Ecclesia restaurata, or, The history of the reformation of the Church of England containing the beginning, progress, and successes of it, the counsels by which it was conducted, the rules of piety and prudence upon which it was founded, the several steps by which it was promoted or retarded in the change of times, from the first preparations to it by King Henry the Eight untill the legal settling and establishment of it under Queen Elizabeth : together with the intermixture of such civil actions and affairs of state, as either were co-incident with it or related to it / by Peter Heylyn.

THE PARENTAGE,* 1.1 BIRTH, and FIRST FORTUNES of PRINCE EDWARD, The onely surviving Son of King HENRY the Eighth, before his coming to the CROWN. VVith the Condition of Affaires both in Church and State, at his first Coming to the same.

PRINCE Edward, the onely surviving son of King Hen∣ry the Eighth, was born at the Royall Palace of Hamp∣ton Court▪ on the twelfth day of October, Anno 1537. Descended from his Father, by the united Families of York and Lancaster; by his Grandfather King Henry the seventh, from the old Royall Line of the Kings of Wales; by his Grand-Mother Queen Elizabeth, the el∣dest daughter of King Edward the fourth, from a long continued Race of Kings, descending from the Loynes of the Norman Conqueror; and finally by Maud, the wife of King Henry the first, from Edmond, sirnamed Iron-side, the last unquestionable King (as to the Right of his Succession) of the Saxon Race; so that all Titles seemed to be Concentred in the Person of this Infant Prince, which Might assure the Subjects of a Peaceable, and un-troubled Reigne, so much the more, because his Mothers Marriage was not subject unto any Dispute (as were those of the two former Queens) whereby the Legitimation of her Issue might be called in que∣stion:

An happinesse, which recompensed all defects that might be other∣wise pretended against her Birth, not answerable unto that of so Great a Mo∣narch, and short in some respects of that of her Predecessor, in the Kings af∣fections; though of a Family truely Noble, and of great Antiquity. Concerning which, it will be necessary to Premise somewhat in this place, not only for the set∣ting forth of this Queens Progenitours, but that we may the better understand the State of that Family, which was to Act so great a part on the Stage of England.

Know then, that Queen Jane Seimour, was Daughter of S. John Seimour, of Wolf-Hall, in the County of Wilts. Descended from that William de S. Mauro (contractedly afterwards called Seimour) who by the Aide of Gilbert Lord Mareshall, Earle of Pembrooke, recovered Wendy, aud Penhow, (now parts of Monmouth shire) from the hands of the Welsh, Anno. 1240. being the two and twentieth yeare of King Henry the thirds Reign; which William, as he descended lineally from the 〈…〉〈…〉 d' Sancto Mauro, whose name we find in the Roll of Battle Abbey, amongst those Noble Families which came in with the Conquerour; so was he one of the Progenitours of that S. Roger, S. Maur, or Seimour, Knight, who marryed one of the daughters, and Heires of John Beauchamp of Hach, a right Noble Baron, who brought his Pedigree from Sybill, one of the five daughters, and Heires of William Mareshall, the famous, and most puissant Earle of Pembrooke, married to William de Herrares, Earle of Herrars and Darby, as also from Hugh d' Vivon, and William Mallet, men in times past most Renowned, for Estate and Chivalry; which goodly Patrimony was afterwards very much augmented, by the mariage of one of this Noble Family, with the Daughter, and Heire of the Esturmies, Lords of Wolf-Hall, not far from Marleborough, in the County of Wilts, who bare for Armes, Ar∣gent, 3. D••mie Lions, Gules; And from the time of King Henry the second, were by right of inheritance, the Bayliffes and Guardians of the Forrest of Sarerna••k, lying hard by; which is of great note for plenty of Good Game, and for a kind of Ferne there, that yieldeth a most pleasant savour: In re∣membrance whereof, their Hunters Horne, of a mighty bigness, and tipt with silver, is kept by the Earles of Hartford unto this day, as a Monument of their Descent from such Noble Ancestors. Out of which house came Sir John Sei∣mour, of Wolfe-Hall, the Father of this Excellent Queen; as also of three sons, Edward, Henry, and Thomas; of which we shall speak somewhat severally in the way of Preamble, the first and last being Principal Actors on the Publique Thea∣tre of King Edwards Reigne.

And first, Sir Edward Seymour, the Eldest son, received the Order of Knight∣hood at the hands of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and brother in law to King Henry the Eighth. In the fifteenth yeare of whose Reign, he Command∣ed a Right puissant Army in a War with France, where he took the Town of Mont Dedier, and other pieces of Importance. On this foundation he began the rise of his following Fortunes, exceedingly improved by the Mariage of the King with his only sister, from whom, on Tuesday in Whitson week, Anno 1536. he received the Title of Viscount Beauchamp, with refe∣rence to his Descent, from the Lord John Beauchamp, above mentioned, and on the eighteenth of October, in the yeare next following he was created Earle of Hartford. A man obierved by Sir John Haywood, in his History of K. Edward the sixth, to be of little esteem for Wisdom, Personage, or Courage in Armes; but found withall, not onely to be very faithfull▪ but exceeding fortunate, as long as he served under the more Powerfull Plannet of King Henry the eighth. About five yeares before the end of whose Reign, (He being then Warden of the Mar∣ches against Scotland) the invasion of K. James, the fifth, was by his direction encountred, and broken at Sol••me Mosse, where divers of the Scottish Nobility were taken Prisoners. In the next yeare after, accompanied with Sir John Dudly, Viscount Lisle (Created afterwards Earle of Warwick, and Duke of Northum∣berland, by king Edward the sixth, with a handfull of men he fired Lieth, and

