The history of the houses of Douglas and Angus written by Master David Hume ...

Of Archbald (the third of that name) and ninth Earle of Angus.

NOw we come to Archbald himself (the third bearing the name of Archbald) son to David, as hath been said.

He was thrice married; first to Margaret Ereskin, daughter to John Earle of Marre, who was Regent of Scotland immediatly before Morton. Shee was a beautifull, chaste, and vertuous Lady. Shee lived with him but few years, and died without children.

After her, he was married to Margaret Leslie, daughter to the Earle of Rothus. She lived with him the space of years, after which he was divorced from her for her adultery. She likewise had no children.

His third wife was Jeane Lyon, daughter to the Lord Glames (Chancel∣lour) and Relict of Robert Douglas of Logh-leven. She bare to him a daughter after his decease (named Margaret) who died about the age of fifteen years a maid unmarried.

He was bred and brought up with his Uncle Morton, as wee have said,* 1.1 who was his Tutor and Guardian. He studied in S. Andrews in the New Colledge with Master John Douglas Provest of that Colledge, and Re∣ctor of the Universitie, till he was fifteen years of age. After that, he lived at Court with his Uncle, having with him his Pedagogue Master John Provaine, who endeavoured to instruct him in the Latine tongue, and taught him his Logicks & Rhetoricks, but with such successe as is custo∣mable to youth and Nobilitie; nature, counsell, and example drawing them rather to the exercises of the body, which are more agreeable to their inclination, and are esteemed more fit and proper for their place. Whereas Letters are thought onely necessary and usefull for mean men, who intend to live by them, and make profession of some Art or Science for their maintenance, but no wayes either suitable or requisite in Noble∣men, and such as are of any eminent rank or degree. For these they are

judged to be too base, and he that affects them, pedantick a•…•…d of a mean spirit. Nay most men do accompt the studie and knowledge of them prejudiciall, hurtfull, and no small let and impediment to politick activenesse, and that it doth abate the courage of the minde and vigour of action, which is requisite for their charge and calling of being States-men and Warriours. A perverse and pernitious Tenent, and farre contrary to the practice of the most famous Captains, and Princes in all ages; such as were Julius Caesar, Scipio Africanus, Alexander the Great, and Pompey called the Great also; of Trajane, Antonius, Charle∣maigne; and almost of all the Grecian Worthies. And yet (we heare) that the Nobility (in France especially) accompt it a reproach to be cal∣led or esteemed learned, and deeme it honourable to be illiterate and ig∣norant.

Much good may this honourable ignorance do them, ere any wise-man envie it. As for the Earle of Angus, sore did he repent him of this neglect, and greatly did he blame himself for it. Especially in the time of his last banishment, during which he laboured to have repaired that losse and over sight of his youth, by reading and hearing read to him Latine authours of all sorts, both Historians and others; chiefly •…•…us and Tremellius translation of the Scripture, which he took great pleasure and delight in. And though the defect of practice in his youth could not be altogether and fully supplyed, yet such was his naturall ju•…•…gement, that in expressing of his minde either by word or writ, none c•…•…ld do it more judiciously and sensibly; and in dictating of Letters or any other thing, he even equalled (if not over-matched) those who would challenge to be the greatest and most skilfull Artistes therein. This was well known, and ingenuously acknowledged, and witnessed by Chancellour Metellane (of honourable memorie) who having lighted upon some letters of his written with his own hand, so well conceived and penned, that some who heard them read, supposed they had not been of his own penning, but that he had onely transcribed them, that they might seem to be his own; he on the contrary affirmed (and it was true) that they were of his penning, and that he did seldome use any mans help that way, being himself very sufficient and able to discharge it.

Concerning his actions in the time of his uncles Regencie, wee have spoken of them above in his life (as▪ the fittest place for them to be re∣membred in) and we need not repeat them here. After his death, finding no sure footing for him in Scotland (amongst these who were authours of it, and would seek to secure themselves from all revenge* 1.2 thereof by making him away in like manner) being commanded by the King, and summoned in his name to come to Court, he retired into England. There hee was kindly received, and honourably entertained by the bountifull liberality of that worthie Queen Elizabeth; partly in memorie of his uncle, but no lesse for his own sake, being of such great hope and expectation, conceived by the appearance of his present vertues, his wisedome, discretion, & towardlinesse, which made him acceptable to all, and begot love and favour both from her Majesties self, and her Coun∣cellours

and Courtiers that then guided the State; Such as Sir Robert Dudley (Earle of Licester) Sir Francis Walsinghame Secretary; and more especially, he procured the liking of him who is ever to bee remembred with honour, Sir Philip Sidney I mean; like disposition, in curtesie, of nature, equality of age and years, did so knit their hearts together, that Sir Philip failed not (as often as his affaires would permit him) to visit him, in so much that he did scarce suffer any one day to slip, whereof hee did not spend the most part in his company. He was then in travell, or had brought forth rather (though not polish∣ed and refined it as now it is) that his so beautifull and univer∣sally accepted birth, his Arcadia. Hee delighted much to impart it to Angus, and Angus took as much pleasure to be partaker there∣of.

There were with him at this time in England, of the name of Dou∣glas, James Lord Torthorrell, and Sir George his brother; two sonnes of Mortons, James of Spot, and Archbald of Pittendrigh: Also James of Maines, and Sir George of Langnidderie. There were besides these (of note) onely John Carmichael and his sonnes, together with Hugh Carmichael: the rest were but his ordinary servants and depen∣ders.

He resided openly at Court, being no Rebell, and not convicted or guiltie of any crime committed against his Prince or Countrey. No such thing was laid to his charge by his enemies; otherwayes the recei∣ving and entertaining of him had been a breach of the peace betwixt the Kingdomes. All that could be alledged was, that he had withdrawn him∣self from the furie of his enemies. And yet, as if he had been a Rebell and forfeited, they intrometted with his rents and estate for their own use. He spent his time there, in learning to ride great horses, and handling of his Armes and Weapons, together with using such courtly and manlie exercises as became his age and place. But above all, he was carefull to observe the Government of the Countrey, and Policie of that State and Kingdome; making his own use thereof for his bettering, both in Chri∣stianity and civill prudencie. He looked with an heedfull eye upon mens wisedome, and through that, upon Gods working by their wisedome; he noted the actions of those who were the guiders of that State, Court and Countrey, saw their aimes and designes; and comparing them with his own affaires, and things fallen▪ out at home, he called to minde what had befallen his Uncle Morton; who (like them) had no lesse flourished, but was soon cut down and withered: who had been so powerfull and honoured but a little before, yet in a moment (as it were) was over∣thrown and trod under foot. His thoughts also reflecting upon himself, and his own condition, how hee was forced to forsake his own Coun∣trey, and depend upon the estimation of strangers; that though for the present he were somewhat respected, yet it was uncertain how long hee should be so, no longer than they should think it profitable for their own estate, and conduceable to their ends. From hence raising his minde to the contemplation of all humane affairs, and of all mor•…•…, men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 even of Princes themselves, he learned that (which few 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉

learne of any ranke, and fewer doe practise that are in high places, whose places crave action, and action over-treads contemplation) hee learned (I say) truly to contemne all worldly things, such as riches, ho∣nour, dignities, and the like; and truly to long and seeke after heavenly treasure, which perisheth not, and bringeth with it no anxietie, or soli∣citude of minde, having the soule fully set and fixed on God alone. Many speake of it, and that very well, and not without some sense and feeling thereof, but it lasts not, save for a fit, and sudden flash. We are all of us too earthly, and savour too much of earth, from whence we were taken, and of which we were made, and thither also we bend, and tend ever down-ward, what through our naturall propension that way, what by example of the multitude, which like a violent stream of an over∣bearing floud, carries us along, if we be not firmly built upon the rock of heavenly resolution, and unlesse we keep fast our hold by perpetuall and never-intermitted meditation. For him I dare avouch it, that howsoever he refrained from outward showes, for feare of falling into ostentation, or whatever other wayes he was employed about in regard of his place and calling, yet his minde was ever (even in the midst of businesse) wholly bent to God-ward, and would have beene glad to have beene freed from all thoughts and affaires which had any mixture of earth∣ly things. And this disposition wrought in him by his being exi∣led, he esteemed no small benefit and advantage of his sufferings; so that in private where he expressed himselfe freely, without all maske of ceremon•…•…e or nicenesse, he hath many times been heard to thanke God very heartily and seriously, with grave words, and settled countenance, saying, That hee would not have exchanged the crosse of his first banishment for all the Crownes and Princes estates in the world: farre lesse for an Earle∣dome, or Lordship, such as Angus, or Douglas. So did God work with him by adversitie.

While he was thus working upon himself in England, and framing his heart after a new mould and fashion (which few knew or dreamed of) God was preparing the way for his return to his place and honorsin Scotland. The love which his Countrey-men bore to him was great, and likewise generall, and almost universall (as it did commonly follow that popular name of Douglas, to which it was in a manner hereditarie) even in re∣gard of his owne courteous, milde, and towardly disposition, and of the great hopes and expectation of excellent fruit •…•…rom so noble and worthy a plant. This being accompanied with his suffering, and innocen∣cie, together with his harmlesse youth, age did move pitie, and stirre the affections of most men toward him.

As for particular friends, hee wanted them not (as few Noblemen in this Countrey doe, all the Nobilitie being linked and bound one to another by Kindred or alliance) his house having beene so eminent of a long time, and there being few of the Nobles, but were either descended of it, or tied to it by some consanguinity, affinity, or other relation. And therefore one would thinke it strange that he should have beene so long banished: yet when we looke upon his uncle Mortons case (who had the same friends or more) it is farre more strange that hee

should have come to such an end. But as in this, when the appointed time came, nothing could hinder his fall and overthrow: so in Angus his case, untill the time appointed by God did come, nothing could worke his re∣stitution. What the estate of businesse was at his departure, we have told already in Mortons life, ere that yeare came fully to an end (or not long after he had beene a yeare in England) there fell out a change at Court, which was thus:

Esme Lord Obignie (now Duke of Lennox) and James Stuart Earle* 1.3 of Arran, had (with their great riches and honours) acquired much hatred from all sorts of men. The Ministerie were offended at them for making master Robert Montgomerie Archbishop of Glasgow, (an Office then odious and unlawfull, as being against the Lawes of the Countrey, and ordinance of the Church) and were jealous of the one as a suspected Papist, and perswaded that the other (to wit, Arran) was a downe-right Atheist. The Nobilitie stormed and grudged at their extraordinary and sudden preferment. For James was made Lord Ham∣miltoun, Abercorne, Bothwel-haugh, and Earle of Arran, with a power almost absolute (given or usurped, under the name of Captaine of the Guard, and the pretext of pursuing the Douglasses) to apprehend, imprison, and put on the racke whomsoever he pleased. Obignie was made Lord of Dalkeith, Tantallon, Darlin, Torbouton, and Duke of Lennox, Keeper of the Castle of Dumbartan, and great Chamberlaine of Scotland.

Thus did they overtop and overshadow the rest of the Peeres, as tall Cedars doe small Shrubs, to their great discontentment and disdaine. The Gentlemen were so used by them, that they esteemed themselves brought into a thraldome and slaverie, none of them being sure of their estates, which were wrung from them by colour of law (the cloake of their oppression) and all fearing the rage and unlimited violence, espe∣cially of James Stuart, who was composed of nothing else, and whose actions were sutable to his disposition.

The Burrowes were alienated by being cut short in their privi∣ledges, liberties, and immunities, which were quarrelled, retrenched, cancelled, and taken away, according to their humours of avarice, and desire of gaine, and according to the pleasure and suggestions of their in∣formers and parasites.

With this their exorbitant increase of power and insolencie, as the hatred of others did increase toward them, so did variance arise betwixt themselves. The first occasion hereof was the carrying of the Crown at Parliament: this was proper, and is the hereditarie right and priviledge of the house of Angus, and he being now banished, and the Duke of Len∣nox having his estate, either for that regard, or because of his more honou∣rable descent, or by the advantage of the Kings favour (which he had in greater measure then Arran) we cannot affirme; but so it was, that he was preferred to bear it. Arran stormed at this, & protested that his bearing of it at this time should not be prejudicial to his claim, who being descended of the house of D. Mordack (which was nearest to the King) ought in reason to have carried it; yet he renounced all title to the kingdom, notwithstanding

of this extraction of his pedegree, and challenging of this honour. This renunciation was derided by some, and disdained by others, as a great malapartnesse, and high presumption in him, who being but lately raised from so meane a fortune and estate, durst utter such speeches as be∣wrayed such vast and high thoughts, as to aime at no lesse then the King∣dome, if ever (the Kings owne race failing) the right thereto should come in question, and happen to be controverted. And indeed his designes are thought to have flowne to no lower pitch, which (perhaps) had beene no very hard or impossible taske for him, if he could as well have kept out the Hammiltouns (who could onely pretend right to it) and the Douglasses (whose power and authority was the greatest in the Countrey) as hee found meanes to cast them out of Court and Countrey. For then he had had no Competitor but the Duke of Lennox, and him, being a stranger, and subsisting meerely by the present Kings favour, he nothing doubted to supplant by his craft and violence, joyned with such a colourable claim. Another occasion of discord fell out by Sir John Seaton, son to the Lord Seaton, and Master of the Kings horses. As the King was about to goe to his horse to ride a hunting, Arran having something to speake to him in private, all men were commanded to remove, which all did saving Sir John, who being by his place to wait upon the King, and set him on his horse, stayed still, and did not remove with the rest. Arran seeing him to stay behind the rest, either threatned to throw his batton at him, or did throw it indeed; for hee carried a staffe or batton as Captaine of the Guard. Sir John would have requited this affront, but was hindred by the Guard, who carried him downe staires, and so parted them for that time. The next day Sir John, his brother Sir William, and the Lord Sea∣ton himselfe, were all commanded to keepe their lodgings; which the Duke (who favoured them) tooke so ill, that he refused to come a∣broad that day. At last they were so divided, that the Duke carried the King with him to Dalkeith, and Arran abode in the Palace of Haly∣rood-hoose. There were with the Duke, the Lord Seaton, Maxwell, (then Earle of Morton) with some others. Argyle, Ruthven, (then The∣saurer, and lately made Earle of Gowrie) the Secretarie, the Con∣troller, and other Officers of State, stayed with Arran, and tooke upon them to make the body of the Kings Councell, and to sit as such. But all their Decrees and Conclusions were dashed by the King in person, which they wanted.

These broiles lasted from the end of October till mid-Februarie, about which time the King returning to Halyroodhouse (from whence Arran had removed before) and from thence going backe againe to Dalkeith, he sent for him, and reconciled him to the Duke, after which they became greater friends then ever they had beene before: so that Arran would doe nothing for any man but what hee knew stood with the Dukes good liking But this union betwixt them∣selves divided them the more from others, and others from both of them; for now hee that had any businesse with either, behoved to sue to both, and hee that disliked, or bore ill-will to ei∣ther, was forced to fawne on him also, or to hate both, and seeke

the overthrow of them both alike. At the Justice Aires in Perth 1582.* 1.4 in July, in some contest betwixt the Duke and the Earle of Gowrie, the* 1.5 Duke spake some reproachfull words to him in French, which Gowrie not understanding then; afterward, when he had learned what the mean∣ing of it was, he upbraided the Duke for ungratefulnesse, telling him, that was all the thanke he got for having twice saved him from being killed. Thus was he alienated, or thus did he bewray his alienation of minde, which lay hidden till now it burst forth. Another time the Chamber∣laine Aires being indicted to be kept (the 28. of August) by the Duke (then Chamberlaine) which was a Court very odious to the Burrowes, as being rather a legall robbery, then a Court of Justice, and upon which it is thought he was set of purpose that he might incurre more hatred, which commonly falls out, when a former generall dislike doth meet with private grudges. This Court (I say) being indicted, while the Duke was bu•…•…ied in preparing for it, and he with Arran ha∣ving left the King, were at Edinburgh and Dalkeith about such things as was necessary thereto: the foure and twentieth of August the King came from his hunting in Athole to Ruthven, where Gowrie, assisted* 1.6 by some of the Nobilitie, removed the Guard, that were under the command of Arrane, with no great adoe, and laid hold also of the Earle himselfe as he entred into the house of Ruthven, and conveigh∣ed him into a close roome, where he was kept, and not suffered to come neare the King.

He had, upon the first surmising of an alteration, come from Edin∣burgh with a company of some fourescore horse, but hearing that the Earle of Marre was at Kinrosse in his way, hee sent his company with his brothers (Robert and Henrie) and he himselfe with one or two ta∣king a byway, came to have slipt into the Kings presence before they had beene aware of him. But Gowrie being advertised hereof, met him at the gate, and had straightwayes killed him, if George Au∣thenlecke (sometime servitour to Morton) had not held his hand as he was about to have pulled out his dagger to have stabbed him. His two brothers, with their company, were defeated by the Earle of Marre, of which Robert was wounded also, and taken prisoner.

There joyned with Marre and Ruthven openly, Thomas Lion (Ma∣ster of Glames) Lawrence Lord Oliphant, together with Sir Lewis Ballandine of Achnowle (Justice-Clerke) and others. Before Marre came, the Guard made some difficultie to admit them, and grant them entrance into the Kings chamber: for they serving for pay, and be∣ing put in, and commanded by Arran, when they heard what had happened to their Captaine, made an offer to resist, and not to suffer any man to come neare the King, unlesse hee should signifie his pleasure to be such.

Sir Lewis Ballandine conceiving great indignation hereat, asked at master David Hume (who by chance was come thither, and stood next to him) if he had a pistoll about him, which he gave him, but with∣all said to him,

Be not too hastie to shoot, let them alone, you shall find that their fury will soone fall (lacking their Captaine, and a head)

and that they will give way, when once they see the Nobility approach.

And so they did indeed, for the Earle of Marre being come, and the rest joyning with him, they shranke away and gave place. When they came to the King, they shewed him the necessity of doing what they had done, in regard of the violence of Arrane, and their feare and suspition of the Duke of Lennox:

That there was no other way to remove the generall discontent of his Subjects, and to prevent the dangers which would follow thereupon to himselfe, and his Crowne, then by removing of these men from about him, whose unjust actions, and violent oppressions, reflected upon his Majesty, to the great prejudice of his honour and estate, as also to the great disadvantage of Religion, and the good of his people.

The King assented to what they said, either because he thought it to be the true, or rather, (as appeared afterward) that he might seeme to approve of that which hee could not resist▪ So they goe to Perth, then to Stirling, where their Proclamations were set forth; the one containing the Kings Declaration, concerning what was done at Ruthven; that it was for his service, and acceptable to him. In the other the Duke of Lennox was commanded to depart out of the Realme of Scotland before the 24. of September. There was a third also, by which the Chamberlain Aires were discharged to be kept.

The Earle of Angus had (a little before these things) come down from* 1.7 the Court of England to Berwick, in expectation of this change; and now having notice given him by these Noblemen of what had passed, he stayed a while in the towne, and thereafter came into Scotland: yet did he not goe directly to Court, but came to Cumledge in the Merse, a house within eight miles of Berwick, which belonged to Archbald Authen∣leck (a follower of his Uncle Morton) and lay next adjacent to his Ba∣rony of Boncle. There he remained till Master Bowes, and Master Cary (Embassadours from the Queen of England) came into Scotland (the 11 of September) and did by their intercession obtain of the King, that hee might be assoyled from that crime of Rebellion, which his enemies had put upon him, because he had not obeyed their charges given out in the Kings name, to come to Court, which was indeed to come into their power. Neither did he presently after hee was relaxed come neare the King, untill he had assurance that the King was very well contented, and desirous that he should come to him; but stayed some five weekes, expe∣cting his full and free consent therein, that his return might bee such as could not be excepted against. The King delayed him a while, that hee might be beholding to him •…•…or this favour, and he was contented to stay so long, that the King might see he was willing to receive it at his hands as a favour, and that by so doing, he might fully remove all hard constru∣ction that his Majesty could make of his withdrawing into England. He had presence of the King the 20. of October (about two moneths after he came home) in the Palace of Haly-rood-house, where hee was kindly and lovingly received, to the great contentment of all men, and with great commendation of his modesty; for that hee had patiently waited for his Princes pleasure so long a time, and had not abruptly rusht into his sight, which many would, and he might have done easily had he plea∣sed

to have made that use of the times and opportunitie which was offe∣red: but his disposition was not that way set; he was truely of a milde disposition, abhorring all turbulencie, every way towardly, inclining to peace, and to all submission toward his Prince.

Now being thus returned, gladly would hee have lived in quietnesse, and injoyed the Kings favour still, as he had it at this time, and willingly would he have served him as a faithfull and loyall Subject according as he had been pleased to have imployed him, without further stirring or meddling with any thing, or any person. Neither (as I thinke) did the world ever know, or bring forth a more calme and quiet spirit, voyd of ambition and covetousnesse, as also of all envie and malice to any crea∣ture, which are the chiefe causes of restlesse and tumultuous practices. He was also mindfull of Mortons counsell at his death, who advised him to doe so: and being alreadie in so honourable a place (first of the Nobili∣tie) he had little or nothing else to desire or hope for, if hee could have been assured to possesse his owne in peace. But finding the Countrey divided, the dregs of the old faction that stood for the Queen, still work∣ing underhand, and by it the Romish party labouring to undermine the true reformed Religion, and such as had been instruments to establish it, upon whose ruine these new men (by their new courses) did indeavour to build their preferment, so that none could with surety live in any ho∣nourable place, as a good Patriot, but behoved to take part with them that stood for Religion, and undergoe the like hazard as they did. Be∣sides, these Noblemen had (in very deed) wrought out and made way for his returne from exile, by removing of those who were (as common enemies to all honest men, so more particularly) his especiall enemies, having been authours of his Uncles death, and who had seized upon his owne lands and possessions. They were also his near kinsemen, and deare friends, Gowrie and Glames were come of his house, Oliphant was of his alliance (having married Margaret Douglas, daughter to William of Logh∣leven) and Marre was his brother in law, and no lesse his brother in love and affection, which continued without the least breach or diminu∣tion, so long as he lived. These private and publick inducements thus meeting and concurring, he could not esteem that cause to be more theirs then his owne, and therefore could not choose but embrace it as his own, that is, to the utmost of his power.

Therefore he joyned with them in it sincerely for his owne part, but* 1.8 they continued not long undivided amongst themselves. For the Duke being divers times charged to voide the Realme, after divers shifts and delayes, at last he went through England into France in the moneth of December, and not long after he died there the 27. of July 1583. After* 1.9 he was gone, they being rid of that feare, there fell out dissention be∣twixt* 1.10 the Earle of Gowrie, and Secretarie Pitcarne (made Lord of Dum∣fermeling) in April 1583. The King went to the Castle of Saint An∣drewes* 1.11 in August, and there the Earle of Gowrie (having changed his minde with the change of affaires) tooke a remission for his fact at Ruth∣ven, as being Treason, and so by his owne confession condemned him∣selfe, and all his partners therein, and by separating himselfe from them,

overthrew the cause, and them with it. All this while after Angus his returne, there was nothing done worthy of memory, save that he (out of his love and respect to his Uncle Morton) caused his head to be taken downe from the City gate, and honourably buried with his body, the 10. of December 1582. The chiefe instrument in this change, was William Stuart, a brother of the house of Goston, who had beene a Co∣lonell in the Low-Countreyes, and was then Captain of the Kings Guard. Gowrie had brought him home, and preferred him to the Kings service, of purpose to counterpoyse the greatnesse of Arran: but they were so wise, as not to crosse one another; but on the contrary, they did aid and strengthen each other all they could.

By this Williams means, the authours and actors of the fact at Ruthven* 1.12 were strictly commanded to depart from the Court, and the Earle of Ar∣rane recalled thither again. Angus had joyned with those of Ruthven, yet because he had not been an actor there, and had had no hand in it, he hoped that they would suffer him to live in quietnesse at home. Secretary Walsingham (Embassadour from Queene Elizabeth▪ had gotten a promise of the King that he should be fully restored to all his lands and possessi∣ons, and hee had relied thereon, and waited long for the performance thereof; but finding nothing but delayes, he perceived they had no good meaning toward him. And so indeed it proved, for Marre, and the ma∣ster of Glames were confined in Argyle, the Castle of Stirling (of which Marre and his predecessours had been keepers time out of minde) was committed to the custody of Arrane; and the Earle of Angus was confi∣ned beyond Forth.

