men, and with a generall regreting of all men; there being none such an enemy to him, or who did so envie or hate him, as not to professe and expresse his sorrow for his death: King, Courtiers, Noblemen, Barons, Burgesses, Commons; men of all degrees, ranke, qualitie and condition, did lament him: such was the forceable power of vertue in him. Of which wee will say no more, onely we will set downe this following Elogium to be considered by the Reader, then which nothing can bee said more true: Here therefore let it remaine as a witnesse of his vertue, and the Writers deserved affection.

Morte jacet saevâ Angusius, spes illa bonorum, Terror malorum maximus:* 4.14 Cui, laude & luctu meritis, pia turba parentat; Patrem, Parentem ingeminans. Par studium impietas simulat: quem carpere livor Vivum solebat, mortuum Aut veris sequitur lacrymis, aut gaudia fictis Celat pudenda; & laudibus Saltem non fictis os penè invita resolvit, Seque arguit mendacii. O laus! O veri vis! O victoria! honosque Cunctis triumphis clarior!

Yet were not the aspersions of his enemies (if hee had any such) of any moment or consequence: I say, if he had any, for he had no private ene∣mies who hated him, or bore him any ill will for his owne cause; onely such as were enemies to the Countrey, and the true Religion, hated him as a main pillar, and supporter of these. The greatest objection they had against him (I mean that carried any show of truth) was his modestie, (which they termed slownesse) but after his death, all mouthes were closed. The love which was generally borne to him was exceeding great,

both for his house and families sake (which was ever the most popular in this Kingdome of all other names) as also, and that no lesse for his owne vertue, and personall humanitie and courtesie. He was of a black∣ish and swart complexion, tall'of stature, and of a slender body, but well proportioned and straight limmed; of a weake and tender constitution, and not very able to endure travell, but having courage enough, and wil∣lingnesse to undergoe. His death was ascribed to witchcraft: and one Barbary Nepair in Edinburgh (wife to Archbald Douglas, of the house of Casshogle) was apprehended on suspition, but I know not whether shee was convicted of it or not: onely it was reported that she was found guil∣tie, and that the execution was deferred, because she was with childe, but afterward, no body insisting in the pursuit of her, shee was set at libertie. Anna Simson, a famous witch, is reported to have confessed at her death, that a picture of waxe was brought to her, having A. D. written on it, which (as they said to her) did signifie Archbald Davidson, and (shee not thinking of the Earle of Angus, whose name was Archbald Douglas, and might have beene called Davidson, because his fathers name was David) did consecrate or execrate it, after her forme, which (she said) if she had knowne to have represented him, she would not have done it for all the world. He died the day of 1588. yeares: his body was buried in Abernathie, and his heart in Douglas, by his owne direction. He is the last Earle of the race of George, entitled Master of Angus, who was slain at Flow∣don, &c.

Of Archbald the ninth Earle of Angus.

Angus by cruell death lies here,* 4.15 The good mans hope, the wickeds feare; The praise and sorrow of the most Religious, who as having lost A father, mourn; worst men are knowne To faine a woe i•…•… they have none: Envie, accustomed to wrong His guiltlesse life, imployes her tongue, Now a loud Trumpet of his •…•…ame, And weeps, if not for grief, for shame, Enforc't to give her selfe the lie: O! Power of Truth, O! victory, By which more honour is obtain'd, Then is in greatest triumphs gain▪d.

Archibaldus Duglassius Angusius.

OLim saeva truci dente calumnia Clam vanas ad opes fraude viam struens Mussabat, posito aut palam pudore Jactabat caput in me•…•…m:

(O si non nimium credita!) Crimina, Foeda atrociaque infandaque crimina, Aut Diro Lepedo, aut fero Cethegi Patrandum genio nefas.

Quos caecis stimulis ambitio impotens, Aut aestu rabies fervida pectoris, Auri aut sacra mali fames in omne, Egit praecipites scelus.

