Golden remains of the ever memorable Mr. John Hales ... with additions from the authours own copy, viz., sermons & miscellanies, also letters and expresses concerning the Synod of Dort (not before printed), from an authentick hand.

Miscellanies.

Mr. HALES Confession of the TRINITY.

THe Sum of whatsoever either the Scriptures teach, or the Scholes conclude concerning the Doctrine of the TRINITY, is comprised in these few lines.

GOD is ONE; Numerically ONE; more ONE, then any single Man is One, if Vnity could suscipere magis & minus: Yet, GOD is so ONE, that he admits of Distin∣ction; and so admits of Distinction, that he still retains Vnity.

As He is ONE, so we call Him GOD, the Deity, the Divine Nature, and other Names of the same signification: As He is Distinguished, so we call Him TRINITY; Persons, FATHER, SON, and HOLY GHOST.

In this TRINITY there is One Essence; Two Emanations; Three Persons, or Relations; Four Properties; Five Notions.

[A Notion is that by which any Person is Known or Signified.]

The One Essence is GOD, which with this Relation, that it doth Generate, or Beget, makes the Person of the FA∣THER: the same Essence, with this Relation, that it is Be∣gotten, maketh the Person of the SON: the same Essence, with this Relation, that it Proceedeth, maketh the Person of the HOLY GHOST.

The Two Emanations are, to be Begotten; and to Proceed, or to be Breathed out: The Three Persons are, FATHER, SON, and HOLY SPIRIT. The Three Relations are, to Be∣get; to be Begotten; and, to Proceed, or to be Breathed out. The Four Properties are; the First, Innascibility, and Ine∣manability; the Second, is to Generate; these belong to the FATHER: the Third, is to be Begotten; and this be∣longs unto the SON: the Fourth, is to Proceed, or to be Breathed out; and this belongs unto the HOLY SPIRIT. The Five Notions are; First, Innascibility; the Second, is to Beget; the Third, to be Begotten; the Fourth, Spiratio Passiva, to be Breathed out; the Fifth, Spiratio Activa, or, to Breathe; and this Notion belongs to the FATHER and the SON alike; for, Pater & Filius spirant Spiritum San∣ctum.

Hence it evidently follows, that he who acknowledgeth thus much, can never possibly scruple the Eternal Deity of the Son of God.

If any man think this Confession to be Defecti, (for I can con∣ceive no more in this point necessary to be known) let him supply what he conceives be deficient, and I shall thank him for his fa∣vour.

How we come to know the Scriptures to be the Word of God?

HOw come I to know that the Works which we call Livie's, are indeed his whose name they bear? Hath God left means to know the prophane Writings of men? hath he left no certain means to know his own Records?

The first and outward means that brings us to the knowledge of these Books, is the voice of the Church, notified to us by our Teachers and Instructors, who first unclasp'd and open'd them unto us, and that common duty which is exacted at the hand of every learner: Oportet discentem credere. And this remaining in us, per∣adventure is all the outward means, that the ordinary and plainer sort of Christians know.

To those who are conversant among the Records of Antiquity, farther light appears: To find the ancient Copies of Books, bear∣ing these Titles, to find in all Ages since their being written, the universal consent of all the Church, still resolving it self upon these writings, as sacred and uncontrolable; these cannot chuse but be strong Motioners unto us, to pass our consent unto them, and to conclude, that either these Writings are that which they are ta∣ken for, or nothing left us from Antiquity is true. For whatsoever is that gives any strength or credit to any thing of Antiquity left to posterity, whether it be Writings and Records, or Tradition from hand to hand, or what things else soever, they all concur to the authorising of holy Scriptures, as amply as they do to any other thing left unto the world.

Yea, but will some man reply, this proves indeed strongly that Moses and the Prophets, that St. Matthew and St. Paul, &c. writ those Books, and about those times which they bear shew of, but this comes not home; for how proves this that they are of God? If I heard St. Paul himself preaching, what makes me beleive him that his Doctrine is from God, and his words, the words of the holy Ghost? For answer. There was no outward means to per∣swade the world at the first rising of Christianity, that it is infallibly from God, a 1.1 but onely Miracles, such as impossibly were naturally to be done. Had I not done those things (saith

our Saviour) which no man else could do, you had had no sin: Had not the world seen those Miracles, which did unavoidably prove the assistance and presence of a Divine power with those who first taught the will of Christ, it had not had sin, if it had rejected them: For though the world by the light of natural discretion, might easily have discover'd, that that was not the right way, wherein it usually walk'd; yet, that that was the true path, which the Apostles themselves began to tread, there was no means un∣doubtedly to prove, but Miracles; and if the building were at this day to be raised, it could not be founded without Miracles. To our fore-fathers therefore, whose ears first entertain'd the word of life, Miracles were necessary; and so they are to us, but after another order: For as the sight of these Miracles did confirm the doctrine unto them, so unto us the infallible records of them: For whatsoever evidence there is, that the Word once began to be preach'd, the very same confirms unto us that it was accom∣panied with Miracles and Wonders; so that as those Miracles by being seen, did prove unanswerably unto our fore-fathers the truth of the doctrine, for the confirmation of which they were intended; so do they unto us never a whit less effectually approve it, by be∣ing left unto us upon these Records; which if they fail us, then by Antiquity there can be nothing left unto posterity which can have certain and undoubted oredit. The certain and uncontrolable Re∣cords of Miracles, are the same to us the Miracles are.

The Church of Rome, when she commends unto us the Authority of the Church in dijudicating of Scriptures, seems onely to speak of her self, and that, of that part of her self which is at some time existent; whereas we, when we appeal to the Church's testi∣mony, content not our selves with any part of the Church actually existent, but add unto it the perpetually successive testimony of the Church in all Ages since the Apostles time, viz. since its first beginning; and out of both these draw an argument in this question of that force, as that from it not the subtilest disputer can find an escape; for who is it that can think to gain acceptance and credit with reasonable men, by opposing not onely the present Church con∣versing in earth, but to the uniform consent of the Church in all Ages.

So that in effect, to us of after-ages, the greatest, if not the sole outward mean of our consent to holy Scripture, is the voice of the

Church, (excepting always the Copies of the Books themselves, bearing from their birth such or such names) of the Church, I say, and that not onely of that part of it, which is actually existent at any time, but successively of the Church ever since the time of our blessed Saviour: for all these testimonies which from time to time are left in the Writings of our fore-fathers (as almost every Age ever since the first birth of the Gospel, hath by God's pro∣vidence left us store) are the continued voice of the Church, wit∣nessing unto us the truth of these Books, and their Authority well: but this is onely fides humano judicio & testimonio ac••quaesita; what shall we think of fides infusa? of the inward working of the holy Ghost, in the consciences of every beleiver? How far it is a perswader unto us of the Authority of these Books, I have not much to say: Onely thus much in general, that doubtless the holy Ghost doth so work in the heart of every true Beleiver, that it leaves a farther assurance, strong and sufficient, to ground and stay it self upon: But this, because it is private to every one, and no way sub∣ject to sense, is unfit to yeild argument by way of dispute, to stop the captious curiosities of wits disposed to wrangle; and by so much the more unfit it is, by how much by experience we have learn'd, that men are very apt to call their own private conceit, the Spirit. To oppose unto these men to reform them, our own private conceits under the name likewise of the Spirit, were mad∣ness; so that to judge upon presumption of the Spirit in private, can be no way to bring either this or any other controversie to an end.

If it should please God at this day to adde any thing more unto the Canon of faith, it were necessary it should be confirmed by Miracles.

Concerning the Lawfulness of Marriages betwixt First Cousins, or Cousin-Germans.

Septemb. 8. 1630.

Worthy Sir,

IT is too great an Honour which you have done me, to re∣quire my judgment (if at least I have any judgment) in a matter in which your self, both by reason of your skill and degree, cannot chuse but over-weigh me: yet such as it is, since you are pleased to require it, lo, I present it to you, and wish it may be for your service.