Edinborough, and returned by a leisurely March, 44. miles thorough the body of Scotlan••. And in the year following he invaded the Scottish Borders. wasted Tive dale, and the Marches, defacing all those Parts with spoyle and ruine: As fortunate in his undertakings against the French, as against the Sco••s, for, being appointed by the King to view the Fortifications upon the Marches of Callice, he did not onely perform that service to the Kings contentment, but with the hardy ap∣proach of 7000. English men, raised an Army of 21000. French, Encamped o∣ver the River, before Bolloine, won their Ordinance, Carriage, Treasure, a••d Tents, with the loss only of one man; winning in his return from thence, the Ca••tle of Ouling, commonly called the Red Pile, within shot and rescue of the Town of Ardes. And finally, in the yeare ensuing, (being the last of that Kings Reign) he began the Fortresses of New Haven, Blackness, and Bul∣lingberg; in which he plyed his worke so well, that before his departure from those places, he had made them tenable. Such were h••s Actings in the time of King Henry the Eighth, against whose Powerfull Genius, there was no withstand∣ing. In all whose time, he never rose to any haughtiness in himselfe, or con∣tempt of others, but still remained curteous, and affable towards all; choosing a course (least subject to envy) between st••ffe stubbornness, and servile flattery; without aspiring any further, then to hold a second place in the Kings good Grace. But, being left unto himself, and either overwhelmed by the Greatness of that Authority which was cast upon him, in the Minority of King Edward, or undermined by the practises of his cunning and malicious Enemies, he sud∣denly became (according to the usuall Disports of Fortune) a calamitous ruine; as being in himselfe of an easie nature, apt to be wrought upon by more subtle heads, and wholly Governed by his last wife, of which more hereafter.

In the mean time we are to know, that having married one of the daughters, and Co-heires of William Hilol, of Woodlands, in the County of Dorset, he had by her, amongst other children, a son called Edward, from whom descends Sir Edward Seim••ure of Berrie Pomerie, in the County of Devon, Knight, and Barron. After whose death he married Ann, the daughter of Sir Edward Stan∣hop, by whom he had a so••▪ called Edward also, on whom he was prevailed with, to entaile both his Lands and Honours; the children of the former bed being pretermitted. Concerning which there goes a sto••y, that the Earle having been formerly ••mployed in France did there acquaint himselfe with a Learned man, supposed to have great skill in Magick: of whom he obtained, by great rewards▪ and importunities, to let him see, by the help of some Ma∣gicall perspective▪ in what Estate all his Relations stood at home. In which impertinent curiosity, he was so ••arr satisfied, as to behold a Gentleman of his acquaintance, in a more familiar posture with his wife, then was agreeable to the Honour of either Party. To which Diabollicall Illusion▪ he is said to have gi∣ven so much credit, that he did not only estrange himselfe from her society at his coming home, but furnished his next wife with an excellent opportunity for, pressing him to the disinheriting of his fo••mer children. But whether this were so or not, certain it is that his last wife, being a proud imperious woman, and one that was resolved to gain her own ends upon him, never le••t plying him, with one suspition after ano••her, till in the end she had prev••iled to have the greatest part of his lands, and all his Honourable Titles setled on her eldest son. And that she might make sure work of it, she caused him to obtaine a private Act of Parliament, in the 32. yeare of Henry the Eighth. Anno 1540. for en∣tailing the same on this last Edward, and the Heires male of his body. So easie was he to be wrought on, by those that knew on which side he did lie most open to assaults and batteries.

Of a farr different temper was his brother Thomas, the youngest sonne of Sir John Seimour, of a daring and enterprising nature, arrogant in himselfe, a dispiser of others, and a Contemner of all Counsells, which were not first forged in his own brain. Following his sister to the Court,

he received the Order of Knighthood from the hands of the King, at such time as his brother was made Earle of Hartford, and on May day; in the thirtieth yeare of the Kings Reign; he was one of the Challengers at the Magnificent Justs, maintained by him, and others, against all comers in the Pallace of West∣minster; in which, together with the rest, he behaved himselfe so highly to the Kings contentment, and their own great Hono••r, that they were all severally rewarded with the Grant of 100. Marks of yearely rent, and a convenient house for habitation thereunto belonging, out of the late dissolved order of Saint John o•• I••rusalem Which being the first foundation of his following greatness, proved not sufficient to support the building which was raised upon it; the Gen∣tleman, and almost all the rest of the challengers, coming within few yeares after to unfortunate ends. For, being made Lord Seimour of Sudley, and Lord High Admirall of England, by King Edward the sixth, he would not satisfie his ambition with a lower marriage then the widow of his deceased Soveraign, aspi∣ring after her death to the bed of the Princes of Elizabeth, the second daughter of the King. Which wrought such Jealousies, and distrusts in the Head of his bro∣ther, then being Lord Protector of the King, and Kingdom, that he was there∣upon, Arraigned, Condemned, and Executed (of which more anon) to the great joy of such as practised to ••ubvert them both. As for the Barrony of Sud∣ley, denominated from a goodly Mannor, in the County of Gl••c••ster, it was•• anc••ently the Patrimony of Harrold, the eldest Son of Ralph d' Mont. the son of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. (Medantinu••, or d' Mount, and of Goda his wife, one of the daugh∣ters of Ethilred, and sister of Edmond, sirnamed ••ro••side, Kings of England: whose Posterity taking to themselves the name of Sudley, continued in posses∣sion of it till the time of John, the last Baron of this name and Fami••y. VVhose daug••ter Joane conveyed the whole estate in marriage to Sir William Botteler, of the Family of Wemm, in Shropshire. From whom de••cended Ralph, Lord Bot∣tele••, of Sudley Castle, Chamberlain of the Houshold to King Henry the sixth, by whom he was created Knight of the Garter, and Lord High Treasurer of England. And though the greatest part of this Inheritance being devided be∣tween the sisters and co-heires, came to other Families, yet the Castle and Baro∣ny of Sudley remained unto a male of this house▪ untill the latter end of the Reign ••f King Henry the eighth, to whom it was escheated, by the Attainder of the last Lord Botteller, whose greatest Crime was thought to be this goodly Mannor, which some greedy Courtiers had an eye on. And being fallen unto the Crown, it was no hard matter for the Lord Protector to estate the same upon his brother; who was scarce warmed in his new Honour, when it fell into the Crown again. Where it continued all the rest of King Edwards Reign, and by Queen Mary was conferred on Sir John Bruges, (who derived his Pedigree from one of the said sisters, and co-heires of Ralph, Lord Botteler) whom she ennobled, by the Title of Lord Chaundos of Sudley.

