A general history of Scotland together with a particular history of the Houses of Douglas and Angus / written by Master David Hume of Godscroft.

Of the first Archbald, sixth Earle of Angus, called commonly, Bell the Cat.

TO George succeeded Archbald his sonne and heir, a boy about 5. or 6. years of age at the most. For in the year 1461. the last of September, he is not 7. as appears by the Indenture made betwixt his father and the Earle of Huntly concerning his marriage. It took no effect: but in place thereof he marries Elizabeth Boyde, daughter to Robert Lord Boyde, then one of the Governours of Scotland, viz. in the year 1468. the fourth of May. Which makes it seem that the match * 1.1 hath not failed on the Earle of Huntlies part, but on his, or at least theirs to whose tuition he hath been committed. They, or hee preferring cre∣dit at Court before their keeping and fulfilling of the Contract made by his father. But it was little to their advantage, for the next year after that the Court was changed, the Boydes were discarded; his brother in law Thomas Boyde (sonne to Robert) banished, and his wife (the Kings si∣ster) taken from him, and his brother Alexander Boyde execute. As for their father Lord Robert himself, he fled into England. And this is all the fruits he reaps by his marrying for Court. He was by this our calcula∣tion 14. years of age at the most; and yet his Lady gets seasing of Aber∣nethie upon his resignation the same year the 1. of May. It is not unlike∣ly that one William Douglas of Clunie hath had some hand in the guiding of his minoritie, for we finde that the wardship of the Lands of Tantal∣lon, and Earledome of Douglas was given to him; and he having again resigned it into the Kings hands, the King makes a new disposition there∣of to Archbald, non obstante non aetate ejusdem, notwithstanding his nonage, which was then 16. years 1470. the 26. of June. Six years after, he * 1.2 hath care of his sisters Contracts by himself with Fintrie for one of them; and three years after that he takes upon him the burden for his mother, and hath her bound for his relief 1479. as hath been said in his fathers life, being then about 25. years of age. This dutifulnesse towards his si∣sters, deserves that he should be blessed with children of his own, and that he should have good successe in his affairs who begins so well.

And so it was with him: for he had by his wife foure sonnes, and * 1.3 three daughters, all honourably provided. His sonnes were, first George called commonly Master of Angus, because he came never to be Earle, being slain at Flowdon before his father died. The second, Sir William * 1.4 of Glenbarvie, who married Elizabeth Authenleck, heir of Glenbarvie. Third Gawin, who was Bishop of Duncale, a man of singular wisedome

and prudencie, and well lettered according to the times. This Gawin had a base daughter, of whom the house of Foulewood (Semple) is descen∣ded. We shall have occasion to speak something of him in the life of Archbald his brothers son, in whose time he lived. The Duke of Al∣banie being Governour, having conceived some jealousie against the Earle of Angus, and the Douglasses, whereupon Angus was sent to France, and his uncle this Bishop was sent for to Rome by letters from the Pope, at the Governours procuring, to answer to such accusations as were given in against him. As he was going thither, he was seased of the plague at London in the year 1522. and died there; leaving behinde him great ap∣probation of his vertues, and love of his person, in the hearts of all good men. For besides the nobilitie of his birth, the dignitie and comelinesse of his personage, he was learned, temperate, and of singular moderation of minde; and in these so turbulent times, had alwayes carried himself a∣mongst all the Factions of the Nobilitie equally, and with a minde to make peace, and not to stir up parties; which qualities were very rare in a Clergie-man of those dayes. He wrote in his native tongue diverse things. But his chiefest work is the translation of Virgil, yet extant in verse, in which he ties himself so strictly as is possible, and yet it is so well expressed, that whosoever shall assay to do the like, will finde it a hard piece of work to go through with. In his Prologues before every Book, where he hath his libertie, he sheweth a naturall, and ample vein of poe∣sie, so pure, pleasant, and judicious, that I beleeve there is none that hath written before, or since, but cometh short of him. And in my opinion, there is not such a piece to be found, as is his Prologue to the 8. Book, be∣ginning (of Dreams and of Drivelings &c.) at least in our language. The fourth son was Archbald Douglas of Kilspindie, who married a daughter of one Little in Edinburgh. He had by her Archbald of Kilspindie, who * 1.5 was Provest of Edinburgh in King James the fifth his minoritie, and was married to the Earle of Crawford his daughter, by whom he had first Patrick, secondly Alexander, and thirdly James. Patrick was married to one Murray, a daughter of the house of Balbaird, by whom he had William. After that he married Agnes, daughter to the Lord Gray, and had by her two sons, and two daughters. And thus much of his sons.

His daughters were first Marjorie, married to Cudbert Lord of Kil∣maers in the year 1491. Her portion was 1700. Marks. Secondly, Eliza∣beth, * 1.6 married to Robert Lile Lord Chief Justice. Her portion was 1000. Marks, whereof 100. pounds was to be payed at the first Terme, and then 50. pounds termely till all were payed. It is with dispensation, which is a signe that they have been in kin before the year 1493. Thirdly, Jennet, whom we finde contracted to Robert Lord Harris, in the year 1495. Novemb. 22. to be married, and that he shal divorce from the wife he had, so soon as can be. That she in the mean time shall not marry else∣where. For which cause she is infeft in his Lands of Tarrigla, with the Kings confirmation past thereupon, the same year and day. Her portion is, that the said Earle then Chancellour, shall procure his Lands to be new holden of the King. This fact, for a man to contract to part with the wife he hath, and marry another, as it is harsh to conceive, so being done

so solemnely by such persons, we must suppose it had sufficient and ho∣nest grounds. For certainly the Earle of Angus, being withall Chancel∣lour for the time, needed not to hunt after unlawfull or unseemly marri∣ages for his daughters. Some reckon a fourth daughter, whom they name not, but say she was eldest, and married to the Earle of Montrose, this Earles great Grandfathers father: but because I have not seen any monument of her, I reserved her to the last place.

He had also sundry bastard sonnes after his wifes death. First William * 1.7 of the Parkhead, of whom the house of the Parkhead is come, and the Lord of Torthorrell by his mother. Secondly James of Tod-holes: And thirdly one that (they say) was gotten in Glenbarvie, born after his de∣cease. But this seemes to be false, because they affirm commonly, that after the field of Flowdon (where his sonne George was slain) he went into Galloway to Saint Maines, and lived the space of a year an austere life. Then he was not thus incontinent, if that be true, neither came he to Glenbarvie, seeing he lived in Galloway. He had also a base daughter. And thus much of his children.

