A general history of Scotland together with a particular history of the Houses of Douglas and Angus / written by Master David Hume of Godscroft.

Of William slain in Edinburgh Castle, the sixth William, the sixth Earle of Douglas, and third Duke of Turrain, &c.

UNto Archbald Earle of Wigton, succeeded his sonne William, a youth of no great age, of an high spirit, and of a sweet, tractable, and meeke disposition. And therefore we cannot but detest and execrate the wickednesse, and treachery of his enemies, who did so un∣worthily cut off such a sprig in the very budding; from whose blossomes none could but have expected passing good fruit, to the great good of the common-wealth, and Kingdome, if malice and envie had suffered it to come to maturity. Let us notwithstanding rest contented with his change begunne in his father by warding, and displacing from the roome of his Predecessours, from mannaging of affaires in the Kingdome, prosecuted against him in his life time, and now followed forth against his son. This

vicissitude which befell this house, is to be found and seen in all humane affaires, and doth overturne all due and right order in the world, as farre as men can judge: for innocency is often overthrowne by cruelty; ho∣nesty and uprightnesse of heart by craft, falshood and treachery: and yet let us reverence the Soveraigne cause, and Over-ruler of all things, who in this disorder directeth all things certainly by a great wisedome, and with good order doubtlesse, things unfearchable by man. But as nothing hath ever been so enormous, which may not receive some colour, either of vertue to make it seem good, or at least of some extenuation to make it seem not so ill, as it is: So this fact amongst others I perceive to bee of the same kinde: by some thought to be good (but very ignorantly, or ma∣liciously) by some excusable, both in form and in fact, by a necessity, or pretext of the common good; by all that have written, more slenderly handled, and doubtingly, then ought to be. For they leave it almost un∣certain what ought to be judged of it, whether it be good or ill: so that sometimes you would thinke they condemne it, sometimes they allow of it, and none of them deals with it so fully, as reason would they should doe for the information of posterity, and according to the right law of an History: but as men do with nettles which they would gripe, they are affraid to handle them heartily and hardly.

Now that this so instant a fact may the better appeare in the owne co∣lours, I will labour to wash away the painting and plaister wherewith the Authours would so fain (but falsely) overlay it; or wherewith mens judgements (whereof many are but halfe wise, and perceive but the half of matters; not plumming and sounding the depth and ground of things so well as were needfull) may be deceived by others, or may fancy to them∣selves for excusing of it, that we may learne to detest and abhorre so de∣testable and horrible facts with a true detestation and abhorring in ear∣nest and effect, that Posterity may know and condemne, and avoid the like practices.

And for this purpose, before wee come to the narration of the fact it selfe, we will speake something of the Authours thereof, Levingston, and Creighton, and their actions in the last Earle Douglas time.

We heard before (and wee must not forget it) how well these men guided the Countrey, what care they tooke of the Common-wealth; or to say better, how little care they tooke of it: how they cared for nothing save their owne particular, under colour of the Common-wealth: each striving to disgrace other by their private speeches, and open Proclama∣tions: so greedy and ambitious they were, that howbeit they had all the Countrey between them, yet it could not satisfie, or content them: they could not so much as agree between themselves, to divide the spoil, and part the booty peaceably and quietly, which theeves and robbers, and Pirats are wont to doe without discord or injustice. But they had not so much modesty, but fell at variance; spoyling, fighting and besieging one another, till remembring themselves that a third might come and take the bone from both, they were so wise as to agree for feare of him I meane the Earle Douglas: and that they did so, more in that regard, then for any good to their Countrey or love they bore one to another, it

soone appeared after his death: for incontinent thereupon they returned to their old byas, and the agreeance that was made for feare of him, lasted no longer then he lived: wherefore Levingston being Governour, and having the King also in his custody, being freed from the feare of the Earle Douglas, respected the Chancellour Creighton no longer, but began to despise him, and though now there was no band to binde him any lon∣ger to him, hee would give him no share of his bootie and spoil of the Countrey, but would needs keep all to himself. This was his ambition, or avarice, or both; for ambition would be alone in all, and likes of no equall, no fellowship, no copartner. And avarice might also have moved him to this, for guiding all, he might take all: and if hee made the other partaker of the guiding, he behoved to make him partaker of the gain: and therefore hee would none of his assistance in the government. But let us see now how well he governed, hee imprisoneth the Nobles at his pleasure, upon light grounds of suspition onely, yea he casteth them into fetters.