Before his going to the place of his confinement, hee wrote to some* 1.13 of his friends to accompany him thither for his safety in his journey. This being knowne at Court, it was interpreted to be done of intention to sur∣prise the King, who was that day to goe abroad to his haulking. It was alledged also, that Marre and Glames were to meet him at Achnowes∣hill, and to joyne with him in his surprisall. Hereupon the King having risen by times that morning to goe to his sport, and being ready to take horse, was stayed that day, and curriours were sent out to try how mat∣ters went, and whether that report were true. Some of these scouts came to the Key-stone, (for that way Angus tooke of purpose, being furthest off from the Court, that he might be out of their danger, and they freed from all feare of him) and found him riding in a peaceable manner, ac∣companied with a small train of his domesticks onely, and those but halfe-armed (which was ordinary then, even in the most peaceable times) and no wayes prepared for warre. Hee desired them to tell his Majesty that he was going toward the place of his confinement, in obe∣dience to him; and they did relate the truth very faithfully and honestly to the King. This rumour (of surprising the King) was said to have proceeded from one of his owne name, who having been in Tantallon the day before, and perceiving that there were letters in writing, which they did not communicate to him (as Angus did never impart businesse to any, but such as were his intimate friends, and there having been some difference betwixt him, and this Gentleman, he never used him after that

so familiarly) made this conjecture of their secrecie, and whispered, it to the Courtiers, who were apt to beleeve it: whether he did indeed suspect some such thing, or if it were raised onely by envious, and malicious persons, we cannot affirme, but fame laid the blame of it on him; for that he, having been so late over night at Tantallon, had made great haste to be in Edinburgh that night, and came to Court before day light: and that upon his coming, the Kings haulking was stayed; yet it is uncer∣tain, for he was commanded also to depart out of the Countrey.

The Earle of Angus crossed Forth at the Queens Ferry, and went to his owne house at Aberdowre; but because there hee was too neare the Court, and so obnoxious to suspition, hee removed from thence to Kin∣rosse: and to secure them yet more, leaving his houshold there behinde him, he went almost alone to Lesely, a house belonging to his brother in Law, the Master of Rothusse. Being there, he moved him, and the Earle his father to deal with the Courtiers to grant him so much favour as to suffer him to live a private and retired life, at one of his owne hou∣ses in the Countrey farre from Court, and State businesse: but they were so farre from yeelding to any such thing, that whereas he had been charged onely to remaine beyond Forth before; now hee is sent* 1.14 to remain beyond Spaye.

Wherefore hee takes his journey thither, and came to Dundie; and from thence toward Elgin in Murray. Master Scrimger of Diddup* 1.15 (Constable of Dundie) would needs bring him on his way; and as if he had intended no more, caused carry his haulkes with him, but by no means would leave him till he came to his journeyes end. By the way he being well knowne, tooke upon him to be the chiefe man, and gave out that Angus was his sonne in law, the Laird of Inshmartin. This hee did, least the Courtiers should have laid some ambushment for him by the way, hee being to passe through a Countrey, where their par∣tie was strong, and where they had many favourers, having none of his owne followers with him, save Robert Douglas of Cavers, Gentle∣man of his horses. So he passed the Carne-Mont with great celerity and haste, the rest of his houshold following after by easie journeyes. Great was the care his worthy friend the Constable had of him; and many wayes did hee labour to keepe him from melancholy, and to di∣vert his thoughts from too much dwelling upon his present hard condi∣tion: there was no kinde of sport or game, which he did not afford him with all the varietie he could devise to entertain him, and to cheare him up: till the court, envying even this small contentment to him, command∣ed the Constable also to goe off the Countrey; yet was hee never desti∣tute of friends; such was the sweetnesse of his disposition, and of such power and force was it, that it wonne the hearts of all the Gentlemen in those quarters to him: such as the Innesses, Dumbarres, Hayes, and others, who did all strive who should shew most affection toward him, by inviting him to their houses, and feasting him by turnes, and using of him with all courtesie, and respect; so that hee could not have beene more honoured and regarded amongst his dearest friends, and nearest kinsfolkes. Nay, such was their love to him, that hearing some sur∣mises

of no great good will borne to him by Huntley, they of their own accord came to him, and forbade him to bee afraid of him, for they would spend their lives in his defence, and for his safetie, if the Earle of Huntley should attempt any thing against him▪ Where∣fore it was thought that they being thus affected, he durst not ad∣venture to execute any Court plot against him, which he wanted no good will to do, and otherwayes would have done. Yet was this the place of the Kingdome, where all Huntleyes power and friendship lay very neare at hand, and where Angus had least ac∣quaintance and fewest friends, all of them being meere strangers to him, without any other bond of obligation or tie of relation, but what his vertue and worth had gained in that short time of his being amongst them and conversing with them.

The Courtiers at this time were at no small contest and vari∣ance* 1.16 with the Ministers; chiefly with Master James Lowson, Ma∣ster Walter Balcanquell, John Durie (Ministers at Edinburgh) and Master Andrew Melvin, Principall of the new Colledge of Saint Andrewes, and Professour of Divinity there. The occasion was this; they had at a Generall Assembly approved the fact of Ruth∣ven by the Kings especiall commandement, and now being desired by the Courtiers to condemne it, they refused to doe it. Both sides alledged the Kings authority; the Courtiers pleading, that such was his will now: and the Ministers, that it was not such then. The Courtiers said that he was a captive then; and the Mi∣nisters replyed, that (perhaps) he was so now: that they saw not any thralling of him then; and that it might as well be alledged hereafter that he was a captive now, as it was alledged now that hee was a captive then. As for the particular quarrels of either side, they said they knew them not; but one thing they knew, that they were as good men, as Noble, as worthie, as well affected to his Majestie who were with him then, as those were who were about him now; that they were as free from all suspition of unsound∣nesse in Religion, nay, much freer, the others being at least suspe∣cted.

In which regard they could not retract what they had done, and could not but allow of their fact who had removed from the King, men that were not altogether free of suspition. What private ends or aimes they had, was unknown to them, as also they were ignorant what the respects were which they now had; both pretended the Kings will; but they were sure of this point, that the removing of suspected men was a good office, and made for his well being, and that the instruments thereof were instruments of a good work, whatsoever were their intentions. Thus most of them spake: Others expressed themselves more harshly, saying, that wicked men were removed, and such as were enemies to the Church, to the Countrey and to the Nobility, who sought their own preferment with the overthrow of all, that they might be built upon the ruines of all these. These speeches

were very unfavourie to the Earle of Arran, to the Colonell Stuart, and the Prior of Pitten-weeme. It rubbed upon them, and (by consequent) as they would have it appeare) reflected upon the King. Wherefore they called it sedition, and stirring up of dissention be∣twixt the King and his Subjects. So they informe the King, and by their Information, animate him against them. Wherefore John Dury be∣hooved to be removed from Edinburgh to Monrosse: Master James Lowson, and Master Walter Balcanquell were rebuked onely. Master Wal∣ters Text was treason (against the Courtiers) and spake too much though hee had said nothing. It was that passage of Ecclesiastes [I saw Princes walking on foot, and servants riding on horse-back] that is, Great and worthie men displaced, and base men set up in their room; to which doctrine hee added an admonition, that they should look to themselves when the cup of their iniquitie should bee full. Ma∣ster Andrew Melvin was dilated to the King and Councell by one Wil∣liam Stuart, that he had said in a Sermon of his, That the King was unlaw∣fully called to the Kingdome; but he craved, that seeing he was accused of wrong doctrine, that hee might bee tried by a Generall or Synodall Assembly, who are the proper judges of doctrine delivered from the Pulpit. It was answered, that he should have no other than the King and Councell, who ordained him to enter himself prisoner in Black∣Nesse.* 1.17 Whereupon hee fearing, and informed that Colonell Stuart and Arran had no good meaning toward him, fled secretly to Ber∣wick Before his departure, hee drew up his Apologie, of which it will not be amisse to set down the summe, as a testimony of his in∣nocencie and equity of his cause, as also of the violence, and iniqui∣ty of those times, that so it may appear more evidently what just grounds and reasons the Noblemen had to labour to have things re∣dressed, and such enormous insolencies repressed.

First, He pro∣tested* 1.18 solemnly before God and his Angels, that he never utte∣red either in that Sermon or in any other, any one word which might import any disgrace or slander of his Soveraigne the Kings Maje∣stie: but had ever exhorted all men to yeeld him all reverence and obedience: that hee had ever, and still did acknowledge him his lawfull Prince and supreame Governour in civill matters; that he had ever, and even then prayed for his preservation and pro∣sperity: Secondly, that his desire to bee tried by a Synod of the Church, did not proceed from any intention to call his Majesties authority in question, but onely because they were appointed to bee the ordinary judges of any thing delivered in preaching, In primâ instantiâ. He alledged for this a plaine Act of Parliament, and a con•…•…erence betwixt certain Lords of the Councell, and some Ministers deputed by the King, who had agreed upon this con∣clusion. Thirdly, hee said that Councels and Doctors of the Church did think that the triall of such things is most conve∣niently and fitly to bee taken in the place where the slander is raised, and scandall given; which was Saint Andrewes, for there that Sermon was preached: Fourthly, hee pleaded, that the

priviledges of the University, granted and given to it by former Kings, and confirmed and ratified by his Majesties self, made the Rector and his Assessors, Judges to all Ministers, Masters and Students that were Members of the same, and were accused of any offence committed within the liberties thereof. Fifthly, that he spake nothing but what he had good warrant for from scripture. Sixthly, that he had for him; first, the testimony of the Universitie, signed by the Rector, and sealed with their seal; secondly, the testimony of the Church-Session in S. An∣drews, subscribed by the Ministers, Elders and Deacons; thirdly, the testimony of the Provest and Bailiffs, and town Councell, signed by the town Clerk by their commandement, and sealed with their seal; fourthly, and last of all, the testimony of the Presbyterie, subscribed by the Clerk thereof: which testimonies were of more value to absolve him, than any one mans accusation was to condemne him. Seventhly, he desired that he might have the common priviledge of all the Sub∣jects, which was to know his accuser▪ and the prerogative of a Minister of Gods word, that an accusation should not be received (or put in pro∣cesse) against him, but under two or three witnesses. Eighthly, that his accuser might be liable, and incurre the punishment due to him by the Acts of Parliament, if his accusation were found to be false. Ninthly, that the Defender might have place, and be permitted to object against his Accuser: And that if William Stuart were the man, he would prove that the said William had professed hatred against him, and had threat∣ned him to do him bodily harm; in which respect, his information was to be suspected if he were the Delatour, or if he were a witnesse his te∣stimony was not sufficient. Notwithstanding of all this, yet he said, he would simply declare the truth in the presence of God and his Angels, so far forth as his memory would serve him. He said, his text was, Dani∣els expounding of the hand-writing on the wal to Baltazar. Here he ob∣served how Daniel in reproving Baltazar for not giving glory to God for his benefits toward him and his father, and for abusing the vessels of the house of God, did apply the Text (of the hand-writing) to Bal∣tazar. From hence (and other places of Scripture) he inferred, that application ought to be made of examples (whether of mercies or judgements) by the Ministers of the Word (as Daniel was) to Kings, as was Baltazar: And that the nearer the example touched the party to whom it were applied (as that of Nabuchodonosor, who was father to Baltazar) the more forcible it would be. This (said he) is the right way of application, but who doth it now-a-dayes? Or if any do it, who cares for it, or is moved with it? If a man should now apply the example of our Predecessours to these times, as of King James the third, how his Courtiers and flatterers abused him, would they not say that he raved, and wandered from his Text? Nay, perhaps, accuse him of Treason. Secondly, he said, concerning these words which his accuser did alledge to have been spoken by him (that our Nabuchodonosor, to wit, the Kings mother, had bin banished twice seven years, & would be restored again) as it never came into his mind, so did he not remember the words, or any expression tending to that purpose,

or importing any such thing: Thirdly, As for that speech (That the King was unlawfully called to the Crown) or any thing sounding that way; he protested before God, he never spake it, nor did he ever doubt of the lawfulnesse of his Majesties authority, which the Church had e∣ver maintained, & he himself constantly avouched, as all that knew him could bear witnesse. That it was true, that in speaking of Nabuchodo∣nosor, he had said; That first, howbeit he had succeeded to his fathers Kingdome, and that when he was of ripe years: secondly, though he were endowed with wisedome, learning, liberality, and other vertues: thirdly, though he had conquered and purchased divers Territories and Countries, as a valiant Captain (having been Lieutenant to his father) in his fathers time: fourthly, And although he were made King (after his father) by all the Nobility: yet Daniel maketh mention of none of all these, but saith, That God gave him the Kingdome. From whence he gathered as a firm conclusion; That, by whatsoever way Kingdomes do come (whether by election, succession, or conquest, whether by ordi∣nary or extraordinary means) it is God that gives them, & he that makes Kings. But (alas!) men do forget this that are in high places, as experi∣ence doth shew: And not only Atheists and Idolaters, but even godly Kings are subject to this forgetfulnesse. David extraordinarily called, Salomon also extraordinarily, and Joas extraordinarily preserved and crowned in his tender years, did all forget the ordainer, all forget God their advancer; and he therefore did chastise them. That instead of ap∣plying this to the King, he did (as his custome ever was, when he spake of his Majestie) turne and convert it into a Prayer: That since such was the weaknesse of Godly Kings, it would please God of his mercie never to suffer our King to forget Gods goodnesse and mercie toward him, who had called him extraordinarily to be King of the Countrey: first, being but a childe in his Cradle: secondly, his mother yet alive: third∣ly, a great part of the Nobility his enemies: and fourthly, some of them still pursuing of him, ever since the heavie burden of government was laid on his shoulders. He concluded that these were his formall words, upon which, what ground any man could have to build such accusation against him, he referred it to the wisedome of his Majestie and his coun∣cell, who, he hoped, would not give eare to such who through malice did stretch or wrest his words, or through ignorance did mistake them; not being able to distinguish betwixt extraordinary calling, and unlaw∣full calling.

This Declaration he set forth, not so much to beg favour or releasement, but to render the reason of his chosen and voluntary exile. Divers moe than he, who suffered as he did, and for the same cause, set forth likewise their apologies to justifie themselves, by clearing of their innocencie, and shewing the causes of their leaving the Countrey & their callings. The Courtiers did interest the King in all these quarrels, and laboured to embarke him therein the deepest they could: and by all meanes strove to make him beleeve that all was against him, and that their aime was at him, whom they wounded through their sides: and fain they would have perswaded all others to the same. But all were not so blinde: there were many that could, & did distinguish and separate the Kings cause

from the Courtiers; and did shew that as they hated them, so they loved him. Especially the Ministery, who at a Generall Assembly (held at Edin∣burgh in November) appointed a generall Fast to be kept throughout the whole Kingdome, and gave out the reasons thereof to be: first, The a∣bounding of wickednesse: secondly, The danger of the Church: thirdly, The danger of the King: fourthly, The danger of the Common-wealth (which all were meant, & did directly point at the rulers of court chiefly) through their wickednesse, Atheisme, want of Religion, Godlessenesse, Popishnesse, or Libertinisme, avarice, aspiring; Who being sole (said they) or chief about the King, under the shadow of his authority: first, do trou∣ble the Ministery: secondly, seek to pervert his Majestie, and draw him (if it were possible for them) to the same contempt of Religion; that so in time he might become a persecuter and enemie to the Church, and over∣throw it altogether: thirdly, do tread under foot the Common-wealth of this Countrey, by banishing the best of the Nobility, who do love God and the Church best, and are best affected toward the Kings welfare, that they in the meane time may possesse and brook their Lands and Inheri∣tance: And fourthly, who suffered murther, oppression, witch-craft, whooredome, and many other sinnes to passe unpunished and uncurbed. This Fast continued the space of a Week, including both the Sundayes.

The Cou•…•…tiers (notwithstanding of this) contemning and slighting all admonitions, kept on their own wayes and course of committing, banish∣ing, discrediting, and weakening of all such as they thought did favour the Nobility, and were not forward enough to further them, and advance their faction. They ingrossed all places of power and authority to themselves; dis-armed, dis-abled, and diminished all others, and even derided them. Of which dealing I will recompt one example amongst many: I have made mention above, how some discord and variance fell out betwixt Pit∣cairne, Abbot of Dumfermling, and the Earl of Gowrie. Hereupon Gow∣rie (to match Pitcairne) had reconciled himself to the Courtiers, and was thought to side with them; and especially to be very intimate with Colo∣nell Stuart. Pitcairne laboured to out-shoot the Earle in his own Bow, and for that end sues to the Colonel for his friendship, which because he knew that it was vendible, he sent him the price thereof (according to his esti∣mate) in gold. The Colonell liked the mettall, but not the condition, and therefore he kept both his friendship and the gold to himself; and having shewed it to the King and Gowrie, deriding him, said, that the Abbot had sent him that to draw the King to favour him; and thus was he flouted, and wiped clean of his Moneyes. William Douglas of Logh-leven was con∣fined in the Merse, for no other fault, but because he was a Douglas, and an upright honest man as any was in the Kingdome. Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, because he was in Kinne, and a friend of the Earle of An∣gus, was sent prisoner to the Castle of Downe beyond Forth: Sir James Hume of Coldinknows was committed to the Castle of Edinburgh; Ma∣ster Cunninghame of Drummewhasle was likewise imprisoned; and Ma∣ster John Colvill brother to Cleish had been served in the same kinde, if he, fearing their rage, had not prevented it by fleeing. Many others were used after the like sort, it being a sufficient crime to favour

any of the discourted Noblemen. Last of all, a Proclamation was made, wherein the Fact at Ruthven was condemned as foule, abomi∣nable, and treasonable, and all the actors therein (or favourers of them) were commanded to depart from Edinburgh, and not to com•…•… near the place where the King was, or should happen to be, under the pain of death. The Earle of Gowrie had taken a remission for it, but it served not his turne, nor did him any good at all: for he was particularly charged* 1.19 to go off the Countrey, and not to remain in Scotland, England, or Ireland, with a non obstante, notwithstanding any remission obtained be∣fore. And to secure themselves yet further, they prohibited all men to car∣ry Pistols, except the Kings Domesticks, and his Guard. They brought home also into Scotland, Lodowick Duke of Lennox (son to Obignie) be∣ing then but a child, to strengthen their party, and to tie the Kings affecti∣on* 1.20 so much the more to them. He was restored to his fathers estate, & (as a part thereof) to the Lordship of Dalkeith. This being Angus his inheri∣tance, they thought it would engage the Duke in a perpetual enmitie with him, as it is ordinary for a man to hate him whom he wrongs. On these & the like grounds they established to themselves (in their own conceit) a perpetuall & safe estate; which they had so fastned and linked with the Kings, that neither could be brangled without the shaking and over turn∣ing of the other. But these courses produced a quite contrary effect, & even then wrought such disposition in men, as did at last over-throw all their plots, and themselves withall. So frail, and so unsure a foundation is ini∣quity. For Angus as he was altogether innocent of any thing that could be alledged against him, even in their own judgements, so was he univer∣sally beloved of all, by an hereditary popularity from his Auncestours, and more for his own known vertues; and therefore being thus wronged in his person, and in his inheritance, he was pitied of all. Marre in like manner, being descended of an honourable, ancient, faithfull and loyall race of Progenitours, as also for his own good parts and conditions, was beloved in like sort, and pitied, notwithstanding that he had been an a∣ctour at Ruthven. The Earle of Gowrie (by the contrary) was greatly hated by the Courtiers, and little set by, or regarded by the other partie. He had assisted (with his father) at the slaughtering of Rizio, and was the chief man and principall authour and actour in the fact of Ruthven. Yet had he changed his minde and side at S. Andrews, repented him of what he had done at Ruthven, condemned it, and taken a remission for it. Now being casten off by the Court, and commanded to depart off the Coun∣trey, he repents him of his repentance, and condemnes his condemning; and would (if he could) salve all again by his recanting and retracting of this last act. But as the committing of the fact had made him to be hated by the Courtiers, so his condemning of it had brought him to be suspe∣cted of the Noblemen. He had condemned himself, and did deserve to be condemned, either for that he had done at Ruthven, or for his condem∣ning of what he did then, and taking a remission for it. He had given a co∣lour to the adverse party to condemne it by his confession and example, and had furnished them with that argument whereby to presse the con∣demning of it upon the Ministerie or others. For that was their maine ar∣gument,

and the string they most harped on, Gowries confession of a fault, and remission for it. All this notwithstanding, he desires to joyne with the Lords, and offers to tie himself to their partie with the strictest bonds that could be devised. Their case was the same with his; all to be utterly undone, unlesse some remedie were found; their enemies were the same with his, the guiders of Court; neither should they onely bee overthrown, but with them and through them the es•…•…te of Religion, and of the whole Countrey. This as it was spetious, so was it most true and certain, and which could not be denied. But what society could be sure with the Earle of Gowrie so often changing? If his changing proceeded from fraud and deceit, who could joyne with him? Or if it were from feare, what sure hold could they have of one so fearfull? Even Angus himself (whose nature was farre from distrusting) could not but distrust and suspect him. Onely, his present case seemed to plead for his since∣rity at this time; which was such, that he knew not where to shelter or se∣cure himself, but by joyning with them. For he was charged to de∣part out of the Kingdome, which was a token of no good will, nay of true enmity with the Court: or certainly, a deeper dissimulation than any man could concei e. And as necessitie did force him to take part with them, so were they also no lesse urged by necessitie to admit and receive him, in re∣spect of his great power & friendship in those quarters. The Earl of Athol and the Lord Oglebee (two Noblemen of great power and command) were his sonnes-in-law: Inshe-chaiffrey and Drummond his dear friends; and he himself was Sheriffe of Perth, and Provest of the Town. Where∣fore Angus his confinement being enlarged to the North-water, and he residing in the Castle of Brechin (his brother the Earle of Marres house) he sent one† 1.21 Master David Hume, whom he trusted, to conferre with him, that hee might trie and sound his minde as narrowly as he could, and report to him what hee found. The Gentleman found him in words, in countenance, and in gesture greatly perplexed, solicitous for his estate, besides the affairs of the Countrey, and greatly afraid of the violence of the Courtiers. So that looking very pitifully upon his Gallerie where wee were walking at that time (which hee had but newly built and de∣cored with Pictures) he brake out into these words, having first fetched a deep sigh; Cousin (sayes he) Is there no remedie? Et impius haec tam culta novalia miles habebit? Barbarus has segetes? Whereupon he was perswa∣ded of his upright meaning, and at his returne perswaded the Earle of Angus thereof also. So partly upon this assurance, partly enforced by ne∣cessity (there being no possibility to be strong in those parts without his concurrence) hee resolved to assume him into their fellowship and societie. Then did those scruples and doubts arise in Angus his minde, which are incident to honest natures and loyall dispositions. Hee considered that banding against Courtiers would be called, and seem to be combining against Authority and the King; for hee would take their part for the present: so was he to force his will, whom his heart carried him to honour. But what should hee doe? There was no other way (that he could devise) to secure their estates, their houses, themselves, their Countrey, and all honest men from oppression

and ruine, to preserve Religion (which ought to be dear to all men, and was dear to him) nay, even to save the King himself (whose safe•…•…e did consist in the preservation of the Church and Kingdome) and to deliver him, and pluck him out of the claws of these Harpies, whose oppression and wickednesse did reflect upon him, and redound to his dishonour: For whatsoever they did, was done in his name, and said to be the Kings will and pleasure. Their banishing of Noble∣men, and oppressing of all sorts and ranks of men, without diffe∣rence or respect, so that there was no honest man but stood in con∣tinuall fear of losing his life and estate: all this was laid upon the King. Their avarice was insatiable, their malice cruell, and their suspi∣tion unsatisfiable. They stood not upon reason, law or right; any pre∣tence (which they never wanted) served them for a warrant to seize mens persons or estates. Their ordinary course was to summond a man super inquirendis, and if he did compeir, to commit him to a free or close prison; if hee were afraid, and did not compeir, hee was found guiltie of rebellion, denounced, and his goods seized. They would be sure not to want witnesses to prove any thing against any man, by torturing his servants, or himself, to wring something out of him, which might bee matter against him, through impatiencie, and the violence of the Rack: At least hee should bee sure to bee vexed by re-examinations, and with-drawn from his necessary affairs, that so hee might bee constrained to buy his libertie and leave to stay at home, with some portion of his land, or a piece of mo∣ney.