IN Marriages, two things are most especially to be considered, Conveniency, and Affection: Conveniency, thereby to advance, or otherwise settle our Estates to our content: Affection, because of the singular content we take in the enjoying of what we love. Now because these Two are great parties, and sway much in the manage of our Temporal Actions, by common consent and practise of all men, they freely take their course, fave onely there where the Publick Laws of God or Men have given them some check and inhibition, for the propagation of Mutual Love and Acquain∣tance among men. And for avoiding of Confusion in Bloud, God and Men have joyntly enacted, that it shall not not be lawful for us to make our commodity, or place our affection by way of Mar∣riage within certain Degrees of Propinquity and Kindred: but this was with some restraint. For as St. Augustine tells us, Fuit autem antiquis Patribus religiosa cura num ipsa propinquitas se paulatim pro∣paginum ordinibus dirimens longius abiret, & propinquitas esse de∣sisteret; eam nondum longe positam rursus Matrimonii vinculo Col∣ligare & quodammodo revocare fugientem. Now the question is, How far in the Degrees of Propinquity this restraint doth reach? and where we may begin to couple and lock again?

For the opening of which Quaery, let us a little consider in ge∣neral of all kinds of Propinquity, so shall we the better find, where we may safely begin.

All Degrees of Propinquity amongst which Moses may be sup∣posed to seek a Wife, are either of Mothers and Daughters; or Aunts and Nieces; or Sisters and Cousins. Now as in the Ascending Line of Mothers, I may not marry my Mother; so can I not marry my Grandmother, nor Great-grandmother, and so infinitely upward: Insomuch as if Eve were now alive, and a Widow, no man living could marry her, because all men are her sons. In the Descending Line of Daughters, as I may not marry my daughter, so neither my Grandchild, nor Great-grandchild, and so infinitely downwards. Again, in the Ascending Line of Aunts, I may not marry my next Aunt, so nor my Great-Aunt, nor her Aunt, nor hers, and so up∣wards in infinitum. In the Descending Line of Neices, as I cannot marry my first Neice, so nor my second, nor third, nor fourth, unto the thousandth Generation, because I am properly Vncle to them All, how far soever distant in Descent. As for marriage with Sisters, notwithstanding that the immediate sons of Adam; because God created onely one Woman, were constrained to marry their Sisters; yet, ever since, by General consent of all Nations, it hath been count∣ed Incestuous. So then, all Marriage with Mothers, Daughters, Neices, being expresly prohibited; if Moses will marry within his Kindred, he must seek his Wife amongst his Cousins.

Now here is the Question, Where he may first adventure to make his choice? If we look to ancient Laws of God and Men, we shall find, that in any Degree whatsoever marriage was permit∣ted, beginning even from the First-Cousins, or Cousin-germans. For if we look into Moses, we shall find no restraint imposed upon Cousin-Germans; and how ever some have pleaded, that there is a Degree farthen off prohibited, and therefore by conse∣quence this must be taken for prohibited: this (as hereafter I shall make plain in the sequel of my Discourse) is but a meer mi∣stake. And not onely my self, whose insight into matters may peradventure not be great: but those whose sight is far quicker then mine, could see in the Law of God no prejudice to the mar∣riage of Cousin-Germans. For not onely Zanchy, (a) 1.2 Calvin, (b) 1.3 Beza, (c) 1.4 Bucer, (d) 1.5 Melancthon, in a word, all the Divines of the Reformed Churches, of whose judgment and learning we have any opinion, do grant, that First-Cousins may couple, any thing in God's Law notwithstanding, I must con∣fess my ignorance.

I know not any of our Reformed Divines that have written, that have thought otherwise. Indeed Calvin having first acknow∣ledged, that the Law of God doth not impeach it; yet gives advice in regard of the scandal the Churches might suffer, to abstain from Marriage in that Degree; and so accordingly the Churches of Geneva, of the Palatinate, Misnia, Thuringia, and Saxony, have se∣verally by their several Constitutions prohibited it. But this touch∣eth not the case; for I perceive the question is of Second Cousins, unto whom those Churches (which forbid the First Degree) ex∣presly give leave; for I find it recorded, * 1.6 In tertio aequalis lineae gradu permitti possunt conjugia: where that those words, in tertio gradu, deceive you not, and make you to think that not Second, but Third Cousins are permitted to marry, you must understand that Se∣cond Cousins are in the Third degree of Kindred, and Third Cousins in the Fourth, and so forward, by the Account of all Lawyers; which that you may see, and because in my ensuing Discourse I shall have occasion to refer unto it, I will set down some part of the Stem, so much as shall concern our purpose.

[illustration]

By this rude Draught you may see, that if you count the De∣grees of Kindred betwixt Second Cousins, you shall find them six Degrees distant by the Civil Law, and in the third Degree of the Canon Law. For in the Civil Law the Rule is, Quot sunt personae tot sunt Gradus stipite dempto, [Stipitem] we call him that stands at the Top, and in whom the Cognation first unites, who here is my Grandfather. But, in respect of the Second Cousins, here is Great-grandfather: If then you begin with Second Cousins, and count about till you come to Second Cousins again, leaving out the Grandfather, you shall find them to be six persons, and so distant six Degrees in Kindred. Now two Degrees in the Civil Law, make but one Degree in the Canon Law, where the Rule is, that in Linea aequali quoto gradu distant à stipite, toto distant inter se: By which you see that Second Cousins, being in the Third Degree from the Grandfather, they are three Degrees distant from each other. I have stood a little upon this, for this cause, that if any one should per∣chance put you off with the Authority of the Churches which I have mention'd, you might not be deceived through the equivo∣cation which seems to lurk in those words, in Tertio Gradu.

But to return to our question of Cousin Germans, as there is no∣thing in the Law of God which forbids marriage betwixt them, so accordingly was the practise of God's own people; for so we read that the daughters of Zelophehad were married to their Vncle's Sons; and Caleb gives his Daughter Achsah in marriage to his Brother's Son; and sundry instances more in this kind might be given. Now that those things should be done by dispensation and permission onely (which I see is pleaded by some men) I know no warrant nor reason for it: so that what may be done in this case by the Law of God, I think is out of question.

Let us see a little what the light of Nature taught the Gentiles. Amongst them the wisest and most potent were the Romans, whose Laws have long been esteemed for the soundest and best, by the general approbation of the most and greatest Kingdoms and Common-wealths in Europe.

Now amongst these, the Romans both by their Law and pra∣ctise did warrant Marriages between First Cousins; their Law is plain, and thus we read it in their Pandects, about the beginning of the 23. 6. Si nepotem ex filio & nepta ex altero filio in potestate habeam nuptias inter cas me solo authore contrahi posse: Pomponius

scribit, & verum est. This one Text is sufficient, though I could quote many other Testimonies out of their Law concerning this kind of Marriage.

What their practise was, these instances which ensue will be sufficient to shew: Anciently under the first Kings, Dionysius Ha∣lycarnasseus tells us, that two daughters of Servius Tullius were mar∣ried to Lucius and Arnus their Cousin-germans, Nephews to Tar∣quinius Priscus. Livie in his 42. 6. brings in one Spurius Ligustinus reporting, that his father had given him for wife his Vncle's daughter; and thus he speaks to his own praise and commenda∣tion, as it will appear, if you please to peruse the place. Tully in his Orat. pro Cluentio, tells us, that Cluentia was married to Melius her Cousin-german: & erant hae Nuptiae (saith he) plaenae dignita∣tis plaenae concordiae: which I think he would never have said, had their lien upon such marriages any note of infamy. Augustus the Emperour gave his daughter Iulia in marriage to Marcellus, ne∣phew to Augustus by his sister Octavia: And Quintilian tells us, that his son (whose immature death he doth bewail) was design∣ed, when he came to age, to marry his Uncle's daughter; and Marcus Brutus was married to his Cousin-german, as Plutarch relates.

