A general history of Scotland together with a particular history of the Houses of Douglas and Angus / written by Master David Hume of Godscroft.

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Title
A general history of Scotland together with a particular history of the Houses of Douglas and Angus / written by Master David Hume of Godscroft.
Author
Hume, David, 1560?-1630?
Publication
Edinburgh :: Printed by Evan Tyler,
[between 1648 and 1657]
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Subject terms
Douglas family.
Nobility -- Scotland.
Scotland -- History.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A45110.0001.001
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"A general history of Scotland together with a particular history of the Houses of Douglas and Angus / written by Master David Hume of Godscroft." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A45110.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 22, 2025.

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Of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, Governour of Scotland, third brother to Sir James.

BEfore we proceed to speak of the next Lord Douglas, the time, and order of the History requireth that we speake of Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway, and Governour of Scotland: he was third bro∣ther to good Sir James, as Boetius affirmeth in these words; Archibaldus Duglasius Germanus Jacobi de Douglas, quem nuperrime in hispania interiisse scripsimus. This Archbald did outlive Sir James not above three yeares, as we shall show hereafter. Neither is the losse of the battell wherein he died, imputed to his youth, but to his haste and indignation. And in the battell of Annand, he shewed wisedome and advisednesse sufficiently. Touching his education, there is no mention thereof in History: he mar∣ried

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Dornagilla daughter to Red John Cummin, whom King Robert slew * 1.1 at Dumfrees. This John Cummin was stiled Lord of Galloway, having married a daughter of Allane Lord of Galloway, called Mary, whose elder sister Dornagilla, John Balliol had married: and there∣fore he is also stiled Lord of Galloway. There was also a third of these daughters married (as our Writers say) to the Earle of Abermale: it seem∣eth the lands of Galloway (Lord Allane dying without heires male) have been divided among the three sisters: as for his third wee finde nothing else of her. This Archbald having married John Cummins daughter, the inheritrix of the lands of Galloway, was imployed in the warre against Edward Balliol, whom he defeated and chased to Roxburgh, whereupon for this service, and also by another title which hee claimed as nearest to the house of Galloway by his Grandmother, the Earle of Carricts sister, (which right wee have deduced at large in the life of Lord William the third maker of the Indenture) Balliol being forfaulted, hee obtains the lands of Galloway, as Evidents and Histories beare record, stiling him Archibald Lord of Galloway, which continued in his posterity untill the forfeiture of the Earles of Douglas. Some alledge that Red John Cummin did not marry the Lord of Gallowayes daughter Marie, but a daughter of John Balliol of Harcourt in Normandy, called Adama, whom he begot on his wife Dornagilla, who was daughter to Allane Lord of Galloway: but how came Red John to stile himself Lord of Galloway, seeing his wife was Adama Balliol, who had brothers, at least one, to wit, John Bal∣liol that was Competitor with Bruce. However it was, Archbald Douglas * 1.2 having chased Edward Balliol, and Balliol being forfeited, was made Lord of Galloway.

This Archibald had by his wife, Dornagilla Cummin, two sons, William, * 1.3 who succeeded to his Uncle Hugh in the Lordship of Douglas, and was created Earle of Douglas, and Archibald after Lord of Galloway: hee had also a daughter called Marjory married to Thomas Earle of Marre.

We have heard in the life of good Sir James, how King Robert Bruce before his death had taken all pains for establishing the Kingdome to his posterity, and to leave it peaceablie unto them, and had done for that ef∣fect what the wit of man could devise: he had beaten out his enemies by armes, he had ratified and confirmed his right by the Lawes and Act of Parliament, he had obtained a renunciation of all title and claim he could pretend, from John Balliol his Competitor: he had gotten also the like re∣nunciation of the King of England, and all Evidents, Writs, and Monu∣ments concerning his pretences delivered up unto him, discharged and cancelled, and declared to be null, and of no value, by consent of the English Parliament, and (to be the surer of King Edwards friendship) he had married his sonne David to Jane his sister. He had cut off the rebel∣lions that were springing up against him, by executing such as were guil∣tie, established Randulph Tutor and Protector to his sonne, and Gover∣nour of the Countrey, hee had removed all occasion of emulation, that might have falne out therein, and setled all with good advice, good pre∣cepts, good councell in his Testament, both for peace among themselves, and warre against the enemy. But what is the wit of man, and how weak

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a thing are his devices! or what bonds will bind whom duety can∣not binde?