Moliri in patriam incendia, spicula In patrem patriae, sanctaque numina Regum alti solio Jovae locata Celsis pellere sedibus:

Regni praesidium, spem, decus exsterae Genti ludibrium tradere, civium Vota, & pontificis (nefas) tyranni, Romae degeneris metum.

O linguae improbitas, callida nectere Fraudes, insidias, exitium bonis: Regum aures animosque suspicaces, Ficto ludere crimine.

Haec cuncti cumulum flagitii manus Patrare? haec facinus mens coquere impium! Haec coctum potuit probare? pectus Hoc conscire nefas sibi.

At me qui sapiens intima sensuum Scrutaris Deus (& quisquis erat mihi Arcani penito sinu reposti Testis) crimine liberas.

Vitae perpetuus compositae tenor, Mens legum patiens, imperii jugum Justi legitimum subire mitis; Cunctis cedere lenitas:

Non claros atavos stemmate regio, Regnatasque atavis penè provincias Et belli decora, & feri triumphis Partam Martis adoream:

Non longo titulos ordine turgidos, Arces pennigeris turribus arduas, Non turbam numerans gravem clientum, aut Latis praedia finibus.

Nudi simplicitas candida pectoris Et semper similis cana fides sui, Fraudes impietas licet, dolosque Laudans clam sibi rideat.

Sincerae rigidè justitiae tenax Dextra, a flagitio libera, sanguinis Expers innocui, doli rapinae, Solis noxia furibus.

Archbald Douglas Earle of Angus.

BLack slander erst her ends to gaine, Employ'd her Art to wound my name Low whispers were her secret traine, Her open force lies void of shame.

O! that they had lesse credit found, As from the thought my heart was free; Lepidus nor Cethegus own'd Such mischiefs as were charg'd on me:

Whom love of vengeance set on fire, Or blinde ambition overswaid, Or hope of riches or desire Of pleasure, t' every vice betraid,

As if my soul such plots had knowne As would a publicke ruine bring By justling from his sacred Throne My Countreyes father, a•…•…d my King.

And so to forraigne scorne expose The Kingdomes glory, shield and hope; The peoples joy and dayly vowes, The scourge and terrour of the Pope.

Thus wicked tongues with cunning Art Weave nets, the innocent to catch, And to the jealous eare impart Fain'd treasons, which their fanciesatch.

So base a villanie to act Was it, for such a hand as mine, Or could my breast contrive the fact, Or conscious be of the black sinne.

But I appeale my God to thee, Who know'st my heart, and to those friends Who were most intimate with me, How much I loath'd unworthy ends.

The constant tenour of my life, Was calme obedience to the will Of rightfull power: detesting strife I shunn'd (more then resisted) ill.

Though my descent from Kings I drew, And in my Grandsiers well might see A Princely power, none ever knew A bragging vanitie in me.

No emptie titles fill'd my minde With hatefull pride; nor stately tops Of Towr's, large fields, nor troups of kinde And humble followers, swell'd my hopes.

An equall vertue led my way, A spotlesse truth adorn'd my heart, Let wicked falsehood boast and say; Loe what I compast by my Art.

By me sincere strict Justice dwelt, From guiltlesse bloud my hand was free, No wrong my harmlesse neighbour felt, Onely theeves punisht were by mee.

Ad Archibaldum tertium, cum post primum exilium reversus, ultra Speiam Elginii in Moravia re∣legatus esset.