The third of August 1439. he warded the Lord Lorne and his brother Sir James Stuart, who had married the Queene Mother, upon suspition onely for their dealing with the Earle Douglas, and did commit the Queen her selfe to bee kept in a close chamber in Stirling Castle, of which hee himselfe was Captain: so that she could not get her selfe released, untill there was kept a Convention of the Lords, then by the intercession of the Chancellour and some others, she was dismissed, having given Sir Alex∣ander Gourdon (alias Seton) who was the first Earle of Huntly, surety and cautioner for her, that she should pay 4000. markes to the Governour. This was his iniquity, yea tyranny, and barbarous abusing of Noblemen, and yet he gave remissions, and pardoned men guilty of great crimes, or passed them over by conniving.

The Chancellour therefore (who thought hee should have his share of the booty) seeing his life thus debouted by the Governour, and not be∣ing able to help it, nor to have patience, and sit quiet, it being more then he could digest or beare with, retired him from Court to Edinburgh Ca∣stle, there to bee safe in his Fort, and lie in wait for the first opportunity that hee could finde to supplant Levingston. Neither was he slow in cop∣ing of him: for before the yeare was ended, hee tooke occasion of the Governours going to Perth, and knowing by intelligence the time and place of the Kings hunting in the fields about Stirling, thither hee rides, and bringeth him away to Edinburgh Castle. By this means the dice are changed, he had now gotten the durke (as our Proverb goes) he will divide the prey over again, he will have his large share of all, and direct all now, as Levingston had done before. The other finding himselfe in this strait, might lament his case, but could not helpe himselfe: necessity hath no law. The Chancellour had yeelded to him before, when he (or the Queene for him) stole away the King. Now he hath gotten a meet∣ing, he must yeeld to him again, and so he doth: Bowes his bonie heart, goes to Edinburgh, gets mediatours, brings on a meeting, and finally agrees by the mediation of Henry Lighton, Bishop of Aberdene, and John Innesse, Bishop of Murray.

But if you would see the right face of a stage play, deceivers, deceaving, dissembling, and putting a faire outside on their foule falshood, and pro∣ceedings; reade me there harangues on both sides, that you may either laugh or disdain them. I cannot take leasure to set them downe at length (as they are to bee found in our Histories) but in a word, you shall finde nothing but pretexts of the Common-wealth, of the Publike peace, the good of the King, and the well being of all honest men, which is all joyn∣ed, and depends upon them, and their well being forsooth. That hath been still their scope, that hath beene the aime of all their inten∣tions, no particular, no ambition, no avarice; onely love of those things which were common and profitable unto all; and because in them all did lie and subsist, in their standing honest men did stand, and by their ruine honest men did fall; nay, the King and Countrey were ruined. For this cause and for no other, that the Countrey might bee well, that wickednesse may bee bridled, they forgive one another, avouching that their discords arose onely from diversitie of opinion, and judgement; while as both seeking the common good, one thought one forme the best for it, and the other another form to bee best for it, and the other another forme; which if it were true, let what hath been said above beare witnesse. It would make a man to loath spea∣king vertuously, to see vertue by them so farre abused; yet the old Pro∣verb might have warned them: (Oportet mendacem esse memorem) and sometimes a liar will speake truth is verified in them. They confesse their ambition, and striving for honour and preheminence, they are ashamed to say for goods and riches, but it was no lesse true, and both were alike faulty, and they exhort one another, and promise to amend thereafter by a better strife, who should be most moderate and just. But they were as true in keeping that promise as they were in their discourse what was past. When the Foxe preacheth, take heed of the hens (saith the Proverb:) we shall see notable moderation and justice, such, as the world hath scarce seen the like example of treacherous tyranny.