This same Balliol, whose father had renounced his right (nothing re∣garding what his father had done) renewed his claim to the Crown. This same King of England, who had himself solemnly renounced, who had bound up friendship with the most sure and strongest bonds that can bee amongst men, regarding neither his resignation made, nor his affinity and alliance, nor any dutie towards God, or faith and promise to man, used all means to strip his brother-in-law (by consequent his sister) out of the Kingdome of Scotland; as if nothing were unlawfull, that could fill up the bottomlesse gulf of his ambition. First, he caused an English Monke (under colour of giving Physick for the gravell) to poyson the Governor Thomas Randulph Earle of Murray; and afterward aided Edward Balliol with 6000. English, upon condition that Balliol should hold the Crowne of him. Edward Balliol entering Scotland with these forces, and being as∣sisted by the male-contents in Scotland, prevailed so, that having wonne a battell at Duplin (1332. the 22. of September, the third yeare after the death of King Robert, and about one yeare after the death of Randulph) * 1.4 in which many were slain, to the number of 3000. together with Duncane or Donald Earle of Marre, the Governour; hee was Crowned at Scone, and these of the Bruces side constrained to send their King (David Bruce * 1.5 with his wife) into France, having no safe place at home to keep him in.

After his Coronation, having taken in divers places that stood out a∣gainst him, he went at last to Annand, receiving such as would acknow∣ledge him, and taking their oath of Allegeance and Fidelitie. Whereupon Andrew Murray Earle of Bothwell (chosen Governour after Marres death) sent Archbald Lord of Galloway to see what hee could do against Balliol in these quarters: he taking with him his nephew William Douglas Lord of Liddesdale, and John Randulph (the Governour Randulphs sonne) to∣gether with Simeon Fraser, having in company with them a thousand horse, went first to Mophet, and having there understood of Balliols care∣lesse discipline and securitie, departing from thence in the night, he came so suddenly to Annand where Balliol lay, that he escaped very narrowly, * 1.6 being halfe naked (not having leasure to put on his cloathes) and riding upon a barme horse unsadled, and unbridled, till he came to Carlile. O∣thers write, that howbeit he came very quietly to have surprised the ene∣my at unawares in the night time, yet they had notice of his coming, and issued forth of the Towne with a great army, where they fought long, and stoutly, till at last Balliol was overthrowne, and fled. There were slain many of his friends, and amongst these, Henry Balliol (who behaved him∣selfe very manfully) John Mowbray, Walter Cummin, Richard Kirbie. Ro∣bert (or Alexander) Bruce Earle of Carrict, (and sonne to Edward King of Ireland) was taken prisoner, and obtained pardon by the intercession of his Cousin John Randulph.

Hollinshed writeth, that somewhat before this time the friends of Da∣vid Bruce understanding that Balliol did sojourne within the Towne of Perth, had besieged it, but that they were constrained to raise the siege, because of the men of Galloway, who having bin sometimes the Balliols

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dependers, invaded the besiegers lands under the conduct of Eustace Maxwell; whereupon hee saith, Archbald Lord of Galloway, with the Earle of March and Murray, invaded Galloway with fire and sword, and brought away great booties, but slew not many men, because they got them out of the way, for feare of that terrible invasion. This narration may bee true in the last part thereof concerning their invasion, but the cause of this invasion is not probable: that the men of Galloway should invade mens lands that lay so farre from them, as they behoved to be, that did besiege Saint Johnston; for in all liklihood it was besieged by these that were nearest to it, being in kinne, and friends to those that were slain in Duplin; and both Hollinshed himself, and others, write that it was recovered in Balliols absence about the same time, while he sojour∣ned in Annand, by those that lay neare to it, without mentioning any o∣ther siege before that at which it was taken.