To come to himself: we have heard how his father Earle George raised the house of Angus to such greatnesse of credit and authoritie, that it was become not much inferiour to the house of Douglas, to which it had suc∣ceeded. Archbald his son did no way diminish it. But when he came to be of years fit for managing affairs, he so behaved himself, and gained so good opinion of his wisedome and courage, that the whole burden of the estate of the Countrey did lye upon him alone. And for that cause chiefly he is commonly designed by the epithete of The great Earle of Angus. For as touching his Lands and Rents, we finde no great augmen∣tation of them, save that he provided his children well. If we consider the means, it hath been his own worth and sufficiencie that hath brought him to it: for he began indeed his marriage with Court, as a fit mean whereby to rise; but that lasted but short while, as we have heard. The Court changing, it was rather a mean to have wrought him discredit. Notwithstanding of which, and though he was young himself, we finde nothing, but that his businesse went right. He got his own wardship, e∣ven when his alliance were at the hardest pinch, that same very year that Thomas Boyd had his wife taken from him, and married to another. His successe in the marriage of his sisters doth also show the same. Neither hear wee of any hard effect that their dis-courting did produce toward him.

It was he that was the chief actor in taking order with Robert Co∣chran, * 1.8 and the other Courtiers, that did abuse the King and Countrey. He propounds the matter to the Nobilitie, he opens up the estate of things, he puts hand to work, and executes what was concluded. The rest consent, and follow, he goeth before in every thing. And even then when he did all this, he was of no great age, not above five and twentie; and yet his credit, power, and authoritie, was able to go through with it. The History is written at length in our Chronicle, we need do no more but transume it. Neither is it necessary that we do that to the full, it will suffice to set down onely what is requisite for laying open the occasion

and circumstances for clearing of the fact, that the Reader may the better discerne the right from the wrong, which otherwise lye confused. Thus it was. King James the third of that name, a man of a great and high * 1.9 spirit, and of a hastie nature, and prone to anger, and such a one as would not suffer patiently his own judgement to be contradicted, could not a∣way with that freedome of speech, which he found in his Nobilitie: wherefore hee made choice of such to be about him, as would not cor∣rect, but approve all his sayings, and who would not offend him by gainsaying, but did curie-favour by soothing of him, and who with flat∣tering admiration did extoll all that he said, or did. Wherefore excluding the Nobilitie, he was wholly at the devotion of a few of his servants with whom he advised, and consulted of all busines, and either followed their opinions, or made them to consent, and execute his will. Thus he began to do about the year 1474. having after his marriage (in the year 1470.) * 1.10 addicted himself most part to his domesticke, and private pleasures, sel∣dome coming abroad, or giving time to the affaires of his Kingdome. He had gotten about him base men both in place and worth, whom he had advanced to honours, and nobilitated. Amongst these there was one * 1.11 Robert Coghran a Mason by his trade, whom he made Earle of Marre, An English singing man called William Rogers, whom he honoured with Knight-hood, with diverse others of meane rank and qualitie, whose chief commendation was that they were impudently wicked, and villanous. This Rogers is thought also to have been his Pander, and an enticer of him to lewdnesse and wronging his Queen. Amongst these base men, there was one Gentleman of good birth, but he seeing the Kings inclination, had set himself fully to follow it in all things; wherefore he had given his daughter to Robert Coghran in marriage as a bond of friendship and so∣cietie, his name was Thomas Preston. There was also a young page John Ramsay, who was of the same combination. These were the Kings Minions, Counsellours, and whole confidence. On these he reposed, and cast the burden of affaires. Their hopes were built upon the ruine of the Nobilitie, that by their fall they themselves might rise. These were Counsellours and Executioners of the murder of his younger brother John; and had caused him to commit his other brother Alexander to pri∣son in the Castle, who had died likewise, if he had not found means to e∣scape in the night, by making a rope of his bed-clothes, and so got over the wall. To these great evils there were joyned worse things. He had given himself to seek responses, and predictions of things to come, chief∣ly concerning his own estate, of Magiciens, and Witches. He had for that purpose brought one out of Flanders that was thought very skilfull in divining, named Andrew a Physician by profession, and Astrologer. This man had given the Kings Ambassadours some proof of his cunning when they went through Flanders to the Duke of Burgundie. He hearing whe∣ther they were going, told them they needed not to make any great haste, for they should hear news of the Duke ere it were long. And so they did indeed, for within three dayes they heard that he was slain. When they came home they related this to the King, extoll his skill, and in∣slame his minde; which was too prone of it self, with desire to hear him.

So he was sent for, and being come, was presented with many rich gifts. And good reason he should, if he could withall have instructed the King how to avoide the evils that were to come. But meerly to foretell e∣vill which could not be shunned, it was too dear bought evil tidings. Yet that is all he doth, tels him that his own should be his ruine. The King interprets it of his brethren, his kins-men, and his subjects, especially the chief of the Nobilitie. Whereupon being suspicious and jealous of all others, he trusted none but his foresaid Minions. By these doings he makes way for the fates, by slaying or warding his brother, he irritates the Nobilitie, he suspecting them, and being suspected of them by a mu∣tuall fear. They to secure themselves; put hand into the Courteours who were the authours of these evils; he interprets that to be Rebellion against himself, and seeks how to be revenged. They for their safety are driven from point to point, constrained by necessitie for the preservation of their lives, cast off all respect, and take Arms openly, drawes his sonne to the party (his own nearest according to his responses) whereon ensues his ruine. This is the effect of seeking to Magiciens and sooth-sayers, where∣of we seldome hear a better end. And it is but deservedly, that those that leave the authour and fountaine of all good, who guides all by his providence, to follow follies and superstition, and the authour of all evil and wickednesse should be thus served. This is the effect of pride and arrogancie, that leans onely to its own judgement, and will not give way and libertie to admonish and informe rightly. Upon which, other incon∣venients do follow by degrees: First with-drawing the ear from faithfull Counsellours, then giving themselves to flatterers, then entertaining of these, and rejecting and casting off others, whereof ariseth suspicions, jea∣lousies, wrongs, injustice, from hence shedding of bloud under colour of law, or without colour in open Tyranny, as no man at first becomes ex∣treamly wicked. At last followes the ruine of the authours, together with the ruine of others. To return to our point, it came so about here. The warre began betwixt Scotland and England; An Army behooved to be raised, and for the raising thereof the Nobilitie must be conveened. Loath were those new men to the work, they knew not what they might think when they were conveened. But there was no remedie, their privie counselling could not sustaine the warres. That was the part of the No∣blemen, and could not be done without them. So they are conveened; * 1.12 the Army raised marches toward the borders, on to Lawder they go. It is a Town in the confines of Merse and Tivedale, which countries were both wasted by the incursions of the enemy. Nothing will make men wise where there is ruine determined. The place, the time, the enemy, the necessitie to use the Nobilitie, could not serve to admonish the King and his Courteours to give them some small countenance and content∣ment. Whom they were constrained to employ, they would not en∣deavour to please. On they go with their wonted course. The King only countenances, consults, advises with his Cabin-councell. Neglects the Nobilitie and distrusts them. It had been strange if they had not re∣cented it; and as strange if they had not remedied it. Now was the time or never. The force, power and all was in their own hands. They disdain