This is the sum of these jolly men harangues. The conclusion is a new friendship (if falshood be friendship) or rather a conspiracy against the Countrey, and directly against the Noblemen, who (their conscience tel∣leth them) hate them as new men, lifted up to the highest degree (as they grant themselves) and that was reproach enough to the Nobility, and an argument of their unworthinesse. But they might have said as truely, that they were hated for abusing the King and Countrey for their private advantage, under pretext of the common wealth, which whether the whole Nobility resented or not, we cannot tell; for there is no mention, and it is a wonder if they did not, yet it would seem they did not: they had stouped and taken on an unworthy yoake of slavery. But what ever the rest did, there was one that was a sore thorne in their foot, and moate in their eye, it behoved to be pluckt out.

The Earle of Douglas was of the old spirit, of the ancient Nobilitie: he could not serve, nor obey but whom he ought, and the lawfull com∣manders, lawfully commanding for his honour and utility, whereof they were neither. Such a spirit is unsufferable, under these new conspiring Ty∣rants:

he will not acknowledge their authority, his father had told them their holy dayes name, himselfe tooke them for his enemies. But how shall they doe with him? hee is not easily to bee dealt with; they must have muffles that would catch such a cat. Indeed he behaved himselfe as one that thought he would not be in their danger, hee entertained a great family, he rode ever well accompanied when he came in publike, 1000. or 2000. horse, were his ordinary train. He had great friendship, and de∣pendance of old, he had been carefull to keep them, and had also increa∣sed them, and conciliated many new followers and clients by his benefi∣cence and liberality, and his magnificence, which was answerable to his place, suitable for an Earle of Douglas, and Duke of Turrain; which Dutchie he had obtained himself to be invested in, as heire to his father: having sent Malcolme Lord Fleming, and Sir John Lawder of Basse, (or Haton as others say) into France for that purpose; and was well accept∣ed of in remembrance of his father: and grandfather, he had all his affairs in singular good order: he had his ordinary Councell, and Counsellours for guiding his affaires: he dubbed Knights also, as he thought men wor∣thy; which power and priviledge he did not usurp out of pride, nor take upon him by imitation to counterfeit Kings (as some would insinuate) but by vertue of both his dignities of Duke and Earle. And although he were but fourteen yeares of age at his fathers death (in the yeare 1438. or 39.) and was put to death in the yeare 1440. not having attained to fif∣teen or sixteen, or little above at the farthest, yet in this his port and be∣haviour, did not onely appeare the sparks of a great spirit, but also of such wisedome and providence as could scarce bee looked for from so young a man. This galled them so much the more to thinke if that fruit should come to ripenesse at any time, how poysonable, or rather, how great a counterpoyson it would prove to their greatnesse. But here the skinne of the Lion would not serve their turne (he was too hard for them to deale with by force) they doe there sow that on that of the Fox.

The occasion fell out thus: During the time of the jarres betwixt them∣selves, the common affaires were neglected between stooles, and partly because they could not (being but meane men of small power) partly be∣cause they cared not to prevent, or to amend things, many insolencies were committed without redresse. The men of the Isles had come into the main land, had put all to fire and sword, men, women and children, young and old, farre and wide, omitting no kinde of example of avarice and cruelty: and that not onely on the Sea coast, but in the Lennox also: out of the Isle of Loch-lomond (called Inch-mertin) they had made an appointment with a Gentleman, named John Calhoon (Laird of Lusse) as if it had been to end some businesse and slain him (the 23. of Septem∣ber) with many such things, and many fowle facts had beene done in di∣vers parts of the Countrey. Likewise Sir Allane Stuart of Darnelay was slain at Paselay, by Sir Thomas Boide; and again, Sir Thomas Boide was slain by Alexander Stuart of Belmot (brother to the foresaid Sir Allane) and his sonnes, through which there arose great troubles in the west parts of the Countrey and Kingdome. The Borderers had not been idle, who living under the Earle Douglas, and being his followers,