Out of this heap of instances it appeareth, that in the Roman Common-wealth throughout all Ages, and amongst all sorts of people, Marriages between First-Cousins ran uncontrolled: The first that gave restraint unto them was Theodosius the Great, which Law of his is yet to be seen in that Book of his Laws, called Codex Theodosianus. But this Law continued not long, for his own sons, Arcadius and Honorius quickly revers'd it; and in leiu of it made this Law, which is extant in the Book called Iustinian's Code, and stands for good Law amongst the Civilians at this day, Cele∣brandis inter consobrinos matrimoniis licentia legis hujus salubritate indulta est, ut rovocata prisci juris authoritate, restrictisque calumnia∣rum fomentis, matrimonium inter consobrinos habeatur legitimum, sive ex duobus fratribus, sive ex dual us sororibus, sive ex fratre & sorore nati sunt: & ex eo matrimonio editi legitimi & suis patribus successores ha∣beantur. Thus stood the case concerning those Marriages, until the Bishops of Rome began to grow great, and took upon them to make Laws: For then, whether to make way for Dispensations, whereby to get money, or for what other By-respects, I know not; not only First and Second cousins, but all Cousins until the seventh Generation,

were expresly prohibited to marry mutually: till at length the Bi∣shop of Rome freed the three latter Degrees, and prohibited mar∣riage onely to Cousins in four Descents: and so till this day among those that acknowledge the superiority of that See, all marrying within four Degrees, except it be by Dispensation, is utterly for∣bidden.

And if it be lawful for me to speak what I think, I verily sup∣pose, that not from any reason, but onely by reason of the long prevailing of the Common Law, Marriages betwixt near Cousins were generally forborn. And from hence arose a scruple in the minds of many men, concerning the lawfulness of such Marriages: But all cause of such scruple amongst us is long since taken away. For at what time we cast off the yoke of the Bishop of Rome in the 33 year of King Hen. 8. a Statute was Enacted in Parliament, which was again confirmed in the first of Queen Elizabeth, that no degrees of kindred should be forbidden Marriage, but onely such as were set down in the Levitical Law, and amongst the de∣grees specified in that Act as lawful (if my memory fail me not) Cousin-germans are expresly mentioned.

To sum up all then what hitherto hath been said, What reason have we to doubt of the lawfulness of that, which the Law of God permits, the people of God practised, the best and learnedest Divines have acknowledged, the wisest amongst the Gentiles in their Laws and Practises have approved, and our own Municipal Laws, under which we live, expresly allow.

This had been enough to satisfie any gain-sayer whatsoever. And indeed I had ended here, but that when your letters came to my hands, there was delivered with them a Schedule, containing reasons perswading all such kind of Marriages to be utterly un∣lawful. Concerning the authority of which Discourse, to profess what I think, I take him for a very pious and zealous man; and I earnestly desire of him, if ever he chance to be acquainted with what I write, to conceive of me as one who delights not in oppo∣sition, except it be for the Truth, at least in opinion. My advise to him is to adde Knowledge to his Zeal, and to call again to account his reasons, and more diligently to examine them. The strength of his discourse is not so much his Reason, as his Passion, a thing very prevalent with the common sort, who as they are seldom capable of strength of reason, so are they easily carried away with passio∣nate

discourse. This thing ought to be a warning to us of the Clergy, to take heed how we deal with the people by way of pas∣sion, except it be there where our proofs are sound. Passion is a good Dog, but an ill Shepherd. Tortum digna sequi potius quam du∣cere funem; it may perchance follow well, but it can never lead well. I was much amazed to read his resolution of preaching in this case so earnestly, as to break her's, or his heart (who desire to marry) or his own, or all— He that suffered himself thus far to be transported with affection, ought to have furnish'd himself with stronger reasons then any I here can find: But I will let his passion go, for to contend with it were infinite; for Passion hath Tongue and clamour enough, but no Ears. The Reasons, so many as I think require answer, I will take up in order as they lie in the Paper. And first, I find one phrase of speech, which is very predominant, and runs almost through the veins of the Discourse; it is this,

That Christians loath, Christians abhor, men, women, and chil∣dren cry out against such kind of Marriages. But who are those Christians of whom he speaks? If he means the better sort of Learned and Iudicious Divines, he is certainly deceived, for I have shewed already the contrary; and let him for any infor∣mation, if he can, produce for himself some one Protestant Learned Divine. If he mean some of the ordinary sort: I answer, 'tis the fault of their Guides, who ought better to have informed them. And whereas toward the latter end of the Discourse, we are told of a dying woman, afflicted in conscience, because she had married her Cousin: First, I ask, of what weight the judgment of a silly woman is? Secondly, I answer, that this proves not the thing to be unlawful. Now let our Acts be what they will, good or bad, yet if we do them, supposing them to be unlawful, we sin. It is a Ruled Case amongst the Canonists, Conscientia erronea ligat habentem, He that doth a good action, taking it to be un∣lawful, to him it is unlawful. If therefore against her conscience (though peradventure mis-informed) she married her Cousin, she deserved the torment of mind; and yet Marriage between Cousin-germans may be lawful enough. Wherefore I pray you advise those, concerning whom this question is proposed, that if they find in themselves any doubt concerning the lawfulness of the action, they forbear to attempt it, until all scruple be removed. But

I see that the main foundation of this discourse is laid in these words of Moses —You shall not approach to any that is near of kin, to uncover her nakedness: where by near of kin, First, and Se∣cond Cousins amongst the rest are thought to be meant. For an∣swer to which, we say, That the enumeration of particulars (which Moses in that place maketh) is a sufficient comment upon those words, and those who are reckon'd up expresly together with all others, in whom the same reason is found, are to be esteemed for near of Kin, and besides them no other; I say those in whom the same reason is found. Because some Degrees there are, which are not mentioned by Moses, and yet are confessed to be prohibited. It is not forbidden a woman to marry her mother's si∣ster's husband: yet it is not lawful; for the man is forbidden to marry his father's brother's widow. Now the samo reason is there be∣twixt a man & his father's brother's widow, which is betwixt a woman and her mother's sister's husband, and therefore both are understood as alike forbidden, though both be not alike expressed. But for a full answer to these words, I refer the Authour of this Discourse to Francisc. Hottoman, a learned Civilian, and an earnest Protestant, who in his disputation, de jure Nuptiarum, cap. 6. hath these words, Qui vero propinquorum numero sint non cujusque hominis nati sed so∣lius dei judicium est, qua de causa eadem lege illos ordine nomina∣tim enumerat ut facile intelligatur, quos non enumerat, propinquorum numero habendos non esse, quoniam ut dici solet, quod le ge prohibitoria vetitum non est per missum intelligitur.

Now the better to work us to a conceit, that such marriages are unlawful, the examples of the Gentiles are called to help; and we are informed that Plutarch, a grave Writer, tells us of one who was greatly endangered by marrying his Cousin-german; cer∣tainly it was great want of examples, which moved the Gentle∣man to make choice of this: A worse for his purpose he could not easily have found. For indeed it is true, that Plutarch tells us, that some one (who, or when, he tells not) was publickly que∣stion'd for it; but withall he tells us, that he was absolved, and a Law made, that for ever after no man should be question'd for so doing. More of these examples were not likely much to preju∣dice our cause. For certainly they that absolved the party, and made a Law, that no man ever after should be molested on the like occasion, in likelihood could do it, upon no reason, but upon conceit, that the accusation was founded upon an errour.