As for Sir Henry Seimour, the second son of Sir John Seimour, he was not found to be of so fine a metall as to make a Courtier, and was therefore left un∣to the life of a Country Gentleman; Advanced by the Power and favour of his elder Brother, to the o••der of Knighthood; and afterwards Estated in the Mannours of Marvell, and Twyford, in the County of Southhampton, dismem∣bred in those broken times from the see of Winchester. To each of these belong∣ed a Park, that of the first containing no less then foure miles, that of the last but two in compass; the first being also Honoured with a goodly Mancion house, belonging anciently to those Bishops, and little inferiour to the best of the Wealthy Bishopricks. There goes a story, that the Priest Officiating at the Altar, in the Church of Ouslebury (of which Parish Marvell was a part) after the Mass had been abolished by the Kings Authority, was violently dragged thence by this Sir Henry, beaten, and most reproachfully handled by him, his servants universally refusing to serve him, as the instruments of his Rage and Fury; and that the poore Priest having after an opportunity to get into the

Church, did openly curse the said Sir Henry, and his posterity, with Bell, Book, and Candle, according to the use observed in the Church of Rome. Which, whether it were so or not, or that the maine foundation of this Estate being laid on Sacrilidge, could promise no long blessing to it; Certain it is, that his poste∣rity are brought beneath the degree of poverty. For, having three Nephewes, by Sir John Se••mour, his only Son; that is to say, Edward, the eldest, Henry and Thomas, younger sons, besides severall daughters, there remaines not to any of them one foot of Land, or so much as a penny of money to supply their ne∣cessities, but what they have from the Munificence of the Marquesse of Hart∣ford, or the charity of other well disposed people, which have affection, or Re∣lation to them.

But, the great ornament of this•• house, was their sister Jane, the only daugh∣ter of her father, by whose care she was preferred to the Court, and service of Queen Ann Bollen, where she out••shined all the other Ladies, and in short time had gained exceeding much on the King, a great admirer of Fresh Beauties, and such as could pretend unto no command on his own affections. Some La∣dies who had seen the pictures of both Queenes at White Hall Gallery, have entertained no small dispute▪ to which of the two they were to give Preheminence in point of beauty; each of them having such a plentifull measure of Perfections, as to Entitle either of them to a Superiority. If Queen Ann seemed to have the more lively countenance, Queen Jane was thought to carry it in the exact symi∣try, which showed it selfe in all her features; and what she carried on that side, by that advantage, was over-ballanced on the other by a pleasing sprightfulnesse, which gained as much upon the hearts of all beholders. It was conceived by those Great Critticks in the schooles of Beauty, that love which seemed to threaten in the eyes of Queen Jane, did only seem to sport it selfe in the eyes of Queen Ann, that there was more Majesty in the Ga••b of Queen Jane Seimour, and more lovelinesse in that of Queen Ann Bollen; yet so, that the Majesty of the one did excell in Lovelyness, and that the Lovelinesse of the other did exceed In majesty. Sir John Russell, afterwards Earle of Bedford, who had beheld both Queens in their greatest Glories, did use to say that the richer Queen Jane was in clothes, the fairer she appeared; but that the other, the richer she was apparrelled, the worse she looked:* 1.2 which showes, that Queen Ann only trusted to the Beauties of Nature, and that Queen Jane did sometimes help her selfe by externall Ornaments. In a word, she had in her all the Graces of Queen Ann, but Governed (if my conjecture doth not faile me) with an evener, and more constant temper, or if you will, she may be said to be equally made up of the two last Queens,* 1.3 as having in her all the Attractions of Queen Ann, but Regulated by the reservednesse of Queen Katharine also.

It is not to be thought, that so many rare per••ections, should be long conceal∣ed from the eye of the King: or, that love should not worke in him it's accu∣stomed effects of desire and hope. In the prosecution whereof, he lay so open to discovery, that the Queen cou••d not chuse but take notice of it, and intimated her suspitio••s to him, as appeares by a letter of hers in the Scrinia Sacra. I•• which she signifies unto him, that by hastning her intended death, he would be left at liberty, both before God and man, to follow his affection, already setled on the Party, for whose sake she was reduced unto that condition; and whose name she could some while since have pointed to, his Grace not being ignorant of her sus∣picions. And it appeared by the event, that she was not much mistaken in the Mark she aimed at. For, scarce had her lementable death, which happened on the nineteenth of May, prepared the way for the Legitimating of this new af∣fection, but on the morrow after the King was secretly married to Mistress Sei∣mour, and openly showed her as his Queen in the Whitsontide following. A Marriage, which made some alteration in the face of the Court, in the advancing of her kindred, and discountenancing the Dependants of the former Queen; but otherwise produced no change in Affaires of State. The King proceeded as

before▪ in suppressing Monasteries, extinguishing the Popes Authority, and ••ltering divers things in the face of the C••u••ch which tended to that Reformation, which after followed. For, on the eighth of June began the Parliament, in which here past an Act for t••e finall extinguishing of the Power of the Popes of Rome, Cap. 10. And the next day a Convocation of the Bishops and Clergy, managed by Sir Thomas Cromwell, advanced about that time unto the Title of Lord Cromwell of Wimbledon; and made his Majesties Viccar Generall, of all Ecclesiast ••all Mat••ers in the Realme of England. By whose Authority▪ a book was published, after Mature debate and Deliberation, under the name of Arti∣cles, Devised by the Kings Highness, in which mentioned ••ut three, Sacraments, that is to ••ay. Baptisme, Pen••ance▪ and the Lords Supper. Besides which book, there were some Acts agreed upon in the Convocation, for diminishing the su∣perfl••ous number of Holy dayes, especially of such as happened in the time of Harvest. S••gnified afterwards to the people in certain Injunctions, published in the Kings name, by the new Viccar Generall, as the first fruits of his Authority. In which it was ordained amongst other things, that the Curates in every Parish Church should teach the People to say the Lords Prayer, the Creed, the Ave-Mary, and the Ten Commandments in the English Tongue.