or retainers, what they did was interpreted to be done by his allowance. And at a Convention in Edinburgh many complaints were given in against him, but never a word spoken of the taxe of Isles men: never a word of Levingstons and Creightons own doings, who had warred one up∣on another, not a word of any other slaughter or bloudshed, but as though nothing were amisse in the Countrey, but what was done by the Earle Douglas dependers; they onely were complained of. Whether the cause was in his enemies, and that this proceeded from them, or was done by their instigations, our Histories tell not, neither can we affirme it: yet it is strange, that there being so many more, and more enormous faults (for the Isle-mens were more hainous) none should bee taken notice of but his mens. Theirs are exaggerated, multiplied, and made odious; and the envie thereof derived upon the Earle, as Authour of all: hereupon Sir Alexander Levingston, (carrying malice in his heart, but dissembling it for a time, with a false deceitfull minde) perswaded the rest, that the Earle Douglas was rather a man to be dealt with by fair means, then to be irrita∣ted by suspicions: As one who had such power, that if he should oppose himself, he might frustrate all their conclusions & decrees. Wherefore he procured a letter to be written to him in an honorable manner in all their names, intreating him, that being mindful of his place, mindful of his Pro∣genitours, whose good deeds and deservings, most ample and notable to∣wards his Countrey of Scotland, were still extant, he would come to the Convention of the States, which could not be conveniently kept without him, & his friends. If he had taken offence at any thing, they would satis∣fie him so far as was possible. If there were any oversight committed by him, or any of his friends, they would remit it, and would forgive many things to his most noble house which had done so many good offices, and so much good service to his Countrey. They would impute many things to the times, and consider his youth, and the great hope and expe∣ctation they had of him That hee should come therefore, and take what part of the affairs of the common-wealth he best pleased, and as his Ance∣stours had often delivered the Realme from dangers of warres by their armes and victories, so that he would be pleased now by his presence to raise it, and establish it almost sunk, & overthrown with intestine discords.

This letter as it was honest in words, and very right, carrying that right course that should have been used towards him, and the duety that all these reasons contained, craved to have beene done to him, if it had been in sincerity: so being in falsehood, and with a treacherous inten∣tion, used onely to entrap him, makes their ditty the clearer: for he (out of the honesty of his owne heart) interpreting their meaning to be accord∣ing to their words, and being of no ill disposition, but of a sweet and tra∣ctable nature, desirous of glory by good means, that so hee might have followed the footsteps of his Predecessours in all good offices to his Countrey, not having so great malice in his minde, and therefore not thinking any could have so great in theirs against him, as to seeke his life, (for there had been no such occasion, their contentions with his father had not come to that hight and degree, but had been contained within the bounds of words onely) and therefore not imagining that so great villany

could have been harboured in their hearts, he willingly embraces the oc∣casion of making peace in the Country, & that he might contribute there∣to his best endeavours, taketh his journey for Edinburgh. His friends are reported to have furthered him in this resolution, in hope of their owne particular imployments and preferment, which (say they) blinded their eyes that they saw not the danger. But truely I cannot fee how they could have seen any perill, unlesse wee will say that they might have knowne that the Governour and Chancellour were treacherous men, and had given some proofe of as great disloyalty before, which is not men∣tioned any where that we know of; for though they were knowne to be subject and inclinable to falshood (as his father had objected to them be∣fore) yet it was so well covered, that it was not accounted falshood, but wisedome: for there are degrees, and there bee many who will dispence with themselves to step something aside from the strict rule of upright∣nesse (which is accounted simplicity) that will bee ashamed of so high a degree of manifest treason, as this was. So that howbeit they knew their falshood in some measure, yet could they not have looked for such pro∣ditorious dealing: besides it might have seemed to any man in discourse of reason, that if they cared not to blot their names with the foulnesse of the fact, yet they could not have great hope to gain or profit much by it: for what could it avail them to cut him off, seeing another was to succeed in his place, as ill (perhaps) as he? so that by putting of him to death, all that they could gain would bee but an irreconcileable deadly feude with that house, which was too high a degree of enmity for any thing had yet been amongst them, being nothing but grudges, and such things as might have been easily taken away. So that (sith the discourse of man for ought we can judge, could never have reached so farre as to have suspected what followed, but rather to have looked for the contrary) I see not how the Earle nor his friends can be blamed for credulity, or how it can be censu∣red in him as a defect of his youth, and proceeding from want of experi∣ence: for what otherwise could he have done, if his experience had been never so great? or himselfe never so old? neither is there sufficient ground to tax his friends as if their hopes had blinded them so that they could not see any perill which no discourse of reason could see, or apprehend. It is true, men ought to be circumspect, but it is a fault also, and proceeds of an ill nature to be suspitious, as he might well have seemed to bee, if hee had refused to come. The event showes there was cause to suspect the worst: but I deny that reason could foresee that event, or any, considering of the circumstances, could have made one to have looked for it: neither can any man save himselfe from such treason, neither can it bee reputed as simplicitie to the sufferer, but as a monstrous enormity to the doer.