But what the authority of Plutarch cannot do, that peradven∣ture the judgment of St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Gregory, and no less then Ten Councils, will effect; for all these are brought and urged to discountenance all marriage betwixt near Cousins. First, for St. Ambrose and St. Austine, no marvel if they speak suspiciously concerning this kind of Marriages, since they lived at the time when the Law made by Theodosius in prejudice of them was as yet unrepealed: Indeed St. Ambrose would make us believe, that such Marriages are against the Law of God; but in that point he was de∣ceived. St. Austine speaks more cautelously concerning this kind of marriages, and acknowledging, that by the Law of God they were permitted, observes, that they had been but lately prohibi∣ted by humane Authority. And as for St. Gregory, it is well known that the Bishops of Rome had already began to enlarge their Phyla∣cteries, and taken upon them to make Laws fa•• more then they needed: and now looking bigger then their Fellows, All Coun∣cils, especially in the West, were made with some respect to what they had decreed. No marvel therefore if so many Councils are brought to cry down Marriages with First and Second Cousins, which the Popes had already discountenanced; we should rather much have marvelled if any Council had appeared in favour of them. All therefore that these Councils have said in this point, is in a sort to pass for nothing else but the will of the Bishop of Rome, to which how much we are to attribute, I leave to the Authour of the Dis∣course to judge. And should we attribute any thing to St. Gre∣gory, his greatest Authority makes nothing against our cause: For he in his Answer to Austin our English Prelate, forbids the Laws onely against First Cousins, against Second and Third he hath no quarrel; nay, his words sound quite contrary, Vnde necesse est, saith he, ut in tertia, which is the case vel in quarta generatione, Fideles sibi licite Conjungantur. So that this Authority of St. Gre∣gory may well enough return to the place where it was taken, for any harm it is likely to do. The same may be said to St. Am∣brose and St. Austine, that in the case they may be admitted with∣out any danger. For what they say concerns onely First Cousins, which falls a Degree short of the case.

There is yet one reason of some consequence remains. For we are informed, that it must needs be that Marriage betwixt First Cousins is forbidden, because a Degree farther off is forbidden. For

this purpose we are ask'd, Is not thy Father's Brother's Widow far∣ther off, then thy Father's Brother's Daughter? I answer No; for my Father's Brother's Widow is my Aunt; but my Father's Brother's Daughter is my Cousin German; but my Aunt is nearer to me then my Cousin. Look but upon the Draught of Degrees which I have before drawn, and if you count from Me to my Father's Brother, (which is the place of my Aunt) you shall find but three Degrees; but from Me to my Cousin-german, or First-Cousin, you shall find four Degrees. And whereas we are told, that to make amends for this we must take notice, that my Vncle's Widow is tied to me onely by outward affinity, but my Cousin-German is near to me by bloud and consanguinity. I answer, that the difference betwixt Affinity and Consanguinity in this place helps not at all: It is confess'd, that look what degree of Consanguinity is forbidden, the same degree of Affinity likewise is forbidden, if any be contracted: For as I may not marry my Mother, so I may not marry my Father's Widow; my Daughter, and my Son's Wife; my Neice, and my Ne∣phew's Wife, are all alike forbidden to me. And by the same Ana∣logy, as I may not marry my Aunt, so I may not marry my Vn∣cle's Widow. Yet to help the lameness of this reason we are told, (but not for news I trow, for who knew it not?) that in Con∣sanguinity, some degrees further removed are excluded marriage; for instance, my Brother's Grandchildren to the Fourth and Fifth Generation: yet all this wind blows no corn; for it is already granted, that I am excluded the whole Line of my Neices, not onely to the Fourth and Fifth, but to all Generations possible. And here the Line of Neices suffers the same which the Line of Mothers, of Aunts, of Daughters doth, which are wholly excluded in the furthest degree imaginable; so that the total exclusion of Neices proves not the marriage of First and Second Cousins unlawful; much less doth the exclusion of them to the Fourth and Fifth Generation: So that any Law of God, or sound Reason notwithstanding, Marriage be∣twixt First Cousins may very well pass for lawful. But whereas some of the Antients, and likewise some of the Modern Churches, out of scrupulosity, have excluded marriage betwixt First Cou∣sins; yet neither any of the Antients, nor any Churches at this day that I know (the Church of Rome onely excepted) have prejudiced the marriage of Second Cousins: so that whosoever they be that marry in that degree, if themselves be perswaded of the lawful∣ness

of their Action, they have no cause to doubt of the Blessing of God upon them and their posterity.

That which remains of the Discourse yet untouched, is of no great weight, though of some heat; for indeed it is nothing else but Rhetorical and passionate amplification, and to return An∣swer to it were but to lose my labour: If this which I have done give you content, I have my desire. Onely thus much I request of you for my pains, that you will cause your Amanuensis, to transcribe a copy of my Letters, and at your leisure send it me. For whereas I was long since desired to deliver my self in this point, in the behalf of a great Person of this Land, who is now with God, I kept no copy of my Meditations, by which errour I was now as far to seek as ever, which was the cause which made me slower in returning Answer to your Letters. This courtesie, if you shall be pleased to grant me, you shall for ever oblige un∣to you,

Your true Freind and Servant, JOHN HALES.

The Method of Reading Profane History.

IN perusal of History, first, provide you some Writers in Chro∣nology, and Cosmography. For if you be ignorant of the Times and Places, when and where the things you read were done, it cannot chuse but breed confusion in your reading, and make you many times grosly to slip and mistake in your dis∣course. When therefore you set to your Book, have by you Helvicus his Chronology; and a Map of the Countrey in which you are conversant; and repair unto them to acquaint you with time and place, when, and where you are. If you be versing the Ancient Histories, then provide you Ptolomy's Maps, or Ortelius his Conatus Geographici: if the latter, then some of the Modern Cards.

As for Method of Reading History, note, that there are in Story two things especially considerable. First, the Order of the Story it self: and secondly, Moral, or Statical observations, for com∣mon life and practise.

For the latter of these, there needs no method in reading; all the method is in digesting your reading, by bringing it into Heads or Common places, or Indices, or the like. For in this kind, read what Books, and in what order ye list, it matters not; so your Notes may be in some such order as may be useful for you. For the former, that is the course and order of the Story; The or∣der of reading ought to be the same with the order of the things themselves; what was first done, that is to be read in the first place; what was next, in the next place, and so forward; the suc∣cession and order of time and reading being the same. This if you mean to observe exactly (which I think it is not so necessary for you to do) you must range your Authours according to the times, wherein the things they writt were acted, and in the same order read them.

But before you come to read the acts of any people: as those that intend to go to Bowls, will first see and veiw the ground upon which they are to play; so it shall not be amiss for you, first, to take a general veiw of that ground, which you mean more

particularly to traverse, by reading some short Epitome. So, ere you read the Roman Story, (for that way you mean your studies shall bend) first, read carefully L. Florus, who breifly continues the story from Romulus till Augustus, shut the Temple of Ianus: And if you would yet go lower, adde then unto Florus, Eutropius his Breviarium; who from the same point brings the Story unto Iovianus the Emperour. This will give you a general taste of your business, and add light unto particular Authours.

This done, then take Livie in hand. Now because Livie is very much broken and imperfect, and parts of him lost; it may be que∣stion'd, whether were better to read Livie throughout, bawking his imperfections, before you meddle with any other? or when you come to any imperfection, to leave him, and supply his wants by intercalation of some other Authour, and so resume him into your hands again, toties quoties? For answer, Were it your purpose exactly to observe the course of the Story, it were not amiss where Livie fails you, before you go to his next Books, to supply the defect out of some other Authours: but since this is not that you principally intend, but some other thing; and again, because variety of Authours may trouble you, it will be better for you to read Livie throughout, without interruption. When you have gone him through, then, if you please, you may look back, and take a veiw of his imperfections, and supply them out of some other Authours, partly Latine, as Iustine, Salust, Caesar's Commentaries, Hirtius, Velleius Paterculus: partly Greek, as Polybius, Plutarch, Dionysius, Halycarnasseus, Appianus, Alexandrinus, Dion Cassius: out of which Authours you may reasonably supply whatsoever is want∣ing in Livie.