NUper fortunae varias experte procellas Angusie, & velis aequora iniqua tuis: Nuper in immenso pelagi jactate profundo: Obruteque insanis pene voraginibus: Nunc quoque nescio quos iterum subiture labores, Quicquid id est sorti pectore perfer onus. Discute tristitiae nebulas; frontemque serena: Anxietas animo sit procul atra tuo: Pelle graves curas, proper antem & parce sever•…•… Sponte suâ fati praecipitare diem: Degeneres animos flatus levis aura sinistri De•…•…icit, aeternis in tenebrisque premit: At mala cum pungunt, tuleris si fortiter illa: Materiesque tibi causaque laudis erunt. Scilic et ille viros dignus numerarier inter: Hunc sequitur firmo gloria celsa pede: Cui dejecit mutatum nubila vultum, Blanda nec in fastus sustulit aura leves: Qui solidum vitae servans, certumque tenorem, Robore fortunam vicit utramque pari. Ut fremat hinc Boreas, illinc ruat Eurus & auster, Et quatiat timidam fluctibus unda ratem: Illa tamen medios inter secura tumultus Aetheris; & rapidi vimque minasque freti, Saepe tenet cursum optatum, portuque potita Despicit irati murmura rauca maris. Hinc cape non obscura tuae exemplaria vitae Dura: nec rebus cedere disce malis. Magnis te quoque junge viris: quid passus Ulysses? Exul in ignoto nudus inopsque solo. Quid cui Roma suae tulit incunabula gentis? Queis sua in Adriaco Troia renata mari?

At quid ego haec antiqua? quid & peregrina recordor? Ditior exemplis stat patria alta suis: Stat genus ordine longo: atavos age, respice, avosque, Quot sunt Duglasiae nomina magne domus: Quot bello insignesque duces; & fortibus armis Heroes; saecli gloria quisque sui. Quem non nobilitat virtus afflicta? polo quem Non aequat? numera: vix reor, unus erit. Omnis turba salo fortunae exercita, & omnes Passa vices, versae ludibriumque rotae: Quas pax infida insidias, discrimina bellum Quaeque habet exilii taedia, longa dies: Nec nisi post exantlatos, venere, labores, Otia; nec nisi post dura pericla quies. Te quoque defunctum, confide, laboribus olim Laetior excipiet, candidiorque dies. Securusque inter dulces memorabis amicos, Tu quoque fortunae tristitia factatuae. Tristia nunc: sed quae tunc & meminisse juvabit: Agnosse & decoris prima elementa tui: Hac itum: hac quicunque alta affectabit, eundum est: Hâc te sublimi, gloria celsa, via Sistet avos supra, atque atavos, accingere: O te Quo sors! quo virtus! quo Deus ipse vocat! Fallor? an heroas supra priscosque futurosque Tollere te tanta sydera mole parant Virtuti labor est comes: ire per ardua rerum Gaudet & invicto fata superba gradu. Aude ingens, jam nunc superi ad templa ardui Olympi Carpere, qua pronum semita monstrat iter: Aude, inquam, nec tu surgentia nubila ventis Aethera terram, undas tartarave ipsa time. Tantum, quem venerare Deum pius, igneus insta Sollicitans; cursus diriget ille tuos. Ille gubernaclo succedet rector & ille Inveniet facilem per vada salsa viam Anfractusque vagos per, & avia, & invia vitae, Et brevia, & syrtes saxaque caeca ratem Securam in placida sistet statione: perenne Ut teneas celsi flammea templa poli.

To Archbald the third, when after his returne from his first banishment, he was confined to Elgine of Murray beyond Spey.