To returne to our purpose, their disloyall practice stayed not in this smooth letter: they double fraud upon fraud: for so soone as Creighton knew he was on his journey, he came many miles to meet him, and in∣viting him to his Castle of Creighton (which was neare the way he was to go) he feasted him, hee cherisheth him, hee entertaineth him friendly, cheerfully, and magnificently: and that not for one day, but two dayes, kindly, with all the tokens and demonstrations of a friendly minde that

could be given. And to remove all suspition of unfriendlinesse, and the more circumvein him, he admonished him familiarly, that hee would re∣member the royall dignity of his Prince, and his owne duty towards him.

That he would acknowledge him for his Lord and Soveraigne, whom the condition of his birth, the lawes of the Countrey, and the consent of the estates had placed at the rudder of the Common-wealth: that he would labour to transmit his so great Patrimony acquired by the vertue of his Ancestours, and with spending of their bloud to his Posterity, even so as he had received it: that hee would be carefull to keepe the name of Douglas, which was no lesse illustrious and renowned for their faithfulnesse, then their deeds of armes, not onely from the foule blot of treason, but even from all stain of suspition, or aspersion thereof: that hee himselfe would abstain, and cause his men to abstaine, from wronging the poore people: that hee would put from about him theeves and robbers: finally, that in time to come he would set himselfe to maintaine justice, that if hee had offended any thing in times past, it might be imputed not to his naturall disposition, but to ill counsell, and that infirmity of his youth, penitency would be admitted, and accepted as innocency.

Venemous Viper that could hide so deadly poyson under so faire showes! unworthy tongue, unlesse to be cut out for example to all ages! Let not the Poets bee thought fabu∣lous, who have transformed men into beasts; loe a beast composed of many beasts: a Lion, a Tiger, for cruelty of heart: a Waspe, a Spider, a Viper, for spight & malicious poysonablenesse: a Foxe and Camelion, for falsehood and doublenesse: a Cockatrice and Crokodile, and whatsoever nature hath brought forth, that is deceitfull and hurtfull, a sweet singing Ciren, enchanting the outward sences to the destruction of the listner, so much the more odious, that it was in the shape of a man; and the more detestable, that it durst so pollute the image of God, so abuse the glory of man: the speech of the tongue therefore given him (beyond the beast) that he might imploy it well to informe aright, to speake truth, and to do good to others. The honest heart of the hearer that knew what he spake was right, and intended to follow so good counsell, taketh all in good part, beleeveth the speech for the truthes sake, the man for his speeches sake. And who could have done otherwayes? who would not have thought that he who knew so well what was right, would have had some regard to doe right? shall we account it childishnesse, that he accounted so of them, and suffered him to be so deceived? nay, hee could not keep himselfe undeceived. Good men, and wise men have often been deceived both in sacred and prophane Histories. We must not impute it to childish∣nesse in Abner, that Joab stabbed him under trust, but esteeme it vile treachery in Joab, of whom David sayes, Hce dieth not as a foole dieth, howbeit his hands were not bound, but as a good man falleth before a wicked man, that is by treason, which no man can eschew.