it, they regrate it in private one to another. They agree on the generall, that some order must be taken with these disorders. They appoint a meeting for advising of the forme and particular manner how and what to do. The place, Lawder Kirk; the time, next morning betimes. Thither * 1.13 they come at the time prefixt. Here the Earle of Angus, first in place and rank, first in credit, first in authority and their account, is also first in speech, and is said first thus to have opened up the matter unto them.

My honourable Lords, I hold it not needfull to go about with many words to set before you the Estate of this Kingdome. For some things you your selves remember, some you see before your eyes. Our chief Noblemen are thrust into exile, and forced either to suffer intolerably, or do unjustly. And you who are the Arms and Limbs of this King∣dome are left without a head, as a Ship without a Pilot and Master, ex∣posed to the storms and tempests of fortune. Our fields are burnt, our goods carried away, the labourers killed, or seeing no other remedie of their manifold miseries, have yeelded themselves to the enemy. His Majestie in the mean time a man indeed (if he were himself) of a gene∣rous minde and rare understanding, bewitched in his affection, asketh no advice or counsell of his Nobilitie, but consulteth of peace and warre, of the good of the Countrey, and safety of us all with a few base, vile, and ignorant fellows, who by relating the predictions of Sorcerers and Magicians, fill his sick minde with vaine fear and super∣stition. And these men determine and set down decrees of our lives and estates, who knowing that they merit the hatred of all men, do therefore hate all men. Neither do they seek onely to lessen your au∣thority, but to strike off your heads by one plot or other. Some of you they have already made away by death, others by banishment. Neither do they, as commonly new risers do, climbe up to the highest places by degrees, but they make the carcasses of the Kings sonnes steps for them to mount upon, and water their growing honours with the Bloud Royall it self. One of his brothers they have most cruelly murdered, the other they have constrained for fear to forsake his Countrey, and become a Captain in the enemies Camp. And now being rid of them, they lye in wait for the rest. For being conscious of their own basenesse, they cannot endure any that is excellent or eminent. Whoso hath ri∣ches to satisfie their avarice, or power to assist their bold attempts, him they reckon for their enemy. And do we prepare our selves to with∣stand the common enemy? And encampe against England? As if a∣ny were more deadly and more to be feared then he whose greedinesse our goods cannot suffice, and whose thirst of slaughter our bloud is not able to quench. Now that you may know how much this inward plague is worse than that outward foe, put the case that England (which God forbid) should overcome, what could we look for at their hands? what would they make the end of their hatred, or reward of their victo∣ry? The death of the King do you think, or of your selves? verily, I beleeve neither. Our contentions have not been for lives, but for ho∣nour and empire. And a noble heart, as it is vehement and violent a∣gainst those that oppose, so is it easily mitigated by prayer and entreaty;

and even with the consideration of the instabilitie of humane affairs it is moved to pity and compassion. But let us suppose the worst, that they being mindefull of our old debates, and puffed up with present vi∣ctory would take the Kings life, which of these two doth deal more ea∣sily with us? He that by depriving us of life, doth also take away all sense of evil; or he that reserveth that to daily tortures and torments, which next after our God, should be most dear to us? who besotting the minde with Witch-craft, do animate the King to the destruction of his nearest kindred, who detaine him like a captive, and will not suffer him at any time to show his face to his loyall Subjects? that they may enjoy the comfort of his countenance, and he behold their service for his honour and safety. They are not so much to be reputed enemies, who with displayed banner professe hostility, as they who within the wals lye in Ambush for your overthrowe. who drawing away his Ma∣jesties affection from his friends betray him to his enemies, and making you destitute of a leader, would expose you to the mercie of your ene∣mies. Into whose hands if you do fall, though perhaps you escape death, yet shall you not eschew shame and ignominie, and which is worse than a thousand deaths, servitude, and bondage. If you get the day and be victorious, you shall not for all that, acquire that which is the end and fruit of victory, honour and renown to your King, rest and quietnesse to your selves, and to your posteritie, a flourishing and prosperous estate of your Countrey, but on the contrary a greater liberty to your adver∣saries for the present, and greater security for the time to come, ruine and destruction to your selves; and to your King a worse slavery, So that by vanquishing you shall not be so much freed from troubles abroad, as you shall increase your miseries at home. Wherefore my o∣pinion is, to speak it in a word, that first we shake off this yoke of servi∣tude at home, before we enter into fight with the forraine enemie. Otherwise all of us shall be slaves to the will and pleasure of a few, we shall strengthen our enemies, and become Traitours to the common∣wealth. What you shall resolve to do, I pray God to prosper.