But, that which seemed to make most for the Advantage of the new Queen, and her Posterity (if it please God to give her any) was the unexpected death of the Duke of Richmond, the Kings naturall Son, begotten on the body of the Lady Talboi••: So dearly cherished by his Father (having then no lawful Issu••-male) that in the sixth yeare of his Age, An. 1525. he created him Earl of Nottingham, and not long after Duke of Richmond and Sommerset, preferred him to the Honourable office of Earle Marshall, elected him into the Order of the Garter, made him Lord Admirall of the Royall Navy, in an expedition against France, and finally Affianced him to Mary, the daughter of Thomas Howard, Duke of Nor••olk, the most ••owerfull Subject in the Kingdom. Now were these all the favours intended to him, The Crown it selfe being designed him by the King▪ in default of Lawfull Issue▪ to be procreated, and begotten of his Royall Body. For, in the Act of the Succession, which past in the Parliament of this year, the Crown being first setled upon the Issue of this Queen, with the remainder to the Kings issue, lawfully begotten on any following wife whatso∣ever; there past this clause in favour of the Duke of Richmond (as it was then generally conceived) that is to say,* 1.4

That for lack of lawfull heires of the Kings body, to be procreated, or begotten, as is afore limitted by this Act, it should, and might be lawfull for him to confer the same on any such Person, or Persons, in Possession, and Remainder, as should please his Highnesse, and according to such Estate, and after such manner, ••orme, fashion, order, and condition, as should be expressed, declared, named, and l••mitted, in his said Letters Patents or by his last Will: the Crown to be enjoyed by such person, or persons, so to be nominated and appointed, in as large and ample manner, as if such Person or Persons, had been his Highnesse Lawfull Heires to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm.

And though it might please God, as it after did, to give the King some Law∣full Issue by this Queen, yet took he so much care for this naturall son, as to ena∣ble himselfe by another Clause in the said Act,

to advance any person, or persons of his most Royall Blood, by Letters Patents, under the Great Seale, to any Title, Stile, or Name, of any Estate, Dignity, or Honour, whatsoever it be, and to give to them, or any of them, any Castles, Honours, Mannours, Lands, Tenements, Liberties, Franchiefes, or other Hereditaments in ••ee simple, or Fee ••tail, or for terme of their lives, or the life of any of them.

But all these expectations and Provisions were to no effect, the Duke departing this life at the age of 17 yeares, or thereabouts, within few dayes after the end∣ing of this Session, that is to say, on the 22th. day of July, Anno 1536. to

the extreame griefe of the King,* 1.5 and the generall sorrow of the Court, who had him in a High degree of veneration, for his birth, and Galantry.

It appeares also by a passage in this Act of Parliament, above mentioned, that the King was not only hurried to this Marriage by his own affections, but by the humble petition, and intercession of m••st of the Nobles of his Realm; moved thereunto, as well by the conve••ien••y of her yeares, as in respect that by her excel∣lent beauty, and purenesse of flesh and blood (I speak the very words of the Act it selfe) she was apt (God willing) to concieve issue. And so accordingly it pro∣ved. For,* 1.6 on the 12th. of October▪ 1537. about two of the clock in the mor∣ning she was delivered of a young Prince (Christened not long after by the name of Edward) but it cost her deare, she dying within two dayes after, and lea∣ving this Character behind her, of being the Discreetest, Humblest, and Fairest of all the Kings Wives. It hath been commonly reported, and no lesse generally believed, that that childe being come unto the birth, and there wanting naturall strength to be delivered, his Mothers body was ripped open to give him a pas∣sage into the World, and that she died of the Incision in a short time after. The thing not only so related in our common Heralds, but taken up for a constant and undo••bted truth, by Sir John Haywood, in his History of the Life and Reign of King Edward the sixth, which, notwithstanding there are many reasons to evince the contrary. For, first it is observed by the said Sir John Haywood, that children, so brought forth, were by the ancient Romans esteemed fortunate, and commonly proved great enterprisers, with happy successe. And so it is affirm∣ed by Pliny,* 1.7 viz. Auspicatius Enecta Matre Nascuntur, &c. called first Cae∣sones, and afterwards more commonly Caesares▪ as learned Writers do averr, quia caeso matris utero in Lucem prodiissent, because their Mothers bodies had been o∣pened, to make passage for them. Amongst whom they reckon Caeso, and Fabius, who was three times Consull; Scipio, sirnamed Affricanus, Renown∣ed for his Victories in Spain, his vanquishing of Haniball, and humbling the proud Cities of Carthage. And besides others, Julius Caesar, who brought the whole Roman Empire under his Command, whereas the life of this Prince was short, his Reigne full of troubles, and his end generally supposed to be traiterously contrived, without performing any memorable Action, either at home, or abroad, which might make him pass in the account of a fortunate Prince, or any way successefull in the enterprising of Heroick Actions.

Besides, it may appeare by two severall Letters, the one written by the appoint∣ment of the Queen her selfe, immediately after her delivery, the other by one of her Physitians, on the morrow after, that she was not under any such extream necessity (though questionlesse she had a hard labour of it) as report hath made her. For first, the Queen immediately upon the birth of the Prince, caused this ensuing Letter, signed with her own signet, to be sent unto the Lord•• of the Privy Counsell, that is to say.

RIght trusty, and well Beloved, we greet you well. And forasmuch as by the inestimable goodnesse,* 2.1 and Grace of Almighty God, we be delivered, and brought in Childe••••ed of a PRINCE, concieved in most Lawfull Matrimony between my Lord the Kings Majesty, and us. Doubting not, but that for the Love and affection you beare unto us, and to the Common-Wealth of this Realme, this knowledge shall be joyous, and Glad Tidings unto you: We have thought good to certifie you of this same: To the intent ye might not only render unto God Condigne thanks, and praise for so great a benefit, but also continually pray for the long Continuance, and preservation of the same, here in this life

to the Honour of God, joy and pleasure of my Lord the KING, and us, and the Vniversall Weale, quiet, and tranquillity of this whole Realme.

Given under our signet, at my Lords Mannor of Hampton••Court, the twel••th day of October.

But, having a hard labour of it, as before was said, it brought her first into a very high distemper, and after into a very great looseness, which so accelera∣ted the approach of death, that she prepared her selfe for God, according to the Rites of the Church then being. And this app••ares by a letter of the Queenes Physitians, directed in these words to the Lords of the Counsell, viz.

THese shall be to advise your Lordships of the Queenes Estate:* 3.1 Yesterday afternoon she had a naturall lax, by reason whereof she began to lighten, and (as it appeared) to amend▪ and so continued till towards night. All this night she hath been very sick, and doth rather appare, then amend. her Confessor hath been with her Grace this morning, and hath done that to his office appertaineth, and is even now preparing to Administer to her Grace the Sacrament of Vnction.