It is said that his friends seeing so extraordinary entertainment, so faire language above measure, so humble behaviour, and withall so many mes∣sages (at every step almost) betwixt the Governour and the Chancellour, tooke some suspition of ill meaning, and that there arose first a still mur∣mure

through the whole company; thereafter some began to admonish him, that if he would persist to goe on, he would send back his brother David, being mindefull of a precept of his fathers, That they should not come both together into one place where themselves were not masters, lest they should endanger their whole family at once. The unwary youth (unwa∣ry indeed; but what warinesse could he have poore innocent?) and very well inclined, even angry with his friends, stayed those murmures by a plain commandment, and assured his friends thus: That he knew well it was a perpetuall pest of great houses that they had ever about them some men that were impatient of peace, who made gain of the perils, travels, and miseries of their Lords and Patriarkes: and because in peace they were restrained by the bridle of the law, they were ever stirring up strife and sedition, that in troubled times they might have greater scope and li∣berty to their wickednesse. As for himself, hee reposed more upon the known wisedome and prudencie of the Governor and Chancellour, then to give eare to their suspicious surmises.

This speech thus uttered, testifying both an acknowledging of the evill past, and a resolution to amend, was it not sufficient to have purged whatsoever errour had been, or might have been thought to have escaped him before? And certainly it would, if these men had re∣garded Justice, or the good of the Common-wealth, and had desired to reclaim him from his errours, and winne him to his Countrey. But his so full confidence thus reposing on their credit, was it not enough to have tied them to have kept their credit? If there had been any spark of huma∣nity or nature of man left in them: and if they had not beene worse then savage beasts. Trust deserveth that we should prove worthy of that trust, and credit procures keeping of credit; where all humane nature is not ex∣tinct, and even simplicity deserveth favour and pitie. Neither can a man that is not altogether given over, and hath not sold himselfe to wickednes choose but favour it, and have compassion of it; yea though he had been otherwise disposed in the beginning, it would even move any mans heart (that were indeed a man, and not changed into a beast) to favour and commiserate, and would have tamed and calmed any former discon∣tentment, and have wrung from them any evill intention which they might (perhaps) have conceived before. However, this noble youth go∣eth on in the innocency of his heart, and that the more quickely, to cut off all occasion of such speeches, and with his brother, and with a few other principall friends goeth directly to the Castle, (being led as it were and drawne by a fatall destiny) and both enter, and so come in the power of those their deadly enemies and fained friends. At the very instant comes the Governour (as was before appointed betwixt them) to play his part of the Tragedy, that both might bee alike embarked in the action, and beare the envie of so ugly a fact, that the weight thereof might not lie on one alone: yet to play out their treacherous parts, they welcome him most courteously, set him to dinner with the King at the same table, feast him royally, intertain him chearfully, and that for a long time. At last about the end of dinner, they compasse him about with armed men, and cause present a bulls head before him on the boord: the bulls head was

in those dayes a token of death (say our Histories) but how it hath come in use so to bee taken, and signifie, neither doe they, nor any else tell us, neither is it to be found (that I remember) any where in any History, save in this one place: neither can wee conjecture what affinity it can have therewith, unlesse to exprobrate grossenesse, according to the French, and our owne reproaching dull, and grosse wits, by calling him Calves-head (teste de Veau) but not Bulls head. So that by this they did insult over that innocencie which they had snared, and applaud their owne wisedome that had so circumvented him: a brave commendation indeed, and an ho∣nest! yet I wonder what they meant by entertaining him so well at that time, there was some reason for it why they should have done it by the way, that they might worke out their treason, untill he were within their thongs: but being now within the Castle, and fully in their power, I won∣der what it should mean to make him so faire a welcome, to feast him so liberally and solemnely at the Kings table, and from thence to bring him to the shambles: what could have beene their intention? might they not have conveyed him to some private chamber? might they not have car∣ried him to the place of execution? what needed all this processe? what needed they to have let him see the King at all? It would seem as if they had not been fully resolved upon the businesse before; and that their intentions and purposes were not treasonable, but that they tooke occasi∣on to be treasonable from the facility to atchieve it: but our Writers are cleare against that, and say onely it was pre-concluded, when he was writ∣ten for. It might seeme also that they did this to communicate the mat∣ter, or to transferre it altogether upon the King: but he was too young, and purges himselfe by disproving of it. So that I can see no other rea∣son of it, but as the Lion with his prey, or (to use a more base, yet a more familiar example, and the baser the fitter for them) as the cat with the mouse, which she might devoure immediately, yet it pleaseth her to play a little with it: So they for their greater satisfaction, and contentment, delight to play out their Sceane; so strangely (notwithstanding) that such processe and uncouth formes of doing might seem to import some myste∣ry, and deeper reach then ordinary: which I confesse is so profound and deep a folly, and mischantnesse, that I can no wise sound it, unlesse it were that the Noblemans place, and his worth forced their wicked hearts to acknowledge it notwithstanding their wickednesse: And although the acknowledging could not prevaile so farre, as to make them leave off the enterprise, yet did it in some sort brangle their resolution, and wrung out this confession of his worth: as all the actions of wickednesse, and all wickednesse in the acting, are full of contradictions, as this same is most clearly: for if this Nobleman was guilty of death, why is he brought in∣to the Kings presence? why is he set at his table? If he was not guilty, why was he put to death? So difficult a thing it is in a lie to keep confor∣mity, either in a lie of actions (so to speake) or in a lie of words! In words it is difficult so to speake that the attentive hearer shall not perceive contrariety: In actions it is impossible that they can be dissembled. This action is a lie, for it saith he is guilty of death; but their welcomming of him, their setting of him at the table with the King, and their feasting,