When the Earle had ended his speech, there arose a confused murmure throughout the whole Assembly, for they had not the patience to give their votes in order, but all cryed out together, testifying their approba∣tion and assent to his speech and opinion. Amongst others there present, the Lord Gray was one, whom some would have to be he that slew * 1.14 the Earle of Douglas at Stirlin, commonly called Cowe-Gray. But if it were he, he behoved to be of great age now, and of greater at the battell of Bannock-burne, where he is also said to have been: wherefore I take it rather that this hath been his son. However, the Lord Gray heard all, and seeing their forwardnesse, craved audience, and told them the Apo∣logue of the Mice, who consulting in a publick meeting, how to be sure from the Cats surprising of them, found out a very good way, which was to hang a bell about her neck, that would ring as she stepped, and so give them warning of her approach, that they might save them∣selves by flight. But when it came to be questioned who would under∣take to tie the bell about the Cats neck, there was never a mouse durst

cheep or undertake it. The Earle of Angus understood his meaning, and what application was to be made of it, wherefore he answered short∣ly, * 1.15 I will Bell the Cat, and what your Lordships conclude to be done, shall not lack execution. For this answer, he was alwayes after this na∣med Archbald Bell the Cat. And so they concluded, that these wicked Counsellours, and their Complices the Courtiers of the same qualitie, and stamp, should be brought to judgement, and punished according to their deserts. In the execution whereof their main care was that no inconveni∣ent should come to the King, which because it might fall out in a tumult, they ordained that the Army should lye quiet, and onely the Noblemen with their houshold servants should go to Court, and apprehend them as peaceably and calmly as possible they could. After the meeting was bro∣ken up, as they were going along, they encountred by the way with Ro∣bert Cochran, whom the King (informed of their meeting) had sent to know what the matter was: For it seemed to be some businesse of mo∣ment, and great importance that had moved such men to conveen at such an houre, so early in the morning. He had about his neck a gold chain of great weight, which the Earle of Angus took hold of, and strai∣ning it a little, This chain, said he, doth not become a man of your rank, but I shall ere long, give you one that will become you to weare farre bet∣ter, and so pulling the chain from his neck, he delivered him to one of his men to be kept sure. After that he went on to the Kings lodging, where the Guard and others that were present astonished with the sud∣dennesse of his coming, or reverencing the dignitie and majestie of his person gave place, and shrank away, so that the rest were easily apprehen∣ded without resistance or tumult. Onely John Ramsay fled to the King, and clasped his arms about his middle, and at the Kings request was par∣doned in respect of his youth which excused his errours, and seemed to promise for him, that he would do no more so. The rest were led forth, and accused. 1. Of causing kill the Kings brother John. 2. Of inciting the King, and animating him against his other brother Alexander Duke of Albaine, so as to banish him: 3. Of sowing dissention betwixt the King and his Nobles. 4. Of drawing him to superstition, witch-craft, and ma∣gick to the offence of God, and slander of Religion. 5. Of perswading him to coyne a certain kinde of brasse, coyne of no value, which the peo∣ple called the black coyne, which fact of all other was most odious to the vulgar. For hereupon had ensued great dearth of corns and victuall, while as the owners did choose rather to suffer their graine to rot in their Garners, then under the name of selling to give them to the buyers, for so they thought it to be a gift, and not a sale. Their accusations were no sooner read, but all cryed out against them; and so they were condemned to be hanged over the bridge of Lawder. That sentence pronounced, was so acceptable to all that heard it, that they ran and brought their horse halters, and bridle reines to serve for ropes, and strive who should have * 1.16 the honour therein, the whole Army, and Nobilitie concurring and assi∣sting at their execution. And thus they did remove those men, whom the good of the King, of the Nobilitie, and whole Countrey required neces∣sarily to be removed from their Prince. Yet it was done with as great re∣spect

to himself, as it could be in such a case, where matters were to pro∣ceed contrary to his minde. They offer his person no violence, they do not mis-behave themselves in words: they are carefull it be not done by any in a tumult, and therefore come accompanied with the fewer number. They grant his desire when he did interceed for one of the guiltie, which shewes how willing they would have been to have granted the test also, if it could have been done safely. A very remarkable and rare example of carefulnesse of the Common-wealth, joyned with all modestie, love, and dutifulnesse towards their King. Their behaviour was just such as Lawyers prescribe in such cases, who accounting the person of the Prince sacred, and not to be touched any way, do allow that their wicked counsellours and abusers only be taken order with, where the good of the Countrey enforceth it. Wherein the Earle of Angus being the princi∣pall actour, the chief commendation thereof can not be taken from him; the praise, I say, not onely of wisedome in propounding, and perswading, of courage and resolution in under-taking, but also of discreet mode∣ration, and dutifull regard to the King, in performing of this action without tumult, or uprore. Happie had the King been, if he could have taken it up rightly, and as he saw how far his wicked abusers were hated, he had also read their love and regard of his person, that appeared in e∣very act of this Tragick Comedie, written in fair and Capitall Letters. He made show, as if he had taken all in good part, but it was not in since∣ritie. He accounted it high treason and rebellion, and set his minde whol∣ly on revenge. He saw what was done to his Courtiers, but he would not see the respect carried to himself; for upon this occasion the Army * 1.17 dissolving, so soon as he came to Edinburgh, and found himself at liber∣tie, he retired to the Castle with a few of his familiar friends, as not da∣ring to trust his Nobilitie. Which when they perceived, they had their private meetings and consultations apart. Hereupon his brother Alexan∣der moves the King of England to send an Army with the Earle of Glo∣cester, hoping to do somewhat for himself. And so he doth; for the Nobilitie sent for him, and made him chief man of the party, under the name of Generall Lieutenant of Scotland. The King remained in the Castle, from whence he is brought out, and restored to his own place, his brother endeavouring by modestie to approve his uprightnesse, and ba∣nish all jealousies by his actions. But all would not do; he continues his jealousie, and the effects of jealousie, an evill minde, and ill-will. Intends to make him away, some say by poison; whereof he being advertised, with-drawes himself again into England; and that he might be the more welcome thither, he put the Castle of Dumbar into their hands. Neither doth he bear any better minde toward the Nobilitie; but still intends their ruines, making up a heap of crimes, calling all their proceedings and actions rebellious. And after a short while, the Courtiers began to fol∣low the foot-steps of those that had gone before them, and nothing terri∣fied with the example of their end, began to trade the same path that they had done. John Ramsay (who was pardoned at Lawder) procured an edict from the King, that none but he and his followers should go armed in those places where the Kings Court did converse. The King thought