These doings of theirs, though many knew that the King did not allow of them, yet being coloured with his authoritie, were apt to alienate (and might in time produce that effect) the mindes of the Subjects from their Prince, as also the heart of the Prince from his Subjects, by their filling his ears with jealousies, and by making vertue a cause of suspition, and him that was vertuous in any eminent measure, suspected and hated; and on the contrary, vice and the vicious to have vogue and credit, and to over-rule all.

How could this bee obviated, unlesse these men were removed? And how could they be removed without controlling of the King? And to contrary him (though it were for his good and sasetie) how ill would it be taken by him? Invitum qui servat, idem facit occi∣denti: To save a man against his will, is commonly rewarded with slender thanks. Patriam & parentes cogere etiamsi possis, & utile sit, tamen importunum est: To save a Prince against his will, and to force him for his good, how dangerous a point is it? For they account it as their life to reigne, and no reigning without absolute∣nesse, unlesse they reigne at libertie, without any controllment, were it never so little. But there was no remedie; whoso under∣takes any great enterprise, must resolve to passe through some danger.

And it is good for Kings sometimes that their hands bee held.

had Alexanders hands been held when he killed Clitus, hee had not of∣fered to kill himselfe, nor should Calistines have needed to take such pains with him, to make him digest his griefe for it. If speeches could have prevailed with the Courtiers, the Ministers had tried that way, but with bad successe: for they were accounted seditious and traiterous for their liberty and freedome therein. Wherefore there was nothing re∣maining but to remove them at what ever rate: and if his Majestie should take it ill for the present, future obsequiousnesse would make it appeare, that what they did, was in love and humilitie, and no wayes out of any treasonable or malicious intention, or out of arrogancy, pride, or presumption. The French Proverbe ta∣keth place; Il faut passer par la: there was no other way be∣sides; no audience, no accesse could bee had to him by any other means.

So they conclude to joyne their pains, and to partake of the pe∣rill. The way resolved upon, was, to assemble themselves at Stirling with their Forces; there to supplicate the King, and to make their de∣claration to the Countrey: to intimate their grievances and desires, with all respect to his Majestie, and with all evidence and plainnesse, against the Courtiers.

For this end, the Earle of Marre and Master of Glams should bee sent for, and first finde meanes to take in the Castle of Stirling (an easie taske for the Earle of Marre to performe, having his friends lying near to it, and the Towne devoted to his service) then the Earle of Gowrie should goe thither (who lay nearest to it) toge∣ther with the Earle of Athole, the Lord Oglebie, the Drummonds, and the Murrayes: Next to him the Earle of Angus from Brechin, to whom his friends would repaire out of the South parts, the Merse, Liddesdale and other parts: The Earle Bothwell, my Lord Lindsay, and diverse others of the Nobilitie were also on the party, and had promised to joyne with them.

Being once Conveened, and having the affection of the Ministe∣rie and Burrowes, they hoped to bee strong enough against these new mens owne power, assisted onely by their particular friends. If the Kings name were used against them, there behoved to bee a Con∣vention of the Nobilitie, and Barons; who would heare the Cause, judge impartially, and informe the King truely, without flattery or feare of the courtiers, whom they hated; neither could they doubt of his equitie, and tractablenesse, when hee should under∣stand how things were. So the businesse should end without bloud, and have a good and happy issue. And if the worst should come, yet were it better to die noblely in the field, then to bee hailed to the scaffold and suffer by the hand of the Execu∣tioner.

Thus did they propose, but God did dispose of things otherwayes. Men know not the Councell and secrets of the Almightie, whose deter∣mination doth onely stand and come to passe. He had not ordained, that they should execute their designs, nor that they should die in the quarrel;

it was to be done by another way, and at another time: the cup of their iniquitie, was not yet full against whom they tooke armes. Wherefore they were disappointed at this time, which fell out thus. The Earle of Gowry was charged the second of March to depart the Countrey with∣in fifteen dayes. Hee shifted and delayed; this affrighted the Courti∣ers, or gave them occasion to seeme affraid, and to put the King into a feare and suspition, that there was some enterprise in hand against him: whereupon the Citizens of Edinburgh were made to keepe a watch about the Pallace. Gowrie made shew as if hee had intended to obey the charge (contrary to the advice of his associates) and that they might beleeve that his intention was reall, hee goeth to Dundie, cau∣seth provide a ship, and make all things ready; so that the Courtiers were not more affraid that hee would stay, then his Partners were that hee would hoise saile, and bee gone; Especially, the Earle of Angus distrusted him, and was jealous of his dissimulation, being uncertaine whether it were with the Court, or with them that hee did thus dis∣semble.

At last having trifled out the time, till mid Aprill, Colonell William* 1.22 Stuart came to Dundie, and having a small company with him, setteth upon him at unawares, and made him save himselfe in his lodging. Then having brought some pieces of Ordnance out of the ships, which lay in the Haven, being aided by the Townesmen (to whom hee had brought a Commission, and warrant from the King) hee began to bat∣ter the house; whereupon it was rendered, and the Earle taken priso∣ner. By chance as this was in doing, a servant of the Earle of Angus, coming from Dalkeith by Dundie, and having seene all that had hap∣pened, made haste, and came to Brechen about twelve a clock of the night, where hee gave his Lord notice of what hee had seen. Hee a∣rose presently, being much moved therewith, and sending for the Gen∣tleman, whom hee had imployed to trie his minde before, made a hea∣vie moane, bewailing the overthrow of their cause, and of them∣selves. Then hee asked his opinion what hee thought of it, and first told his owne, that hee thought it could bee nothing else but deceit, and collusion, which hee had ever feared, and was now evident, that his going to Dundie (contrary to his advise) had no other end but this: and that his lingering proceeded from the same ground. For (said hee) how could the Colonell undertake to apprehend him with so small a number of men, if hee had not himselfe beene willing to bee taken? If hee doubted, or distrusted the towne of Dundie, why did hee commit himselfe to them, or come in their power? Why did hee not stay at Perth, where hee was out of all danger, till the time ap∣pointed were come? Doubtlesse, hee hath betrayed us all, and hath colluded to suffer himselfe to bee taken; so to colour his unfaithfull dealing with us.

It was answered, that hee could not approve his coming to Dundie, which hee ever disliked, and had laboured to disswade him from it, but could not prevaile: yet it seemed a hard construction to thinke that hee came thither of purpose to act a fained apprehending;

that his slownesse and lingering was well knowne to bee his naturall di∣sposition, (being another Fabius Cunctator in that point) which hee had often found by former experience, and often contested with him for it. But to thinke him false in such a degree, or to imagine him to bee so foolish as to come in the hands of those Courtiers, with a crime lying on him, (though but counterfeited) it was such a point, that for his owne part, his opinion was, that he durst not do it, lest they should make use of it for his ruine, and convert a colluded crime into a true dittie, and so worke his death. But this could not satisfie the Earle of Angus, but still hee kept his opinion, that there was no realitie in that act of Gowries apprehending. And hee was the more confirmed there∣in, when he heard that the Colonell carried Gowry to the houses of his owne especiall friends, such as Weemes of Wester-Weemes, whose sonne offered to set him at liberty, and to take him out of the Colonels hands, and to goe with him himselfe, which hee refused to doe. Angus pas∣sed the rest of that night in great solicitude and feare, lest hee himselfe should bee assailed, and taken after the same manner, which had beene no hard matter to performe, hee having but a small family, and the Castle not being furnished with Armes, the Earle of Crawford lying hard at hand with his dependers, and that whole Countrey being evill affected to him.

But whether the Colonell had no Commission to take him, or that hee did not thinke of it, and thought hee had sped well enough al∣ready by taking Gowry, is uncertain: but however it were, hee went away with the prey hee had gotten without attempting any thing a∣gainst Angus. And yet for all that, Angus was not altogether secure, knowing well his danger, and the small power hee had to defend himselfe: for in the day time hee went abroad a hunting, that they might not know where to finde him: and in the night, hee caused his servants to keepe watch, that hee might not bee surprized una∣wares.

Within three dayes after, the Earle of Marre sent to him, to let him know, that the Master of Glames and hee had performed their part of the worke, had taken the Castle of Stirling, and were rea∣dy to wait upon his coming, which they entreated him to hasten. There was no choice, they were his true friends, and hee was no lesse theirs: and they were resolved to runne the same hazard in that course, from which there was no retiring for any of them. Angus desired the Lord Oglebee, and Master Oglebee of Powrie, with others of that name, to goe with him. They were allied to the Earle of Gowry, and were well affected to the businesse, as also they were his owne vassals; but being terrified with Gowries taking, and thinking that their joyn∣ing with the Lords would incense the Courtiers to take some hard course with him, and not knowing what his minde was herein, they refused to goe. Hee notwithstanding, goeth with his owne family, from Brechin to Stirlin, and avoyding Perth, he crossed the river of Tay, at that place where it meets with Almont by boat, and comes to Inshe∣chaffray, where he lodged with the Lord thereof, but could not perswade

him to take part with them for the same reason, when he came to Stirling* 1.23 he was kindly welcomed by Marre, and the rest that were there; and pre∣sently dispatched away letters, and messengers to Douglas, and other places, for his friends and dependers to come thither to him, with as great speed and diligence as they could. He wrote also to Robert Dou∣glas (eldest sonne to William Douglas) of Logh-leven to the same pur∣pose; but the letter falling into the hands of his mother (her name was Leslie) she tooke upon her to answer it after this manner.

It is not enough (saith she) for you to undertake so foolish a worke, whereby you cannot but ruine your selves, but you would also draw my sonne and house to the same destruction: I have hindered him, and laid my curse and malediction upon him, if hee take part with you, like as I doe upon you, if you make him disobey me.

This letter moved him very much, and he caused an answer to be re∣turned to her according as it merited, which was thus.

I can very well beleeve that it is your doing to keep backe yo•…•…r sonne from so ho∣nourable an enterprise, knowing his owne disposition to bee alwayes honourable and noble, and such as of himselfe hee would not neglect, his duety either to his friends, or countrey. The Noblemen that are conveened here, have entered upon such a course as becomes them, for discharging their duetie both to God and man: what the event will prove, is knowne onely to God, and in his hands alone; if wee perish herein, wee cannot perish more honourably. Yet wee hope that God, in whom we confide, and whose cause wee have taken in hand, will worke out our safety, and accomplish that which wee intend for the good of his owne Church; when you and your house (for which you are so solicitous, with the neglect of the house of God, and of all friend∣ly duety) shall finde the smart of such carelesse indifferency, and pe∣rish (as we feare, and are sory for it) through such carnall and world∣ly wisedome and warinesse.

And so indeed the event proved more answerable to this prediction then he wished: for the Lords escaped into England (for that time) and were safe in their persons, and within a yeere and a halfe, they brought their designes to passe, (which were now frustrate) by Gods blessing upon them: but her sonne Robert, and her son in law Laurence, Master of Olyphant, being commanded to depart the Countrey, as they were sailing for France, perished at sea, and nei∣ther they nor the ship, nor any that belonged thereto, were ever seene againe, yet how it came to passe is uncertain.

The most common report is, that being set upon by the Hollanders, and having defended themselves valiantly, they slew a principall man of the enemies; in revenge whereof they sanke the ship, and all that were in her: Others say, that after they had yeelded themselves, they were hanged upon the mast. A pitifull case, but a notable example. The youthes were noble, active, and of great hope and expectation, and so great pitty of their losse. But it may shew us how little suretie there is in too great affecting of it; as on the contrary, how perills are a∣voyded by hazarding and undergoing of perill. And their case is so much the more to bee pittied, and lamented; as that they them∣selves

were very unwilling to have followed such perverse wise∣dome, had they not beene forced to it by their mothers impor∣tunitie.

The Lords proceeded as they could with their intended course. They* 1.24 caused set forth a Declaration, shewing their minde and purpose, toge∣ther with the causes thereof, the abuses in Church and Common-wealth.

They remonstrated what tyranny was exercised by James Stuart, under colour and pretext of the Kings will and pleasure; how the Nobilitie, and men of all rankes, were vexed by him; what mis-reports were made of them to their Prince; what violence used against them; what evils were presently felt, and what more were to be feared and looked for hereafter to ensue hereupon: The distraction of the hearts of the people from their Prince, and of the Prince from his people; the blast∣ing of the greatest hopes of vertue that ever was in a young Prince, and of his pietie, in the solid use of true Religion; by working feare of the contrarie; tyrannizing in government, and superficiall profession of Religion, yea of reducing Poperie, or (which is worse) of irreligi∣on and Atheisme. They told how dea•…•…e their Religion, their Coun∣trey, their Prince was to them; what their owne estate and condition forced them to; what the care of all these required of them, out of dutie, in regard of their place, being Nobles, and Peeres of the Land, and Privie Counsellours by birth; how every man, according to his place, was bound to lend a helping hand, but chiefly those of the No∣bilitie, yet not excluding either Barons, Burgesses, or men of whatever degree, ranke, or qualitie, when the common Ship of the State was in hazard, and in danger of being overwhelmed and perishing, and when there was such a fire kindled as would devoure all, if it were not quenched in time. How they, for their owne part, after long patience, seeing all things grow worse, had now at last (being driven thereto by necessity) called to minde what duty, conscience, God, and the station wherein God had placed them, did crave of them: which was, to en∣deavour, that wicked Counsellours (namely James Stuart, called Earle of Arran, chiefe Authour of all the mischiefe) might be removed from about his Majestie, after such a manner as they could best doe it. And since no accesse was free, and no man durst or would undertake to pre∣sent their supplications to the King, which contained a true information of his owne estate, of the State of the Church and Countrey, toge∣ther with theirs; therefore they had conveened in Arms, not intending any hurt to their Prince (whom they ever had honoured, and still did honour, and whose welfare was their chiefe end and aime) or to wrong any good subject, but for defence of their owne persons, untill they should inform his Majestie of that which concerned him, and belonged to them to remonstrate unto him, either in his owne presence, or by a publick Proclamation, that so it might come to his eares, which other∣wise these wicked Counsellours did and would hinder him from hear∣ing: and that so it might come to the knowledge of all men, and move the hearts of such as had true, honest, and courageous hearts, to con∣curre with them in that so honourable and necessary a worke. Where∣fore

they exhorted all men that they would not, through fearfulnesse, or a vaine opinion of obedience to the pretended command of a Prince (who then was best obeyed, when God was obeyed, and wickednesse punished; who did then truly reigne, when wicked Councell was re∣moved) withdraw themselvs by lurking, & abandon the common good, in hope to provide for their own particular safety, which was not possi∣ble for them to doe at any time or in any case; much lesse under such a man could there be any security for any good and honest man, he being so violent, proud, tyrannicall, unjust, and such a profane mocker of Reli∣gion, who would not be tied to, or guided by any law or reason, but was carried away by his owne appetite and ambition, and who was more fit to be the executioner of a bloudy Nero, then a Counsellour to such a just and Christian Prince: farre lesse to be sole Ruler and Com∣mander of the Kingdome under the shadow of his Majesties authority, having so abused and polluted his name, who was so honoured in his cradle, and admired through the world for his hopefulnesse, and great expectation of all princely vertues. Whoso truly loued him, ought to concurre and lend their aid to plucke him out of the jawes of these worse then wilde beasts, that so his estate, kingdome, honour, and per∣son (both in soule and body) might be preserved.

This was the summe and straine of their Declarations and Letters sent abroad to move men to joyne with them in this businesse, but all was in vaine: for despaire of doing any good at this time had so possessed the hearts of all men, that even the best affected did choose to sit still, and lie quiet. The Earle of Gowries apprehending had so astonished them, and the incertaintie how to construe it did so amaze them, that all his friends (who should have made up a great part of their forces) as Athole and o∣thers, absenting themselves, others fainted and held off. Even Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, a man both zealously affected to the cause, and entirely loving the Actors (Marre and Angus) as being tied to them by bloud, alliance, and particular intimatenesse of friendship, though he were acquainted with their proceedings from time to time, and being prisoner in the Castle of Downe in Monteeth, might easily have e•…•…caped from thence, and come to them to Stirlin, yet did he avoid all medling therein, and would neither receive nor send message concerning that matter: yea, they themselves were contented that he should doe so in that generall de∣sertion, having gained nothing by their Declaration and Remonstrance, save the publishing of their Apologie, which was not necessary to friends (whose approbation they had already) and wrought nothing upon others. For though the King had a copie thereof delivered into his own hand (which they greatly desired, that thereby he might know the naked truth of things, and be truly informed of the Courtiers carriage and be∣haviour) yet did it produce no effect to purpose: neither did they make any use thereof, that was known, either to informe and perswade the King of the things contained therein, or to reforme themselves. Wherefore now their whole thoughts ranne onely upon this, how to come off, their lives safe, and reserve themselves to a better and more convenient time: so incertaine is the event of all humane enterprises. The Courtiers failed

not to make contrary Proclamations in the Kings name; the bare shew whereof (though there were but very few that favoured them or their proceedings in their heart) was of such force, that men conveened there∣upon out of all quarters. It was made in the strictest forme, command∣ing all that were able to beare Armes, from sixteene yeares of age to six∣tie, to assemble themselves, and to bring with them provision of vi∣ctuall for thirty dayes, to march whither the King should be pleased to direct them. Hereupon Francis Stuart Earle of Bothwell▪ came with his forc•…•…s to Edinburgh, where the King was: but he being bro∣ther-in-law to the Earle of Angus (having married his sister) the Cour∣tiers did not like of his company, and so he was commanded to returne home againe to his house. He was indeed of the Lords faction, and so were many others who obeyed the Kings proclamation, who, if they had had hearts and heads, were enow of themselves to have taken order with the Courtiers. But being dasht with feare of they knew not what (if they had considered aright) they looked upon one another, and so were forced to guard those men whom they could have wished to be hanged.

The Town of Edinburgh were commanded to make out 500. Muske∣tiers, which they did, and this was the Courtiers greatest strength, yet consisting of the vulgar, and such as had no obligation to binde their fi∣delitie to them, and (if they had seen the Nobilitie & Gentry go about to take them in hand) would not have made great opposition, nor have ha∣zarded themselves for the Courtiers safety, in all likelihood. However, Colonell William Stuart is sent with 500. men to Fawlkirke, whereupon the Lords at Stirling went to a consultation to see what were best for them to doe. They had not with them above 300▪ men, which were their owne proper followers; yet being resolute, willing, forward, and active Gentlemen, it was thought fittest by some to assaile him, and to punish his boldnesse and audacitie for taking such charge upon him, being but a meane Gentleman, to invade and come against the Nobility. Dis∣daine, anger, and courage seemed to approve of this resolution, that so his malapertnesse might be chastised and dashed. Neither were it with∣out good use; for if he were once defeated, the rest would make a halt, and not be so forward: that the first successe is of great moment, and might bring matters to a parley, or such as craved audience of the King to get it: that it was no hard matter to doe, he being accompanied by such as cared not for his personall safety, and had no tye to defend him with the hazard of their owne lives especially, but would be glad to have a faire excuse, and occasion to abandon such an one, in such a quarrell: especially if he were invaded in the night, the darknesse would excuse, and take away their shame of flying. It was argued of the other side, that night conflicts were subject to hazard, errour, and mistaking, as well on their owne side, as the enemies: and that it could not be performed with∣out bloud, and that (perhaps) of the most innocent, whereas he himselfe, whom they chiefly aimed at, might escape: neither would the defeat of these few bring successe to the cause, the enemies forces remaining whole and entire in Edinburgh, which would guard and defend them: besides,

by so doing they should be involved in a crime, and made obnoxious to the lawes, which as yet they were free of: that it were better to suffer the guiltie to goe unpunished for a while, then to spill the bloud of the guiltlesse: and seeing they could not thereby accomplish what they had intended, their best was to retire and withdraw themselves, with as great innocencie and modestie as they could, having done hurt to no man. This advice prevailed with them, and so they concluded to march in the night season toward Fawkirke, but so soone as they were gone out of the* 1.25 towne of stirling, to take the way that leadeth to Lanericke; the which they did accordingly, leaving the Castle of Stirling in the custodie of David Hume of Argatie.

Being in Lanerick, as they were refreshing themselves, and baiting their horses, word was brought them that a Troup of horsemen did approach: whereupon fearing that it was Colonell Stuart pursuing them, they took horse, and sent Archbald Douglas (called the Constable, because he had beene Constable of the Castle of Edinburgh in the Earle of Mortons time, as hath beene shewed before) to discover what they were. Hee finding that it was Johnstoun (who had beene sent for to Edinburgh to assist against the Lords, and was dismist upon their retreat from Stirling) went familiarly to him, fearing no harme, so much the rather, because Johnstoun and Angus were brothers by their mother. But Johnstoun ei∣ther fearing that notice might be given to the Courtiers, and he chal∣lenged thereof, if he should let him goe; or to get thankes, and shew his forwardnesse to their service, layes hold on him, and carries him imme∣diately backe to Edinburgh, declaring what way he came into his hands, and what way the Lords had taken, delivering also Archbald their pri∣soner to be used at their pleasure, not looking for such cruelty from them as •…•…e found. For they, partly to seale the justice of their cause by bloud, partly to make the greater alienation betwixt the brothers (Johnstoun and Angus) that being out of hope of reconciliation, he might be ne∣cessitated to cleave to their side: they thanke him in words for this his* 1.26 good office, and hang Archbald.

The Earle of Angus, and the rest that were with him, being re∣solved to goe into England, tooke their way through Tweddale to∣ward Branxton: from •…•…hence passing through east Tiviotdale, they en∣tred England on that hand. Calso, where the Earle Bothwell re∣mained, was not farre out of their way; wherefore as they passed by it, it being now night, hee came forth to them secretly, and had con∣ference with them. Thereafter, as if hee had come to pursue them, there was a counterfeit chase made, and a counterfeited fleeing for the space of a mile, till they were on English ground. The next day they came to Berwicke, where they were received, and remained a certaine space.

After their departure, the King went to Stirling with his forces, where the Castle was rendred by the Keepers, who forced the Captain* 1.27 to yeeld it absolutely, without condition of so much as their lives safe. So hee and three more were executed by the Courtiers sugge∣stion. Here also the Earle of▪ Gowrie was brought from Kenniel, and

arraigned of high Treason, whereof being condemned by a Jurie,* 1.28 hee was beheaded. Neither did the forbearance of his friends to joyne with the Lords at Stirlin (then in England) procure him any favour; whereas if they had joyned with them, and so strengthened their* 1.29 party, they might have terrified the Enemy, and obtained better conditi∣ons for him. Hee was executed the eight and twentieth day of April 1584. The points whereof he was convicted, were the fact at Ruthven; and the late enterprise at Stirlin.

His speech was short; hee answered to the first, That he had a remission for it: and to the second, That there was no intention there against the King: onely they had purpo∣sed to remove those wicked men who abused him, and whose thirst of bloud hee wished that his death might quench.

But they cared little for his speeches, and as little for his alliance, his Countesse being a Stu∣art of the house of Methven, toward whom and her children they shew∣ed no respect at all, but used them with all incompassionate rigour and crueltie. For she coming to intreat for her self and her children (in the* 1.30 time of the Parliament) and having fallen down upon her knees before the King, shee was troden under foot, and left lying in a sound.