This battell at Annand so changed the case, that hee who even now was Crowned King (in September) who had farre prevailed, to whom all men (even King Davids nearest friends and kinsmen) had yeelded, (des∣pairing of his estate) was by this act of Archbald Lord of Galloway turn∣ed quite out of his Kingdome and Countrey, and compelled to fly into England, to save his life, the 25. of December the same yeare, about three moneths after his Coronation, and was compelled to keep his Christmas at Carlile in the house of the Friers Minors. A notable example of the inconstancy of worldly affairs, and constancy of an honest heart in the Douglas, not abandoning his Princes cause, when others had forsaken it, and also a proof of his good service, and usefull; for which as he deserved perpetuall praise and favour of his rightfull Prince, so did he incurre great hatred of his enemie, the usurping Balliol; who the next day after (the 26 of December) going into Westmoreland, and there being honourably re∣ceived by the Lord Clifford, gave unto him the whole lands of Douglas∣dale, which the said Lord Cliffords grandfather had before in the dayes of King Edward the first. So proudly did he presume, to give that which was not in his power: And so little had he learned the lesson of the uncer∣taintie of humane affairs, grounded on whatsoever power, appearance, or even successe: and so difficult a lesson it is to learne, where there re∣mains means so great as hee trusted to, the power of the King, and King∣dome of England, with his owne particular friendship and faction with∣in the Countrie of Scotland, which shall indeed have power to trouble the State a while, but not to establish either the Kingdome to himselfe, or any part of Douglasdale to the Lord Clifford.

The next yeare, 1333. K. Edward of England having shaken off all co∣lour * 1.7 of duty to his brother-in-law K. David, made open warre to be pro∣claimed betweene the two Countreyes, which turned on all hands to the disadvantage of Scotland, even upon both the Marches. For the Lord of Liddisdale was taken prisoner on the West hand, he having the charge of that quarter: and Murray the Governour on the middle March was taken likewise at the Castle of Roxburgh, by pursuing the victorie too farre on the bridge, and so excluded from his owne. King Edward took openly upon him the protection of Balliol, having caused him to sweare

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homage to him, and so with a great Army both of his owne subjects and forreiners, came in person and sate downe before Berwick, and besieged * 1.8 it, both by sea and land. Hereupon the Nobility of Scotland choose Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway to be Governour, and Generall of the Army, advising him to enter England, and to spoile it with fire and sword, so to force K. Edward to rise from before Berwick, and leave the siege. And this whilest he was about to have done, he is advertised from within the Towne, that Sir Alexander Seaton Governour thereof had made a paction with K. Edward to render the Towne, if he were not suc∣coured * 1.9 by the Scots before the first of August next, and for performance thereof had given him his sonne and heire in pledge and hostage. Here∣upon the Lord Governour changeth his purpose, fearing the losse of the Towne, and against the opinion of the wisest of his Armie, marcheth directly towards Berwick, and the third day after he set forth, he came within the sight both of his friends and foes. Before this King Edward (besides Thomas Seaton, who was given him in pledge) had taken also A∣lexander Seaton, another son of the Governour of Berwick (whilest at a sally out of the Towne he followed upon the enemy too eagerly) and had now both the brothers in his power, the one a pledge, the other a priso∣ner. He therefore seeing now that the Towne was like to be relieved, sent to the Captaine, certifying him plainly, that unlesse he did render the towne forthwith into his hands, both his sons should be hanged im∣mediately upon a gibbet in sight of the Towne before his eyes. The Captaine returned him answer, that the dayes of Truce were not yet ex∣pired, and therefore desired him either to keep the covenant he had made, or else deliver the Hostages, and be at his advantage. When the King could not prevaile with him, nor breake him off his resolute constancie (to which his vertuous and generous Lady did also notably encourage him) he was as good as his word, and performed indeed what he had threatned, against the law of Nations, and against all humanitie, hanging them up almost in the very sight of their Parents, who bore it patiently and constantly for the good of their Countrey, and thought their chil∣drens lives well bestowed in that regard: onely that they might not be beholders of so heavie a spectacle, they retired themselves to their cham∣ber apart.