THou who but lately didst endure the smart Of roughest stormes, and with a Pilots art Hast scap'd the many dangers of the seas, O Angus! now in place of wished ease New troubles come: I know not by what fate: Keep your great spirit firme in every state. Shake off sad thoughts, and let your looks appear Chearfull, without the darkning clouds of fear. Deep cares expell, let not impatience haste Those ills, which of themselves approach too fast. Poor worthlesse soules are prest below the weight Of light afflictions; to a noble height In crosse affaires doe thou thy courage raise: By this thou maist obtaine deserved praise. He merits honour, and may justly be Esteem'd a man, whom no adversitie Dejects, nor prosperous successe swels with pride; But by a constant temper doth abide Still like himselfe, and with an equall minde Both fortunes beares. Let every boistrous winde And threatning wave oppose his labouring oare, He steeres his course, and seekes the wished shoare, Slighting the angry waters chiding noise. Let these (like hard) examples prompt your choice: Learne to meet ills, till you with all compare For fortitude admir'd: Ulysses bare Worse harmes then yours; a stranger, poore, alone, Uncloath'd, an Exile, wandring and unknowne. Aeneas and Antenor suffered long Ere Rome was built, or Venice: but I wrong Our owne, to dwell on strangers, since there be More store at home: marke the whole Progenie Of Douglasses your fathers, how they are Fam'd for their gallant acts in peace and warre: Each worthy was the glory of his time: None without vertue can to honour climbe. Looke on all ages, you shall hardly see One rais'd by fortune, but through miserie. Who live at ease, and least disturbance feele, Soone beare the mock'ry of her rowling wheele. How many traines hath peace? What discords warre? What troubles exile? Yet no pleasures are

O 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but after toile; nor have we rest Till 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and difficulties are past. So thou, when this is past, hereafter may Injoy at home a calme and pleasing day: And to your dear friends chearfully relate The sad effects of Fortunes sullen hate: Sad now, but pleasant to remember, when Your prentisage hath brought a noble gaine. This is the way: would you a great name win? Then tread the steps your Grandsires travell'd in. Where Vertue, Fortune, where your God doth call, Follow: my thoughts deceive me, or you shall Excell those Worthies who alreadie are, Or will be famous: so the starres prepare Your youth. Faire vertue never dwells alone, Hard labour is her neare companion: Un-easie taskes she loves, and joyes to beat The roughest wayes, and triumph over fate. Be bold and onward, take your mounting flight, Till you have reacht a true Olympian height. Be bold, I say, and let no furious winde, (Though earth and hell should mix) shake your brave minde. Onely with God, whom you must still adore, You may be instant, and his aid implore: Let him direct your course, and he will be Your Pilot through the waves of misery, Steering your barke by every Rocke and Shelfe: Each strait and wheeling Poole His sacred Selfe Will guide the Oare, first to a place of rest On earth, then after death thou shalt be bl•…•…st.

Notes

• * 1.1

  838.
• * 1.2

  1389.
• * 1.3

  His wife King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the third his daughter.
• * 1.4

  First Laird of Fintrie.
• * 1.5

  Warden of the middle marches.
• * 1.6

  1436.
• * 1.7

  The battel at Piperdean.
• * 1.8

  1436.
• * 1.9

  He over∣threvv 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.10

  Sir Gilbert 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Elph•…•…nston 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.11

  Dieth
• * 1.12

  1452.
• * 1.13

  Sibard his wife.
• * 1.14

  Originall of the house of Balgonie, Sibard.
• * 1.15

  Buch. lib. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.16

  Sibaulds.
• * 1.17

  Sibaulds.
• * 1.18

  His children.
• * 1.19

  The originall of the house of Bonjed∣ward.
• * 1.20

  His person.
• * 1.21

  He followeth the King a∣gainst the Earle Douglas his Chief.
• * 1.22

  1457.
• * 1.23

  He over∣throwes the Earle Douglas & Percie in a bloudie battel in the Merse.
• * 1.24

  Bond of Man∣reid and ser∣vice by the Lord Hamil∣ton to him.
• * 1.25

  Indenture betwixt King Henry the sixth and him.
• * 1.26

  1460.
• * 1.27

  He brings the French out of Anwick Castle.
• * 1.28

  His death.
• * 1.29

  1462.
• * 1.30

  1468.
• * 1.31

  His marriage.
• * 1.32

  1470.
• * 1.33

  His children foure sonnes.
• * 1.34

  Glenbarvies' originall.
• * 1.35

  Kilspindies originall.
• * 1.36

  Three daugh∣ters.
• * 1.37

  Base sonnes, Parkheads originall.
• * 1.38

  He takes or∣der with Cochran and the Courti∣ers.
• * 1.39

  The rel•…•…tion thereof.
• * 1.40

  1474.
• * 1.41

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Mason. Rog•…•…rs a Singer.
• * 1.42