From Stirlin they returned to Edinburgh, and there kept a Parliament* 1.31 the two and twentieth day of May, in which the Earle of Angus and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the late Earle of Gowrie, and the Master of Glames, with divers Barons, and others their associats were forfeited; the fact of Ruthven* 1.32 con•…•…emned, the order of Church-government (by Presbyteries, Sy∣nodes, and Generall Assemblies, which had been received, and publick∣ly allowed in Scotland, all men swearing and subscribing thereto, and the oath translated into divers languages with great approbation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reformed Churches, and no small commendation of the King and Countrey) forbidden and prohibited, and termed unlawfull conventi∣ons. And in place thereof the office of Bishops (condemned by this Church as unlawfull, as an invention of mans braine, having no warrant of the word of God) was reared up again and erected. Also Master Ro∣bert Montgomerie (who had been excommunicated for accepting such an office) was now released and restored to his place. There was strait in∣hibiting all men from speaking against these Acts, against the Kings pro∣ceedings, Counsellours, or Courtiers under highest paines. What shall the Ministers do here? Shall they oppose? That were to cast themselves into certain danger, and to expose themselves to the crueltie of cruell men, armed now with a colour oflaw. Should they keep silence? hear with patience that order blaspemed, which they had approven, received, sworn to, and the contrary (which they had detested, abominated, condemned) set up and allowed, to their no small disgrace, and shame of the Countrey; yea, to his Majesties discredit in forraine Nations? and suffer a doore to bee opened to those corruptions, which had been kept out of the Church, both in doctrine & manners, by vertue of that order, which onely (in their conscience) was agreeable with Scripture? This their zealous hearts could not endure: let all perill be silent, where conscience and Religion speak: let no enemy breathe out his threatnings, where the minde is set on God. So it came to passe here. For while the Acts were in proclaiming at the

Market-Crosse of Edinburgh, the Pastours of that Towne, Master* 1.33 James Lowson, Master Walter Balcanquell, Master Robert Punt, taking their lives in their hands, went boldly and made publick Protestation against that Act of the erection of Bishops, as unlawfull, in many respects, whereof they took instruments. Hereupon they being menaced, to a∣voide their furie, Master Walter Balcanquell flees to Berwick, together with Master James Lowson: Thither came also after them Master James Carmichael (Minister at Hadinton) Master John Davison, and William •…•…ird, Ministers of the Suburbs of Edinburgh, or some Churches neare to it: also Master Patrick Galloway, and Master James Melvin, with di∣vers others of the Ministerie. Edinburgh being thus destitute of Pa∣stours, Master Patrick Adamson (Archbishop of Saint Andrews) was brought to supply their places, and to maintaine the lawfulnesse of the office the seven and twentieth day of May, being Wednesday, which was an ordinary Sermon day, but on which the Courtiers were not or∣dinary auditours. But that day they would needs accompany their Bishop, and grace him with the Kings personall presence. Yet the people disgraced him by their absence; they disdained to heare a Bishop, other than a Pastour, whose office is not ordained by GOD in the Scriptures, and was ejected out of the Church of Scotland; wherefore being grieved to see this Wolfe in their true Pastours place, they go out of the Church and leave him to preach almost alone. Besides the common people, the Kings owne Ministers Master John Craig, and John Brand, also John Herriese (with others) preached against it, and were therefore summoned to appeare before the Coun∣cell the five and twentieth day of August; where they were reviled and rebuked with bitter words, as sawcie and presumptuous fellowes: and being demanded how they durst speak against the Kings Lawes,

they answered boldly, that they both durst and would speak against such Lawes as were repugnant to the word of GOD.

Hereupon the Earle of Arran starting up suddenly upon his feet in a great rage, fell a swearing many an oath, and with a frowning countenance said unto them,

that they were too proud to speak such language to the Councell; adding, that hee would shave their heads, paire their nailes, and cut their toes, that they might bee an example to others.

Then hee warnes them to compeir before the King him∣self at Falkland the foure and twentieth day of September; where they were accused againe by the Earle of Arran (then Chancel∣lour) for, breaking of the Kings injunctions, in not acknowledging nor obeying his Bishops.

To which they answered, that Bishops were no lawfull office of the Church, having never beene institu∣ted by Christ; and that therefore they would not obey them; nor no person else that would command without warrant of the word of GOD; assuring him that GOD would humble all proud Tyrants that did lift up themselves against him: as for them, their lives were not so deare to them, but that they would bee contented to spend them in* 1.34 that cause. Arran arising from his seat, and sitting down on his knees, sayes to them scoffingly; I know you are the Prophets of God, and your

words must needs come to passe; behold now you see me humbled and brought low. Well, well, (saith Master John Craig) mock on as you please, assure your selfe, GOD sees, and will require it at your hands, that you thus trouble his Church, unlesse you repent.

Then they were remitted to the sixteenth day of November, and in the mean time Master John Craig was discharged to preach. About this time (in November) Master James Lowson died at London, meek∣ly and sweetly as he had lived. Edinburgh had been all this while destitute of Pastours, and did want preaching at sometimes for the space of three weeks. This was very odious amongst the people, and now (Master John Craig being silenced) they were like to want oftner than they had done: to remedie this, the Archbishop of Saint Andrews was ordained to preach to them, and the Towne∣Councell ordained to receive him as their ordinary Pastour. The Councell obeyed, but the people would not heare him, and when they saw him come up to the Pulpit, they arose, and went forth at the Church doores.

The Ministers every where persisted to oppose that office, and by common consent appointed a Fast to be kept the foure and twentieth day of October, whereof they publickly and advowedly gave out these to be the causes:

First, to stay the creeping in of Wolves (meaning Bishops:) Secondly, that GOD might send true Pa∣stours: Thirdly, that he would repair the breaches and decayings of the Church (which had been sometime the Lanterne of the world:) Fourthly, that he might remove the causes of this decay (tyranny, and the flatterie of Courtiers.) This was plainer language than plea∣sant, they behooved to be wisely dealt with. There are two wayes to deal and work upon men: by fear and by hope: by terrifying and flattering; they used both these toward them. Wee heard how the sixteenth day of November was appointed for their compearance: many therefore were warned against that day from divers parts. When they were conveened, they were pressed to allow of the Act concerning Bishops; and in token of their approbation thereof, to pro∣mise and subcribe obedience to their Ordinary. To move them here∣to, they partly flattered, and partly threatned them; saying, That all was well meant, and no hurt intended to Religion: Who was so well affected to it as the King? Who so learned among Princes? Who so sincere? That he would respect and reward the worthy and obedient: And by the contrary, no Stipend should be payed to him that refused; but hee should be deprived, imprisoned, banish∣ed. When all this could not prevaile, they devise how to temper and qualifie their promise of obedience, which was conceived in these words; You shall acknowledge and obey Bishops, according to the word of God.

This seeming a restriction and limitation (as if the mean∣ing had been that they should allow of, and obey Bishops as far as the word of God allowed, and ordained them to be obeyed) many took it for good Coyne, and were so perswaded of it, that some said in plaine terms, Bring a Cart full of such Papers, and we will subscribe them all.

For to obèy such a Bishop in such a sort (according to the word of GOD, that is, so far as the word of God commands to obey him) is not to obey him at all: for the word of GOD commands not any obedience at all to such a Bishop: neither doth it ordain, acknowledge, or once name such a Bishop. Thus either truly deceived, or deceiving themselves, that they might redeeme their ease by yeelding, and cover their yeelding with an equivocation, they found that it was all in vaine; for they were not admitted nor permitted to expound it in that sort (whatsoever their meaning was) but were forced to accept of the expo∣sition which the Court and the Bishops did put upon it: who understood that phrase (according to the word of God) not as a limitation but affir∣matively, wherein it was acknowledged that the word of God did com∣mand obedience to them; and therefore they promised obedience accor∣ding to that command. Notwithstanding of all this, divers stood out, and would no wayes be moved, neither by threatnings nor by promises to give the least shew of approbation directly or indirectly, by equivoca∣tion, or any other forme whatsoever; but spake plainly against them, and prayed publickly for the banished brethren. Of these Master Nicho∣las Dagleish was one; who thereupon was accused as too bold to pray for the Kings Rebels. He answered, that they were no Rebels, but true Subjects, who had fled from tyranny, and such as sought their lives by commanding them to doe against their conscience. Hee was empannelled, put to his triall by an assise, and was cleansed, in despite and maugre the Court; so farre there remained conscience in men. But the Courtiers will not let him escape thus dry-shod; they labour to finde a hole in his Coat another way: they search and finde that a Letter had come from Master Walter Balcanquell to his wife, which because shee could not well read the hand, shee had given him to read to her, and he had read it. Hereupon he is again put to an as•…•…se: and they, not daring to cleanse him, yet would they not finde him guilty, but de∣sired him to come into the Kings will. Hee was contented to sub∣mit himself to the Kings pleasure (for so much as concerned the reading of the Letter) and so was sent to the Tolbooth, where hee remained three weeks, and was from thence sent to Saint Andrews.

And thus went Church-matters; In the civill government there was none now but the Earle of Arran, he lacked the name of King; but hee ruled as absolutely, and commanded more imperiously than any King, under the shadow of the Kings authority, and the pretext that all that he did was for the Kings good and safety. Hee had gotten before the keeping of the Castle of Stirlin; he behooved al∣so to have the Castle of Edinburgh in his power. Alexander Ere∣skin (Uncle to the Earle of Marre) was Captain of it, hee must needs favour his Nephew and his Faction: wherefore it was taken from him, and given to Arran, who was also made Provest of the Towne. Hee was Chancellour of Scotland, and having put out Pitcairne, Abbot of Dumfermling, hee made Master John Metel∣lane Secretary. Hee did whatsoever hee pleased; if there were no Law for it, it was all one, hee caused make a Law to serve his ends.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 was observed, that his Lady said to one who alledged there was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…or doing of what shee de•…•…red to have done; It is no mat∣•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shee) wee shall cause make an Act of Parliament for it. If 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…an re•…•…used to do o•…•… grant any thing hee craved, they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bee tossed and vexed for it; even the chief of the Nobility. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Cassils, and the Lord Hume were committed: Athole, be∣•…•… •…•…ee would not divorce from his wife, and entaile his estate 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Earle, or Master of Cassils, because hee would not give 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 great summe of Money, under the name of a Loane: the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉, because he would not give him his portion of Dirleton. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…he Lord Maxwell (then Earle of Morton) was quarrelled, be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hee would not excambe his Baronie of Pooke, and Maxwell (〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ld inheritance) for a parcell of the Lord Hamiltons Lands, which we•…•… •…•…ow his by forfeiture. Many Lands had hee taken from many, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 satisfied, ever seeking to adde possession to possession, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was not impertinently remonstrated to him by John Barton Gold∣smith, a wittie and free-spoken man. Hee had directed this Barton to ma•…•…e him a Seale, and to carve on it his Coat of Armes duely quartered according to his Lands and Honours. This he did pretty well to his contentment, but he left one quarter thereof blank and void. Hereof when the Earle asked the reason, he answered, That there may be room for the Lands your Lordship shall purchase hereafter. Hee took for his Motto, Sic fuit, est, & erit: m•…•…ning that it was an ordi∣nary thing in all ages for meane men to rise to great fortunes; and that therefore it ought not either to bee wondred at, or to be envied. And it is true, if the meane had been vertue and not wickednesse, which ever was, is, and will be both envied and hated, as it deserveth. His ambition was such (amongst other examples thereof) that Queen Elizabeth must needs bee God-mother to his daughter, whose Am∣bassadour was present at the Christening. His crueltie (though con∣spicuous many wayes) did appear singularly in the causing execute Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle, and Master Douglas of Maines, his sonne-in-law. This Cunninghame was an ancient Gentleman, and of an* 1.35 old house, who (himself in person) had beene a follower of the Earle of Lennox (the Kings Grandfather) and had done him good service when he took in the Castle of Dumbartan, and Douglas of Maines was esteemed to bee one of the properest men in the Kingdome, and was a youth of good expectation: yet both of them were hanged at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh. The pretext was a forged con∣spiracie to have taken the King on a certain day at hunting, and to have carried him into England. Their accuser was Robert Ha∣milton of Inshemachon, who was (as hee said) himself upon the plot, or at least (as hee said) had been desired to bee of it by Master Edmiston of Duntreath. Edmiston being apprehended, related; How they had plotted to bring in the exiled Lords on horses (forsooth) which had their eares, their maynes, and their tails cut, themselves being dis∣guised, &c. A tale which was so unhandsome, toyish, and ridiculous, that no man did beleeve it, but esteemed it a foolish fable; yet did they

make use of it, to practise their crueltie upon such as they feared, and to make themselves a terrour to all men.

To returne to the Earle of Angus, he and his associats were removed from Berwick to New-castle, in May. So it seemed good to the State of England (seeing no appearance of their hastie restoring to* 1.36 their own Countrey) to secure the Court of Scotland, by taking that thorn out of their foot, which was too near, and too pricking at Berwick. Besides, these banished Lords were not greatly liked of by the Lord Hunsden, then Governour of Berwick: for hee en∣tertained correspondencie with the contrary Faction; either out of his own inclination, or being directed so to do for reasons of State, or for both; hee so inclining, and the State of England making use of that his inclination, that by him they might understand and make use of the mysteries of the Court of Scotland, and such as guided it. But our Courtiers being rid of the fear of the Lords so near neigh∣bourhood, did the freelier vent themselves, and discover their wayes, and by discovering, bewray their wickednesse, and disgrace them∣selves.

As they went to New-castle, they visited by the way, Lord John Hamilton, and Claud of Paslay (his brother) at Widdrington, the place of their abode. There had been some variance betwixt them, but now being all involved in the same case of banishment, it was to no purpose to entertain and keep in t•…•… sparkle of discord, and therefore they were reconciled.

Being come to New-castle, they stayed there a while, not so much to enterprise any thing from thence upon any ground they had laid al∣ready, as to wait for any occasion that should be offered. Here did the* 1.37 Earle of Angus his kindenesse and bountifull disposition toward all men plainly shew it self. For hearing that the Ministers were come to Ber∣wick, hee caused a Letter to bee written, and sent to them, from them all in common; and hee himselfe wrote particularly to them besides, and caused the rest of the Nobilitie to write also their private Letters, wherein many arguments were used to perswade them to come to them. Especially hee wrote very earnestly to Master James Low∣son, and Master James Carmichael, not neglecting any of the rest, fit∣ting his argument according to his acquaintance and relation, and ac∣cording to the persons of the men; pretending some such cause and ne∣cessitie of their coming, as hee thought would bee most effectuall to move them; but the true cause which moved him to send for them, was, because hee thought they all stood in need of supply in necessaries. Besides, hee caused one that was with him, whom hee knew to bee very intimate with Master James Lowson, to write to him for the same effect; and to tell him, that hee longed to see him: and when Master James excused himselfe, alledging that hee behooved to stay at Berwick, because hee expected some things from Scotland, hee would not accept of his excuse, nor of the interpretation there∣of, (that hee meant of Books that were to bee sent to him) but cau∣sed returne him answer, that hee took it ill that hee should think to

lack any thing where hee was. Wherefore hee entreated him to make haste to come to him, by doing of which, hee should do him a singular pleasure. Hee dealt even so with others also, and sought pretences to put curtesies upon them. David Ereskin Abbot of Drieburgh, being an exceeding honest, modest, and shamefast man, and who had ever been readier to give, than to take from any, and Angus fearing that hee would not (out of his bashfulnesse) take any curtesie directly from him, found out this way to fasten it upon him. Hee pretended that hee had some Tithes of Lands in Tweddale, which belonged to his Abbacie of Drieburgh, for which hee did owe him some arrearage duties and meales, which hee would needes pay him, and under that colour gave him what he listed to take, without acquittance.

The Mini•…•…ers were for a long time wholly maintained by him, and he extended his liberalitie, not onely to supply their necessities, but even to furnish them with what Bookes they desired to buy. And indeed there was no man that wanted in that company, who did not taste of his bountie.

At last when all was gone (for it could not last alwayes) hee said to one with whom hee was pleased to bee familiar, with a chearfull countenance; Now it is gone, and fare it well, I never looked that it should have done so much good.

Meaning, that being acquired by more rigorous exacting than either hee himselfe could allow of, or the common people took well, by the Earle of Morton in his Regencie (for this was his treasure, at least that part of it which came to his hands) hee doubted whether it should have had such a blessing as to have done so much good to so many honest men. Neither was this lavish∣nesse in him, or superfluous waste so to bestow it, in regard that their English allowance was spare enough, and oftentimes very slowly furnished unto them: So that having occasion to use mo∣neyes, and not knowing from whom to borrow any, hee was forced to employ one of his followers to borrow from Master Archbald Douglas on his owne credit (for my Lord himselfe would not be beholding to him, nor use him so familiarly) two hundred pounds Sterling, which hee lent very courteously upon the Gentlemans owne Bond, knowing well enough that it was for my Lords use. This was re∣payed to him when their allowance came in.

While they remained at New-castle, Master John Colvill was sent to* 1.38 attend at Court about their affaires, partly because of his acquaintance there with Secretary Walsinghame and others; partly by the advice of the Master of Glames, whose opinion and recommendation the rest did much respect. He fed them with hopes; and upon occasion of the pre∣paring and rigging forth the Queenes Navie, hee did insinuate by his Letters, as if there had been some intention to have sent it into Scot∣land for their behoof, which some did beleeve. But they could not perswade the Earle of Angus of it, he esteemed it but a dream, as it was indeed no other. When that hope was vanished, and there was no

appearance of any thing to be done of a sudden, one (whom he was plea∣sed to use familiarly) seeing no great use of his remaining there, told him, that he had a desire to go to London, being loath to spend that time idlely, that there he might the better advance his private studies and ex∣ercises, as in a place more fit for bettering himselfe therein. Hee most wil∣lingly and lovingly consented to the motion, not onely to satisfie his de∣sire herein, but having a reserved intention to imploy him in their com∣mon businesse, as occasion should serve, or at least in his own particular to his particular friends; which purpose he concealed then, but shewed it afterward.

Hee had almost over di•…•…iked Master John Colvill, and did many times in private complaine, That hee could not finde that sin∣ceritie in him which hee wished, and which (he said) was seldome to bee found in any such as hee was, who had left the Function of the Ministerie, to follow the Court and worldly businesse. And for him in particular, he said, hee was a busie man, thrusting himselfe into all affairs; and who sought onely his particular ends in doing of publick businesse, without sinceritie or uprightnesse; which (sayes hee) when it is wanting, I know not what goodnesse can bee in him; and if it bee not to bee found in the world (as they say it is not) I know not what can bee in the world but miserie. For mine own part, my heart cannot like of such an one, nor of such dealing. It is true, hee hath traffiqued with the States-men of England, and others think fit to use him, neither will I contest with them about it, but truly I have no delight in such men.

But this was after at Norwich. For that time hee said no more, but desired him to write often to him, both concerning businesse as hee could learn, and other things, as hee should also write to him upon occasion. This was performed on both sides, after such a private and secret way, as they agreed upon be∣fore their parting. For howsoever there was nothing passed betwixt them, but what might have endured the censure of any man, yet was it not fit that every man (into whose hands their Letters might have falne) should know all that was written familiarly be∣twixt them, though the matter were never so good, sincere, and unblameable; in regard that many are incapable of things, many not able to discerne or judge of them, many contemners and mock∣ers, many of a different, and some of a contrary minde and judge∣ment. If the•…•…e Letters were extant, there were nothing more fit to shew the Lineaments of his minde and most inward thoughts, and to represent to the life his true disposition, without all mask of dissimulati∣on (from which he was ever free) or shadow of ceremonious reserved∣nesse, which even the best men (for some one respect or other) are forced to draw over their inclinations, and wrap up, and obscure their meaning in it at some times, especially in publick. Besides, they would also conduce to cleare some historicall points more fully, which neither can ones memory serve to do, nor can any other (now alive) supply so certainly and unsuspectedly. Now wee can but grieve for this losse.

To supply which defect (so farre as they can doe it) wee will set downe one or two of those that were written to him, which be∣ing answers to his (and containing so much of them, as that the summe and substance of them may bee gathered from thence) will beare witnesse of his Noble, and Honourable disposi∣tion.

The first was written in October (one thousand five hundreth eightie and foure) the first yeare of his banishment to Newcastle, where hee still remained as then.

Please your Lordship,

I Received your letter dated in September. Master James hath pro∣mised* 2.1 to seeke out those bookes of which your Lordship wrote to him; and is in good hope to come by some of them, though it bee harder to finde them out then it was not long agoe. Other things I hope your Lordship is advertised of at length, by Master John Colvill.

What bookes these were, and what Master James this was is quite forgotten, save that it would seeme to have beene Master James Car∣michael, whom hee imployed in things of this kinde for most part. But this being onely for show (that the paper might not seeme blanke, if it had fallen into such hands as would have opened the letter) the maine businesse was written in such darke and unperceive∣able manner, that none could reade it, but such as were acquainted with the wayes thereof. And thus it was:

I have read your Lordships letter, and am very glad that my opi∣nion did so jump with your Lordship concerning that point, where∣of you wrote that you have not beene forgetfull, and that you minde to hold your ground as neare as can bee, from which you thinke that other matter to bee so farre different, and so contrary to all rea∣son, that no man (as you beleeve) will propound it to you direct∣ly. That which made mee feare that it would bee propounded (be∣sides the speeches sounding that way) was the end of your Lord∣ships letter (written before) wherein you make mention, that some thought it necessary for your cause, that yee should enter with them into some strait, and indissolvable bond. This I tooke to bee a mean to trie your Lordships minde: First, in that generall, that after∣ward they might come to the particular, which would bee, that the best way to make it strait and indissolvable; were to have it of your Lordships hand-writing. For as concerning the lawfulnes there∣of, it did seem to some unlawfull (as I wrote to your Lordship at greater length) and I had heard also generally that there was some scruple made by your Lordship to enter into bond with them. And because (if I be well remembred) before your comming from Scotland, you

were resolved to receive them into the societie of that common acti∣on, and to compose any particular of your owne which you had a∣gainst them; I did the rather thinke that some new occasion had oc∣curred, which had made you nice and difficult to it now. And if I have failed in my conjecture of the cause, it is no wonder that (not having knowledge of the particular circumstances whereof you now write) I lighted upon that which seemed to me would breed greatest difficultie in this. If it be not so, I am contented to be deceived, & could wish that every mans minde that shall have hand in that action, were as upright as your Lordships, then we might hope that it would prosper so much the better.

However, I cannot omit to put your Lordship in minde of this ge∣nerall caveat, to take heed, and have a care, that whatever bond be made, it may bee perspicuous, cleare, plaine, and as particular as may bee: for the more particular it be, it is the better for your Lord∣ship, who meaneth uprightly, and for all others that have the same meaning, and who doe desire that their upright dealing may be evi∣dent unto all men. It will also (being such) bee lesse obnoxious and subject to the calumnies and sinister interpretation of the adver∣sary and enemies, who may seeke to traduce your Lordship, and make you odious thereby. It will likewise bee freest, and not lyable to the sinister glosse, and wrong interpretations of those, who shall bee bound by it, if they should (perhaps) hereafter seeke any evasion or subterfuge to frustrate it, and make it void through the generali∣ty or ambiguitie thereof. And by the contrary, where a bond is couched in obscure, generall, and doubtfull words, it is both more ea∣sie for them, who list to deale after that sort, to elude it by some wrested construction; as also for such as would calumniate your Lordships intention, to finde greater colour to doe it. Concerning which purpose, I remember a distinction which the Earle of Gowry made, upon occasion of the bond which your Lordship remembers was presented to him to have signed it: It is (said hee) very good, and well penned, but it is too prolixe to be a Bond, and too short to bee a Proclamation, or Declaration: for a Bond (said hee) ought to bee short, and generall; but a Proclamation or Declaration, would contain the particulars. I was then, and still am of a contra∣ry minde: for I thinke a Bond should bee cleare, and speciall, and contain the causes of their binding; and that a Manifesto or De∣claration should bee conformable to it, and the very same in sub∣stance and effect, having the selfesame reasons and narration; onely it ought to bee amplified with admonitions and exhortations, which are not proper nor per•…•…ent for a Bond. And I beleeve no man can shew mee what inconvenience can follow upon the prolixitie of a Bond, unlesse it bee the greater pains of the Writer; which is re∣compensed with this great advantage, that being drawne up at large, it needeth no other Expositour, or Pleader for it, b•…•… doth expound and justifie it selfe. And your Lordship know∣eth what great necessitie and neede there is of this circumspecti∣on

in this case, that the very band it selfe be an exposition and justi∣fication of it selfe, into whose hands soever it shall happen to come. For its owne interpretation of it selfe cannot be rejected, when no other will be admitted to expound it. For this purpose let them that please reade and consider the Memorials of France, of the Low∣Countreyes, and of Germany in the beginning of their Reforma∣tion: they shall see that the tenour of all these bands, containes am∣ple declarations of the causes wherefore, and the reasons moving them to joyne themselves together in that kinde of association, as also for what end they did it, so that no Declaration can bee more large. But I did declare my opinion to your Lordship in the like matter long agoe; and I doubt not, but, if it shall please your Lordship to weigh and consider it, you shall easily finde how necessary it is (for many respects) that into whatsoever band you enter, it be cleare and parti∣cular.