Subscribed at Hampton Court on Wednesday morning at eight of the clock, by Thomas Cutland, Robert Karhold, Edward Bayntam, John Cham∣bers Priest, William Butts, George Owen.

So died this Noble, Beautifull, and Vertuous Queen, to the Generall lamen∣tation of all good Subjects, and on the twelfth of November following, with great Solemnity was conveyed to Windsor, and there Magnificently interred in the midst of the quire. In memory of whom, I find this Epitaph, not unworthy the greatest wits of the present times, to have then been made, viz.

Phoenix Jana Jacet n••to Phaenice Dolendum est, Saecula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas.

That is to say,

Here Jane, a Phenix lies, whose death, Gave to another Phenix breath. Sad case the while, that no age ever, Could show two Phaenixes together.

But,* 3.2 to return unto the Prince, It is affirmed with like confidence, and as little truth,* 3.3 that on the 13th. day of October, then next following (that being but the sixth day after his birth) he was created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, Earle of Chester, &c.* 3.4 In which, though I may easily excuse John Stow, and Bishop Goodwine, who report the same; yet I shall never pardon the late Lord Herbert for his incuriosity, as one that had fit opportunities to know the contra∣ry. For first, Prince Edward was never created Duke of Cornwall, and there was no reason why he should; he being actually Duke of Cornwall at the houre of his birth, according to the Entaile▪ which was made of that Dukedome to the Crown, by King Edward the third. And secondly, he was never created Prince of Wales, nor then, nor any time then after following, his Father dying in the midst of the preparations which were intended for the Pomp and Ceremony of

that Creation. This truth confessed by Sir John Haywood, in his History of the Life and Reig•• of this King; and generally avowed by all our Heralds, who reckon none of the children of King Henry the Eighth, amongst the Princes of Wales, although all of them successively by vulgar Appellation had been so en∣tituled. Which appeares more plainly by a particular of the Robes and Orna∣ments, which were preparing for the day of this Solemnity, as they are entred on Record in the book called The Catalogue of Honour, published by Thomas Mills of Canterbury, where it appeares also, that they were prepared only, but never used, by reason of the Kings death, which prevented the Sollemnities of it.

The ground of this Error, I conceive first to be taken from John Stow, who finding a creation of some Noble men, and the making of many Knights, to relate to the 18 day of October, supposed it to have been done with reference to the Creation of a Prince of Wales, whereas, if I might take the liberty of putting in my own conjecture, I should conceive rather that it was done with Reference to the Prin∣ces Christning, as in like manner we find a creation of three Earles, and five to inferiour Titles, at the Christning of the Princesse Mary,* 3.5 born to King James, after his coming into England, and Christened upon Sunday, the fifth of May. 1604. And I conceive withall, that Sir Edward Seimour, Vicount Beauchamp, the Queenes elder brother, was then created Earle of Hartford, to make him more capable of being one of the Godfathers; or a Deputy-Godfa∣ther at the least, to the Royall Infant, the Court not being then in a condition, by reason of the mournfull accident of the late Queenes death, to show it selfe in any extraordinary splendour, as the occasion had required at another time. A∣mong which persons so advanced to the Dignity and degree of Knighthood, I find Mr. Thomas Seimour, the Queenes youngest brother, to be one of the number, of whom we shall have frequent occasion to speak more fully and parti∣cularly in the course of this History. No other alteration made in the face of the Court, but that Sir William Pawlet was made Treasurer, and Sir John Rus∣sell Comptroller of his Majesties Houshold, on the said 18th. day of October (which I conceive to be the day of the Princes Christning (both of them be∣ing principall Actors in the Af••aires, and troubles of the following times.

But, in the face of the Church, there appeared some lines, which looked di∣rectly towards a Reformation. For, besides the surrendring of divers Monaste∣ries, and the executing of some Abbots, and other Religious Persons for their stiffenesse (if I may not call it a perversenesse) in opposing the Kings desires; there are two things of speciall note, which concurred this year, as the Prog∣nosticks, or ••ore-runners of those great events, which after followed in his Reign. For it appeares by a Memoriall of the Famous Library of Sir Robert Cot∣ton, * 3.6 that Grafton now made known to Cromwell, the finishing of the English Bible, of which he had printed 1500. at his own proper charges, amounting in the totall to 500. p. desiring stoppage of a surreptitions Edition in a lesse Let∣ter, which else would tend to his undoing; the suit endeared by Cranmer, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, at whose request Cromwell presents one of the Bi∣bles to the King, and procures the same to be allowed by his Authority to be read publiquely, without comptrole, in all his Dominions, and for so doing, he re∣ceives a letter of thanks from the said Arch-Bishop, dated August the 13th. of this present year. Nor were the Bishops and Clergy wanting to advance the work, by publishing a certain book in the English Tongue, which they entituled The In∣stitution of a Christian Man; in which the Doctrine of the Sacraments, the Creed, the Lords Prayer, and the Commandments, were opened and expounded more perspicuously, and lesse abhorrent from the truth then in former times. By which clear light of Holy Scripture, and the principall duties of Religion so laid op••n to them, the people were the better able to discerne the errors and corruption•• of the Church of Rome, From which by the piety of this Prince they were ful∣ly Freed. And for a preamble thereunto the Rood of Boxley, commonly called the Rood of Grace, so Artificially contrived (by reason of some secret wires in the

body, or concavities of it) that it could move the eyes the lips,* 3.7 &c. to the great wonder and astonishment of the common people; was openly discovered for a lewd imposture, and broke in pieces at St. Pauls Cross, on Sunday the 24. of Febru∣ary; the Rood of Bermondsey Abby in South-work following the same fortune also within six dayes.