it was hard for him to deale with them all at once, therefore they must be divided. For this effect he insinuates himself, and becomes very familiar with a part of them, and advanceth them to honours. He makes the Earle of Crawford, Duke of Monrosse, a great and powerfull man. But who was so sit for his service as the Earle of Angus? he makes as if he were fully reconciled to him, hath him continually about him, countenanceth him every way, communicates with him his most secret affairs, some say he made him Chancellour; but the Chancellour (Andrew Stuart Lord of Evendale) was even now living, at the coming in of Alexander Duke of Albanie; neither hear we of his death, neither do we finde in old Evi∣dents, that the Earle of Angus is entituled Chancellour, before 1493. which is after this Kings death, in King James the fourth his time, though we have Evidents of the year 1488. and 89. To him the King opens his mind so far, as finding that the principal of the arrow_back Nobility arrow_forward were in Edinburgh the K. sends for Angus to the Castle, tells him that now he hath a fair oc∣casion to be avenged of his enemies, that he would cause seize and appre∣hend them: for if the Leaders and Chief of the Faction were once cut off, the rest would not dare to stirre: that if he should neglect this opportu∣nitie, he could hardly look for the like hereafter. Some say, that he pur∣posed to have invited them to a supper in the Castle, and so to have laid hands on them, others say, that he meant to have caused take them in their lodgings in the night, which is not unlikely. The Earle of Angus, though he were no very old Cat (some 31. or 32.) if that was 1486. as it should seem, yet was he too warie and circumspect to be drawne by a straw. He knew himself to be as guilty as any of them, and as much hated for his guilt. But he was now within the Castle, and had need to carry himself wisely. To refuse, might endanger his life; to consent he could not, it was so grosse and foule. Wherefore he frames his answer after such a kinde, as might be both safe for himself, and no waies prejudiciall to the rest.He tells him what a disgrace it would be for him, if without or∣der of law he should (all of a sudden) bring so many Noblemen to the scaffold without a crime, to whom he was but lately reconciled, and had promised remission of all that was past, especially at such a time when they trusted to the publick assurance given them for their securi∣tie.

Neither will those that remain, said he, be terrified, and dismayed with the death of these few, but be irritated and driven to despair, and so to greater violence. But if it will please your Majestie to follow my advice, I shall tell you a better way to give you satisfaction. Do but charge and summond any of them at any time to under-lye the law, and I with my friends and followers shall bring them in by force o∣penly, and in fair day light, to what place you please, where execution may be done according to law, which is not onely more safe, but more honourable, than either to betray them under colour of friendship, and feasting, or to invade them in the night, as if they were set on bytheeves and robbers.

This being spoken with that grace and courage where∣with he used to accompanie his actions, the King acknowledging it was true that he said, and knowing he was able to performe what he promi∣sed, supposing he spake in sinceritie, gave him many thanks, and having

loaded him with as many promises, dismissed him. Assoon as he was come to his lodging, he revealed all to the Noblemen, and withall went himself out of the Town. From that time forth there was no more peace. The Kings counsell being revealed, he distrusted all men. The Nobilitie seeing his resolution to ruine them, and that there was no trust to be given to his words, despairing of concord; whereas they had be∣fore sought his amendement, and not his over-throw, retaining ever a dutifull love and regard to his Person, now they set themselves, and lay * 1.18 all the plots they can how to undo him. Yet can they not be alienated from the race of their Kings. His son had not offended, and fell to suc∣ceed. They affect him for their Captain. He is also most acceptable, and most agreeable to the people, and so fittest for them. Others might be * 1.19 suspected, envied, or mis-interpreted. Wherefore they allure him to their partie by his keepers, and his keepers perswade him by feare of being dis∣inherited, and put besides his succession to the Crown. And now the parties are adressed, the King and his own son. There was divers times mention of peace, but where all trust was taken away, it could not be e∣stablished. They send the King word flatly, they could not give credit to his promises. And so there was no way to mediate a peace, but by his dimission of the Crown to his son. That condition was intollerable; he aggravates it to forrain Princes, and to the Pope, shewing what an ill president it was for all Princes. But before any help can come from thence, the Lords make haste to come to a conclusion, which fell out ac∣cording to their desire. The Kings Forces lay most part beyond Forth, and in the Northerne parts. For conveening of them, Stirlin was the fit∣test place. Thither he takes his way with the Forces he had: The No∣bilitie following as near as they could come to him. Yet was he gone before them, and might first have come to the Castle. But being excluded by the keeper, he is constrained to hazard the battell at Bannock-burn. There, having overthrown the vanguard of the enemy, he was overthrown * 1.20 by the Anandale men, & west-borderers that bare longer spears than they that were on the Kings side. The King himself hurt with the fall of his horse, and wounded in the right arme, fled unto a water-mill that was near unto the place, with intention to have fled to his Ships. But he was perceived, and known by the partisans of his Guard, that stuck to him (which were trimmed with white fringes or fasses) and followed by Patrick Lord Gray, and Stirlin (of Keir) and a Priest named Borthwick. Which of these, or if all of them fell upon him it is uncertain, but there he was slain by them. Fame layes it most on the Lord Gray, who if it were Cowe-Gray; it seemes his apprentiship and his practice in his old age have been very sutable. For he it was that slew William Earle of Dou∣glas at Stirlin, under this Kings father 35. or 36. year before this. He hath put a long time between his assay, and his master-piece, and gone too high in it. If it was his son, he hath followed well his fathers example, and gone beyond him also. All this while the Earle of Angus part was honourable and kindly, his heart could not digest the slaughter of his * 1.21 King. He sought his own safety, and to shorten the reins of his unbridled minde, but for his life, he neither sought it, nor could he suffer it to be

taken so farre as he could hinder it. Wherefore seeing the victorie to be on their side, he cryed oft to save the King, attesting all for their love to God, and for their respect to the young Prince his sonne, that they should do him no harm. This was cast in his teeth by the way of re∣proach as childishnesse, or too much tendernesse of heart at such a time, by the Lord Gray. There were slain on the Kings side the Earle of Glen∣carne (and a few of his fellows) the Earle of Angus married his daughter three years after, to Robert Lord Kilmaers son or rather Grand-childe to this Earle of Glencarne. This happened 1488. the 28. of King James * 1.22 Raigne, and 35. of his age.