Whereas it pleases your Lordship to write, that if you can finde a fit occasion (whereof you also have some hope) you will cause em∣ploy me here, and withall you adde (That none should refuse to fur∣ther the businesse all they can) I am not so ignorant, or forgetfull of my duty, as either directly or indirectly to refuse that service, or any other your Lordship shall be pleased to command mee. But I see there are divers others who seeme to be so diligent, that my paines will not be very needfull, as I doubt not but your Lordship knowes sufficiently. When it pleases them at any time, in halfe words, and darke speeches (like parables) obscurely to signifie ought to me of the State of businesse, they appeare and seeme to mee so deepe and profound mysteries, as I can no wayes understand or know what to make of them. Wherefore I am very well contented that I am free of them, and to be a beholder of all, leaving the mana∣ging thereof to those who know these obscure grounds better, and like better of them, then (it may bee) I should doe, in regard of their deepnesse. I had rather employ my time upon other thoughts farre more pleasing to mee (where dutie rightly considered calls mee not from them) then businesse of that nature. They are not desirous of any companion or copartner in their travels, nor am I desirous to encroach upon their labours, or the labours of a∣ny man, or to bereave him of the fruit of his paines and indu∣stry, by intruding my selfe thereupon, and to bee a sharer with him in the good successe of his endeavours, if they shall hap∣pen to bee successefull. And as little am I willing (if there be no appearance of the prospering of it) to take the worke out of their hands, which is (perhaps) marred already; or to enter in at the broad side, upon grounds already laid by them with this State, wherewith I have not beene (as yet) so throughly acquainted as were needfull for one to prosecute their worke dexterously, and to purpose. However, I doe not speake this to prejudge your Lordship, or that I meane to shunne any burden you shall bee pleased to lay upon mee, and I am able

to undergoe (whatever it be) but onely to tell my minde freely, that I had rather (if it were in my choice) your Lordship would employ me in any particular of your owne, which might give me occasion to vi∣sit master Secretary (for your Lordship knows how ill I can trouble any man without an errand) and if upon that occasion he should happen to speake of the publicke businesse, I should manage the opportunity the best I could. However, my dutifull service ever remembred to your Lordship in what I can, in this mind and disposition (which your Lord∣ship knows) and leaving you and all to be rightly managed by that God, who certainly can, and assuredly will manage all things rightly, in whom I rejoyce alwayes to see your Lordship so depend, I rest in him, &c.

The other Letter (the onely extant of many) was written long after from London also, but to Norwich, whither he was then come from New∣castle. It is dated the 20. of March following, in the yeare 1584.

Please your Lordship,

SInce the writing or my other, the Earle of Lancaster hath beene* 3.1 (most part) from Court at his owne house. On Saturday hee re∣turned, and I attended all that day, and the next day (till 12. of the clocke) but in vaine. At last, when he came to Westminster, I got speech of him with great difficulty in the Councell chamber, by the meanes of one master Baptist (one of his chiefe Gentlemen) who professeth to love your Lordship entirely. I delivered your Lordships Letter to him, and declared the credit: it was courteously received, with many loving words concerning your Lordship: That in that, and all other things, he would doe for your Lordship what lay in his power: that his affection to your Lordship was no whit changed, but remained the same that it was of old, and that it should appeare he was no lesse carefull of you then he had beene before. I went after that to Sir P•…•…ilip Sidney, who so soone as he saw me, (of his owne accord, be∣fore I spake to him) told me, That he had not beene unmindfull of your Lordships businesse; that he had spoken of it to Leicester, and the Secretarie, and that he would not forget it, but doe in it all that could be done. I wrote to your Lordship before, what cold hopes I had to speed herein, and the cause thereof. Now I am put in better hope by divers: That your Lordship shall be licensed to come up, and that the Ambassadour will insist against you, concerning which matter I shall shew your Lordship farther (God willing) at meeting. He is gone this day to Court upon occasion of Letters which hee received on Saturday at night: what they beare I have not yet learned. One∣ly I heare no word of any alteration or stirring in Scotland, as it was reported, save that in the generall there is an universall feare and envie at Court amongst themselves, and in the Coun∣trey every where, of every man against his neighbour. How∣ever it bee, if I bee not mistaken, this motion (of your Lord∣ships comming up hither) is occasioned by these last Letters:

and •…•…et it is said even by some of their favourers, that they thinke verily that your Lordship hath great wrong done unto you: which speeches argue but small hope to prove, yea, or to colour their pre∣tended accusations, and that they diffide and distrust, that they shall be able to doe it. And most men thinke, that if there bee nothing wrung out of John Hume, by some one means or other (as there is no cause to doubt of the Gentlemans honesty and constancy) they will have no subterfuge for their false allegations, which must needs tend to your Lordships good and honour, clearing your innocency, and con∣futing the calumnies of your enemies. I received a letter, by Master James Melvine, and Master Walter Balcanquel, (who arrived here on friday last) declaring the couragious and constant death of Maines, who gave testimony of your Lordships innocency and loyall affection to his Majestie, by his last words. There was no other new matter of importance in it, being dated the 18. of February, not long after your Lordships coming from Newcastle. But I shall have no more intelligence that way; for the Authour is forced to flee hither, having been searched for, and escaped narrowly. Hee was delated by the con∣fession of William •…•…ray (my brother Wedderburnes servant) who being booted, confessed he had delivered him a letter from me. It is done by Manderston, to make it reflect upon my brother; and he (to recriminate) hath accused his son George; and it is thought he will be able to prove it by George Hume of Cramnicrook: John Johnston is also fled, and great summes of money offered for him: this other letter will shew what comfort I may expect from Scotland; or he, who is now in the same case. There is sure word from France, that the Duke of Guise is in the fields with an Army of 30000. or 40000. men: some say against the King; maniest, against Navarre, or Geneva. So ceasing to trou∣ble your Lordship, I rest, &c.

Out of these may be seen the honest and honourable dealing, together with the right and loyall disposition of the Earle of Angus, whatever hath been set abroche or intended by any other: as it is clear there have been some other motions made to him, which his heart could not in∣cline to, nor his minde dispense with. For certainly, this feare could not arise without some great occasion; and what it hath been, or whether it did tend, as also who are likeliest to have been Authours of it, though it may be conjectured in some sort probably, yet I will leave it to every mans consideration of the circumstances and persons who were upon this course of joyning together. For my taske being at this time to draw, (though with a rude hand) as I can, the true draughts of this Noblemans minde, whom I have now in hand. I could not omit this piece, where∣by (though there were no more to bee found of him) this generall may appeare, that duetie, justice, and vertue, were the men of his counsell, and the square by which hee ruled all his actions, from which, no extre∣mity or hard estate, could ever divert him or drive him away; but to touch upon any other man, or glance at any thing which might rubbe a blot upon any, is besides my purpose, and no wayes incumbent to mee. But to returne, it fell out with them according to this last letter: for as

they were removed from Berwick to Newcastle, to secure the Scottish Court; so Newcastle being not so farre from Edinburgh, but that with∣in twentie foure houres (or little more) they could have been there upon a necessary occasion, the Courtiers were put in feare by others, or faigned and imagined feares to themselves, for taking away of this (suggested, or apprehended) feare, as they had been removed from Newcastle to Nor∣wich; so now they are brought from thence to London, as was pretend∣ed,* 3.2 to answer to the Embassadours accusation, but indeed, to advise with him of the way, how they might be restored to their Countrey, and the Countrey rid of Arran, who was now become odious both to Court and Countrey. It is a true saying, That there is no society amongst Pirats without Justice: for if the Arch-Pirate take all to himselfe, or if hee di∣vide not the prey equally, the rest will kill or forsake him. The Earle of Arran knew not this rule, or regarded it not: for in parting of the spoile of these Noblemen, their lands, their goods, honours, government, and places of Command, hee dealt them unequally; drawing most to him∣selfe, and in Councell and guiding of the State, he was the onely figure (or number) and the rest were but ciphers and instruments to execute his decrees.

There were then at Court (of greatest note) the Master of Gray, a near* 3.3 Kinsman to the late Earle of Gowry, and of the ancient Nobilitie, who did hate and disdain Arran, for that he had beene Authour of the death of his deare friend, seized on his lands, and did presumptuously take up∣on him to govern the whole Countrey alone, being but newly raised to bee noble. There was also Sir Lewis Ballandine (of kinne likewise to Gowry) an ancient depender on the house of Angus: and Master John Metallane (Secretary) who had beene indeed an enemy to the Earle of Morton, and was well contented that Arran should be imployed to work his ruine; but he could not away with his peremptory, and absolute do∣mineiring. These were the actours and great instruments of his fall: Gray, directly, and of purpose, the other two by conniving and being conscious to the plot, yet so as they would have seemed not to know of it, and they did rather give way to it, then worke it. They all thought it reason, that they should (at least) have their share of the spoil in a fit proportion; but they could not have it any wayes proportionable to their esteem of themselves. There was besides these, Francis Earle Bothwell, who (amongst other causes of discontentment) was grieved at the banishment of the Earle of Angus, his Ladies brother. Alexander Lord Hume had been discarded for being thought to be his friend: Sir George Hume of Wedderburn, and Sir James of Coldenknowes were knowne and pro∣fessed friends to the Earle of Angus: and Wedderburnc was of kinne to the Master of Glames, and allied to the house of Marre. Robert Carre of Cesford was also of the party, what out of love to Angus, what for emu∣lation with the house of Farnhaste, who were on the other faction. His Uncle the Provest of Linclowdan (Douglas to his name) was a speciall stickler in the businesse: hee was very familiar and intimate with the Se∣cretary (Metellane) who without his advice did almost nothing. But above all, the Lord Maxwell (made Earle of Morton) entred into open

hostilitie: for being charged to compeare, he disobeyed and refused; and by intelligence with the banished Lords hee levied souldiers, slew one Captain Lammie, that was sent against him, with his companies, whom Johnston did assist. Hereupon a Proclamation was set forth in the Kings name, that all that were able to beare armes, should come and follow the King, who was to pursue him in person the 24. of October. These and many others (and indeed the whole Countrey) agreeing in this conclusi∣on, that Arran was to bee removed from the helme of governement, which hee steerd so ill: the Master of Gray was sent Ambassadour into England, and had broken the businesse with the Lords concerning their returne, and his removeall. Now Sir Lewis Ballandine is sent up Ambas∣sador* 3.4 with Commission to accuse them of a conspiracy, detected by Dun∣trethes deposition: Hereupon they are sent for from Norwich, to make answer to it. The Master of Glames being of greatest age and learn∣ing, they made choice of him to plead their cause before a certain num∣ber of the Councellours of England, deputed by the Queene to heare and judge of it. Their owne innocencie, the abilitie of the pleader, and the favour of the Judges meeting together, made them to be easily absolved, notwithstanding, that the Ambassadour did his best in framing, and pres∣sing his accusation to the full, to discharge his Commission every way. It is a pretty sport to consider the proceedings of the world, and what masques and vizards men doe put on sometimes to cloake their designes. With what respect and reverence did they carry themselves towards my Lord Ambassadour? and with what strangenesse and aversation did he looke upon them? One day as the Earle of Angus was walking into the fields for his recreation, he encountered the Ambassadour coming from Tuttle-fields in a narrow lane, ere he came near, he espied him, and knowing it was he, hee called to his servants to give way to my Lord Ambassadour, and he himselfe standing aloofe with cap in hand, made a low reverence to his Lordship as he passed by. The Ambassadour again acted his part finely, remembring his place, the person hee represented, and the errand for which he was sent (to be his accuser) with a counte∣nance which did beare anger and grief in it to see the Kings rebells, hee turned away his face, and would not so much as looke on that side of the street, notwithstanding that hee both loved and honoured him in his heart, and was even then laying the ground-work of his restitution. Hee being gone home, the plot went forward in Scotland. England was no better affected toward Arran, then his owne Countrey was: they did altogether dislike of him, and suspected his wayes, they conceived that he did prosecute the Guisian plots begunne by Obignie, and which had beene interrupted by his disgrace, and discourting. And yet they acted their part also, bore faire countenance and correspondence with him, and he with them, but all was but dissimulation, and like a stage play. The Lord Hunsdon Governour of Berwick, and Warden of the Marches on that hand, paid him home in his owne coine, and entertained a shew of friendship with him, but no more. Divers meetings they had upon the borders, and many fair promises were made by Arran, to keep back Eng∣land from favouring or aiding the Lords: That the King should bee at

the Queens devotion, that he should follow her advice in all things, that hee should not marry without her consent, and that hee should make a league with her, offensive, and defensive. The Master of Gray, Ambas∣sadour, had promised so much, but when the English urged the perfor∣mance of it, it was a jeast to see their fine shifting. The Master of Gray put it upon Arran, Arran upon the Master of Gray, and the King professed that neither of them had warrant or direction from him to say any such thing, and therefore he was not tied to make it good: they were too sharp and quick sighted not to see through greater clouds. In the mean time it fell out at a meeting of the Wardens ofthe middle-march∣es, that Sir Francis Russell (sonne to the Earle of Bedford) was killed, whe∣ther* 3.5 by chance or of set purpose, is uncertain. This did alienate them from the Courtiers, and joyned them to the Lords, whom they knew to be honest, true, and trusty, and therefore they wished well to them, and helped forward their interprise endirectly all they could. While matters were thus in working, the Lords remained still at London, and were lodged at a place appointed to them (called long-ditch, near Saint James Parke, whither the banished Ministers resorted, and kept conti∣nuall exercise of preaching, praying and fasting (on occasion) in a private manner, without ostentation or notice thereof in publicke, being done within their lodging onely.

There was a motion made to the Counsell of England, that there* 3.6 might be a particular Church allowed, and allotted unto the Scots, as the French, Italians, and Dutch, have their Churches apart: but it was not granted, they being unwilling (apparantly) that being of one lan∣guage, our discomformitie with their ceremonies should appeare to the common people. This grieved us greatly, and especially Master James Lowson, who partly for that, partly because of a letter written to him from the towne of Edinburgh, (in which they did unkindly reproach his flying into England as a de•…•…ertion, and did renounce him for their Pa∣stour, calling him a Wolfe, who had fled without just cause, and had joyned himselfe with rebells, and such other calumnies, as Bishop A∣damson had endited, and caused the Provest and towne Counsell signe) he sickned and died, being much lamented, both of English, Scots, and all that knew and were acquainted with him. Notwithstanding that they could not obtain a peculiar Church, yet the Lievetenant of the Tower, being acquainted with some of our Ministers, he desired them to preach in his Church within the Tower (which is a priviledged place, and without the jurisdiction of the Bishops) and many of the people came thither to hearethem. Amongst other exercises, Master Andrew Melvine read Lectures in Latine upon the old Testament, beginning at Genesis, which were much frequented; and the Earle of Angus was a diligent Auditour, and a painfull repeater of them for his owne use and contentment.

But now the negotiation of their returne being farre advanced, and* 3.7 come even to the maturitie and full ripenesse, Angus, Marre, the Master of Gl•…•…mes (with a few onwaiters) take post from London, and came with all expedition to the Borders. They had composed their differences with

the Lord Maxwell, and the Lord Hamilton, and so all were to joyne in the common businesse, with one heart and hand, as one man. Before Angus came from London, he wrote to his friends in Scotland after this sort:

You have now knowne by M. John (Colvill as I think) that wee stay here only till wee receive new advertisement from the Provest of Lincluden, in name of the rest of our friends that should joyne with us in that Countrey; after the receit whereof we mean not to stay, but im∣mediatly to come down; wherefore be ye not unready, seeing others will be forward enough, as we beleeve. At our first coming we mean to be quiet two or three dayes, in which space I mean to speak with some principals, and by their advice to go more plainly to our purpose. This State will not seeme openly to know our designes; but wee are to receive some help of Moneyes, for so it is promised. Sir William Russell shall also joyne with us as a male-content, having been of late ill used by that State (in killing Sir Francis) but not as having any command so to do. If matters go on, we minde to enter on both hands. Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders, An∣gus and Marre at the East, with such as will joyne with them there.

Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person, howbeit it was written all with his own hand. But Sir William Russell did not joyn with them. Angus, Marre, and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe, and remained there with the Earle Bothwel two or three nights. Thither came the Lord Hume, Sir George Hume of Wedderburne, and others of their friends; and with common consent from thence they went to Jed∣brugh, where they made their coming known, and professed their inten∣tions. Upon the report hereof, Colonell Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get, and came to Peebles; but he found that he had not to doe with irresolute and lingering folks, as the Earle of Gowrie, nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin, and therefore he retired in due time, to tell tidings of the cer∣tainty of their coming. They took their journey toward Hamilton, and there joyned the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell; and so alto∣gether marched to Fawkirk. They caused publish Declarations every* 3.8 where, containing their intentions, and justifying their proceedings, which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland, written by Holinshed an English-man; who pleaseth, may read it there. The summe is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin (when they fled to England) onely such things were added thereto, as had fallen out since then, in the time of their abode there.* 3.9

As namely; First, The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the Kings name, whose Predecessours did commonly labour to winne the hearts of his Subjects by clemencie: Secondly, The execu∣ting, imprisoning, banishing (by wrested Lawes) the worthiest, most ancient, and the most faithfull (to G O D and the King) both Noblemen and Barons: Thirdly, Acts and Proclamations published, inhibiting Presbyteries & other exercises, priviledges and im∣munities allowed by Parliament, or practised and permitted by laudable

custome of the Church, without which, purity of Doctrine, & the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue: Fourthly, compelling & forcing the most learned and most religious men, and such as were of most entire life & conversation, & of most sincere conscience, to forsake their Countrey; or inhibiting them to preach, and defrauding them of their Stipend, by violence: Fifthly, the entertaining of Jesuites, and executers of the Decrees of the cruell Councell of Trent: Sixthly, ob∣durate Papists having place in Session, and honest men removed, an e∣vident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion: Se∣venthly, the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows (contrary to their priviledges) which were neither free of the Townes, nor fit to dis∣charge the place in their persons: Eighthly, the secret practices of James Stuart, and the Colonell, to turne the love and amitie which hath been now of a long time entertained with England (very happily) into open hostility, having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of Englands destruction: a point confessed by divers her Rebels, executed in England, and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell, a man noble in birth, honourable by vertue, zea∣lous in Religion, of great expectation, and a speciall friend and lover of Scottish men, notwithstanding that they had made shew of the con∣trary for certaine moneths, and had pretended to enter into an offen∣sive and defensive League with her. The conclusion was, Wee com∣mand and charge in our Soveraign•…•… Lords name (as his born Counsel∣lours, who are bound in dutie to be carefull of his welfare, honour and reputation, for which we have our Lands and Inheritances) all and sundry his subjects, to further and assist this our godly enterprise, to concurre with us, and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion, his Majesties welfare, and publick peace and quietnesse of this Realme. It contained also certification, That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary, yea, that did not take plaine and open part with them, should bee reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquitie, as assisters of the said treasonable Conspiratours, (James and William Stuarts) and enemies to Religion, to his Ma∣jestie, and Authoritie, and to the publicke quietnesse of the two Realmes, and should bee used as such, in body and goods. Com∣manding all Justices and Magistrates, as well the Lords of the Session as others, Sheriffes, and whatsoever inferiour Judges, to administer justice, for the furtherance hereof, as they would answer upon their al∣legeance and highest perils: with the like certification to them also, if they failed herein.

They staid at Fawlkirke that night, being the second day of No∣vember,* 3.10 and kept strong watch, being within five miles of the ene∣my. It was observed with great disdain, that the Lord Maxwel, who had the charge of the hired souldiers that were put on the watch, and so the choyce of the watch-word, gave it, Saint Andrew; as smelling of his superstitious disposition, and which was a blemish, and contradiction (in a manner) to their declaration, wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion. But it was rather privately grudged

at, than publickly reproved. On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin, as from the King to the Earle Bothwell, whereby he was desired to forsake that Company, and either come to the King, or returne to his own house, which he pleased. This was a trick to divide them, and which did so work upon him, that if the Earle of Angus had not partly by reason perswaded him, and partly by his authoritie (being a man greatly respected) detained him, and fixed his wavering minde, he had forsaken them altogether, not without great danger to have weak∣ned the hands and hearts of the rest, by such an untimely example. On such moments (many times) do even the greatest businesse depend. But God had determined to blesse that Work at that time in their hands. That rub being removed, they march forward, and about the going down of the Sunne, they shewed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk, which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin, and were seen from the Castle wall, of friends and foes. They lodged there-about as they could, till near the dawning of the day; and then upon a secret signe given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victuall, without sound of Drumme or Trumpet, they came to their Camp and Colours. The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus: First, one of the Commanders, with a few Companies, was dire∣cted to go and make shew, as if hee meant to enter the Town through some Orchards that lay on the West side thereof; and at the same instant another (with some other few Companies) was sent to go through the Park as if they had intended to assault it on that hand, near to the Castle hill; while in the mean time the Noblemen themselves, with the grosse and body of the Army, marched on the South side, and passing the ditch a little above the Mill, going through some Gardens, entered at a certain narrow Lane, not •…•…arre from the West gate, where the way was so strait, that single men with weapons could hardly passe it. The hired souldi∣ers which carried shot were set formost, to remove any that should offer to make head against them. They that were within the Town were equall in number to those that were to assault it without; Noblemen, (the Earle Marshall, and the Lord Seton) and Barons, who were come, out of obedience to the Kings Proclamation: These had the keeping of the West gate. But the onely enemies were James, and the Colonell (Stuarts) together with Montrose and Crawford, in respect of some particular quarrels. For Montrose had been Chancellour of the As∣sise, by which the Earle of Morton was condemned, and was esteemed to have been a bad instrument therein: And Crawford had killed the Lord Glames, the Masters brother, whereupon deadly feude, and divers murders had ensued on both sides. The rest, though they did not openly assist the invaders, yet did they wish them no hurt, nor make any resi∣stance against them. There were in the Castle, the Master of Gray, and Sir Lewis Ballandine, who were suspected by James Stuart, and not without cause. He knew also that Master John Metellane bare him no great good will. These hee intended to have rid himself of, and to have slaughte∣red, but they were too strong to do it without great hazard; and be∣sides, it had been but little wisedome to have gone about that, wherein if

hee had failed, it would have been his overthrow, and though hee had prevailed, it would not have freed him from his enemies without. All he did was, that the Colonell with some shot, was set in the Street near the West-Gate of the town, which was the place likeliest to be assaulted, James Stuart himself stayed about the Bridge, having the Keyes of that Gate in his pocket, making that back-doore sure for his last refuge to e∣scape by it. The Earle of Montrose was placed at the foot of the Castle hill, to make good the entrie through the Park. The event was, that ha∣ving entred the Town through a narrow Lane, they were welcomed and entertained by the Colonell with some shot in the street, but seeing that they were resolute, and more in number than he was able to deal with, he retired to the Castle. In this entrie there was but one onely (of the Lords side) killed, and it is uncertaine whether it were done by the Enemie, or by one of his fellowes, who were so unskilfull in handling their Muskets, that their Captain said, That who had known them as well as hee did, would not willingly have marched before them. The Earle Marshall and the Lord Seton, seeing the Colonell so quickly quit the Field, stood still at the Gate, invading no man, and no man invading them. The Earles of Montrose and Crawford, hearing the tumult of the Towne taken, on the other hand, forsook their station, and were received into the Castle. James Stuart fled by the posterne on the Bridge, and having locked the Gate be∣hinde him, he threw the Keyes into the River. The Colonell in his re∣treat was followed so near by Master James Halden (brother Germane to* 3.11 John Halden of Gleneagles) that he overtook him, and was laying hand on him, but in the mean time was shot by Josua Henderson (a servant of the Colonels) and so died presently. He was a young Gentleman, much la∣mented of all that knew him, being lately come out of France, where (as also in Italy) he had lived divers years, with great approbation of all his Countrey-men, being greatly beloved for his sweet courteous disposi∣tion. If it were lawfull here to bewaile a particular losse, I have just cause to loose the reins of my private affection, and pay that tribute of sorrow and teares which I owe to the memorie of so faithfull, upright, and trusty a friend. For the present it shall suffise to say thus much (and let it remaine as a poore witnesse of some small gratefull remem∣brance, as long as this piece can remaine) that before him I found not a∣ny, and since have known but very few so hearty and sincere friends, as he was to me from our childe-hood for many yeares.