The next year brings an end to almost all the Monasteries,* 3.8 and Religious houses in the Realme of England, surrendered into the Kings hands, by publ••que instruments, under the seales of all the severall and respective Convents, and those surrenderies, ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament. And this occasional∣ly conduced to the future peace and quiet of this young Prince, by removing out of the way some Great Pretenders, who otherwise might have created to him no small disturbance. For so it happened, that Henry▪ Earle of Dev••nshire, and Mary, wife of Exceter, descended from a daughter of King Edward the f••urth, and Henry Pole, Lord Mountacute, descended from a daughter of George, Duke of Clarence, the second brother of that Edward, under colour of preventing, or revenging the Dissolution of so many famous Abbyes, and religious houses, associated themselves with Sir Edward N••vill, and Sir Nicholas Carew, in a dan∣gerous practise against the person of the King, and the Peace of the Kingdom. By whose endictment it appeares, that it was their purpose and designe to de∣stroy the King, and advance Reginald Pole, one of the younger brothers of the said Lord Mountacute (of whom we shall hear more in the course of this History) to the Regal•• Throne. Which, how it could consist with the Pretensions of the Marquisse of Exceter, or the Ambition of the Lord Mountacute, the elder bro∣ther of this Reginald, it is hard to say. But, having the Chronicle of John Speed to justifie me in the truth hereof in this particular, I shall not take upon me to dispute the point. The dangerous practise of which Persons, did not so much retard the worke of Reformation as their execution did advance it; to this year also appertaineth the suppressing of Pilgrimages, the defacing of the costly and magn••ficent shrines of our Lady of Walsingham, Ipswich, Worcester, &c, and more particularly of Thomas Becket, once Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. This last, so rich in Jewells of most inestimable value, that two great chests were filled with the spoyles thereo••; so heavy and capacious, as is affirmed by Bishop ••oodwin, that each of them required no fewer then eight men to carry them out of the Church, nothing inferiour unto Gold, being charged within them. More modestly in this then Sanders, that malitious Sycophant, who will have no lesse then twenty six waine load of silver, Gold, and precious stones, to be seised into the Kings hands, by the spoyle of that Monument. Which proceedings so exasperated the Pope then being, that without more delay, by his Bull of January 1. he deprived the King of his Dominions, and caused the sentence of his Deprivati∣on to be posted up at the Townes of Bruges, Taurney, and Dunki••ke in Flanders, at Bolloigne, and Diepe in France, and St. Andrewes in Scotland; eff••cting nothing by the unadvi••edness of that desperate Counsell, but that the King be∣came more fixed in his Resolutions, and more averse from all the thoughts of Reconciliation with the See of Rome.* 3.9

The surrenderies of the former year, cofirmed by Act of Parliament, in the beginning of this, drew after it the finall dissolution of all the rest; none daring to oppose that violent Torrent, which seemed to carry all before it; but the Abbots of Colchester, Reading, and Glastenbury quarrelled, for which they were seve∣rally condemned, and executed, under colour of denying the Kings Supremacy; and their rich Abbeys seized upon, as confiscations to the use of the King, which brought him into such a suspition of separating from the Communion of the Church of Rome,* 3.10 that for the better vindicating of his integrity, as to the particulars, he passed in the same Parliament the terrible Statute of the six Articles, which drew so much good blood from his Protestant Subjects.

And being further doubtfull in himselfe what course to steere, he marries at the same time with the Lady Ann, sister unto the Duke of Cleve, whom not long

after he divorseth; Advanceth his Great Minister▪* 3.11 Cromwell (by whom he had made so much havock of Religious hou••es, in all parts of the Realm) to the Earldome of Essex, and sends him headlesse to his Grave within three moneths after; takes to his bed the Lady Katharine Howard, a Neece of Thomas Duke of Nor∣folk, and in short time found cause enough to cut off her head; not being ei∣ther the richer in children, by so many wives,* 3.12 nor much improved in his Reve∣nue by such horrible Rapines. In the middest of which confusions he sets the wheele of Reformation once more going, by moderating the extreme severi∣ty of the said Statute, touching the six Articles, abolishing the Superstitious u∣sages, accustomedly observed on St. Nicholas day; and causing the English Bible, of the Larger vollumne, to be set up, in all, and every Parish Church, within the Kingdome▪* 3.13 for such as were Religiously minded to Resort unto it.

The Prince had now but newly finished the first yeare of his age, when a fit wife was thought of for him upon this occasion. The Pope incensed against King Henry, had not long since sententially deprived him of his Kingdom, as before was said. And having so done, he made an offer of it to King James the fifth, then King of the Scots, the only Son of Margaret, his eldest sister, wife of James the fourth.* 3.14 To whom he sent a Breve to this effect: viz.

That he would assist him against King Henry, whom in his Consistory, he had pronounced to be an Heretick, a Scismatick, a manifest Adulterer, a pub∣lique Murtherer, a committer of Sacriledge, a Rebell, and convict of Le∣sae Majestatis, for that he had risen against his Lord, and therefore that he had justly deprived him of his Kingdom, and would dispose the same to him, and other Princes, so as they would assist him in the recovery of it.

This could not be so closely carried, but that the King had notice of it, who from thenceforth began to have a watchfull eye upon the Actions of his Nephew; sometimes alluring him unto his party, by offering him great hopes and favours, and practising at other times to weaken, and distract him, by animating, and maintaining his owne Subjects against him. At last, to set all right between them, an enterview was appointed to be held at York, proposed by Henry, and condescended to by James. But, when the day appointed came, the Scots King failed, being deterred from making his appeareance there, by some Popish Pre∣lates, who put into his head, a fear of being detained a Prisoner, as James the first had been by King Henry the fourth. Upon this breach the King makes ready for a Warr, sets out a manifest of the Reasons which induced him to it, amongst which he insists especially on the neglect of performing that Homage, which anciently had been done (and still of Right ought to be done) to the Kings of Eng∣land. In prosecuting of which Warr▪ the Duke of Norfolk entred Scotland with an Army, October 21. Anno 1542. wa••ts and spoyles all the Country; followed not long after by an Army of Scots, consisting of 15000. men, which in like manner entred England, but were discomfited by the valour and good fortune of Sir Thomas Wharton, and Sir William M••sgrave, with the help of some few Borderers only, the Scots upon some discontent, making little resistance. In which fight, besides many of the Scottish Nobility, were taken eight hundred Prisoners of inferiour note: twenty foure peeces of Ordinance, some cart load•• of Armes, and other booty.