sayes, he is an innocent, Noble, worthy man; Indeed onely truth in word and action can accord with it selfe: as it is uniforme, it floweth from unitie, tendeth to it, and endeth in it, and keepeth the taste of the foun∣tain from which it cometh. So they having given this confession of his worth, and again, (by that ominous signe) contradicted their confessi∣on, must needs be false witnesses however it go. The young Nobleman either understanding the signe as an ordinary thing, or astonished with it as an uncouth thing, upon the sight of the Buls head offering to rise, was laid hold of by their armed men in the Kings presence at the Kings table, which should have beene a Sanctuary to him. And so without regard of King, or any duty, and without any further processe, without order, as∣sise (or jurie) without law, no crime objected, he not being convicted at all; a young man of that age that was not liable to the law in regard of his youth, a Nobleman of that place, a worthy young Gentleman of such expectation, a guest of that acceptation, one who had reposed upon their credit, who had committed himselfe to them, a friend in mind, who looked for friendship, to whom all friendship was promised; against du∣tie, law, friendship, faith, honesty, humanitie, hospitalitie; against na∣ture, against humane society, against Gods Law, against mans law, and the law of nature, is cruelly executed, and put to death: They, (in despight as it were) spitting in the face of all duty and honesty, proclai∣ming (as farre as lay in them) there was no dutie to God nor man to bee regarded. And that the measure of their wickednesse thus heaped and shaken, and prest downe might also runne over; all this was done (as it should seem) without the consent, nay, against the will of their King and Soveraigne, who wept at their execution, and forbad them to meddle with his Cousin: the shamelesse men chid him for weeping at the death of his enemy (as they call him) during whose life (say they) hee needed never to looke for peace, whereas they themselves were his chiefest ene∣mies, and greatest traitours to him, and besides him to God and nature, and to the office of Justice which they bore; bringing a blot on the one, and the other, and bloud-guiltinesse upon his Crowne, so farre as lay in them.

This is that detestable fact never enough to be extracted, which I have laboured indeed to set forth in the owne simple colours, stripping it naked of all farding (though I confesse no words can equall the wickednesse of it) that men may learn to detest such things wherein may bee seen what respect they have carried either to justice, to equity, to common peace, or Common-wealth; that thought it better to root out such a plant, then to dresse and to cherish it; to ruine such a house rather then to gain it, which they never would have done, if their private pride and avarice had not had the greatest sway with them. I thinke all honest minds should disdain to reade what they gave out before of their love to the publike good, having here so terribly belied it: neither should any man speake of it indifferent∣ly without a note of detestation; neither extenuate it by the Earles sim∣plicity, which seemes to diminish and lessen this execrable perfidie, and cruelty. If this were the wisedome, whereof they had purchased an opi∣nion and name under the former King James the first, and if they had