Having thus without any further losse or hurt made themselves Ma∣sters* 3.12 of the Town, all rejoyced at their successe, and with chearfull minds and countenances welcomed them, and congratulated their returne. One thing was like to have bred some stirre and tumult, but that the parties in∣terressed knowing the Lords own noble disposition, and how these things could not be helped, bore patiently the losse they received, for the joy they had of the publick good. This it was; when the Nobles and Gentle∣men alighted to enter the Town on foot, they gave their horses to their footmen to be held without till they had made all cleare within. While they were busied in assaulting and rambarring, Colonell Stuart; the An∣nandale men (and others also by their example▪) who came with the

Lord Maxwell, seized on their horses, and went cleare away with them, having spared no man friend or foe, of their own, or the ad∣verse partie. It was no time to follow them, and though it had, yet could they not doe it, their horses being gone. That day they lodged in the Towne, and kept watch and ward about the Castle, that none might go forth, or come in without their knowledge. Robert Hamilton of Inchmachan, who had falsly accused Master Douglas of Maines, and Master Cunninghame of Drummiewhasle caused himself to be let downe over the Castle wall (at the back-side thereof) in a basket, thinking so to escape; but he was perceived, followed, and slaine (in the Park) by John∣ston of Westerhall, receiving that just reward of his betraying innocent bloud. The Lord Hamilton himself when he heard of it, said he had got∣ten but what hee had deserved. The Castle not being provided of Vi∣ctuals, and no man (almost) caring to defend it, it could not hold out: wherefore messengers being sent to and fro betwixt the King and them,* 3.13 all things were agreed on; and so the fourth of November the Gates were set open, and the Companies entering, the Noblemen presented themselves before the King in all humble and submisse manner, and did by their carriage and behaviour really confute the calumnies of their ene∣mies, who had accused them of traiterous intentions and practices.

When they came, they used not many words; onely, They were his true and loyall Subjects, ready to serve him with their bloud; and that they were come to declare themselves, and to cleare them from those calumnies which wicked and seditious men that sought their own par∣ticulars, had filled his Majesties eares and minde with, and so made him to be suspicious of them without cause. The King answered loving∣ly; That it was true, and that he now saw that hee had been too long abused. That it was certainly the mighty hand of GOD working with their good affection that had brought them so through without shedding of bloud.

And so embracing them heartily, he wel∣comed them with a chearfull countenance; desiring that they would for∣give and spare the Earles of Montrose and Crawford, who were afraid to lose their lives and estates, being conscious of their own deservings. This request divers of the Earle of Angus his friends would have had him to have denied; but he, by a rare moderation, and to shew how far he regar∣ded the desires of his Prince, being willing also that the whole work should be free, not onely of innocent blood, but even from particular (though just) revenge, neither could nor would refuse it.

This was the Catastrophe of this Tragick-comedie, acceptable and joyfull to all (except these few particular men) and harmefull to none, which did justifie their (unjustly condemned) former meeting at the same Towne of Stirlin, which if it had had the same successe, had produced the same effect, as it had the same aime and end. It justified also those of the Ministery who had fled to England, and those at home who approved and favoured them, that in so doing, they did not favour Traitors, or traiterous enterprises. This the Earle of Angus (above all) did observe, and did often remember this consequent of the successe, with no lesse contentment than the successe it self, esteeming it a greater mercie and fa∣vour

from GOD to have thus cleared their innocencie and loyaltie, than that he was restored to his own home and inheritance. And there∣fore he did often call to minde, and mention that speech of the Kings, That it was the very hand of GOD which had prospered their enterprise, and given them that successe without bloud. For though it may seem no hard matter, in respect of the generall favour of the Countrey, yet if we consi∣der what a desperate enemie, loath to quit such places as they have enjoy∣ed, is wont to doe, it will seem strange that they should without once striking a stroke thus be gone without more ado. But as it hath been found in broyles (and I have particularly observed) that GOD hath preserved their hands from bloud, whose hearts did abhorre from the shedding of it, even upon such occasions as men thought they could hardly avoid, either to be frustrate of their intentions, or to obtain them with much bloud; where by the contrary, many whose feet have been swifter, & their hearts lesse carefull of it, have on very small occasions fallen into it. So in this publick businesse, it pleased GOD to look on the hearts of the actours, and according to the innocencie thereof, to dispose of the means of their restoring, that their hands were kept pure from the bloud of any. He observed also of the Town of Edinburgh, how it had pleased GOD to cut short their aid and assistance, which they might have given the ene∣my by laying of it waste and desolate through the death of 20000. per∣sons of the plague (which had raged there) whereby the rest were so ter∣rified, that they were glad to forsake the City. For the Courtiers did most repose and rely upon them, who were readiest upon the sudden, and who (upon the least advertisement) were wont to come at their beck, without any disputing, or questioning the lawfulnesse of the quarrell or justice of the cause, but took every thing as from the King, whatsoever was com∣manded in his name, as they had given proof before, when they convee∣ned at Stirlin; having been the first that were sent against them, when they were forced to flee into England. This plague began immediatly after their flight, and the departure of their Ministers, and increased daily with such terrour and fearfulnesse in the hearts of men, that every man did in∣terpret it to be the immediate hand of GOD, striking them for their ob∣sequiousenesse to the Court, and contempt of their Ministers; and now they being returned it diminished daily, so evidently, that after their entry into Stirlin, it ceased, not by degrees or piece-meale, but in an instant (as it were) so that never any after that hour was known to have been infected, nor any of such as were infected before, to have died. The Lane also, in Stirlin, by which they entred, was wholly infected, yet no man was known to have been tainted with it, or to have received any hurt. Nay, the men of Annandale did rob and ransack the pest-lodges which were in the field about Stirlin, and carried away the clothes of the infected, but were never known to have been touched therewith themselves, or any o∣thers that got, or wore the clothes. They also that were in the Lodges, returned to their houses, and conversed with their Neighbours in the Town, who received them without fear, suspicion, or reproof, and no harm did ensue upon it. As for Edinburgh, before the first of February (within three moneths) it was so well peopled and filled again with inha∣bitants,

as none could perceive by the number that any had died out of it. As if GOD from Heaven should have said, Lo, the cause of my wrath, lo, the cause of my mèrcie, with the going and coming of his servants: a rare and remarkable work never to be forgotten, as he did never forget it. And for my part, I think it merits to bee recorded here, and that it is worthy that the remembrance thereof should remain to all posterity, so far as my weaknesse can preserve it, that men may see and learn to fear and seek that GOD who worketh so great things, and none can hinder him. A notable wonder, and next unto that overthrow of the Spanish Armado in 88. both in my time, both immediatly by the hand of GOD: But this, so much the more evidently, as that there, some ordinary industrie and help of man did intervene; here, nothing can be alledged to have brought it to passe, but the very singer of GOD. Let mankinde advert and admire it. And whosoever shall go about to bereave GOD of his glory by laying it over upon chance or fortune, may his chance be such as his blindnesse or perversenesse deserveth. Things being brought thus about, who would have been so modest, as not to have been so farre ambitious, as in distribu∣ting the offices of the Kingdome, to have taken to himself, or bestowed on his friends some place of honour or profit? But Angus did neither take to himself, nor procure any for his particular friends & followers. Let am∣bition be silent, and let her plumes fall, when she seeth her self truly con∣temned by him. He contented himself with that onely which was his own; yea, he even dispensed and forbore that which was his own; mo∣destly tolerating, that the Lands, House and Lordship of Dalkeeth, should still be retained by the young Duke of Lennox, upon the Kings promise to be restored thereto, so soon as any occasion should fall out of providing some other Lands to the Duke; which was not done, till the Lord Meth∣ven dying without heires male, the Lands falling to the King, he gave them to Lennox, and restored Dalkeeth to Angus. Out of the like modesty & will, to gratifie his Prince in whatsoever he could to the very uttermost of his power, at the Parliament (held in Edinburgh 1587.) about two years after, he dispensed with his priviledge of bearing the Crown at the Kings request, and suffered the Duke to carry it, with protestation (and promise) that it should not be prejudiciall to him nor his house in time coming, and so (with all meeknesse) submitted himself to take the second place, and carry the Scepter. In this last point, it was thought wisedome to yeeld, so to disappoint those, who were thought to have put the King upon it, of purpose to have made a breach betwixt the King and him by his refusall. The former was not effected without the bribing of those Courtiers who did then possesse the Kings eare. Secretary Metellane got his Lands of Die-Water to work it; which when he would have holden of the King by renunciation, Angus refused to renounce, and would onely give them, holding of himself, not without some indignation on both sides. It was hardlier constructed, that he suffered a decreet given in favours of Farni∣haste to his prejudice, to be reserved, and stand good in his restitution. And thus did he behave himself in his private affairs.

As for the publick affairs of the Kingdom, hee suffered them to bee* 3.14 managed by the Master of Glames, to whom the rest of their society

were most inclined, for the opinion they had of his wisedome, greater ex∣perience and age; as also for that now he was a prime officer of State (Treasurer) and allied with the Lord Hamilton; rather than hee would enter into any contest, which might breed any division amongst them∣selves, being set altogether on peace and calmnesse, howbeit he did not approve of all their proceedings, and differed much in judgement from them, concerning the administration and handling of matters. So in the policie of the Church, though out of a sincere minde and true zeal, hee favoured and affected the right form as much as any, and was much grie∣ved, that such order was not taken in it, as should have been, & was expe∣cted; yet he did tolerate that course which the rest thought good to suf∣fer to go on. For this they gave out, That the King inclined to the govern∣ment of Bishops, and therefore it was not convenient to crosse his inclina∣tion abruptly and directly, left he should seem to be constrained or thral∣led in his actions (a point which they avoided carefully) and not used with that respect and liberty, which is due to a Prince: yet they said they should labour to work him to it with time, taking their opportunity as it should be offered unto them. And so indeed it was brought to passe; for Bishops were first restrained of their using their pretended jurisdiction, and by fact (de facto) even then brought under obedience to Synodes and Presbyteries, and in the year 1592. the former discip̄line was re-esta∣blished by Act of Parliament, and all authority directly taken from Bi∣shops. But neither in the former Parliament (holden at Linlithgow in December 1585.) neither in the next (holden at Edinburgh the 29. of July 1587.) was there any mention made thereof. This gave occasion of much discontentment to the best affected, and bitter contention betwixt the Court and the Ministery; they reprooving this toleration of that unlawfull office, and the King committing them for their freedome of reproof. So no man of any judgement and good disposition was satisfied with their proceedings. Notwithstanding, there was none of any degree, but had a good opinion, and thought well of the Earle of Angus, and excused his part of it, laying the blame thereof upon the rest, who (they thought) were more care∣full of their own particular, than mindefull or solicitous for the state of GODS Church. And when I call to minde the disposition of men in those times, I cannot expresse it otherwayes than thus; That they accused all, but excused him; and yet they so excused him, that they did also accuse him; not for his want of good-will, but for want of acti∣on. They were perswaded of the sincerity of his heart but they thought him defective in action according to their opinion, and would have had him to have taken more upon him than he did. Concerning which pur∣pose I have thought it best not so much to deliver my own judgement, or use my own words in excusing or accusing what might be thought wor∣thy to be excused or accused in him (for what is mine may be more obno∣xious to mens censure) as to set down every point according to the judgement, and in the words of others, who were present eye-witnesses and special actours in those times: what they thought worthy to be repre∣hended, and what they required to have amended, which wil comprehend

whatever negligence or omission any man can lay to his charge: for as touching any fault of Commission, and doing what he ought not to have done, there was no man complained of him. To which effect, diverse letters might bee produced, which were written to himselfe by diverse persons of all sorts, Civill and Ecclesiasticall, Scottish and English, of the Ministery, which had beene banished with him, and of the brethren of the Church of England: but I have made choice of one for all, which containeth the summe of all, both Church and State businesse, both pri∣vate and publicke, and that in the Authours owne words most faith∣fully, neither adding nor impairing any thing. To which wee shall sub∣joyne his owne answer, in his owne words (so farre as our memory can serve) at least his owne estimation, and judgement of every point; his ends, grounds and reasons of his actions, which hee delivered in his most inward, and private conference, where it pleased him to open himselfe, as hee was accustomed, freely, and even to the laying naked of his very heart and soule.

The letter was (after the wonted formalities) thus,

HAving occasion of this bearer, I thought good to remember some* 4.1 things, especially that you would (as you know I intended to have done) purchase in name of the Countrey, some to bee sent to keepe Justice Courts, in our Countrey and Teviotdale, otherwayes all will breake. Also let the sitting of the Session bee hasted, that such things as flow from their restitution may bee decided, other∣wayes some men may bee greatly prejudiced and disappointed. As for Master John, it is hard for my Lord to helpe you both (I am still of that opinion) wherefore if no place fall about the King, let it not displease his Lordship that one of you seeke some other course.

After my departing from Linlithgow, I continued in great anger, whereof I am not yet fully freed, because of that sentence (or de∣creet) reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus: and though the doers bee partiall, yet I blame most his owne simplicitie (I must needes so call it) seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others, where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe. But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe, or undoe himselfe, and all the rest with him. For if the Master of Glames, forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse, will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie, it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance. They are in∣deed at Court, but are esteemed no better (abroad) then beasts in the Countrey, never like to acquire the favour of any; but continually de∣clining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends, who all speake, as though they saw already an evident ruine of them: and that (doubtlesly) deserved, for lying in their good cause, and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen, and return, or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee

shall never bee able to amend. If they sticke to their cause, all is sure; otherwise nothing sure: for either their suretie is by the Kings fa∣vour (whereof I speake nothing) or the favour of the people: this they must have by pressing their cause; of Noblemen, for relieving them from bondage, and revenging their bloud; of Gentlemen and Com∣mons, for purging Religion, restoring of Justice, and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe. If this bee urged, it will con∣firme such as are already in the cause, and will make more to joyne in it: So shall the cause prosper; and if occasion crave so, there is a par∣tie ever ready to take Armes for it. But if, omitting this, a flattering, or a fearefull course bee taken, who shall speake plaine, and assist such fearefull dissemblers? who shall credit them, when afterwards (as heretofore) they shall take on the name of the good cause? I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence, but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing, though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked. I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not? (and yet of all these evils, under the burden whereof the Countrey groned, they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie) why is it not then justi∣fied in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned? Is their cause already ended? And if not, why is it then left off? hath it not enemies? why should it not then bee fortified against them? The Declaration of their cause, why was it published? To acquire fa∣vour at the hands of the people? And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour? yea rather, why are such things done, as pro∣cure their disfavour, and hatred? I see nothing, but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts, God (to discover their hypocrisie) hath given them their hearts desire, but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie. I cannot forbeare to write this, though I bee out of hope of any good, yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly, shall (in Gods favour) bee provi∣ded for (though with trouble) when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished, and shall perish through their default, giving them a proofe of their owne wits, and their un∣faithfull hearts: They would not serve God, hee made men their masters. Are means failed him? No: the last shall bee worse then the first. It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them; and therefore given them over to their owne devices, where∣with they are so drunke, and blinded, as men in a melancholicke ap∣prehension, who are past all cure of Physicke. But this, above all, troubles mee most, that till such time as good men bee all un∣done, and the Land utterly ruined, and overborne with Tyrannie, it shall not bee resisted hereafter. For a new Generation must a∣rise (that hath forgotten these things) before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit: good men are so often de∣ceived under that colour and pretext, and drawne on to their wracke. And certainely, rather then I were hee, that (through mis-governance and evill order) should undoe so many as are like

to bee undone at this time, I had farre rather give my owne life for it. But I speake to deafe men, and therefore I cease, committing to God the providing for those, whose hearts hee sees to bee upright, having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men, and the cause, without troubling them with any particulars. If Angus could steere in his owne roome, hee might redresse the Masters errours: Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe: See what is done about the Barons, and give me notice of such directi∣on as goeth to their Shires. I say, for conclusion, their earnest suite in particulars, and negligence in the common cause, convicts them be∣fore all men, and the King may justly say, They had no good mean∣ing. But if it were mine to doe, wee should goe all together to the King, and say, this or the like speech. Sir, in that yee have (as may be) redressed our particulars, wee thanke you heartily, though it was ever the least part of our desire; for Gods Church hath beene heavi∣ly oppressed (then tell him the particulars apart) Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over: (then tell him also some proofes) Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie, and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue. Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged, under the colour of your Majesties name, and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is pos∣sible; and such order taken, that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering, so they keepe the Lawes. Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men, and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects (for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde.) This being done, wee doubt not, but God shall blesse you, and your Countrey; seeing, the neglecting hereof, hath beene the cause of the evills past. Sir, doe it your selfe, for the gaine is yours, though wee put you in minde of it. Now except this bee done, there can bee no conti∣nuing quietnesse.

Postscript.

THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe. I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland, but seeth not that in them which hee could wish. Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth, can the King but thinke that hee would ra∣ther wish his owne •…•…ster sonne King? I finde great fault that the Ab∣bots (Driebrough and Cambuskenneth) Lie abake, who are practi∣tioners and partakers, as Marre at Ruthven: let them joyne together and bee knowne.

This letter being received, and a fit opportunitie espied; it was* 4.2 brought to my Lord, and without further ceremony; I have received here a letter (saith hee) from whom, and from whence your Lord∣ship may see. It is written to mee indeed, but not for my sake, (for hee

knowes my minde) but that I might so informe your Lordship concern∣ing your estate, and the state of the publicke cause which you have em∣braced; and you might know what the thoughts of honest men are con∣cerning it, what they thinke, what they expect, what they wish and re∣quire. I thinke it best that it speake for it selfe in its owne language, let it be your Lordships pleasure to reade it. He tooke it and read it, and af∣ter a little pause; This (saith he) that is here in the beginning of this let∣ter may be obtained, this Commission for Justice Courts, and this for our securitie we shall and must needs bee carefull of. There is next that which concerneth your selfe; wherein I am sorry that occasion hath not served me to expresse in effect the good will I bore you, as I thinke I ought to doe. And while he was about to goe on in that purpose, the other interrupting him, made answer: Let it be your Lordships pleasure to breake off that discourse: I never doubted (nor never will doe) of your Lordships minde, which is enough to satisfie me; you know my ambi∣tion. I am content to doe any thing, I am content to doe nothing: hope did not bring me to this cause; frustrating, nor feare cannot divert me. If I can serve to any good use, I am glad of it: if I cannot, yet am I con∣tented: it is enough to me that I have been willing, and gone as farre as God hath called me: hee knoweth how farre hee will imploy any, and your Lordship is my best witnesse, that I never did thrust my sel•…•…e into your Lordships publicke or private businesse. So farre as you were plea∣sed of your owne accord to communicate with me, so farre I knew and meddled. I know what men thinke, but this shall ever be my wisedome, or my folly (let who list account it so) yet if I were even aspiringly dis∣posed, how can your Lordship doe for your friends, at his Majesties hands, who doth your owne affaires with him by the mediation of stran∣gers? But (seeing we are fallen upon this purpose) let it not displease your Lordship that Master John retire himselfe (as you see it is desired here) I will (by Gods grace) runne such hazard and fortune as may befall me, by being your Lordships onely; to which my minde, my liking, and the honour I have to be your Lordships Kinseman, and will to honour and doe what good office I can to your Lordship, do carry me; and if so I can serve your Lordship to any good use in any thing you have to doe, it is all I crave: for the present let me bee bold to aske your Lordships minde and disposition concerning this letter, what you thinke rightly ad∣monished, and what you intend about the prosecution or amending of every point in it?