  The King with his Ar∣my at Lawder.
• * 1.43

  The Nobility meet in the Church.
• * 1.44

  Angus makes this speech.
• * 1.45

  The Lord Gray his speech.
• * 1.46

  Angus called Bell the Cat.
• * 1.47

  Cocbran and his fellowes hanged.
• * 1.48

  The Army dismissed the King comes to Edinburgh.
• * 1.49

  Plot against the King.
• * 1.50

  The K. sonne head of the fa∣ction of the Nobles a∣gainst his fa∣ther.
• * 1.51

  Battell at Bannock∣bu•…•…ne.
• * 1.52

  The K. slain▪
• * 1.53

  1488.
• * 1.54

  Five English Ships taken by Andrew Wood.
• * 1.55

  A Parliament at Edinburgh 6. November 1488.
• * 1.56

  Chambe•…•…lain. Lord Hume
• * 1.57

  Angus Chan∣cellour.
• * 1.58

  Warre with England, and the occasion of the Field of Flowdon.
• * 1.59

  Angus his speech to the King to dis∣swade him from fighting.
• * 1.60

  The field of Flowdon, 1•…•…13. Sept. 15.
• * 1.61

  Angus death.
• * 1.62

  1514.
• * 1.63

  A duel be∣twixt Angus and Spense.
• * 1.64

  1489.
• * 1.65

  Cannabbie,
• * 1.66

  1491.
• * 1.67

  1510.
• * 1.68

  He marries Q. Margaret.
• * 1.69

  The Queen lo•…•…th her Regencie by her marriage.
• * 1.70

  Convention about choo∣sing of a Go∣vernour.
• * 1.71

  The Duke of Albanie made Governour.
• * 1.72

  Prior 〈◊〉〈◊〉 undermines the Lord Hume.
• * 1.73

  Lady Marga∣ret Douglas born at Har∣bottle in Eng∣land.
• * 1.74

  A•…•…t. Darsius or De la Beau•…•…e slain 1517.
• * 1.75

  Dissention betwixt Ar∣ran and An∣gus.
• * 1.76

  1520.
• * 1.77

  Skirmish in Edinburgh betwixt them.
• * 1.78

  1520.
• * 1.79

  1521.
• * 1.80

  Angus goeth into France.
• * 1.81

  1522.
• * 1.82

  1523.
• * 1.83

  Albanies go∣vernment a∣brogated.
• * 1.84

  The Earle of Angus returns out of France.
• * 1.85

  The Trium∣virate of An∣gus, Argyle, and Lennox.
• * 1.86

  The Trium∣virate dissol∣ved.
• * 1.87

  The slaughter of Patrick Blackader, Archdeacon of Dumblane.
• * 1.88

  A faction a∣gainst Angus.
• * 1.89

  Con•…•…ct be∣twixt Angus and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at the bridge of Melrosse.
• * 1.90

  1526.
• * 1.91

  Arran joynes with Angus, and Le•…•… makes up a faction a∣gainst them.
• * 1.92

  Conflict at Linlithgow.▪ Lennox and Hamilton.
• * 1.93

  Lennox slain.
• * 1.94

  The begin∣ning of a change with Angus, and his discour∣ting.
• * 1.95

  The King escapes to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Castle.
• * 1.96

  Angus and the Douglasses 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Court.
• * 1.97

  Parliament at Edinburgh the 6. of Sept.
• * 1.98

  1528.
• * 1.99

  The Douglas∣ses are forfei∣ted.
• * 1.100

  Tantallon besieged.
• * 1.101

  Argyles ex∣pedition a∣gainst them frustrated.
• * 1.102

  Angus retur∣neth to Eng∣land.
• * 1.103

  He and Sir George Privie Counsellours there.
• * 1.104

  William.
• * 1.105

  Glames bu•…•…nt.
• * 1.106

  Kilspindie dieth in France.
• * 1.107

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.108

  Hirsel lands given to A. Ker. Fawla.
• * 1.109

  Solemne Mosse.
• * 1.110

  K. James the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 die•…•…h.
• * 1.111

  1542.
• * 1.112

  Hamilton Go∣vernour.
• * 1.113

  Sir Georg•…•… Dougla•…•… hi•…•… speech con∣cerning mar∣rying with England.
• * 1.114