On the 19 of December the Scottish Lords, and other of the Principall Pri∣soners, to the number of 20. or thereabouts, were brought into London; fol∣lowed on the third day after with the newes of the death of King James, and the birth of the young Queen his daughter. This put King Henry on some thoughts of uniting the two Crowns in a firme and everlasting League, by the Marriage of this infant Queen, with his Son Prince Edward: In pursuance whereof he sent for the inprisoned Lords, feasted them royally at White Hall, and dealt so effectually with them by himselfe and his Ministers, that they all severally and joyntly engaged themselves to promote this Match. Dismist into their own Country, upon these promises, and the leaving of Hostages, they followed

the Negotation with such care and diligence, that on the 29th. of June, in the yeare ensuing (notwithstanding the great opposition made against them by the Queen Dowager, Card••nall Beton, and divers others who adhered to the Faction of France) they brought the businesse at the last to this Conclusion, viz.

1. That the Lords of Scotland shall have the Education of the Princess for a time, yet so, as it might be Lawfull for our King to send thit••er a Noble man, and his wife, with a Family under twenty Persons, to wa••te on her. 2. That at ten yeares of Age she should be brought into England, the contract being first finished by a Proxie in Scotland.* 3.15 3. That within two moneths af∣ter the date he••eof, six Noble Sc••ts should be given as Hostages for the per∣formance of the Conditions on their Part: And that if any of them dyed, their num∣ber should be sup••lyed. 4. And furthermore it was agreed upon, that the Realme of Scotland (by that name) should preserve it's Lawes and Rights; and that Peace should be made for as long time as was desired, the French being ex∣cluded.

But, though these Capitulations thus agreed on, were sent into ••ngland, signed, and ••ealed in the August following; yet the Cardinall and his Party grew so strong, that the wh••le Treaty c••me to nothing; the Noble Men who had been Pr••soners, falsifying their Faith, and chusing rather the Lord Kenneth Earle of Cassiles excepted) to leave their Hostages to King Henries mercy, then to put themselves into his Power. Provoked therewith, the King denounceth Warr against them, and knowing that they depended chiefly upon the strength of France, he peeceth with the Emperour Charles the fifth, and Proclaimeth Warr against the French, Following the Warr against both Kingdomes, he cau∣seth many in-roades to be made into Scotland wasting and harrasing that poor Country;* 3.16 and with a Royall Army passeth over into France▪ where he made him∣selfe Master of the strong Town of Bolloigne; with the Forts about it, into which he made his Royall entry, Sep. 25. 1544. The rest of the Kings life spent in continuall Action against both Nations, in which the Enemies had the worst, though not without some losse to the English also; the poore Scots pay∣ing so dearely for their breach of Faith, that no yeare passed, in which their Countrey was not wasted, and their ships destroyed. Toward the charges of which VVarres, the King obtained a Grant in Parliament of all Chanteries, Col∣ledges, Hospitalls, and free Chappells, with the Lands thereunto belonging, to be united to the Crown. But, dying before he had took the benefit of it, he lef•• that part of the spoyle to such of his Ministers, who had the Managing of Affaires in his Sons Minority.

In the mean t••me the Prince having attai••ed unto the Age of six yeares,* 3.17 was taken out of the hands o•• his women, and committed to the tuition of Mr. John Cheeke, whom he afterwards Knighted, and advanced him to the Provo••••ship of Kings Colledge in Cambridge, and Doctor Richard Cox, whom afterwards he preferred to the Deanry of Westminster, and made ch••efe Almoner. These two being equall in Authority, employed them∣selves to his advantage in their severall kindes, Doctor Cox for knowledge of Divinity, Philosophy, and Gravity of Manners; Mr. Cheeke for eloquence in the Greek and Latine Tongues. Besides which two he had some others to instruct him in the Modern Languages, and thrived so well amongst them all, that in short time he perfectly spake the French tongue, and was able to express himselfe significantly enough in the Italian, Greek and Spa∣nish. And as for Latine, he was such an early proficient in it, that before he was eight yeares old, he is said to have written the ensu∣ing Letter to the King his Father; seconding the same with another to the Earle of Hartford, as he did that also with a third to the Queen Katharine Parre, whom his Father had taken to wife, July the 12th. 1543. And though these Letters may be used as good evidences of his great

proficiency, with reference to the times in which he lived;* 3.18 yet in our dayes in which either the wits of men are sooner ripe, or the method of teaching more exact, and facile, they would be found to contain nothing which is more then ordinary. Now his Letter to the King (referring the Reader for the other two, unto Fox, and Fuller) it beares date, on the 27th. day of September, when he wanted just a fortnight of eight yeares old, and is this that follow∣eth.

PRINCE Edwards Epistle to the King, September 27. 1545.

LIterae Meae semper habe••t unum Argumentum, Rex Nobilissime, atque pater ••••∣••••strissime, id est, in omnibus Epistolis ago tibi Gratias pro beneficentia tua Erga me Maxima; si enim s••pius multo, ad te literas Exararem, nullo tamen quidem modo potui pervenire officio Literarum ad magnitudinem benignitatis tuae erga me. Quis enim potuit compensare beneficia tua erga me? Nimirum nullus qui non est tam magnus Rex, ac Nobilis Princeps, ac tu es, cujusmodi ego non sum. Quamobrem Pietas tua in me, multo gratior est mihi, quod facis mihi, quae nullo modo compensare Possum; sed tamen Adnitar, & Faciam quod in me est, ut placeam Majestati, atque Precabor Deum, ut diu te servet in columem. Vale Rex Nobilissime,

Majestati tu•• Observantissimus Filius Halfeldiae Vicesimo Septimo. Septemb. EDVARDUS PRINCEPS.

For a companion at his book, or rather for a Proxie to bear the punishment of such errours as either through negligence, or inadvertency were committed by him, he had one Barnaby Fits Patrick, the son (if I conjecture aright) of that Patrick, whom I finde amongst the witnesses to King Henries last Will and Te∣st••ment, as also amongst those Legatees which are therein mentioned, the King bequeathing him the Legacy of one hundred markes. But, whether I hit right or not, most probable it is, that he had a very easie substitution of it; the harmlessenesse of the Princes nature, the ingenuity of his disposition, and his assiduity at his book, freeing him for the most part from such corrections, to which other children at the schoole are most commonly subject. Yet, if it some∣times happened, as it seldome did, that the servant suffered punishment for his Masters errors. It is not easie to affirm, whether Fits Patrick smarted more for the fault of the Prince, or the Prince conceived more griefe for the smart of Fits Patrick. Once I am certain that the Prince entertained such a reall Estimation of him, that when he came unto the Crown, he acquainted him by letter with the sufferings of the Duke of Sommerset, instructed and maintained him for his travels in France, endowed him with faire lands in Ireland (his native Country) and finally made him Baron of upper Ossery, which Honourable Title he enjoy∣ed till the time of his death, in the latter end of Queen Elizabeths Reign, at what time he dyed a zealous and Religious Protestant. One thing I must not

pretermit to shew the extraordinary piety of this hopefull Prince in the dayes of his childhood,* 4.1 when, being about to take down something, which seemed to be above his Reach, one of his fellowes proffe••ed him a Bossed-Plated Bible, to stand upon, and heighten him for taking that which he desired. Which, when he perceived to be a Bible, with Holy indignation he re••u••ed it, and sharply repre∣hended h••m that made the offer. A st••ong assurance of that deare esteem and veneration, in which he held that Sacred Book in his riper yeares.