Before we come to this (said my Lord) let mee demand a question of* 4.3 you first, and heare your judgement in a point which hath greatly per∣plexed me: you remember the sermon preached at Linlithgow, by Master Craig, what thinke you of it? I remember you told me you did not ful∣ly like it: but I would heare you againe more particularly to refresh my memory, because it is greatly incident to this purpose, and seems to cut short all our actions. For if the case of all Subjects towards their Prin∣ces be such, what can we doe but depend on their pleasure? The other (smiling a little) indeed my Lord (as it is in our Proverbe) It is time to aske the question! for if you must depend on their pleasure, why did you not

expect it? and stay in England till you were recalled? why came you un∣sent for? and that in such a manner? what is become of your Proclama∣tions? and of all the faire reasons of it? you must goe backe again, and recant all, and cry peccavie for these things. Oh, (saith my Lord) that is another question, for what we did in that, was done of necessitie for our lives and estates, and to remove that violent tyrannous man, who else would have undone King, Countrey, and all: But now that he is remo∣ved, and that necessitie taken away, it is another case; how to deale with our Prince, to whom we owe such obedience, he being amongst Kings, Who are in the place of God, who are called Gods, and to whom is due the obedi∣ence to God. But leaving the particular, let me heare you of the generall, What you thinke of that Sermon, and of his grounds? I know there are others also, that were not satisfied with it, but I would heare you. Ha∣ving paused a little, he answered: Loath am I my Lord, to enter upon that taske of censuring any man, chiefly a Preacher: I like better to dispute a point and discusse a truth, without touching upon any mans person, so farre as it can be avoyded. But seeing your Lordship drawes me to it: I confesse, wee all disclaime implicite faith, and thinke wee are reasonable c•…•…eatures, apt to weigh and consider mens reasons, and yeeld assent to their opinions so farre as they enforce, neither ought wee otherwayes to consent, nor can any reasonable man enforce himselfe to assent, which makes me, in matter of consenting (chie•…•…ly in Religion) to dislike of constraint: For I judge of others as I finde my selfe; the world cannot force mee, nay, I cannot force my selfe to thinke otherwayes, then my judgement alloweth of. But to your question, I am more favourable to Princes, then many beleeve, and to Monarches: I account it a great and heavie charge, and burden, which hath need of great reliefe, and many comforts to recompense the pains thereof, and can permit much to a good Prince, yea, as much as he himselfe pleaseth; which will never bee more then is good and just, though it were all the estates of his Subjects, and the whole Countrey to be guided by himselfe alone, with as absolute power as any ever spake of, and yet not thinke that hee had an haires bredth of more power to doe hurt. But to the question we are on; your Lordship remembers the ground that Master Craig did lay? yes (saith he) very well: It was that passage of the 82. Psalme (God sits in the assem∣bly of the Gods) And what he built thereon? He built (said he) obedience to Kings commandments and impunitie without controulement; your Lordship remembers right, and reports the best of his speech in the fair∣est termes [Obedience to Kings, Impunitie to Kings] whereas hee said* 4.4 roundly, [Obedience to Tyrants, Impunitie to Tyrants] which two who confounds, doth great wrong to good Kings. But whether wee call them Tyrants, or Kings, which that Psalme speakes of, Who so inferres these conclusions from thence, doth it without warrant from the text, the drift of which is clean contrary; not to extoll or lift them up, but to abate their pride, and to humble them; not to secure them, but to terrifie them; not to exempt them from death (the lot of other men) but to let them know that they are subject to it as well as others, and to threaten them therewith. Wherefore let men build up Power and impunitie to

Tyrants upon what other place of Scripture they please, I dare affirme that this place is most unfit for it. For here there is never a word of [Obe∣dience] never a word of [Impunitie] but by the contrary of [punish∣ment.] Oh,! but it saith [I have said ye are Gods:] True, but it saith also [Neverthelesse, you shall die] which two being put together, the one shewes them their duety, [Do justice as God doth] the other threatneth pu∣nishment [Te shall die if ye do it not.] But they will say, that this threatning is from God, and therefore God (indeed) may and will punish, but man may not. I answer, the Text makes no mention whether God will pu∣nish them immediately, or by the hand of man: but however that be, the scope of the Psalmist is to humble them, and hee who from thence doth gather any Prerogative or impunitie to them, gathers that which is con∣trary to the Text. Now to come to the particulars of the Sermon: To what use was it at that time to preach [Obedience] to Tyrants? was it not sufficient to have preached [Obedience] to good Kings? And to have showne his Majesty to be a good King (if he thought that any man doubted of that point) which was more honourable for his Majestie, more beseeming a Preacher, more easie to perswade, then to roote out the inveterate opinion of the lawfulnes to resist Tyrants? Concerning his Ar∣guments: 1. Was the first solid? [God sitteth in the assembly of Gods] therfore Tyrants sit in the seat of God: though it were true, yet it followeth not: and it is even like to this, The King sits in the Assembly of the Lords, therefore the Lords sit in the Kings seat. As on the contrary, The King (being present) doth sit in his owne seat, and the Lords do rather sit in his seat when he is absent, then when he sits in the Assembly amongst them. Also (as I have said) the presence of God is there mentioned: not to au∣thorize, but to controll them. Neither doth the Text inferre, [There∣fore obey them] there is no word of that there, but [Therefore they shall die] Because God sits and sees them, eyes them, and perceives the wrong they doe, and how they abuse their power, which is a contrary illation to his, and farre more consonant to the Text. 2. His second Argument was [The people of God are commanded to obey Nabuchodonozor, who was a Tyrant, therefore all Tyrants should be obeyed.] How hard an inference! Of a particular extraordinary, to gather a generall ordinary rule! If wee allow of this kinde of arguing, it will bee replied: God commanded Jehu (a private man) to slay Achab (a Tyrant) therefore private men ought, or may slay Tyrants. 3. His third [David did not slay Saul, therefore no man should lay hands on a Tyrant] how loose is it? from example or authoritie, negative. 4. But the fourth [God placed the Tyrant in that place, therefore no man may put him out of it, though his Tyranny bee never so great] what doe you thinke of it? A mans goods are taken from him by a briggand, who doubts but God hath given them into the briggands hands? But doth it therefore follow, that no man (not the Magistrate) may take them from him againe, because God hath put them into his hands? yea, who knowes but God hath cast them into his hands for that end, that they may bee taken out of his hands, and hee punished for it? Besides, this inconvenient will also follow hereon: if an usurper shall once get himselfe place in a Kingdome, no man (by this reasoning) may

ever dispossesse him again, to repossesse the lawfull King; because (with∣out all doubt) God hath placed him there. This were a maxime very prejudiciall to lawfull and rightfull Kings. 5 The fifth was a Simile] which all men know are ever lame, and doe halt some way; yea those which he used, are brought by others to prove the contrary. 1. For even Children are sometimes made free from their Parents by the civill law Romane. 2. And Servants from their Masters, by Gods Law gi∣ven to the Jewes; as, If his eye bee beaten out, let him goe for his eye. 3. Wives are divorced, and freed from their husbands, if the essentiall knot and tie of matrimonie bee violated, and broken: why then may not the tie we have to Tyrants be taken away? If the Essentiall cause of o∣bedience (the image of God) justice) be violated, and cast off by the Tyrant, why may not the obligation of obedience cease? And this for his Arguments, which you •…•…ee how frivolous and weak they are. As for his conclusion [Men may not put hand in Tyrants] it can never be de∣duced from his text: There is only one word, which seemes to make for him [I said ye are gods] but the next words say plainly [Neverthelesse ye shall die,] whereby it is clear, that this appellation of (gods) is not given them to free them from punishment, but to put them in minde of their duty; which when they neglect, they lose the name, and are lyable to the punishment. So that (according to his owne forme of reasoning) if it follow from hence, that because God hath placed them in that place to doe justice, therefore men should not take them out of it, though they prove Tyrants; it will follow farre better; God appoints them to die, because they doe not justice, therefore they must die, therefore men may make them die, when they become Tyrants in stead of being gods. Which kind of reason∣ing if he think not to be good, then must he quit his own reason, and leave this passage, as neither making for him, nor against him; neither exempt∣ing them from punishment (in calling them gods, which showes but what they ought to be of dutie) nor yet giving expresse command for men to slay them, in this other word (ye shall die) which showes onely what God will doe in his justice. He alledged (as others also doe in this cause) that the thing which moved him to broach this conclusion, was, because that if a liberty to kill, or disobey Tyrants be granted unto men, then good Kings shall not be obeyed, nor sure of their owne lives, be∣cause seditious or ambitious men (of which there are enow) will call a good King a Tyrant. But your Lordship may consider the futilitie of that pretext; for by the same reason all lawes are taken away, and all pu∣nishment of vice and wickednesse. For where the law ordaines theeves to be punished, an unjust Judge may call an honest man a theefe; and if we allow blasphemie to be punished, a Jezabel will finde meanes to cause Naboth be accounted a blasphemer; and if we suffer sedition to be punished, Tyrants will call a good Patriot, a seditious fellow; free admo∣nitions, treason; and any word of liberty, rebellion. Shall therefore se∣dition be unpunished? shall theft? shall blasphemie? And certainly there is more danger, and it comes oftner to passe, that a Tyrant should call an honest man seditious, then it is found that subjects call a good King a Tyrant. The people suffer much (what by custome, what through a

naturall inclination and love toward their Princes) and beare with many great faults, and seldome come to rise up against him, but when the injury is intolerable. And you shall finde (when you please to trie it) that they have comported more and oftner with wicked Princes, then ever they have made insurrection against good ones; nay, then they have made a∣gainst the wicked, unlesse their wickednesse hath beene extreme enor∣mous and pernicious. Yea, I doubt whether any can finde an example of insurrection against any that was good, nay, against any tolerably wic∣ked: whereas of the other side, many honest men have beene opprest, and put to death by Tyrants upon small or no occasion, upon a forged accusation, lie, or calumnie. Wherefore it is a foolish and ridiculous pre∣text, to maintaine Obedience, and the Impunitie of Tyrants, that so good Kings may be obeyed, and secured: as if a man should plead for impuni∣tie to harlots, that so honest matrons may be secured. All is but folly, for there is but one way to secure honest women, which is to avoyd whorish fashions; to secure honest and true men, to take heed they be not found breaking or digging through of houses. And let a good King be∣ware and carefully avoid all tyrannicall actions. So (and onely so) shall he be sure (if word and worke justifie him) and free from all feare of pu∣nishment from God or man. And thus much concerning your Lordships question, what my opinion is of that Sermon.

But seeing we are fallen upon this subject, let me tell your Lordship* 4.5 how men, while they labour to put a good face upon this matter, waver∣ing betwixt flatterie of Princes, and truth of reason received, and allow∣ed by the common consent of all men against Tyrants, involve and in∣tangle themselves into many difficulties and absurdities. I will bring one instance for all, and that is Bodinus (a Frenchman) in his booke De repub∣lica: faine would he make even Tyrants to be sacred and inviolable, and perswade that all obedience is due, and ought to be given them. And he concludes, that they are not to be touched by their subjects, but obeyed; whereof he gives this for his chiefe reason, Because their subjects have no jurisdiction over them▪ yet finding how hard it were to free them from all feare of punishment, he puts them into the hands of forraine Kings, and exhorts them to exterminate and root them out, commen∣ding it as a laudable action, by the imitation of Hercules, who travel∣led through the world (sayes he) to destroy these Monsters, Tyrants. Now let any man judge what good reason can be given for denying that power to the Countrey it selfe (under the pretext, because they have no jurisdiction) and to give it to a forrainer, who hath neither interest nor ju∣risdiction over another Prince. And whether is there more danger in the sedition of his Countrey people, then in the ambition of a stranger Prince? And which of them is likeliest to picke a quarrell against him, and to call him a Tyrant, and seeke occasion to worke their owne par∣ticular ends? Besides, what shall be the part of the people in this case? Shall they fight against this forrainer, who comes to cut off their Ty∣rant? Who then shall come to relieve those from tyrannie, that will take armes for defence of the Tyrant? Shall they joyne with him? Certainly in all reason they ought to joyne with him, seeing it is for

their sakes that he under-takes the warre. But that is Rebellion (if wee beleeve Bodinus.) Shall they be neutrall, and spectators? Even that is disobedience. And yet the same Bodinus sayes, That Tyrants are mon∣sters; now there is no societie (farre lesse bond of obedience and subje∣ction) with monsters. Yea, hee sayes, That there is no societie with Pirats▪ because they break the Lawes of humane societie; and Tyrants break them much more. This same man in his D•…•…monomania sayes, A King may become a Wolfe; and that a great King in Christen∣dome was one when hee pleased. I ask him then, Whether such a King should bee obeyed, when hee is a Wolfe? And if hee should ever continue to bee such, without returning to bee a man, whether or not must hee bee ever obeyed in all things? Shall his sacred Ma∣jestie bee reverenced? And (lest hee should starve) shall hee bee fed with childrens flesh (perhaps) because hee will eat no other, or (at least) because hee likes that best? Certainly, his reason will inferre no lesse than that hee should. And if hee bee ashamed to affirme this, and will confesse that it is lawfull to put such an one from his Kingdome, who hath put off humane nature, and can now no more guide a Kingdome: what shall wee think of one, who (though retaining the shape of a man) hath a wolvish nature and disposition, be∣ing cruell, wicked, licentious, and over-throwes all right and equitie? And is not a Tyrant (for the like reason) as worthie to bee deprived of that Kingdome, which hee cannot, or will not guide rightly, but de∣stro•…•…s and makes havock of all? Certainly, the reason is all one: for it is n•…•…t the shape (so much) of a Wolfe that men abhorre, as the wolvish and ravenous nature and disposition. For suppose a good Kingwere (contrary to his will) transformed by Magicall incantation onely, into the sh•…•…pe of a Wolfe, who did retaine his reason, his speech, his wisedome, justice, equitie, meeknesse, and all good Go∣vernment, omitting nothing that belonged to a good Prince, men would not so much abhorre, as pity him, and expect till some way were found how hee might recover his former shape, and would (doubtlesse) preferre his humane nature, though in the shape of a Wolfe, to a wolvish nature, though under the shape of a man; it being farre more tolerable, and f•…•…rre more advantageous for the Common-wealth, whereof the good and safetie is ever to bee respected and preferred in all things. And thus much for Bo∣dinus.

But will your Lordship bee pleased to hear what that great Doctour* 4.6 of the Lawes (a professed Patron of Princes, in his book which hee wrote of purpose for their defence) I mean Blackwood sayes concerning* 4.7 this question? It is (sayes hee) an absurd thing to affirm, That a Prin∣ces commandement should or may be dis-obeyed. Yet if a Prince com∣mand any thing that is unjust, it must not be obeyed. But how shall we do then? Even this, sayes hee, when the commandement is unjust, we must suppose that the commandement is not the Kings commande∣ment: but either that it is, first, some fained and forged thing under his name; secondly, or stoln from him at unawares; thirdly, or that being

busied some other way, he did not take heed to it:

Fourthly, or that he hath been ill informed: Fifthly, or mis-taken it: Sixthly, or that hee is mis-led and mis-carried with some passion or prejudice.

So in the point of controlling Princes, he cannot endure that the Sacred Majestie, Gods Vice-gerent, should be constrained or forced any way; that is absurd and abominable: Yet if he mis-governe the Countrey, so that the state of the Common-weale bee in danger, the blame must bee laid on his evill Counsellours; those they may lay hands on, and take order with them; nay, hang them, if they please, and place good men about him, whose better advice he may follow. But by no meanes must they touch or meddle with himself in person. This opinion is such, that (I beleeve) hee against whom he writes, hath not written any thing that may seeme more hard. For if we may call his commandements (when they are un∣just) stolne, and so dis-obey them; wee are not bound to obey his unjust commandements. And if wee may take order with his counsellours, who will be his counsellour? Or who will execute his unjust will? Nay, how can subjects do either of these two without a manifest con∣trolling and forcing of him, Since hee will oppose and interpret all as done against himselfe, and call it Treason and Rebellion against him? So that in effect, all comes to one. Besides, this way leaves that ground (which men so carefully pretend to avoyd) which is, to call all his commandements stolne (though they bee never so clearly his) and albeit they bee never so good; as also of calling his Counsel∣lours evill, though they bee not so. Whereby hee makes them Judges both of his Commandements and Counsellours; so that they may call it in question whether they bee good or not; which doth brangle, and (indeed) over-turne all that absolute power which he gave them before.

I will not omit here to tell your Lordship of another distinction that* 4.8 some use against unlawfull commandements: They grant that we should not give them Active Obedience, that is, that we should not do the thing commanded, but that we must yeeld Passive obedience, that is, Suffer what punishment the Prince shall be pleased to lay upon us for our refu∣sing to do what he commands, whether it be a pecuniarie mulct, impri∣sonment, or death it self. But if this be rightly weighed in the balance of reason, if the commandement be unlawfull, the punishment inflicted for refusing to obey it, is also unlawfull, and the commanding of us to un∣der-go that punishment, is likewise unlawfull. Therefore there is no necessitie of obedience to that command, according to Blackwoods rule; for it is not the Kings; it is stolne. Therefore if a Tyrant com∣mand a thing unlawfull, under the pain of paying a summe of money, a man is no more bound to pay the money, than hee is to obey the com∣mandement; for both are unlawfull. Farre lesse is he bound to submit himself to a corporall punishment, or to lay down his life, or to enter in∣to prison, which takes away his libertie, as dear to him as his life, and doth oftentimes endanger both his life and goods by consequence. If (I say) he can get these things avoided, he is not bound in conscience to under-go them, but may lawfully with-draw himself from them, and shun them.

What hee is to do when he cannot eschue these things, is not a case of duty, but of prudencie: for that same question will come to bee consi∣dered, when a man hath to do with a Robber (to whom he owes no ob∣ligation of obedience) if hee bee not able to resist him, how farre hee shall yeeld to him. Let us put the case then, That a Tyrant would (for our dis-obeying of his unlawfull commands) invade us his subjects by Armes, wee are not so bound to him, but wee may avoide the blow; nay, the subject (in this case) may warde the blow, and put by his Prin∣ces Weapon, he may hold his hands (if it be necessary) and if hee can∣not otherwayes save himself. And what will these that stand for Pas∣sive Obedience answer to those that suppose this case: That the Prince and his subjects were in a ship, and the Prince should command a leake to be made in the ship, by which the water might come in, and drown both them and himself? They will (perhaps) say, that they would not do it, although he should command it. But would they give him a Passive Obedience? Would they suffer him to kill them for their refusall? Would they give him leave and way to do it? Or would they set a∣side such ceremonie, and stay him from it calmely? Put the Augre or Wimble out of the way, or keep it from him? Hold his hands; or (if there were need) even binde him rather? so to save themselves and him. Which if it be right and lawfull to do for preserving a private ship, what shall be said of the Bark of the Common-wealth (I pray you) if a Tyrant do such things, which will cast it into danger of drowning and ship∣wrack?

Now the ground of all this;

First, (That tyrants must bee obeyed; Secondly, that they must not be controlled, nor resisted, but get ever a Passive Obedience; Thirdly, that they must no wayes bee deprived, and farre lesse touched in their persons) is in this (forsooth) That they are Gods; which name (as they alledge) inferres all these, Obe∣dience, not resistance, not depriving, &c.

And indeed (to bee God) carries more with it; it imports both Active and Passive Obedience to whatsoever he commands without exception, to kill his sonne with Abraham; for each man to kill his brother, as the Levites did. But how farre these (called) Gods, come short of that priviledge (notwithstan∣ding of the name) I have said before: and therefore this appellation will not import any of the rest by any necessary consequence, no more than it doth absolute Active Obedience. Neither are Princes there compared to GOD, because of equall soveraignity or obedience due to them, but because of the likenesse of the action, and to warne them to imitate him in justice. And to draw an argument from a Comparison of things, to prove an equality in them, in that wherein they are not matched or com∣pared, is against the law of Similies, or Comparisons. Secondly, those who dispute in this sort, speak onely of absolute Monarchs (as they call them) but the name of [Gods] is not onely given to absolute Monarchs. It is given to the Judges of Israel before they had Kings: & the Turks use (at this day) when they go to law, this phrase, Let us go to God: by which they mean, not their absolute Monarch, the Emperour, but any inferiour Judge, even the lowest and meanest, as (no question) even a

Sheriffes depute, or a Barons Bailiffe sit in the place of God, when they sit to do justice betwixt parties; yet no man for that doth attribute abso∣lute power to them.

Behold the ground of your Lordships cause, and of this so worthy an action done by you, to your perpetuall honour, of rare memory and ex∣ample in any age: lo what you have been; not contemplating and dis∣puting in the Schooles, but practising in the Common-wealth. For if it be not lawfull to disobey the command of Princes (even of lawfull and borne Princes) in any case, then is this that you have done, very un∣lawfull. If it be a wrong to controll their wills, then must this your fact be condemned as wrong. If it bee not lawfull to remove from them wicked Counsellours and instruments of iniquitie, then is this your act altogether unjust, enormous, unlawfull and treacherous. But the world acknowledges, all men assent, and the Prince himselfe con∣fesses, that you have happily atchieved a worthie worke, in freeing your King from the jawes of these wolves and lions, who devoured the Realme, and polluted his name and fame; that you have restored him to his honour, and that high expectation of him to his Countrey, and to the Church of God throughout the whole world.

There rests onely this exception and doubt in mens mindes, whether or not this hath been your aime (in very deed) and the true scope and end of your enterprise; or if this bee but incident and adventitious to your own particular designes. For it is sure, your particular was joy∣ned with it; but that is no fault: yea, I account him happy, whose lot joynes his estate with an honest cause, so that they must stand or fall to∣gether; or whose minde and resolution casts him upon it. But it is of great weight, and makes a great difference, when the cause is our end, and (our particular but accessorie, or contrarily) when our particu∣lar is the maine motive, and the common cause but a by end, and em∣braced only to advance our particular. Your Proclamation (or Declarati∣on) which ye published, speaks much of the publick cause and com∣mon-weale; but you may perceive what men think (how your acti∣ons and doings since do not answer thereto) by this Letter. For they are begun to think, that howsoever you pretended the publick, yet your intention was fixed onely on your own particular; because you have done nothing for the Church or Countrey, and hath settled your own par∣ticular. And it is observed, That of all the Parliaments that were ever held in this Countrey, this last (held since you came home) is it, in which alone there is no mention of the Church, either in the beginning thereof (as in all others there is) or elsewhere throughout. This neglect of the state of the Church and Countrey, as it is a blemish of your fact, obscuring the beauty and lustre of it; so is it accounted an errour in policie and civill prudencie, by so doing, to divide and separate your particular from the common cause of the Church and Countrey; which as it hath been the meane of your particular resti∣tution, so is it the onely meane to maintain you in this estate, and to make it sure and firme.

Hee having thus spoken, the Earle of Angus answered, I know* 4.9

that question stands yet undecided betwixt those that stand for Ty∣rants, and those that are against them, and is disputed by Law∣yers on both sides; as what is not disputed and called in que∣stion by them? I see also there hath been continuall practice of both wayes; and the practice hath been allowed or dis-allowed accor∣ding to the successe; The Nobility calling it Tyranny and mis-govern∣ment, and the Prince calling the controlling of him, Sedition, Re∣bellion, Treason. But if Doctor Blackwood say that which you say, hee touches the point very right, and the fashion of our Countrey, whose ordinary custome hath ever been such, to take order with wicked Counsellours, carrying all respect to the Prince, and as much reverence as ever any Nation did.

Yet that begin∣ning with the Counsellours drew many at last by necessity to betake themselves directly to their Prince himself, when hee would needs espouse their quarrell, and either to protect and maintaine them, or to revenge them. So that if Blackwood say that it is lawfull to pu∣nish wicked Counsellours, he must confesse also, that it is lawfull to controll Kings. Neither is hee aware that in so saying, hee makes the Nobility (or Estates) Judges to discern whether the Counsel∣lours bee wicked or not; and whether their proceedings bee for the good of the Countrey, which he will alledge they are; and that both themselves are good servants, and their service good and pro∣fitable to him and the Countrey; and these actions which they do, and the counsell which they give▪ that they do them as his servants, and by his direction, as Counsellours advising and propounding things, not prescribing or enjoyning; and therefore what is done against them, is not done against them, but against him; and that they are not wick∣ed, but good and faithfull men. Now the case standing thus, to whom∣soever he allowes the power to put order to them as wicked, hee al∣lowes them also power to cognosce of them as wicked, to judge of them as wicked; and that contrary to the judgement of their Prince who will never judge them such. And indeed, unlesse it be so, when wicked men shall winde themselves in about a Prince, and abuse his name, or pervert his minde, How shall the Prince be preserved? How shall the Countrey, the State, Religion, Lawes, Order, and particular mens estates be saved from ruine? As hath been profitably and neces∣sarily practised (divers times before) in this Kingdome; and of late by us upon a flat necessity for his own good, and the good of the Countrey.

And for my own part (I will answer for one, and can answer but for one) his good did as much move me to that course, as any private interest of my own: and I still shall as much regard it (by GODS grace) so long as this weak life is in my body. I know not how long that will be, and who lives longest, lives but a short time; and I account not that hee lives, who lives onely to live this life, or to enjoy any thing that is in it. This Lesson I have learned substanti∣ally (so my GOD hath schooled me) and I speak it to you seri∣ously, knowing to whom I speak. Neither shall ever any endeavour of mine have any particular for the last end of it. That all is not

so well done and so clearly to the satisfaction of the Ministery, and all honestly affected, it grieves me as much as any, and I am not igno∣rant that these inconvenients follow thereupon, That we undergo the slander of respecting our particular, Of carelesnesse of the Church and Countrey; as though all our speeches and Proclamations tending that way, had been but pretexts, and that if ever any such businesse should fall out again, our credit will not be so great. Yet (not for these causes, but for the well doing it self) my desire is, That every thing be rightly done, because it is right so to doe. But what can I help it? I am but one of the society, neither can I perswade my associats to do otherwayes, nor am I able to compell them, nor were it fit I should, it not being the Law of a society to doe so; but to do all with commune consent, and to obtaine what may bee ob∣tained by a fair way, but to go no further. Otherwayes it would quickly dissolve into divers factions amongst our selves, and make some of us joyne with others to the overthrow of us all: which if ever it come to passe, it shall never be through any occasion from me. Men think (I know) that my place is a principall one, yet it is but the place of one; neither is it so principall, but that there is as prin∣cipall as it, equall to it, or (perhaps) beyond it, in respect of proxini∣tie to the Kingdome, if it should fall out so, which GOD for∣bid it should. For no King (you know) can ever bee so neare to mee, and therefore there is none whom I should or will affect so much. And this is it that carries it away from me, and gives them no little advantage: The Lord Hamilton being next the Crowne, is guided by the Master of Glames: and the Master de∣lights to bee deep in his counsels, and pleaseth himself in this form of managing affaires, which you see is now used. I have many times told him (and others also) my opinion, but cannot bring them to it. If I should take a course to crosse and force them, How dangerous were it? Yea, what concurrence or assistance should I have? Or, of whose friendship could I assure my self? Maxwell, you know what his respects are: and what Religion he is of. I can never forget the Watch-word he gave at Fawkirk, whereby he did plainly professe his disposition to superstition, Saint Andrew was it. And who knowes what intention he hath to retain the title of the Earle of Morton. As for your Chief (the Lord Hume) dare we think better of him? My brother-in-law (the Earle Bothwell) how uncertain is hee? What ado had I to retaine him at Fawkirk? And what trouble have I still to keep him in good order? There is onely one, of whose stedfastnesse and friendship I dare assure my self, as much as of my self, who is loving, faithfull and constant, and that is the Earle of Marre: yet hee hath been so tossed with troubles already, that he is loath to intangle himself a new, if it can be avoided any way. And why should not I be as loath to put him to any ha∣zard, or to occasion any trouble to him, contrary to his disposition? GOD forbid, but that I should▪ bee as carefull of him as hee is of himself.