Having thus brought the Story to the change of the Empire, you must now begin another course; and first you must take in hand Suetonius Tranquillus, who being carefully perused, your way lies open to the reading of our Politician's great Apostle Tacitus. Now the same infelicity hath befallen him, which before I noted in Livie: for as this, so that is very imperfect, and broken, a great part both of his Annals and Histories being lost. And as I coun∣sel'd you for Livie, so do I for Tacitus, that you read him through∣out, without intermingling any other Authour; and having gone him through, in what you shall see him imperfect, Dion Cassius, or his Epitomizer Xiphiline, will help you out: though by reason

of your fore-reading of Suetonius, you shall find your self, for a good part of the Story, furnish'd before hand.

And thus are you come to the Reign of Nerva, where Sueto∣nius and Tacitus. ended; hitherto to come is a reasonable task for you yet.

If you shall desire to know the State and Story afterward till Constantine's death, and the Division of the Empire, or farther, to the fall of the Western Empire; let me understand your mind, and I will satisfie you.

For the Editions of those Authours hitherto mentioned; your choice is best of those, whom either Lipsius, or Gruterus, or Causabon have set forth: though if you be careful to buy fair Books, you can scarcely chuse amiss; your Greek Authours, if you list not to trouble your self with the Language, you shall easily find in Latine sufficient for your use. Onely Plutarch, what ever the matter is, hath no luck to the Latine, and therefore I would advise you either to read him in French, or in English. But as for Tacitus, the cheif Cock in the Court-basket; it is but meet you take special good advise in reading of him: Lipsius, Savile, Pi∣chena, and others, have taken great pains with him in emaculating the Text, in setling the Reading, opening the Customs, expounding the Story, &c. and therefore you must needs have recourse unto them; yet this in onely Critical, and not Courtly Learning: Ta∣citus for your use requires other kind of Comments. For since he is a Concise, Dense, and by repute a very Oraculous Writer, al∣most in every line pointing at some State-Maxim: it had been a good employment for some good Wit, to have expounded, proved, exemplified at large, what he doth for the most part onely but intimate. Something our Age hath attempted in this kind, though to little purpose. Gruterus hath collected cer∣tain places here and there, collected out of him: and Scipio An••∣mirati hath glossed him in some places according to the shallowness of the new Italian Wits. But Annibal Scotus, Groom of the Chamber to Sixtus Quintus, hath desperately gone through him all, whom I would wish you to look upon, not for any great good you shall reap by him (for he is the worst that ever I read) onely you shall see by that which he hath with great infelicity attem∣pted, what kind of Comment it is, which if it were well perform∣ed, would be very acceptable to us.

From the order of Reading, we come to the Excerpta, and to such things as we observe and gather in our reading. Here are two things to be marked: First, the matters and things which we col∣lect; Secondly, the manner of observing, gathering, registring them in our paper-books for our speedy use.

To omit all that which belongs to the style and language wherein your Authour writes, in which I suppose you mean not much to trouble your self; matters observable in History, may be all rank'd under three heads; First, there is the Story it self, which usually we gather by Epitomizing it. Secondly, there are Miscel∣lanea, such as are the Names and Genealogies of Men; descriptions of Cities, Hills, Rivers, Woods, &c. Customs, Offices, Magistrates; Prodigies; certain quaint observations, as who was the first Di∣ctator,? when the Romans first began to use Shipping? or to coin gold? what manner of Moneys the Ancients used? their manner of War and Military Instruments; and an infinite multitude of the like nature. Thirdly, there are Moralia.

For the first, you need not trouble your self about it, it is already done to your hand. For there is almost no story of note, whereof there is not some Epitome, as good as any you can frame of your own. Indeed, if you did intend any exact knowledge of History, it were good you did this your self, though it were Actum agere: Because what we do our selves, sticks best in our memories, and is most for our use. But since your aim is at something else, you may spare your own, and make use of others labours. The second Head is pleasant, but is meerly Critical and Scholastical, and so the less pertinent to you, and therefore I shall not need to speak any more of it. The Third, which I called Morals, is that Penelope which you must wooe; under this I comprehend all Moral Sen∣tences and Common Places, all not able examples of Iustice, of Religion, &c. Apothegins, Vafre & s••mulanter dicta & facta; Civil stratagems and plots to bring ends about: censures upon mens persons and actions: considerations upon mens natures and dispositions: all things that may serve for proof or disproof, illustration or ampli∣fication of any Moral place: considerations of the circumstances of actions, the reasons why they prove successful; or their errours, if they prove unfortunate: As in the second Punick War, why Annibal still prevailed by hastning his actions; Fabius, on the con∣trary, by delay. And this indeed is one of the special profits that

comes by History. And therefore I have always thought Polybius (might we have him perfect) one of the best that ever wrote Sto∣ry. For whereas other Historians content themselves, to touch and point at the true reasons of Events in civil business; Polybius, when he hath Historically set down an action worthy considerati∣on, leaves it not so, but reveiws it, insists, and, as it were, com∣ments upon it, considers all the circumstances that were of any force in the manage of it; and contents not himself, as it were, to cast its water, but looks into its bowels, and shews where it is strong, and where diseased. Wherefore I would have you well acquaint your self with him, and especially with those passages I now spake of, that they may be patterns to you to do the like, which that you may with greater assurance and profit do, make special account of those who wrote the things of their own times, or in which themselves were Agents, especially if you find them to be such as durst tell the truth. For as it is with Painters, who many times draw Pictures of fair Women, and call them Helen, or Ve∣nus; or of great Emperours, and call them Alexander, or Caesar; yet we know they carry no resemblance of the persons whose names they bear: So, when men write and decipher actions, long before their time, they may do it with great wit and elegancy, express much politick wisdom, frame very beautiful peices; but how far they express the true countenance and life of the actions them∣selves, of this it were no impiety to doubt: unless we were assu∣red they drew it from those, who knew and saw what they did.

One thing more, ere I leave this Head, I will admonish you of. It is a common Scholical errour to fill our papers and Note-books with observations of great and famous events, either of great Bat∣tels, or Civil Broiles and contentions. The expedition of Hercules his off-spring for the recovery of Peloponnese, the building of Rome, the attempt of Regulus against the great Serpent of Bagradas; the Punick Wars, the ruine of Carthage, the death of Caesar, and the like. Mean while things of ordinary course and common life gain no room in our Paper-books. Petronius wittily and sharply com∣plain'd against Scholemasters in his times, Adolescentulos in Scholis stultissimos fieri, quia nihil ex iis quae in usu habemus, aut audiunt aut vident, sed piratas cum catenis in littore stantes & tyrannicos edicta scribentes, quibus imperent filiis, ut patrum suorum capita prae∣cidant, sed responsa in pestilentia data ut virgines tres aut plures im∣molentur;

in which he wisely reproves the errour of those, who training up of youth in the practise of Rhetorick, never suffered them to practise their wits in things of use, but in certain strange supralunary arguments, which never fell within the sphere of com∣mon action. This complaint is good against divers of those, who travel in History. For one of the greatest reasons that so many of them thrive so little, and grow no wiser men, is, because they sleight things of ordinary course, and observe onely great matters of more note, but less use. How doth it benefit a man who lives in peace, to observe the Art how Caesar managed wars? or by what cunning he aspired to the Monarchy? or what ad∣vantages they were that gave Scipio the day against Hannibal? These things may be known, not because the knowledge of these things is useful, but because it is an imputation to be ignorant of them; their greatest use for you being onely to furnish out your discourse. Let me therefore advise you in reading, to have a care of those discourses which express domestick and private acti∣ons, especially if they be such, wherein your self purposes to ven∣ture your fortunes. For if you rectifie a little your conceit, you shall see that it is the same wisdome, which manages private busi∣ness, and State affairs, and that the one is acted with as much fol∣ly and ease, as the other. If you will not beleive men, then look into our Colledges, where you shall see, that I say not the plotting for an Headship, (for that is now become a Court-business) but the contriving of a Bursership of twenty nobles a year, is many times done with as great a portion of suing, siding, supplanting, and of other Court-like Arts, as the gaining of the Secretary's place; onely the difference of the persons it is, which makes the one Comical, the other Tragical. To think that there is more wisdom placed in these specious matters, then in private carriages, is the same errour, as if you should think there were more Art required to paint a King, then a Countrey Gentleman: whereas our Dutch Pieces may serve to confute you, wherein you shall see a cup of Rhenish-wine, a dish of Radishes, a brass Pan, an Holland Cheese, the Fisher-men selling Fish at Scheveling, or the Kitchen-maid spitting a loin of Mutton, done with as great delicacy and choiceness of Art, as can be expressed in the Delineation of the greatest Monarch in the world.