But the Warre did not end with the death of the King. The old Kings faction was rather scattered than broken, chiefly his Navy and Sea For∣ces, of which the Captain (Andrew Wood) stood out obstinatly. In the North the Lord Forbes had gotten the Kings bloudy shirt, & carrying it upon a spears point like an ensinge, through Aberdene and other Towns stirred up all he could to revenge the Kings slaughter. In the Westerne parts of the Kingdome, the Earle of Lennox assembled his power, and divers moe with him did send their messengers to and fro, exhorting the people every where not to suffer so detestable a murder un-revenged; forbidding them to scarre at the shadow of the present Kings authority, whom these Parricides did detaine a captive to countenance their wick∣ednesse, he being rather a prisoner than a Prince, the whole power resting in the hands of the Douglasses, Humes, and Hepburnes. That even in that regard they would take Arms to free him from their tyrannie, who would make the World beleeve that he being but a childe of 15. years of age were so unnaturall as to allow of his fathers murder. Besides all this the English made some trouble by Sea with five Ships, which lay in the mouth of Forth, and not onely infested the Merchants and such as did trade by Sea, but also many times came a Shore, and pillaged the Countrey. These were prognosticks of a storm arising, and of a tempest as great as had been from the West, from the North, and from the Sea. But these droping Clouds which threatned an after-clap were quick∣ly dispersed by the prudent handling of the other party. Andrew Wood * 1.23 was intreated, and brought not onely to be no enemy, but also to set up∣on the English Ships, which he did with his own two onely, and brought in the five English to Leith. Lennox was defeated by the Lord Drummond, whose daughter George master of Angus had married: and the Northern men hearing of it sat quiet, and stirred not. And for con∣clusion * 1.24 a Parliament was held at Edinburgh the 6. of November, where all that was done at Bannock-burne was decerned to be good service, and that those that were slain there, were slain through their own default, and that those that had taken Arms against them were free from all crime. This had been done before in the Parliament when the King was crow∣ned, but there were so few present then, that they thought it necessary to renew it here, where both parties were present. And so it was not onely enacted, but subscribed by all that had vote in Parliament. Thus did Angus with the rest of his associats governe those matters which seemed to be very hard to settle, both wisely and moderately. For they used not

their victory and power either cruelly or covetously. They forgave sin∣cerely those that came in and yeelded, and punished gently the more ob∣stinate, fining them in their goods, or taking from them some portion, or parcell of their Lands and Possessions; but there was no man ruined, or wholly undone by them; And so they both pacified things, and did not much displease the parties, who bare it patiently when they called to re∣membrance for what small faults, and upon what slight pretences men were turned out of their whole Estates in the late Kings time. By these meanes they procured a true and sincere peace among the Subjects, strengthened with a generall love and submission of both parties to the King. And to confirme all the two principalls of the other party Lennox and Forbes came in, and were received into favour: Many attribute the commendation of all this to the King himself, whose inclination (it can∣not be denied) was good; but to speak the truth, as it is, he was but young, and not a Guider, but guided, even by the confession of the ad∣verse partie. Neither could he of himself have carried things so wisely, for all his good disposition; neither was he able to have done it, though he had been skilfull, if there had not been great moderation in those that were about him. Wherefore seeing both common report, and our Histo∣ries also make our Douglasses, Humes, and Hepburnes, the chief authors and actors in these matters; I see no reason why we should defraude them of their due commendation of being men that were dutifull to their Countrey, and withall very respective to their King, having laboured all they could to reclaim him, and after he had shut himself up in the Castle, restoring him to his full authority, and even when he was seeking their lives, they did tolerate him a good while, being very loath to come to ex∣tremity. And last being forced to it by necessitie for the preservation of their own lives, they had regard to the race of their Princes, yea to him∣self, and his life in the greatest heat of the battell, ever willing and desi∣rous to save him. And then after the victorie, we see how moderate they were against their detractours, slanderers, and profest enemies that had taken Arms against them, how meek in bearing with them, how carefull too, with calmnesse to reconcile them, how gentle in using of them, how wise and prudent in the whole progresse of pacification. And above all the moderation of their desires is to be remarked; for they did neither in∣crease their estates, nor enrich themselves on whit, by spoiling or violent seizing of any mans Lands or Goods. The Earle of Angus was made Chancellour. But that was after the death of the Lord Evendale, and so it was not taken from any other man, neither was there any wrong in it. And on whom could it have been so well bestowed? who was so fit for it? and who so worthy of it? Besides, it seemes that he got it not in the Kings minority, when he had all power in his own hand under the sha∣dow of the Kings name, and so might have extorted it from the King in those troublous times, for he is never termed Chancellour untill the year 1493. which was 5. years after Bannock-burne, and then all the troubles were quieted and pacified, and the King came to be 20. years of age, able to guide his affairs by himself. The Lord Hume is also made great Chamberlaine of Scotland, yet that was also in the Kings power to * 1.25

give, and belonged to no man. What other casuality, or benefite they acquired by the Kings liberality, we finde not, unlesse it were the Guardi∣anship of the inheritrix of Glenbarvie, which Angus got, whom he mar∣ried to his son William. But suppose they did get any such thing, yet was it without injury to any man and un-reproveably. Wherefore we may say justly, that no Princes minority was ever so moderately and inno∣cently, so justly, wisely, and prudently guided amongst so great trou∣bles and grounds of dissention. This made them that they feared no man, having offended no man, but were even secure in the Kings presence, not∣withstanding that he had enjoyned himself a pennance, for being acces∣sarie to his fathers death, which was the wearing of a chain of iron about his middle in stead of a girdle, to which he added every year a new link or ring. Not the lesse of all this, they were never afraid of the King nor jealous of him, but interpreted this well, and took it in good part, not onely because they trusted to the Kings gentle disposition, or because they confided in their own Forces, as being of the stronger fa∣ction; but also because they reposed on the conscience of their fact, the necessity of doing what they had done, and innocencie every other way towards every man.