This strange, tyrannicall, barbarous, and monstrous fact is suppressed in the Histories of England, and buried in silence, not unwisely, it being capable neither of defence nor excuse; and yet is contrary to the lawes of Histories, and the duty of an Historian, who ought (according to the oath of witnesses) to tell all the truth, and nothing but the truth; seeing where the truth is either adulterated or suppressed, the life of History is lost, which consists in particular circumstances, truly related. Neither do I see how this same King (in the end of his life) can pertinently and just∣ly be called courteous and gentile, after such a fact, whereof few the like have fallen into the hands of the cruellest Tyrants that ever were recor∣ded in story. And for my part I think certainly, that it is not possible that one who is of a nature truly gentile and courteous, should commit and be guilty of so foule a crime. It is a perpetuall blot and unexcusable, and such

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as no wit can wash away. So it is still, and so let it ever be branded and detested. So it was by our Governour the Lord of Galloway, and so much did it move him, and so farre stirre up his noble indignation, that he thought he could never be exonered with credit, without avenging of it, or spending his life in the quarrell, and so being resolved to fight, he would never give eare to any counsell on the contrary, nor alter his de∣termination for any difficulty that could be proposed. And now K. Ed∣ward (after that unpleasant spectacle, detested even by the English them∣selves) had drawne up his Army, and taken a hill to the west of Berwick, called Halidoun hill, a place very advantageous for him; and the Scottish Army did stand over against them in battell aray. The Governour com∣manded to march up the hill, and to invade the English where they stood, altogether against the counsell of the best advised, who both before, con∣sidering the inequalities of the Armies, both in number (they being but few in respect of the English) and in experience (being for the most part young and raw souldiers, not yet trained) had disswaded him from fight∣ing any at all, and now seeing the odds, and inequality of ground, would gladly have opposed themselves thereunto. But all was in vaine: he was so incensed with that so detestable fact, that boiling with anger, and desi∣ring of revenge, and trusting to the goodnesse of his cause, and to the for∣wardnesse of his Armie, who being inflamed in the like anger, upon the same occasion, were very desirous to joyne battell, esteeming that their earnestnesse of minde would supply their want of skill, and overcome all other difficulties, and thinking in himself, that if having bin a spectator of that vile and cruell murther, he should turne his backe without fighting, it would be accounted cowardise; he prosecuted his resolution, and com∣manded to march forward, which was accordingly performed. They were first to descend and go down from a little hill on which they stood, then through a valley, and so to climbe up another hill so steepe that one man may (as Major saith) keepe downe foure, such is the scituation thereof on the west side. Wherefore the Scots, ere they could come to stroakes, were almost overwhelmed with shot and stones; when they were come up, being quite out of breath, and charged from the higher ground, they were borne downe with violence, and slaine. Some write that the first joyning of the battell was at the foot of the hill, upon more even ground, but that the English gave somewhat back towards the side and ascent of the hill, and having gotten that advantage of the rising of the hill, made a fierce onset upon the Scots, who pursued them too rash∣ly, supposing the English had fled, by which meane they were utterly overthrowne.

There died of the Scots in this battell 10000. others say 14000. the English writers say 30000. A rare hoast amongst the Scots, though the Countrey had not been divided in it selfe: and there were but few more then 30000. when they overthrew the King of England with his invinci∣ble Army at the renowned battel of Bannockburn: but such is the custome and forme of their Writers, to extoll their owne facts, and to lessen their neighbours, for they say there were slaine onely at Bannockburne of the English 10000. and at this battell but 15. how apparently let the Reader

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judge. Our Writers say there was no small number of them slain, and that it was fought with great courage, neverthelesse of this inequality: neither did the Scots turne their backs, or give ground, untill their Gene∣rall (fighting valiantly in the midst of them) was slaine. There died with him John, James, and Allane Stuarts, sons to Walter Stuart, in his owne battell, the Earle of Rosse, to whom he had committed the Vauntguard, with Kenneth Earle of Sutherland, Alexander Bruce Earle of Carrict, An∣drew, James, and Simon Frasers. Few were taken prisoners, and such as were taken, by the commandment of K. Edward were beheaded the next day, against the law of armes: some few were saved by their keepers, who were more covetous of their ransome, then of their bloud. Such cruelty did this gentile nature practise before the battell (upon the Seatons) in the the chase (upon the flyers) and after the battell (upon the prisoners) in cold bloud. But his aime was to make a full conquest of Scotland, which did faile him notwithstanding. This battell was fought July 22. 1333. called Magdalens day, accounted, by the superstition of the people, un∣fortunate for Scotland.