From the order of Reading, and the matters in Reading to be ob∣served,

we come to the method of observation. What order we are for our best use to keep in entring our Notes into our Paper-Books.

The custom which hath most prevailed hitherto, was common placing a thing at the first Original very plain and simple; but by after-times much increased, some augmenting the number of the Heads, others inventing q••••••ter forms of disposing them: till at length Common-place-books became like unto the Roman Brevi∣arie or Missal. It was a great part of Clerk-ship to know how to use them. The Vastness of the Volumes, the multitude of Heads, the intricacy of disposition, the pains of committing the Heads to memo∣ry, and last, of the labour of so often turning the Books to enter the observations in their due places, are things so expensive of time and industry, that although at length the work comes to perfection, yet it is but like the Silver Mines in Wales, the profit will hardly quit the pains. I have often doubted with my self, whether or no there were any necessity of being so exactly Me∣thodical. First, because there hath not yet been found a Method of that Latitude, but little reading would furnish you with some things, which would fall without the compass of it. Secondly, be∣cause men of confused, dark and clowdy understandings, no beam or light of order and method can ever rectifie; whereas men of clear understanding, though but in a mediocrity, if they read good Books carefully, and note diligently, it is impossible but they should find incredible profit, though their Notes lie ne∣ver so confusedly. The strength of our natural memory, especially if we help it, by revising our own Notes; the nature of things themselves, many times ordering themselves, and tantum non, tel∣ling us how to range them; a mediocrity of care to see that mat∣ters lie not too Chaos-like, will with very small damage save us this great labour of being over-superstitiously methodical. And what though peradventure something be lost, Exilis domus est &c. It is a sign of great poverty of Scholarship, where every thing that is lost, is miss'd; whereas rich and well accomplish'd learning is able to lose many things with little or no inconvenience. Howsoever it be, you that are now about the noon of your day, and therefore have no leisure to try and examine Methods; and are to bring up a young Gentleman, who in all likelihood will not be over-willing to take too much pains; may, as I think, with most ease and profit, follow this order.

In your reading excerpe, and note in your Books such things as you like: going on continually without any respect unto order; and for the avoiding of confusion, it shall be very profitable to al∣lot some time to the reading again of your own Notes; which do as much and as oft as you can. For by this means your Notes shall be better fixt in your memory, and your memory will easily sup∣ply you of things of the like nature•• if by chance you have dis∣persedly noted them; that so you may bring them together by marginal references. But because your Notes in time must needs arise to some bulk, that it may be too great a task, and too great loss of time to reveiw them, do thus, Cause a large Index to be fram'd according to Alphabetical order, and Register in it your Heads, as they shall offer themselves in the course of your read∣ing, every Head under his proper Letter. For thus, though your Notes lie confused in your Papers, yet are they digested in your Index, and to draw them together when you are to make use of them, will be nothing so great pains as it would be, to have ranged them under their several Heads at their first gathering. A little experience of this course will shew you the great profit of it, especially if you did compare it with some others that are in use.

A Letter to an Honourable Person, concerning the WEAPON-SALVE.

Honourable Sir,

I Am very sorry that a Gentleman of your quality, so desirous of information in a point of obscure and subtile Learning; should find so slender means to satisfie your desire, as to be constrained to reflect on me, a man of no great capacity, and by reason of my privacy, unacquainted abroad, and of my small abilities, not able to make Experiments, and trie conclusions.

Yet, that I may not seem to neglect your love, and courtesie, of which, upon all occasions, you have not fail'd to make liberal expression, I will rather hazard my judgment with you, then my good manners, and try what I can deliver unto you concerning the late proposal you made unto me, in the matter of the new devised cure of wounds, by applying the Salve to the Weapon that did the mischeif.

Where first I must request you to consider, that my attempt is weightier in refuting the conceit, then theirs was, who have first broached it. For first, I am to prove the Negative, a thing in Nature and Art very difficile. For always the proving part lies upon the Affirmer: and he that means to acquaint me with a Novelty, must make account to prove it to me, and not look that I should under∣take a refutation of it.

Again, he that undertakes to inform the world with a disco∣very of Secrets, and vent Paradoxes, shall never want favourable hearers: For the mind of man much delighting in Novelty, ac∣cepts easily and with delight, what shall be opened in that kind; and every shew of probability shall be taken as lawful proof: whereas the Refuter must be sure to look to the strength of his reasons, and be they never so weighty, yet any probable shew of escape from them, shall be accounted a sufficient defeat.

But to leave prefacing, the first thing I would require you to reform, is your opinion you have conceived concerning the An∣tiquity of Weapon-Salve; for me thinks you speak of it, as of a

thing of some Antiquity and years, whereas indeed it is a child of yesterday's birth.

There have of late appeared in the world a new kind of Stu∣dents, who by trying conclusions, and making experiments, especi∣ally by the Fire, have made discovery unto us of many strange and pleasant effects in Nature, which in former Ages have not been known. To put on these men, and commend them a little more unto us, there hath been not long since within the compass of these twenty years, a merry gullery put upon the world, concern∣ing a Guild of men, who style themselves The Brethren of the Rosie Cross: a Fraternity who, what, or where they are? no man yet, no not they who beleive, admire, and devote themselves unto them, could ever discover. Otrebius (a Gentleman well acquaint∣ed with your great St. Iohns-man, the Champion for the Weapon-Salve) in a Tract of his lately written, De vita, morte & Resurre∣ctione, would perswade us, that doubtless they are in Paradise, which place he seateth near unto the Region of the Moon: Well may that be some Fools Paradise; for certainly that there is any earthly Paradise at all, no wise man will easily beleive. These men, whosoever they are, or their defenders, have taken up that new devised Learning delivered to us by Chymicks, and Paracelsians, and now hotly endeavour to possess the world with it. Where∣in I must give them this commendation, that they have given us abundance of delightful Experiments, and that is the thing that gains them the reputation they have. But two things they have attempted with no felicity or good success.

First, they endeavour to make us beleive, that the ancient Principles of Philosophy, which hitherto great Clerks have Ca∣nonized, are to be rejected, and new from them to be received in their rooms. And, secondly, that this may be the better effected, they have brought in a new Language, which they make by col∣lecting of Epotick words and phrases out of Paracelsus, and add∣ing unto them forms of speech borrowed from the holy Scriptures, and of these have framed us that style of Language, which you read not onely in the Authour you write of, but in Paracelsus himself, and others who follow him. But all this attempt, up∣on examination, is proved fruitless. For neither have they shaken the truth of any Principle (I say not in the Trivials and Quadrivials, as old Clerks were wont to name them, but neither

in Physical nor Metaphysical Learning, which is more subject to quarrel) of which the world hath hitherto been perswaded, no•• added any new to increase the number of them: Onely they have said the same thing in other words, and, which is strange, all their new Experiments, which are the cheifest strength of their cause, are plainly and evidently demonstrable out of the ancient Aphorisms. The Authour whom you commend unto me, what a noise makes he with his Volatile and Essential Salt, Balsom of Nature, Vivifying Spirit, and other trim Phrases of the same cut? Now what is it, think you, that is contained under this abstruse Language? Certainly no more, but onely that Mass of Moisture and Heat in us, which follow upon the temperature of every mixt body, and wherein all Specification, all Vegetation and Animation doth reside, which in our ordinary Schools we call Humidum primogenium, and Calidum innatum. Anatomize other of their new and quaint phrases, and you evidently deprehend the same Sophistry. So that if you desire a definition of this new Learning, you cannot better express it, then by calling it, A Translation of Vulgar Conceits into a new Language.