From this time the Earle of Angus continued Chancellour, so named in all Writs and Indentures untill the year 1496. the 14. of January, at * 1.26 which time he contracts his daughters to the Lord Harris, and the Lord Lile. He indents with Hugh Douglas Deane of Buchan, and sonne to the late Earle of Ormond, in two severall Indentures, whereof the condition of the one is to pursue for the lands of Evendale in the year 1493. the other in the year 1496. the 14. of January, is to this purpose; That the said Hugh shall pursue for Glenwhome, Gladstanes, and any other Lands per∣taining to the Earles of Douglas, Lord of Evendale, or his father the Earle of Ormond, and that having obtained them he shall resigne them in fa∣vour of the Earle of Angus. Other things remarkeable we have none, un∣till about the time of the Field of Flowden, which makes it seem to be probable (which some allege) that all this time he was confined in A∣rane. The pretended cause (as they say) was secret intelligence with King Henry of England; but the true cause (they say) was his taking Jean Kennedie, daughter to the Earle of Cassils out of Galloway, to whom the King bare affection, and to whom the Earle gave infeftement, and seizing of the Lands of Bothwel, although he never married her. As touching the pretended cause it hath no appearance at all, seeing there was alwayes peace and friendship betwixt us and both the Henries (the 7. and 8.) untill the warre was denounced, or a very short time before. And concerning that of Jeane Kennedie, we have a note of an Indenture betwixt Angus Chancellour, and the Lord Kennedie, but they have neglected to set down about what it hath been in the year 1496. So that we are uncertain what to think of it. And contrary to this we finde that the Lands of Bothwel were not in the Earles hands, but in his sonne Georges, who got them from the Lord Bothwel in exchange for the Lordship of Liddisdale, which for that cause he resigned into the Kings hands in favor of the Earle Bothwel in the year 1492. so that the Earle could not give her the Lands that be∣longed

to his sonne. Further our Histories tels us, that when James Earle of Aran, who was sent with the Navy which the King had prepa∣red for a present to Queene Anne of France, had turned in upon Ireland, and having burnt Knockfergus, was come to Air a Sea-port in Coile, the King offended with his folly, gave the charge of the Ships to Angus for prosecuting of the voyage. But Aran having heard of it, hoysed saile, and was gone before Angus could come to the place where the Ships lay. Now although it should seem by this that the King continued his favour toward him, yet there are some apparant reasons to move us to think that it hath been somewhat diminished. For Alexander Lord Hume was made Warden of all the three marches (and that before Flowdon) of which the east and middle march at least had continued under the government of the Earles of Angus, for the space of three or foure generations, descen∣ding from father to sonne by succession, from Earle William in the persons of James, and George to this present Archbald.

Other mention, or monument of him we have none till the Warres be∣twixt King James the 4. and King Henry the 8. of England. It is repor∣ted by some, that the Queene and he did what they could to disswade the * 1.27 King from that Warre, but when he could not prevaile with him, he fol∣lowed him into England. There the King having wasted Northumber∣land, and taken Norham with some few other Castles, got a view of the wife of one Heron of the Foord, and did so fancie her, that he neglected the prosecuting of the warre, and care of his Army, and did nothing but dallie with her. Whilest the Army lay there idle, the English sent a Herauld to the King desiring that he would appoint a day for battell. But the greatest part of the arrow_back Nobility did dislike it. And the Earle of Angus though he saw all this and many moe errours, yet he held his peace all this while, whereas the rest of the Nobilitie reasoned with the King, but in vain. For the King told them flatly, he would fight them though they were a hundreth thousand more, and that he would retire. Then (and not till then) the Earle of Angus hearing his answer, and knowing the danger of such resolution, being the Chief man amongst them both for years and authoritie, he went about to set before the King the reasons of the counsell given him, hoping by that meane to break him of his determination, in these words.

Sir (said he) your Majestie * 1.28 hath done abundantly to satisfie your friendship with the King of France, in that ye have made the King of England withdraw the greater part of his Army out of France, and have turned the danger of the War from him without endangering your self. For they cannot keep the fields long in a Countrey that is so cold and wasted, especially now when the Winter is so near. Neither need your Majestie to wonder that the French Ambassadour is so instant with us to fight; he being a stranger, it is no strange thing to see him prodigall of other mens bloud, who doth not regard the good of the parties, but the benefite that will thereby redound to France. Besides, his request is altogether impudent and shamelesse: For he requires us to do that which his master (a man of great understanding) thinks not fit to do for his own Kingdom. Neither should the losse of this Army seem small, because our number is few, for

all that are of worth, & excell either in wisedome or valour in Scotland are here, and these being slain, the vulgar will become a prey to the e∣nemy. Therefore as it is safest for the present to prolong the Warre, so is it most profitable in generall. For if Lewis would have either the English exhausted with charges, or wearied with delay, what is more convenient, then to compell him to divide his Forces, by keeping one half thereof continually in readinesse against us, who lye in wait to in∣vade his Countrey upon every occasion, so to ease the French of so much of their burden? As for your honour and reputation, which men pretend, what can be more honourable, than having razed so many Forts and Castles, wasted and spoyled their Countrey with fire and sword, to returne laden with such store of spoyle, that they shall not be able to recover their losses, nor their soile redeem the former beautie in many years, though there should happen to be peace? What greater commoditie can we expect to reap of the Warre, than in such a tumul∣tuous noise of Armes to have leisure to refresh our souldiers with ease and quietnesse, to our credit, and to our enemies shame? Of all the vi∣ctories that are acquired, that which is obtained more by counsell, than force of Armes, is most properly the victory of man, and the praise of it doth onely redound to the Commander and Generall; for in it the Armie can claim no part or interest.

When the Earle had ended his speech, all that were present shewed by their countenance, that they did approve and assent unto his counsell. But the King who had solemnely sworn to give battell, heard him unwillingly, and answered angerly; bid∣ding him, if he were afraid, go home. Then Angus seeing the King ob∣stinate, and fore-seeing in his minde what would be the event of such headinesse, burst forth in teares, and after a while having gathered his spirits again, when he was able to speak,

If my former life, said he, doth not free me from the imputation of fearfulnesse, I know not by what other evidence I can clear my self; while this body of mine was able to endure labour and toyle, I spared it not for the defence of our Countrey, and honour of our Kings. Now seeing my counsell, by which onely I am able to do good, can have no place, I leave here my two sonnes, who next after my Countrey are dearest to me, together with the rest of my friends and kinsmen; the surest pledge that I can give of my affection to your Majestie, and to the rest that are here pre∣sent. And I pray God that this my fear may prove frivolous, and that I be rather esteemed a false prophet, than that those things happen, which I think I see before mine eyes.

And so he took his leave, and departed, leaving behinde him with the King his eldest son George, and Sir William of Glenbarvie, whom he exhorted to carry themselves vali∣antly, as those they were come of had ever done, and recommending them to God and their good fortune, he rode home. As the Earle of Angus presaged, so it fell out: for the battell was fought at Flowdon, * 1.29 where the day was lost, and the King slain, yet his body could never be found, which had been easily discerned by the chain of iron which he ware for a girdle. There were also slain at this battell George Master of Angus, and Sir William of Glenbarvie, with some 200. Gentlemen of the name of Douglas.