  Lennox comes home out of France.
• * 1.115

  Angus and Sir George 〈◊〉〈◊〉 priso∣ner•…•….
• * 1.116

  They are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 again.
• * 1.117

  Lennox goes to England▪
• * 1.118

  Marries Lady Margaret Douglas.
• * 1.119

  The Gover∣nour and An∣gus at Col∣dinghame.
• * 1.120

  Sir Ra•…•… Ivers, and Sir Bria•…•… Laitons expedition.
• * 1.121

  Angus speech to the Gover∣nour.
• * 1.122

  Occasion of Pinkie field.
• * 1.123

  Defeature a•…•… Pinkie.
• * 1.124

  Queen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent into France.
• * 1.125

  Queen-Mo∣ther Gover∣nour.
• * 1.126

  The devill is in this greedy Glad she will never be full.
• * 1.127

  Angus dyes.
• * 1.128

  His lurking and being a Greeve.
• * 1.129

  He is a priso∣ner in Eng∣land.
• * 1.130

  Returnes.
• * 1.131

  Lives retired and privately at home.
• * 1.132

  He comes abroad, and begins to deal in publick affairs.
• * 1.133

  The Queen∣Mother dieth.
• * 1.134

  Morton Am∣bassadour in England.
• * 1.135

  Queen Mary arrives in Scotland.
• * 1.136

  Friendship betwixt Mor∣ton and Mur∣ray.
• * 1.137

  Their ruine plotted.
• * 1.138

  The Queen goeth to the North, they accompany her.
• * 1.139

  The Queen at Innernesse.
• * 1.140

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gordon be∣headed.
• * 1.141

  She goes to Aberdene.
• * 1.142

  The battel at Corrighie, 1562.
• * 1.143

  Lennox and Henry Lord Darnely come ho•…•…e.
• * 1.144

  Proposition of mar•…•…iage with the Queen.
• * 1.145

  They mar•…•…y the 27. of July 1565.
• * 1.146

  The Runne∣about Rode.
• * 1.147

  Morton Chancellour.
• * 1.148

  Rizio.
• * 1.149

  Rizio his de•…•… plotted by the King.
• * 1.150

  Rizio killed.
• * 1.151

  1566. Martii 8.
• * 1.152

  Morton flees to England.
• * 1.153

  The Lord Ruthven dies there.
• * 1.154

  Bothwell the Queens fa∣vourite.
• * 1.155

  Morton re∣turnes.
• * 1.156

  King James borne.
• * 1.157

  1566. 19. June.
• * 1.158

  The King murdered by Bothwell.
• * 1.159

  The Nobili∣tie bands a∣gainst Both∣well.
• * 1.160

  The Queen and Bothwel at Borthwick
• * 1.161

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 hill.
• * 1.162

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Carburie hill.
• * 1.163

  1567. June the 5.
• * 1.164

  King James crowned.
• * 1.165

  1567. July 26.
• * 1.166

  Murray Re∣gent.
• * 1.167

  Earle Both∣wel a Pirate.
• * 1.168

  Is pursued.
• * 1.169

  Flees to Den∣mark.
• * 1.170

  Dies mad there.