Sir, from these men, amongst many other pleasant phanta∣sies, hath sprung the conceit concerning your wonderful Wea∣pon-Salve, which, that I may shew you upon what firm foun∣dation it stands, lays claim to three great proofs, but indeed performs none of them: I see Reason promised, Phrases of Scripture used, and Experience pretended; But I cannot yet discover any thing demonstratively proved, by any of the three.

For the Reasons are nothing else but certain Generalities, which prove no more but this, that if any such thing as Curing by Weapon-Salve be existent, such or such Concentricks or Epicy∣cles of Sympathies and Antipathies, of Eradiations or Emanati∣ons of Spirits, may well be thought to be the causers of it: Whereas true and lively Demonstration doth not onely suppose the thing to be, which it endeavours to prove; but shews that necessarily it must be so, and possibly it cannot be otherwise. For this kind of proof arises out of such principles, as which being apprehended by the understanding, leave no room for con∣tradiction,

by reason of the light they bring with them.

Scripture is promised, but with worse success, for what proves it in the behalf of Weapon-Salve, to plead, that the Spirit of God moves in all things? that Sanative faculty is of God? that God's power and Spirit is not to be confined, but will pass à termino in ter∣minum, according as is the will of him that sends it forth? For still it remaineth to be proved, that this All-doing Spirit of God hath left any such force in things, as is pretended. The dis∣courses which by these kinds of men are made out of Scripture, many times are not far dwelling from danger, that I may not say from Blasphemy. For what means your Doctour to tell you in one part of his Book against Mr. Foster, that the virtue of Elisha his bones, by which he raised the dead to life; the voice of the Souls under the Altar in the Revelation; is the effect of that Volatile Balsam of Nature, of which he so much treateth? For so he must mean, or else his speech concerning them is impertinent. He must a little temper his language that way, or else as he threatens Mr. Foster with the Star-chamber, so perchance himself may hear from the High-Commission, who shall do well to take to task and censure speeches of such danger. I understand you are well ac∣quainted with the Gentleman. I would you would advise him to beware of such uncantelous speeches, in which, whilst he seems to praise the work of God, in nature, he doth as much disadvantage his Supernatural and Miraculous Acts.

So then, Reason and Scripture being removed, the onely de∣fender of Weapon-Salve must be Experience. A proof, I confess, of great weight, were there certainty of it. For if our senses do de∣ceive us, which are the first admitters of all ground of Science and skill, what certainty can we have of any thing? Besides, that mine Aristotle hath told me, I confess, and I beleive him, that it is a true sign of weakness of understanding, to follow our Reason, against our Senses. Here Magnam mihi invidiam sentio esse subeun∣dam. For first I see the Authorities of great and noble Personages used to gain credit to this conceit: for they are alledged not onely for the beleif, but for the practise of it. Secondly, the fre∣quent experience made of it, must needs decry all those that stand up against it. To the first (saving all good respects to all persons in their places) I must crave pardon, if I think that Civil Great∣ness

ought to have no room in my Topicks. For in case of trial by Reason, I have done Greatness all the honour it can demand of me, if I recede from it with that reverence that I owe. My Rea∣sons must be tried by Peers of the same rank, like to true Iury-men of the same Countrey; else at the Bar of Reason, I shall except against Civil Greatness as a stranger, or demand some Act of Par∣liament, by which I may find it to be free denized.

But of this enough. To the Experience it self, I answer, That still I doubt, whether there ever were any such Trial as might cer∣tainly plead for it. For it is not onely true that Hippocrates tells us, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Experience is dangerous; but, it is as true, that Experience is many times very fallacious. For it is hard so to make trial of any conclusion (at least of many) by reason of di∣vers concurrences, of many particulars, which are seen in most Ex∣periments, amongst which concurrents, it is a hard matter to dis∣cover what it is that works the effect: And oftentimes that falls out in Nature, which befell the Poet,

Hos ego versiculos feci, tulit alter honores.

The effect is wrought by one thing, and another carries the glory of it. A better instance of this cannot be found, then this very case which is now in handling. A man is wounded; the Weapon taken, and a wound-working Salve laid to it: In the mean while the wounded person is commanded to use abstinence as much as may be, and to keep the wound clean; whilst he thus doth, he heals, and the Weapon-Salve bears the Bell away: whereas it is most certain, that wounds not mortal (for I hope their Salve cures not mortal wounds) will of themselves grow whole, if the party wounded abstain as much as possibly he can, and remove from the wound such things as may offend. For nothing hinders wounds from cicatrising, more then concourse of humour to the diseased part; and keeping things irritatory about the orifice of the wound; The first of these is performed by abstinence, which is naturally a drier: the other by keeping the wound clean: He that can do these two things, shall need no other Chyrurgery to cure an ordinary wound.

Now whereas it is pleaded, that for further experience sake, it hath been tried, the Salve being thus applied, the party greived

hath been at ease; but immediately upon the removal of the Salve, the party hath fallen into torment and pain: who sees not that this onely remains to be said to make the tale good? For naturally a man would look for this part of the story, to hold up the cowples, as King Iames was wont to say. And therefore I must crave pardon for the present, if I advise my self well ere I pass any part of my beleife unto it.

Hitherto have I onely used my buckler, and put off the thrust; you perchance would gladly know, how I can use my weapons. Truly I must confess, I am not very good at it. I find in my self that imperfection, which I see most Scholars complain of, that they know better how to refell what is false, then to confirm what is true. Yet to give you as good satisfaction as I may, I will endeavour to draw such reasons, as may serve in some good mea∣sure to shew the impossibility of it.

And first, I would willingly know, if any such thing be, how he that was the first Authour of the discovery of it, came first, like a second Columbus, to take knowledge of it. The ways that lead us to the knowledge of all conclusions, of which we have any knowledge, (for I speak not of things taken up Historically, and upon trust) are but two: firs•• Experience; secondly, Ratiocina∣tion; and the one of these is commonly the way to the other, by comparing one thing with another, and applying actives and passives, and thence producing sundry conclusions; and making one an occasion of another, as man is in these cases a witty creature. Now I would willingly know from which of these two, the knowledge of this Weapon-Salve was first derived? From Experience it could not be; for see you not what a multi∣tude of particulars must concur, ere any such experience could be made? First, the Salve must be made: a Salve of strange ingre∣dients: and who would make such a Salve, except he first knew it would work this cure? and such a knowledge before the making of the Salve, cannot possibly be imagined: For into whose head could it possibly sink, that such a Cure could be thus wrought, except he had formerly collected it by Reason or Experience? The first, it is impossible he should have; the second, it is granted he had not: so that the Salve must at first be made in likelihood for some other use, and being made for some other end; by

what chance must it come, that it is found to cure after this strange manner? no man in his right wits could think of apply∣ing it to the Weapon; some casualty must fall out to discover this force: as it fared with Bercholdus Swartzius, who first invented Gun-powder, who having made a mixture of Nitre and Sulphur, by chance it conceived Fire, and went off with incredible celerity and noise; and from that chance came he, and others after him, to make that use of it that now we see: Even some such chance must here be. First, the Salve made for some other end, must fall on the weapon, and that upon the place where the bloud was, and there rest, and then some man must observe it, and find that it wrought the cure. Now who would ever apply himself to expect such an event? So then, Experience could never open this myste∣ry, and therefore Reason much less.