Their father the Earle went to Saint Mains in Galloway. He lived there a year after, an austere and hard life, where he died also, and was bu∣ried * 1.30 in the Church of Saint Mains, about the year 1514. his heart was carried to Douglas. The years of his age were 61. or 62. by all the con∣jecture that can be made. So that it hath not been so much for his years, as for some other infirmitie, that his body hath not been able and fit for service, as he sayes himself at Flowdon.

He was a man every way accomplished both for minde and body. He was for stature tall, and of a strong composition. His countenance was full of majestie, and such as bred reverence in the beholders; wise and elo∣quent of speech; upright and square in his actions; sober and moderate in his desires, valiant and couragious, a man of action and undertaking, libe∣rall also of heart and hand, loving and kinde to his friends; which made him to be beloved, reverenced, and respected of all men. He gave proof of his personall valour in a duell which is reported to have been thus. * 1.31 The King on a time was discoursing at table of the personages of men, and by all mens confession the prerogative was adjudged to the Earle of Angus. A Courtier that was by (one Spense of Kilspindie) whether out of envie to hear him so praised, or of his idle humour onely, cast in a word of doubting and disparaging: It is true, said he, if all be good that is up-come; meaning if his action and valour were answerable to his personage and body. This spoken openly, and coming to the Earles ears in the worst interpretation, offended him highly. It fell out after this, as the Earle was riding from Douglas to Tantallon, that he sent all his com∣pany the nearest way, and he himself with one onely of his servants, ha∣ving each of them a hawke on his fist in hope of better sport, took the way by Borthwick towards Falawe; where lighting at the brook at the West end of the town they bathed their hawkes. In the mean time this Spense happened to come that way, whom the Earle espying, said to his man, Is not this such an one, that made question of my manhood, I will go to him, and give him a triall of it, that we may know which of us is the better man. No, my Lord, said his servant, it is a disparagement for your Lordship to meddle with him, I shall do that sufficiently, if it will please your Honour to give me leave. I see, said the Earle, he hath one with him, it shall be thy part to grapple with him, whilest I deal with his Master. So fastening their hawkes, that they might not flye away in the mean time, they rode after him, and having over-taken him; What rea∣son had you, said the Earle to him, to speak so contemptuously of me at such a time, doubting whether my valour were answerable to my perso∣nage? When the other would have excused the matter, he told him, that would not serve the turne; Thou art a big fellow, and so am I, one of us must pay for it. The other answered, If it may be no better, there is ne∣ver an Earle in Scotland, but I will defend my self from him as well as I can, and will rather kill him, if I can, than suffer him to kill me. So aligh∣ting from their horses, they fought a certain space, but at last the Earle of Angus with a stroake, cut Spenses thigh-bone asunder, so that he fell to the ground, and died soon after. The two serving-men were very hard at it still, when the Earle came and stayed them, saying to Spenses man,

Go thy way, tell my Gossip the King, there was nothing here but fair play: I know my Gossip will be offended; but I will get me into Lid∣disdale, and remain in the Hermitage till his anger be over. And so it is thought he did: whereupon the King, when he was pacified, caused the Earle to exchange his Lordship of Liddisdale, with the Lands of Both∣well, alleging that there was no order to be had of the Earles of Angus so long as they kept Liddisdale: What other reasons the Earle had to move him to this excambion, I know not, nor why he should have pre∣ferred Bothwell; but it is certain his son George exchanged them with his consent. One fault he had, that he was too much given to women; otherwayes there was little or nothing that a man could have wished to be helped in him, or that was amisse.

Archlbaldus Angusiae primus.

Palponum dum turba ferox illudere regi Non timet; idque palam plebsque patresque fremunt; Amissum decus imperii; vilescere sceptrum; Omnia turbari tum for is atque domi; Cochronum extinxi (caput horum & dux nebulonum Is fuit) & laqueo colla scelesta dedi. Talibus infestus quod sim Gnathonibus, atro Dente petit, famam rodit & aula meam. Faex hominum, procerum pestis, Regumque ruin•…•…; Quo magis oblatras, hoc magis illa nitet.

Archbald of Angus, the first of that name.

Whiles bloudy flatterers did not fear T'abuse their Princes name and ear: Whiles great, and mean, and all repine, Whiles the Kings honour doth decline, His rule too much despis'd by all, And State affairs to ruine fall. Cochran their Head was hang'd by me: And for I punisht such as he, They do attempt my name to stain With slanders, but these dregs of men, The pest of Courts, the shame of Kings, Their greatest hate most honour brings.

Notes

• * 1.1

  1468. His marriage.
• * 1.2

  1470.
• * 1.3

  His children foure sonnes.
• * 1.4

  Glenbarvies originall.
• * 1.5

  Kilspindies originall.
• * 1.6

  Three daugh∣ters.
• * 1.7

  Base sonnes, Parkheads originall.
• * 1.8

  He takes or∣der with Cochran and the Courti∣ers.
• * 1.9

  The relation thereof.
• * 1.10

  1474.
• * 1.11

  Coghran a Mason. Coghrana a Singer.
• * 1.12

  The King with his Ar∣my at Lawder.
• * 1.13

  The Nobility meet in the Church. Angus makes this speech.
• * 1.14

  The Lord Gray his speech.
• * 1.15

  Angus called Bell the Cat.
• * 1.16

  Cochran and his fellowes hanged.
• * 1.17

  The Army dismissed the King comes to Edinburgh.
• * 1.18

  Plot against the King.
• * 1.19

  The K. sonne head of the fa∣ction of the Nobles a∣gainst his fa∣ther.
• * 1.20

  Battell a•…•… Bannock∣burne.
• * 1.21

  The K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.22

  1488.
• * 1.23

  Five English Ships taken by Andrew Wood.
• * 1.24

  A Parliament at Edinburgh 6. November 1488.
• * 1.25

  Chambe•…•…. Lord Hume
• * 1.26

  Angus Chan∣cellour.
• * 1.27

  Warre with England, and the occasion of the Field of Flowdon.
• * 1.28

  Angus his speech to the King to dis∣swade him from fighting,
• * 1.29

  The field of Flowdon, 1513. Sept. 15.
• * 1.30

  Angus death, 1514.
• * 1.31

  A duel be∣twixt Angus and Spense.