Thus died Archbald Douglas Lord of Galloway fighting for his Coun∣trey: his love thereof, his indignation against so inhumane a fact is com∣mendable: his magnanimitie likewise and valour is such as became his house: his conduct is blamed, and the cause thereof, whether it were an∣ger or errour: his anger or desire of revenge, though the cause be never so just, should have beene bridled and tempered, and so governed, with such wisedome as might have effected a due punishment indeed, and not so headie, as to have precipitated himselfe and the Countrey into ex∣treme danger and ruine, whilest he sought revenge. Or if it were errour, and too much relying upon the forwardnesse of his Army, that indeed is a thing not to be neglected, but to be taken hold of, and made use of, yet it ought not to be so farre trusted, but well imployed, and managed with judgement, as a good addition to other meanes and helps, but not that the whole hope of the victorie should be grounded and hang upon it alone; farre lesse ought it to be made use of when there is too great odds. In which case it serves but for a spurre to set us on to our more speedy ruine. If it were feare that he should be thought a coward if he did not fight that moved him, his feare was needlesse: he had given good proofe of it before, and might have given more thereafter: he should have remem∣bred that he was a Generall, and Leader, in whom want of wisedome and government were as much to be blamed as fearefulnesse. He was also a Governour, in whose safety the Kingdome was interessed, and who ought to have regarded the good thereof. In this ballance he should have weigh∣ed things, and should have done according to it, though with hazzard of a sinister report for a while, which might easily have beene recovered in the owne time. Concerning which, and all idle fame, and vaine opinion of ignorant people, we have that notable example of that worthy Fabius Maximus, the Romane Captaine, who neither by the provocation of the enemie, nor importunitie of the souldiers, nor disgracefull rumours scattered among the people, as if he durst not have fought, or had collu∣ded with Hanniball, and other such slanders, could be moved to fight but

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at a convenient time. Nay rather then he would doe it, he suffered the halfe of his Armie to be taken from him, and given to his Lieutenant, as the hardier man than he, who both durst, and would fight, as he bragged. And so he did indeed upon the first occasion, but with such foole-hardi∣nesse, as that he had both lost himselfe, and his whole Army, if Fabius had not come in time to his rescue; who at that fit time of fighting shew∣ed in effect both what he durst in manhood, and what he could do in wisedome; and easily made those fond rumours to vanish, to his perpe∣tuall glory, the confuting and confounding of his Competitour, and con∣fession and acknowledgment of his worth from those who had blamed him before. Not unlike to this was the saying of great Scipio the Afri∣cane, who being reproached by a certain man that he was not so forward a fighter as he could have wished (though in very deed he was forward enough) daigned him with no other answer, but that his mother had borne him to be Commander, not a fighter; thinking that a Captaines chiefe honour is to command well, and to choose fit times, places, and meanes for fighting. And not to goe any farther; we heard before in good Sir James his life, how little he was moved at the English Heralds demands, who desired (in the Kings name) that he would fight him on the plaine field, upon equall ground, if he had either vertue or honour. Sir James sent him away with derision, as one that had made a foolish request, telling him, that a good Captaine should account it his honour not to fight for his enemies request, but as he found most expedient and convenient for himselfe, in wisedome, choosing the forme, the field, the time, the place, and all for the advantage of his Army, and giving no ad∣vantage to the enemy whereof he could possibly hinder him. And this I have insisted upon so much the more, because many that are of good spi∣rits otherwise, do oftentimes erre in this false opinion, and thereby doe both lose themselves and their honours. So that while they affectate to be called hardie fighters, doe prove indeed to be foolish Captains, and ill Commanders, and so doe not eschew reproach, but incurre it. Neither get they the honour of valour, which they seeke, but the blame of temeritie and rashnesse, which they should avoid. So that the Writers speaking of this fact, doe all of them condemne it, and brand it with a note of ill conduct; and some of them say in expresse termes, Archbald Lord of Galloway was not valiant (in this case) but temerarious and foo∣lish; very truly and wisely, to warne others to take heed, and beware of failing in the like kinde; very soberly and respectively, restricting it to this particular onely, and in this case leaving him his due praise and commendation in his other actions, as ye have heard hee very well de∣served.