practised such things as this, it hath been a bitter root, and hath brought forth a very bitter fruit, and hath, in all appearance been no small part of the cause of hastening his death, and the emboldning of his enemies un∣to it, as indeed I finde some of our Writers inclined to say; for such new men goe commonly about to perswade Princes, that ancient Noblemen are enemies to them, and barres to their absolutenesse, which is it that these men here mean, in saying that the Earle Douglas was an enemy to the King. Not that he bare any ill will to the Kings person (for that they could no wayes make appeare) but because he was so great a man: Ac∣cording to that generall rule, that greatnesse in the Nobility is dangerous for the Prince, and as if to be a great man were by infallible consequence to be an enemy to the King. Which maxime I feare they have beaten in∣to his head afterwards, not so much to strengthen and provide for his se∣curity, as to draw him to their party for strengthening of themselves: for we see all their intentions aime but at their owne particulars; and so in this they intend nothing else; onely they colour their particulars with the Pretext of the Kings service, as they doe this wicked fact also.

David Douglas the younger brother was also put to death with him, and Malcolme Fleming of Cumbernald his speciall Counsellour. They were all three beheaded in the back Court of the Castle, that lieth to the West. This augments yet their wickednesse, that they execute his bro∣ther also, whose age behoved to be lesse then his owne, who was but ve∣ry young too, as wee have said. These were good Tutors and bringers up of a young Prince, thus as it were to bait him with the bloud of his Nobility, and to imprint such a lesson in his tender minde that they were his enemies. But for conclusion of this matter, concerning these young men, as there was no law laid against them, so is there no Histo∣ry that beareth witnesse that they were guilty of any capitall crime. And Major saith expresly, Apud Annales legi, quod viri illi non erant rei mor∣tis, sed consilio & dolo Gulielmi Crighton, Scotiae Cancellarii haec perpetrata sunt: That is, I reade in our Annales that these men were not guilty of death, but this matter was atchieved by the counsell and fraud of Crighton Chancellour. It is sure the people did abhorre it, execrating the very place where it was done, in detestation of the fact: of which the memory remaineth yet to our dayes in these words.

Edinburgh Castle, Towne and Tower, God grant thou sinke for sinne; And that even for the black dinner Earle Douglas got therein.

Now sith these youths were not guiltie, whereof were they not guilty that put them to death? and with what note of infamy to bee branded? Though some seeme to blame this innocent young man (as they can∣not deny him to have beene) with halfe words, as guided by flattery, given to insolency, presumptuous in his Port, yet is there no effect, or affe∣ction brought importing either his being addicted to flattery, or that hee was more insolent, presumptuous or arrogant, then became a man of his

ranke. But contrary, that he was of a gentle nature, a repulser of flatte∣rie (now as hee grew in age) and of due magnificence, such as well be∣came him. Let us therefore account of him so, as one that was singu∣lar in respect of his yeares. And let the blame lie fully on his enemies, who shall finde some meeting hereafter from their Cousin; that they may finde all the house perished not with him, though indeed the pu∣nishment was not proportionated to that which they deserved.

In Gulielm. & David fratres in Arce Edinburgena trucidatos.

Vestra Sophocleo caedes est digna cothurno, Vestra Thyestea coena cruenta magis, Vos scelere atque dolis, vos proditione necati, Insontes, puerique & patriae proceres: Regius & vestro est foedatus funere vultus: Qui fertur siccas non tenuisse genas. Haeccine (Rectores) vestra est prudentia tanta? Haeccine laudatur justitia? haecne fides? Exemplum aeternis nunquam delebile fastis Perstat fraudis atrae, persidiaeque trucis.

In English thus,

Your murther may deserve a tragick Muse, Your horrid dinner justly might excuse Thyestes feast, by a more treacherous train Drawn to the axe, more barbarously slain Then was his sonne: your Princes guiltlesse eye Stain'd with the sight, wept at the cruelty. Is this these Rulers wisedome? this their love To Justice? this the prudence men approve So much? O! blacke example fit to be Mark't in eternall scroules of infamy.