And concerning their proceedings; as I do not approve them alto∣gether, so dare I not condemne them altogether. Wee have to doe with our Prince; what should we not doe to gain him by all faire and Gentle meanes? Wee ought not to crosse or thrall his will, but to draw it easily to a better temper; and not so much oppose him, as by complying with his inclination a little, to winde him from that ill way and course hee hath beene set upon. He desires to bee at liberty, and to bee knowne to bee so, and it approves and justi∣fies our proceedings to have it so, and testifies to him and to the world, our love and obedience, and what our mindes have been from the beginning toward him. Hee promiseth not to with∣draw himself from us, to joyne with others; our trusting of his promise will deserve that hee should continue with us, and will gaine his affection, which is a surer bond than a guard placed a∣bout him; which would entertaine mutuall suspition, and move him to seek meanes of freeing himself from us: and hardly could any guard bee so kept, but that one set to escape, might •…•…inde a way for it; not to speak of the charges that were required to entertaine it. Neither need wee to feare much, though hee had a minde to forsake us; for wee know who would or could bee our partie, and what forces they have. That there are some suffered to re∣maine about him, who are no good friends to us, nay, who have been evill instruments against us, proceeds from the same ground: for it is done, that himself and others may see his liberty, and what confidence wee have in him. That the state of the Mini∣stery is not brought to that point which we wish: wee cannot get it done suddenly, except wee will plain•…•…y and directly enforce his will: and how many would agree or concurre to that? But wee hope to work it with his owne consent in time: for the Ministery insist in their right, and he commits them; and wee inter∣cede and mitigate his anger so farre, that it proceeds onely to a short and easie confinement or imprisoning. In the mean time, they have leasure to informe him, and hee of himself will be wearied with such continuall opposition; and will give way to settle such a course as they desire; and so it will be better and more durable, than if it should now bee extorted from him by any show of compulsion. These bee the grounds, upon which such as think themselves very wise amongst us, build their work; which though it be not so framed, as to give every man present satisfaction (who knowes not what their way is? or if they knew, allowes not of it?) yet when they shall finde the effects thereof, they will think better of them. Neither are they afraid to want the assistance of such as are honestly affected, in case wee should bee assaulted by any; for they cannot betake them∣selves to any other, having none else from whom they can look for any good in the least measure: nay, who is there besides, that hath no•…•… a very bad meaning? And wee, though wee doe not all the good •…•…hey would; yet are wee doing somewhat, and keep off much evill; and therefore they will •…•…ather take part with us,

than suffer all to go to wrack. You may happly think that you have much to say against this: but (as I said before) though I approve not all, yet I do not condemne all; so I say now, though I report all, yet I doe not approve of all; and doe confesse that wee should doe much more, and it were better if wee could agree to it, and bee all of one minde. Yet this is the wisedome of our deepest and profoundest Politicians, whom I am resolved not to crosse nor presse any more, but to take my hazard amongst the rest; and I doe hope, GOD will provide for me as well as for them, and that my part shall bee as well known every way to honest men. And therefore we will have no more objections nor reasoning at this time.

Well, my Lord (said the other) it shall bee so then; wee shall rea∣son no more of this Subject. Indeed your Lordships part is best interpre∣ted, save that they think that your authority should be of greater moment (as you may see by this Letter) and that you should rather go be∣fore all, than follow any. This one thing give me leave to remem∣ber concerning the King; Hee is the most apparent instrument that is in Europe (and so in the world) of whom wee can expect greatest good and comfort to the Church of GOD; as being the onely King that hath been bred in the purity and sincerity of Religi∣gion, and therefore of great expectation; and because of this expecta∣tion, greatly favoured and beloved of all true Professours of Religion every where: He is of a great spirit, ingine, wit, judgement, and lear∣ning. Great pity therefore it were, that such an one should be lost, ei∣ther through corruption creeping into his own minde, or by the poy∣sonable suggestions of others. You doe therefore exceeding well to cherish him calmly, and to entreat him gently, and deale with him in an humble and submisse manner; which is the way to tame and gaine even wilde-beasts that are without reason; farre more is it like to prevaile with reasonable men; and most of all with Princes, who in respect of the height of their place, are not to be violently thralled or enforced, which were the way to spoyle them: as they write of Alexanders horse Bucepha∣lus, whom Philips riders could not manage or over-master by force of bit or bridle, but Alexander by stroking and making much of him, made him manageable. And if ever you intend any worthy or great enter∣prise in this Countrey or in Europe, behold the mean, use it wisely, and the LORD of Heaven give successe. But this (I hope) may be sug∣gested to your consideration, that you would weigh with your selves, and see whether or not this obsequiousnesse (so to term it) be the onely mean to be used toward him, smoothing all, and allowing all; never mentioning the abuses that have been, and yet are in this Countrey; or if it be not fit also to remonstrate freely (though reverently) what hath been, or (per∣haps) yet is amisse in Religion and the common-wealth, in some such forme as is set down here in the end of this Letter. And whether it bee fit or tolerable for the gaining of him to a right course that such men as have no good meaning, have his eare, and bee his most intimate and •…•…nward Councellours. Now I feare mee greatly that the meane

by which they have perverted all, and which may be still used to per∣vert all, and whereby they have gained most upon his tender age, is the eye he hath to our neighbour Kingdome of England, upon which his minde is greatly set, and to which (no question) he hath the right of succession; yet hath he need of assistance to obtaine the possession thereof. And they perswade him (as hee may also thinke of him∣selfe) that this cannot be done without helpe from the Papists in Eng∣land, France, Spaine, Italie, and from Rome it selfe; and that the way to make them to be for him, is to put them in hope of him, by (perhaps) a present toleration, countenancing, cherishing, and advancing of their Re∣ligion. And this (he may thinke) cannot stand with the puritie of Disci∣pline, and Government of our Church, which may make him the more averse, and hardly affected toward it, and thinke it fit to curbe it, and so the more to encline to Episcopacie; by which as he shall more please the Statesmen of England, so shall he be able the more to restraine our Preachers, and their freedome of speech, and the more freely deale and trafficke with Papists, and so make use of all sorts of people, because he may thinke all sorts necessary for his ends, whereas (indeed) none of these are of great consequence. For Papists that are without the Coun∣trey (as France or Spaine) will never in their hearts wish him to be King of England. France for his nearnesse to them will not desire that he be so great, in respect of hi•…•… claime to their owne Countrey, and because so the league with Scotland will fall, and they shall want the assistance of the Scots against that title. Spaine pretends a title themselves, which the Papists in England will rather set forward then hinder. Such Pa∣pists as are within the Island are of small force, and almost of none yet in Scotland, and not so many in England as to counterpoise the Prote∣stants. Bishops there stand by the State, not the State by them; men of meane birth, no great riches, lesse following, attendance, or friendship; easie to be framed to what course he pleaseth, their life-time being reser∣ved, or without condition. Those that seek Reformation are the strength of that Countrey, and certainly the wisest in it, of greatest power by the peoples favour, and credit in Parliament, and every where. Your Lordship hath seene the lettter directed to you all from some of them, containing their judgement, not to be contemned: gaine these, gaine that Countrey. This (as it is the truth) would be imprinted in his minde by such persons and meanes as are fit, and others removed, who perswade him otherwise, and his Majestie made to know, that by blending and mingling of Religions, or by professing, or seeming to favour and incline to a contrary Religion, hee cannot attaine to that Kingdome. That hee is happy in this, that the professing and advancing of the true Religion is most profitable for his ho∣nour, and prosperous estate in the world, and the best meane to preserve his owne, and to attaine another Kingdome. Neither doth hee stand in need of any bastard, or spurious policie, or farre sought, profane, or wicked course; a plaine and sincere uprightnesse, in maintaining justice, pietie and religion in this his present Kingdome, will serve his turne; and the more seriously, fully, and exactly

that he observe and follow this way, it will increase his credit and re∣putation so much the more there, and facilitate his designes. And this is that which will most throughly joyne him to your Lordship, as the opinion of the contrarie is the most effectuall meane that ever they can use to dis-joyne him from you. From the same ground it a∣rises to be considered, whether it be fit to suffer his Majestie and the Ministerie to bee at such variance, they finding fault with him, and he committing and confining them; and if it be not to be feared that it beget in him a loathing of them, and in them and the Countrey a wearinesse of him: And whether (therefore) it were not better to interpose your credit to informe him freely and truly, then thus to looke through your fingers (as wee speake) and behold things, and onely now and then procure some little reliefe to them▪ which forme of dealing rather fosters the rancour, then remedies it, seeing the King gets not the thanks of it himselfe.

Certainely if I were a Politician, an ill affected Statesman, and had a desire to make way for another intrant, I would take this course to incense him, and irritate him against the Ministerie, that hee might commit them; or at least feed and foster his disposition herein, that so hee might bee brought to loathe them, and to bee loathed of them, and so take away that great expectation men had of his Religion, and their love to him for it: I would separate and divide him from such, and such from him; then bring him to a neutralitie in Religion; then to countenance men of contrary Reli∣gion; then stirre suspicions on each side; then alienation would fol∣low; and what not? But as I am, out of my poore affection to∣ward his Majestie, I doe wish that these occasions were taken a∣way. I wish (I say) that your Lordship see to it, as you would have things right, and out of that minde you spake of, which was, that you have the honour to bee nearer in kinne to him, then to any King that can come after him; howbeit your Lordship is in the same degree of kindred with the next apparent, my Lord Hammil∣touns children. But you desire no change, I know, and that it may continue in the present race, as I am perswaded that Hammiltoun himselfe hath no other minde: yet the matter is worthy your Lord∣ships consideration, so much the more, as ye have had experience how farre evill company about him hath had power alreadie to make things goe on. I leave it, and rest, as having no part or particular save onely to wish well, and to follow, as your Lordship goes before. In the meane time I have also here a note (of a sheet of paper or two) concerning the abuses in the Church and Common-wealth, sent to me by master James Melvin, to be (I know) imparted to your Lordship: you may lay it by you, and reade it when you have leasure, for your remembrance.

This hee tooke; and having read a little of it, with a deepe sigh, (which expressed the inward passion of his heart) God knowes my part (sayes hee) I shall neglect nothing that is pos∣sible for mee to doe; and would to God the King knew my

heart, how I am affected to his welfare, and would give eare to mee. But, &c.

Many times was hee most earnestly dealt with to take more upon him, to frequent the Court more, and to make his residence at it; e∣specially by Sir Lewis Ballandine. His pretext was the common cause, and the good of it; but it proceeded from a particular betwixt him and master John Metellane, then Secretarie, who had crossed him in some suite hee had concerning Orkney, and drawne the halfe of it to his owne use. For which cause hee endeavoured to employ the same Gentleman to have perswaded my Lord to that purpose: but he knowing both my Lords inabilitie of body, and aversenesse of minde, told him sincere∣ly and plainly which way my Lord was inclined; and that his dispositi∣on was not to be drawn by any man farther then he thought fit, out of his owne discourse of reason. And for his owne part, hee was to fol∣low his Lordship, and not to goe before him, or prescribe him what he should doe. Sir Lewis grieved very much hereat, having beene fami∣liar with him of old, and complained to his friends, that the Earle of Angus was too slow, and that he had one with him that was as slow as himselfe.

Not long after, the infirmitie of his body increasing, and his strength and health decreasing, he was seldome able to come to Court, and could not stay long at it when he did come. I finde (in a note of those times) that at the Parliament holden in Edinburgh 1587. (in June) there was some dispute betwixt the Earle of Angus, and Master of Glames. But I remember no such thing, neither doe I know how there could bee any publicke dissention (either in this, or any o∣ther thing) howbeit they differed in judgement concerning the gui∣ding O•…•… State affaires, yet I see not how that could come to any publicke contention.

His associates propounded to him to accept the Office of Chan∣cellour,* 4.10 which had beene vacant ever since the removing of James Stuart. This hee did familiarly impart to the former Gentleman, and asked his opinion therein. Hee answered plainly, That it was indeed the most fit place for him, as being the most honourable Office in the Kingdome, by which he might doe most good offices to his Countrey, in Councell, Session, and elsewhere; and that by that occasion it brought great dependance, and many followers: That it had beene before in the hands of his Predecessours, as of Earle Archbald the first (called Bell the Cat) and of late in the Earle of Mortons, before he was Regent. Hee answered, that it required skill in the lawes, and more learning then hee had. It was replied, that (in very deed) much learning was not ab∣solutely necessary; that it was not knowne what learning Arch∣bald the first had, and it is not likely that hee had much. But it was well knowne that the Earle of Morton had very little, or none at all to speake of, not so much in the Latine tongue as he himselfe had; and yet hee had discharged the Office with credit. A naturall judgement to con∣ceive and resume the question, and the reasons of each side, is more need∣full in a Chancellour then learning, his part being properly to doe that,

whereas the decision seldome hangs upon his vote. Or if it come to that, learning does not alwayes the turne, knowledge of the customes of the Countrey is more requisite, and is onely required in Councell. As for the Session businesse, the President does commonly supply the Chancel∣lours roome. Besides, seeing that ordinarily the question is not ended at the first hearing, what is difficult may be advised, and tossed by whom your Lordship pleaseth, before the next hearing. And although you finde not that full sufficiencie for the present, which you could wish, yet time and custome will bring experience, and experience beget know∣ledge. And this is said to have beene observed of the Earle of Morton, that having beene rude enough at first, he became afterward very skil∣full, and as able and sufficient as any man in the Kingdome: and therefore your Lordship needs not to distrust or diffide your selfe in the like case. Well (saies my Lord) I know not what dexteritie either of them hath had: and as for the Earle of Morton, though he wanted letters, yet hee was of a singular judgement, and rare wisedome, scarce to be matched by any in this age. But for my owne part (as I yet thinke) neither am I able for the present to discharge it, neither doe I thinke it fit to enter into an Office before I have learned what belongs to it; neither can I digest to doe it by others, seeing I ought to doe it my selfe: yet I shall advise.

The conclusion was, he rejected it, and thereupon it was given to* 4.11 Secretarie Metellane, to his associates great griefe, he having ever been a man of a contrary faction and disposition in all businesse of the Com∣mon-weale. Hee accepted of the Office of Lieutenant on the Borders* 4.12 willingly, being more sutable to his disposition, and his proper element, as we speake; and he professed that he delighted as much to hunt out a theefe, as others did to hunt a hare; and that it was as naturall to him, as any other pastime or exercise is to another man. But he lived not long after this, nor had he time to doe any memorable thing in it. He made onely one roade against the outlawed theeves of the name of Arme∣strang (most of them) after the King was gone home, who had beene present at the casting downe of their houses. Hee pursued them into the Tarrasse Mosse, which was one of their greatest strengths, and* 4.13 whither no hoast or companies had ever beene known to have followed them before; and in which they did confide much, because of the straight∣nesse of the ground. He used great diligence, and sufficient industry; but the successe was not answerable either to his desire, or other mens ex∣pectation. Neither did hee forget to keepe his intention close, and •…•…e∣cret, acquainting none of the people of that Countrey therewithall, untill he was ready to march. Then directing one Jordan of Aplegirth to goe to the other side, whither hee knew they behooved to flee, hee sent with him one of his especiall followers, whom hee knew to bee well affected to the service, to see that hee did his du∣tie. Hee himselfe with the Armie came openly and directly to the place of their aboade, that they fleeing from him, might fall into the hands of Aplegirth, and his companie, who were come in suf∣ficient good time, before the Army could bee seene to that passage

which they were sent to keep. But the birds were all flowne, and there was nothing left but the empty nest, having (no question) had some ink∣ling and intelligence hereof; but it could not be tried by whom the notice had been given them. In the retreat, they shew themselves, and rode about to intercept and catch such as might happen incircumspectly to straggle from the Army, and they failed very narrowly to have attrapped William Douglas of Ively, a young Gentleman of my Lords family; for which incircumspection, he was soundly chid by him, as having there∣by hazarded his owne person, and his Lords honour.

After this he came to Langhop, where his infirmity having continued long, and being now increased through travell, it grew at last to a formed disease. Wherefore hee was carried from thence to Smeeton, (neare to Dalkeith) a house belonging to James Richison, of whom wee have spoken before. His care of the good of the Church (which was ever in his mouth during his sicknesse) shewed that it lay nearest to his heart of all other things. There hee departed out of this transitory life, with great comfort to himselfe, and great griefe of all honest men, and with a generall regreting of all men; there being none such an enemy to him, or who did so envie or hate him, as not to professe and expresse his sorrow for his death: King, Courtiers, Noblemen, Barons, Burgesses, Commons; men of all degrees, ranke, qualitie and condition, did lament him: such was the forceable power of vertue in him. Of which wee will say no more, onely we will set downe this following Elogium to be considered by the Reader, then which nothing can bee said more true: Here therefore let it remaine as a witnesse of his vertue, and the Writers deserved affection.

Morte jacet saevâ Angusius, spes illa bonorum, Terror malorum maximus:* 4.14 Cui, laude & luctu meritis, pia turba parentat; Patrem, Parentem ingeminans. Par studium impietas simulat: quem carpere livor Vivum solebat, mortuum Aut veris sequitur lacrymis, aut gaudia fictis Celat pudenda; & laudibus Saltem non fictis os penè invita resolvit, Seque arguit mendacii. O laus! O veri vis! O victoria! honosque Cunctis triumphis clarior!

Yet were not the aspersions of his enemies (if hee had any such) of any moment or consequence: I say, if he had any, for he had no private ene∣mies who hated him, or bore him any ill will for his owne cause; onely such as were enemies to the Countrey, and the true Religion, hated him as a main pillar, and supporter of these. The greatest objection they had against him (I mean that carried any show of truth) was his modestie, (which they termed slownesse) but after his death, all mouthes were closed. The love which was generally borne to him was exceeding great,

both for his house and families sake (which was ever the most popular in this Kingdome of all other names) as also, and that no lesse for his owne vertue, and personall humanitie and courtesie. He was of a black∣ish and swart complexion, tall'of stature, and of a slender body, but well proportioned and straight limmed; of a weake and tender constitution, and not very able to endure travell, but having courage enough, and wil∣lingnesse to undergoe. His death was ascribed to witchcraft: and one Barbary Nepair in Edinburgh (wife to Archbald Douglas, of the house of Casshogle) was apprehended on suspition, but I know not whether shee was convicted of it or not: onely it was reported that she was found guil∣tie, and that the execution was deferred, because she was with childe, but afterward, no body insisting in the pursuit of her, shee was set at libertie. Anna Simson, a famous witch, is reported to have confessed at her death, that a picture of waxe was brought to her, having A. D. written on it, which (as they said to her) did signifie Archbald Davidson, and (shee not thinking of the Earle of Angus, whose name was Archbald Douglas, and might have beene called Davidson, because his fathers name was David) did consecrate or execrate it, after her forme, which (she said) if she had knowne to have represented him, she would not have done it for all the world. He died the day of 1588. yeares: his body was buried in Abernathie, and his heart in Douglas, by his owne direction. He is the last Earle of the race of George, entitled Master of Angus, who was slain at Flow∣don, &c.

Notes

• * 1.1

  His educa∣tio•…•….
• * 1.2

  He fleeth into England.
• * 1.3

  Change in Court.
• * 1.4

  1582▪
• * 1.5

  Justice Aircs in Perth in July.
• * 1.6

  The roade of Ruthven 1582 August 24.
• * 1.7

  Angus return∣eth home.
• * 1.8

  He joins with the Lords a∣gainst the Courtiers.
• * 1.9

  1583.
• * 1.10

  L•…•…nox dies in France.
• * 1.11

  Gowrie takes a remission for the fact at Ruthven.
• * 1.12

  A•…•…an returns to Court.
• * 1.13

  Angus con∣sined beyond Forth.
• * 1.14

  He is sent be∣yond Spaye.
• * 1.15

  He goeth to Elgin in Mur∣ray.
• * 1.16

  Discord be∣twixt the Mi∣nisters and Courtiers.
• * 1.17

  Melvin flees to Berwick.
• * 1.18

  His Apology
• * 1.19

  Gowrie com∣manded to go beyond sea.
• * 1.20

  Lodowick Duke of Len∣nox brought home.
• † 1.21

  Master Da∣vid Hume.
• * 1.22

  G•…•… taken at Dundi•…•….
• * 1.23

  An•…•…us comes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Stirling to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lords.
• * 1.24

  The Lords Declaration.
• * 1.25

  The Lords flee from Stir∣ling toward England.
• * 1.26

  Archbald Dou∣glas hanged.
• * 1.27

  Argatie exe∣cuted.
• * 1.28

  Gowrie bc∣headed at Stirlin.
• * 1.29

  1584. the 28. of April.
• * 1.30

  His Lady basely and beastly used.
• * 1.31

  Parliament at Edinburgh the 22. of May 1584.
• * 1.32

  The Lords forfeited.
• * 1.33

  Prot•…•…station against she Acts of Par∣liament by the Ministers.
• * 1.34

  A•…•…n mocks the Ministers.
• * 1.35

  Maines and Drumme∣whasle exe∣cuted.
• * 1.36

  Angus at Newcastle.
• * 1.37

  Angus his kindnesse and bountie.
• * 1.38

  Master John Colvill sent to the Cou•…•…t of England,
• * 2.1

  A letter from London to Angus from the Authour.
• * 3.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.2

  The Lords brought to London.
• * 3.3

  Mo•…•…ing a∣gainst Arran.
• * 3.4

  Sir Lewis Ballandine Ambassadour in England.
• * 3.5

  Sir Francis Russell killed.
• * 3.6

  The Scots sue for a Scottish Church at London, but cannot ob∣tain it.
• * 3.7

  The Lords came to the Borders.
• * 3.8

  They come •…•…o Fawkirk the 1. of No∣vember 1585.
• * 3.9

  Their Decla∣ration.
• * 3.10

  The Road of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.11

  M James Hal∣den slain.
• * 3.12

  Stirlin taken by the Lords.
• * 3.13

  They come into the King•…•… presence.
• * 3.14

  Gl•…•…mes Treasurer.
• * 4.1

  A letter writ∣ten to the Au∣thour, con∣cerning the State of those times.
• * 4.2

  Presented t•…•… Angus.
• * 4.3

  Discourse concerning M^r. Craigs Sermon.
• * 4.4

  Of Obedi∣ence to Ty∣rants, and Impunitie of Tyrants.
• * 4.5

  Bo•…•…inus his absurdity.
• * 4.6

  Apol. cap. 34.
• * 4.7

  Of Black∣woods opini∣on.
• * 4.8

  Of Active and Passive Obedience.
• * 4.9

  Angus an∣swereth.
• * 4.10

  The Chan∣cellours place offered •…•…o An∣gus.
• * 4.11

  He rejects it▪ Met•…•… made Chan∣cellour.
• * 4.12

  Angus Lieu∣tenant on the Borders▪
• * 4.13

  The road at the Tarrasse Mosse.
• * 4.14

  Looke for the translation of these verses in the following page.