This defeat drew on with it the surrendring of the Towne of Berwick (the next day after) by Sir Alexander Seaton, and of the Castle by Patrick Dumbarre Earle of March, lives and goods safe, themselves giving their Oath of allegeance and fealty to the K. of England. He commanded the Earle of March to re-edifie the Castle of Dumbarre, which he, being not able to keepe it, had demolished, that it might not be a receit to the Eng∣lish. And within a short time this overthrow had wellnigh overthrowne

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the Kingdome, and the cause: for the greatest part of the Nobilitie, that were not dead before, being slain in this conflict, the rest flying to save themselves, to strengths & defa•…•…ts; Balliol assisted by Robert Talbot (a Noble man of England, whom the King had left with him, with a few English bands) being aided by his Favourers in Scotland, made himself once more King, and was confirmed by Parliament, within half a yeare after he had been driven out. All yeelded obedience to him, save onely foure Castles, to wit, Loch-leven, Dumbarton, Kildrummie, Urwhart and Lowdon peele, seated on a little lake; so that no man in Scotland durst call David Bruce their King, except young children in their playes: so far were matters altered by this check! Where it is to be marked, that as by the wise and wary government of the same Archbald, his Countrey and lawfull King were defended, and Balliol chased out of his usurped King∣dome: So by the same mans oversight in government, both the usur∣ping Edwards (English and Scots) are repossessed again therein, and his Countrey plunged into misery, and the rightfull King and his part∣ners brought to great extremitie.

Of so great efficacie is good, or evill government: therefore it is so much the more circumspectly to bee looked to, and to bee exercised ac∣cording to the rules of wisedome, and not after the opinions of men, fame, and reports, anger, or whatsoever other cause doth make men stray from the right and strait course of reason. This was the lamentable condition of our Countrey: But let us have patience a while, and wee shall shortly have better newes. Both these usurpers shall ere long bee driven to let go their hold, and at last be utterly disappointed of all their hopes and projects; God conserving the liberty of this Countrey, and the Crowne thereof to the rightfull heire, and the Bruces bloud, in whose posterity it shall yet prosper. In which work no little part shall bee the valiant and faithfull efforts of the Douglasses. Amongst whom it were requisite to speake of the next Lord Douglas: But the order of time draws me another way: it being long before his turne come in, even tenne or twelve, or perhaps twentie yeares, as shall be seen in the owne place, for hee hath been young (it should seeme,) and abroad out of the Countrey, but in his absence some other of the Douglasses must not be idle.

Archibaldus Duglasius ad Hali∣donem coesus, 1333.
Non potuit perferre nefas, foedamque Tyranni Persidiam. Et quisnam sustinuisse queat? Ergo furens animi, at{que} accenso pectore inardet Praelia, & ingratas increpat usque moras. Poscimus aut aequo (dixit) certamine Martem, Aut certum est fatis cedere velle tuis. Ah nimis! ah properant! Non illis ignea virtus Defuerat: nocuit praecipetasse nimis. Nec te victorem jactes, temeraria virtus Sic nocuit. Vinci vis animosa nequit.

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In English thus,
He was not patient enough to see The Tyrants faithlesse fact (and who could be) Hence his enflamed breast with anger sweld, Enrag'd at such impediments as held His hand from just revenge. Come let us trie Our chance, and winne the field, or bravely die. If fate will have it so, he said: and all With too much haste obey'd their Generall. No courage wanted, but the hard event Prov'd the act rash, and lose the punishment Of ill rul'd valour. Thou didst nothing gain, Who to his passion yeelds commands in vain.

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