• * 1.171

  The Queen escapes out of Legh-leven.
• * 1.172

  1568. May 2.
• * 1.173

  The field of Langside the 10. of May. 1568.
• * 1.174

  Langsidelord.
• * 1.175

  May 13. 156•…•….
• * 1.176

  The Roade of Hoddam.
• * 1.177

  The Regent goes to Eng∣land.
• * 1.178

  1569.
• * 1.179

  A Conventi∣on at Perth.
• * 1.180

  Convention at Stirlin.
• * 1.181

  The Earle of Northumber∣land taken, and sent to Logh-lev•…•…n.
• * 1.182

  The Regent Murray shot at Lithgow.
• * 1.183

  Convention at Edinburgh, 1. May.
• * 1.184

  1570. July 13.
• * 1.185

  Lennox Re∣gent.
• * 1.186

  Morton goes to Brechin.
• * 1.187

  The Regent also goes thi∣ther.
• * 1.188

  The Garrison yeelds.
• * 1.189

  Morton sent into England▪
• * 1.190

  He returnes and comes to Stirlin the 1. of May, 1571.
• * 1.191

  The Lousie∣Law.
• * 1.192

  Parliament the 14. of May 1571. without the Gates of Edinburgh.
• * 1.193

  A fight at Craig-Miller the 2. of June 1571.
• * 1.194

  Morton at Leith.
• * 1.195

  Conflict with the Lords of the Queens Faction.
• * 1.196

  The 10. of June.
• * 1.197

  At the Gal∣low-Law.
• * 1.198

  Parliament in Stirlin, the 4. of August.
• * 1.199

  Contention about Bishops.
• * 1.200

  An attempt upon Stirlin, and the Lord•…•… there.
• * 1.201

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Regent killed.
• * 1.202

  Buried.
• * 1.203

  1571.
• * 1.204

  Marre Regent 9. Septemb.
• * 1.205

  Those of E∣dinburgh set fire in Dal∣keith.
• * 1.206

  A truce in August 1572.
• * 1.207

  Marre the Regent dieth the 28. of O∣ctober.
• * 1.208

  Morton Re∣gent the 24 of Novem. 1572.
• * 1.209

  The Queens partie within the castle of Edinburgh.
• * 1.210

  The Castle blocked up.
• * 1.211

  Parliament at Edinburgh, the 26. of Jan.
• * 1.212

  Siege of the Castle of E∣dinburgh.
• * 1.213

  1573. 20. April.
• * 1.214

  The castle rendered the 29. of May.
• * 1.215

  •…•…range exe∣•…•…ed.
• * 1.216

  Parliament Jan. 26. 1572.
• * 1.217

  Acts concer∣ning Religi∣on.
• * 1.218

  Generall As∣sembly in E∣dinburgh.
• * 1.219

  1573.
• * 1.220

  The P•…•…ed Swire.
• * 1.221

  M•…•…ton di∣mits his Re∣gencie.
• * 1.222

  The Lord Glames slain at Stirlin.
• * 1.223

  Morton President of the Coun∣cell.
• * 1.224

  Parliament in Stirlin Castle the 25. of July 1578.
• * 1.225

  Duellbetwixt Tait and Johnston.
• * 1.226

  Athole dies at Stirlin.
• * 1.227

  The King comes to E∣dinburgh and makes his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 17. of October.
• * 1.228