It remains therefore, if any such thing be, the first knowledge of it must come by a kind of Revelation, and that must be either from above, or from beneath: And I perswade my self, that this apparent difficulty of the first discovery of it, was the cause of the imputation of some Sorcery or Witchcraft, which of late hath stuck upon it. Certainly if any such thing be, it will be hard to exclude some either Supernatural or Vnnatural way, by which the first discovery of it must come in; I would be loath to wrong any man, by fowling him with any vile aspersion; and I am yet far enough from it, because I believe not the thing? Yet if any such thing be, I should think the Original knowledge of it pro∣ceeded from some such principle I spake of, yet will I not charge any, that either believe or practise it, with stain of Witchcraft. For howsoever, he who first knew it, might receive it from some Spirit, (for Spirits, by reason of the subtilty of their nature, and long experience, know certainly more mysteries in nature then we do) and therefore might justly undergo a hard censure: yet those to whom afterwards the knowledge of the mystery de∣scended, might be free from all blame. Upon occasion of a great Plague in Grece, recourse was had to Apollo's Oracle for remedy: where they received this answer, That they should double Apollo's Altar: Now Apollo's Altar was a Cube: and hence it came to pass, that so many famous Mathematicians, both amongst Ethnicks and Christians, both anciently, and

even at this day, do labour to find out the demons••ration of doubling the Cube, a thing yet never was done. In this acti∣on they which first consulted with Apollo were to blame, (for Apollo was the Devil) but they which by industry would have found it, if they could, were not guilty of the first consulters fault. So might it here well be, that he that first discovered the Weapon-Salve, might know it by the mini∣stery of some Spirit; yet they who afterward practised it, might be guiltless.

But leave we this, and consider yet some other reason. I have often much mused, why this Salve is called the Weapon-Salve? For I ask, Cannot this Cure be done, but onely by means of the Weapon? It may seem, by your Doctours Apology, It may: for he tells us, It is done by the bloud upon the Wea∣pon, and by reason of a seed of life lurking in it, which by the Salve is wakned: If this be so, then wheresoever the bloud falls, there apply your Salve, and you shall work the same Cure; any linen, or stool, or floor, or Wall, or whatsoever else receives the bloud, may receive the Salve, and work the Cure; a thing of which I never yet heard: neither do I think the practise of it stretcheth beyond the Weapon: else we shall give the Salve so many names, as chance shall allot it places to be applied unto? Whence it follows, that either it is not done by the Weapon; or done by a thousand things as well as it; or that there is some strange quality in the Wea∣pon to work the Cure; which quality yet remains to be dis∣covered.

That I kill you not with length of discourse, I will urge but one reason more, and that shall be drawn from the very cause it self, unto which your Doctour attributes this Curing faculty. He first supposeth some Eradiation and Emanation of Spirit, or secret quality, or whatsoever, to be directed from our bodies to the bloud dropped from it. Secondly, that in the bloud thus drop'd, there remains a Spirit of life, con∣genious to that in the body; which stirred up by the Salve, conveys upon this Beam a healing quality from this bloud to the body. Thirdly, he grants, that not onely in the Bloud, but in the Vrine, after it is gone from us, remains the

like Spirit, which by the like Beam from a party sick of the Iaundies, conveys a cure to him: for so he tells of a great Person, who usually works such Magnetical Cures of that disease, by a Paste made of the Ashes of a kind of Wood amongst us, (it is the Barbary: For that Wood, by our new Doctrine, De signaturis rerum, by reason of the deep Yellow by which it is dyed, is thought to have in it something Sovereign against the Iaundies) mix'd with the diseased Parties Vrine. Nay more, our Hair, our Nails, and Skin, pared from us, have the same Spirit of life; and from our bodies to them whil'st they are subsisting, proceeds the like radii: and by such device he thinks a starved member may be recovered, as you may see in his Books. Now I suppose if it be thus with the Vrine, with the Hair, and Nails, and Skin; why then should I not conceive it to be so with our Sweat, with our Tears, with every excrement that falls from us, as our Spittle, and Flegme, and the like? For, what reason can your Doctour give to confine these things to some part of our Excrements, and not enlarge them unto all? As for the amputated members of our bodies, it fares with them no otherwise, as it appears by the Neapolitan Gentleman's Nose, cut out of his servant's arme (one letter altered in that word would have made the story much pleasanter) and of others the like reported and believed by him.

The vanity of which conceit that you may discover, let me request you to observe this with me. Look what way we may be pleasur'd and convenienced, by the same way we may be harm'd and wrong'd. The beams then that pass from us to these things, which come from our bodies, as they may be the conveyers of good to us, so may they be the ministers of mischief: for if they encounter with things good, and simpathizing with them, they relieve and che∣rish us; so if they meet with their enemies, with antipa∣thizing materials, may they not distress and annoy us as much? Certainly to think otherwise, is meerly volunta∣ry and unreasonable. See now, I pray you, into what in∣finite hazard this Doctrine casts us; there is not a drop of

Bloud, of Sweat, of Spittle, and Flegm; not any part of our Flesh, our Nails, our Hair, our Stool, but hath in it a Spirit of life, homogenious to that in our bodies; and beams that emanate perpetually from our bodies to them; but, as they may comfort us, being well encountred; so, if they meet with ill company, they may distress us: A thing so much the more to be feared, by how much the things that annoy us are in number more, then the things that pleasure us. Now what mean we then to be thus negligent of our droppings, as to let them fall at random into the earth, the fire, the water, and God knoweth where, since there is such danger depends from them? Were this doctrine true, it were not possible, that either Man or Beast (for it is the case of Beasts too, as appears by his discourse about an Horse) should enjoy one moment of health and safety.

Sir, were I at leisure, and free from other occasions, which at this time of the year especially attend me by rea∣son of my place: as poor a Philosopher as I am, I think I might challenge any reasonable man, at this trial, and not think over-well of mine own undertakings. This which I now have commented is very subitany, and I fear confused. Mr. Bagley, who was by me all the time I wrote it, would not conceive, that the frequent discourses betwixt his lit∣tle son and himself, could be an hinderance to me; and truly, to confess the truth, I found it not much to further me. And least I quite weary you out, I will onely adde this one thing concerning our admirers of Weapon-Salve.

I have read, that a Learned Iew undertook to perswade Albertus, one of the Dukes of Saxony, that by certain He∣brew letters and words taken out of the Psalms, and written in Parchment, strange Cures might be done upon any wound: As he one day walked with the Duke, and la∣bour'd him much to give credit to what he discoursed, in that argument: the Duke suddenly drew his sword, and wounding him much in divers places, tells him, he would now see the conclusion tried upon himself. But the poor Iew could find no help in his Semhamphoras, nor his He∣brew characters, but was constrained to betake himself to

more real Chirurzery. Sir, I wish no man any harm, and therefore I desire not the like fortune might befall them who stand for the use of Weapon-Salve: onely thus much I will say, that if they should meet with some Duke of Sax∣ony, he would go near to cure them of their errours, howso∣ever they would shift to cure their wounds. Thus have I freely imparted my judgment to you in this point, which having done, I leave it to your favourable construction, and rest as ever,

From Eton Colledge this xxiij. of No∣vember. 1630.

Your Servant, JOHN HALES.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Vide Basil, 313. B. C.
• (a) 1.2

  18 Levit.
• (b) 1.3

  in Lib. de Repudiis.
• (c) 1.4

  in Iudicum. cap. 1. & Matth. c. 4.
• (d) 1.5

  de Conjugio.
• * 1.6

  Zepper. de Lege Mosaic. l. 4. c. 9.