  The begin∣ning of Mor∣tons fall.
• * 1.229

  Obignie comes home in Sep∣tember. 1579.
• * 1.230

  Controversie betwixt the Lord Ruthven and Olyphant.
• * 1.231

  Morton aceu∣sed of the K. murther.
• * 1.232

  Imprisoned in the Castle.
• * 1.233

  Morton is sent to Dum∣barton.
• * 1.234

  He is brought back to Edin∣burgh the 27. of May:
• * 1.235

  And there condemned of treason.
• † 1.236

  It would be knowne what was in these Letters.
• * 1.237

  His confessi∣on before his death.
• * 1.238

  Morton brought to the Scaffold.
• * 1.239

  His death.
• * 1.240

  His educa∣tio•…•….
• * 1.241

  He fleeth into England.
• * 1.242

  Change in Court.
• * 1.243

  1582▪
• * 1.244

  Justice Aircs in Perth in July.
• * 1.245

  The roade of Ruthven 1582 August 24.
• * 1.246

  Angus return∣eth home.
• * 1.247

  He joins with the Lords a∣gainst the Courtiers.
• * 1.248

  1583.
• * 1.249

  L•…•…nox dies in France.
• * 1.250

  Gowrie takes a remission for the fact at Ruthven.
• * 1.251

  A•…•…an returns to Court.
• * 1.252

  Angus con∣sined beyond Forth.
• * 1.253

  He is sent be∣yond Spaye.
• * 1.254

  He goeth to Elgin in Mur∣ray.
• * 1.255

  Discord be∣twixt the Mi∣nisters and Courtiers.
• * 1.256

  Melvin flees to Berwick.
• * 1.257

  His Apology
• * 1.258

  Gowrie com∣manded to go beyond sea.
• * 1.259

  Lodowick Duke of Len∣nox brought home.
• † 1.260

  Master Da∣vid Hume.
• * 1.261

  G•…•… taken at Dundi•…•….
• * 1.262

  An•…•…us comes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Stirling to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lords.
• * 1.263

  The Lords Declaration.
• * 1.264

  The Lords flee from Stir∣ling toward England.
• * 1.265

  Archbald Dou∣glas hanged.
• * 1.266

  Argatie exe∣cuted.
• * 1.267

  Gowrie bc∣headed at Stirlin.
• * 1.268

  1584. the 28. of April.
• * 1.269

  His Lady basely and beastly used.
• * 1.270

  Parliament at Edinburgh the 22. of May 1584.
• * 1.271

  The Lords forfeited.
• * 1.272

  Prot•…•…station against she Acts of Par∣liament by the Ministers.
• * 1.273

  A•…•…n mocks the Ministers.
• * 1.274

  Maines and Drumme∣whasle exe∣cuted.
• * 1.275

  Angus at Newcastle.
• * 1.276

  Angus his kindnesse and bountie.
• * 1.277

  Master John Colvill sent to the Cou•…•…t of England,
• * 2.1

  A letter from London to Angus from the Authour.
• * 3.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.2

  The Lords brought to London.
• * 3.3

  Mo•…•…ing a∣gainst Arran.
• * 3.4

  Sir Lewis Ballandine Ambassadour in England.
• * 3.5

  Sir Francis Russell killed.
• * 3.6

  The Scots sue for a Scottish Church at London, but cannot ob∣tain it.
• * 3.7

  The Lords came to the Borders.
• * 3.8

  They come •…•…o Fawkirk the 1. of No∣vember 1585.
• * 3.9

  Their Decla∣ration.
• * 3.10

  The Road of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.11

  M James Hal∣den slain.
• * 3.12

  Stirlin taken by the Lords.
• * 3.13

  They come into the King•…•… presence.
• * 3.14

  Gl•…•…mes Treasurer.
• * 4.1

  A letter writ∣ten to the Au∣thour, con∣cerning the State of those times.
• * 4.2

  Presented t•…•… Angus.
• * 4.3

  Discourse concerning M^r. Craigs Sermon.
• * 4.4

  Of Obedi∣ence to Ty∣rants, and Impunitie of Tyrants.
• * 4.5

  Bo•…•…inus his absurdity.
• * 4.6

  Apol. cap. 34.
• * 4.7

  Of Black∣woods opini∣on.
• * 4.8

  Of Active and Passive Obedience.
• * 4.9

  Angus an∣swereth.
• * 4.10

  The Chan∣cellours place offered •…•…o An∣gus.
• * 4.11

  He rejects it▪ Met•…•… made Chan∣cellour.
• * 4.12

  Angus Lieu∣tenant on the Borders▪
• * 4.13

  The road at the Tarrasse Mosse.
• * 4.14

  Looke for the translation of these verses in the following page.
• * 4.15

  The translati∣on of the ver∣ses in the page foregoing.