Having attained the age of nine,* 4.2 there were great prepa••ati••ns made for his sollemne investiture in the Principality of Wales, together with the Earle∣domes of Chester and Flint, as dependants on it. Toward which Pomp, I find a provision to be made of these Ornaments and Habiliments following▪ tha•• is to say, first an Honourable Habit, viz. A Robe of Purple Velvet, having in it about eigh••een ells, more or lesse, Gar••i••••ed about with a ••ringe of Gold, and lined with Ermins, A S••rcot, or inner Gown, having in it about fourteen ells of Velvet, of like colour, Fringe, and Furr, Laces, Buttons, and Tassells (as they call them, O••naments made of Purple, Silk, and Gold; A G••rdle of si••k, to g••rd his inne Gowne; A sword with a scabbard made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Purple, silke, and Gold, garnished with the like girdle he is girt withall, thereby showing him to be Duke of Cornwall by birth, and not by Creation. A cap of the same velvet tha•• ••is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is of, furred with ••••mines, with Laces▪ and a button, and Tassells on the Crown thereof, made of Venice Gold▪ A Garland, or a little Coronet of Gold, to be put on his head, together with his Cap. A long golden verge, or Rod, be••okening his Government. A ring of Gold also, to be put on the third finger of his left hand, whereby he was ••o declare his Mar∣riage, made with equity and Justice. But scarce were these prov••sions ready, but the Kings sicknesse brought a stop, and his death shortly af••er put an end to those preparations; the expectation of a Principality, being ther••by changed to the pos••ession o•• a Crown.

For, the King having long lived a voluptuous life, and indulgent too much unto his Pallate, was g••owne so corpulent, or rather so over••grown•• with in un∣weildly bur••hen of flesh, that he was not able to go up staires▪ from one roome to a∣nother, but as h•• was hoised up by an Engine: Wh••ch, filling his body with ••oule and foggy humours, and those humours falling into his leg, in which 〈…〉〈…〉 ancient and uncured ••ore, they there began to settle to an inflamation 〈…〉〈…〉 both waste his Spirits, and increase his passions. In th•• m••ddest of 〈…〉〈…〉, it was not his least care to provide for the safet•• of his S••n, and preserve the successi∣on of the Crown to his own Posterity. At such time as he had married Queen Ann Bollen, he procured h••s daughter Mary to be declared 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Act of Parliament; the like he also did by his daughter Elizabeth, when he ha•• marri∣ed Queen Jane S••imour, setling the Crown upon his issue by the said Queen Jane. But, having no other issue by her but Prince Edward only▪ and none at all by any of his following wives; he thought it a high point of Pr••dence (as in∣deed it was) to establish the Succession with more stayes then one, and not to let it rest on so weak a staffe, as a childe of little more then nine yeares of age, For which cause he procured an Act of Parliament, in the 35th. yeare of his Reign, in which it is declared, that in default of issue of the said Prince Ed∣ward, the Crowne should be entailed to the Kings daughter,* 4.3 the Lady Mary, and the Heires of her body, and for default thereof to the Kings daughter, the Lady E∣lizabeth, and the heires of her body, and for lack of such issue, to such as the King by his Letters Patents, or his Last Will in Writing should Limit.

So that he had three children by three severall wives, two of them borne of questionable Marriages, yet all made capable by this Act, of having their seve∣rall turnes in the succession, as it after proved. And though a threefold cord be not easily broken, yet he obtained further power for disposing the Crown, if their issue failed; whereof, being now sick, and fearing his approaching end, he resolved to make such use in laying down the State of the succession to the

Crown Imperiall, as was more agreeable to his private passions, then the Rules of Justice; which appeared plainly by his excluding of the whole Scottish Line, descended from the Lady Margaret, his eldest sister, from all hopes thereof; un∣lesse perhaps it may be said, that the Scottish Line might be sufficiently provided for, by the Marriage of the young Queen with the Prince his Son, and that it was the Scot•• own fault, if the match should faile.

This care being over, and the Succession setled by his Last Will and Testament, bearing date, the 28th. of December, being a full moneth before his death, he began to entertaine some feares and Jealousies, touching the safety of the Prince, whom he should leave unto a factious and divided Court, who were more like to serve their own turns by him, then advance his interest His brother-in-Law, the Duke of Suffolk (in whom he most confided) died not long before; the kindred of Queen Jane were but new in Court, of no Authority in themselves, and such as had subsisted chiefly by the countenance, which she had from him. As they could contribute little to the defence of the Princes person, and the preservation of his Right••; So there were some who had the Power, (and who could tell but that they also had the will?) to change the whole frame of his design, and take the Government to themselves. Amongst which there was none more feared then the Noble Lord Henry, Earle of Surrey, the eldest son of Tho••as Howard, Duke of Norfolk, strong in Alliance and De∣pendance, of a Revenue not inferiour to some forreign Kings, and that did de∣rive his Pedigree from King Edward the first. The Earle himselfe, beheld in ge∣nerall by the English as the chiefe Ornament of the Nation; Highly esteemed for his Chivalry, his Affability, his learning, and whatsoever other Graces might either make him amiable in the eyes of the people, or formidable in the sight of a jealous, impotent, and way-ward Prince. Against him therefore, and his Father, there were Crimes devised, their persons put under an Arrest, their Arraignment prosecuted at the Guild Hall in London, where they both received the sentence of death; which the Earle suffered on the Tower Hill, on the 19. of January, the old Duke being reserved by the Kings death, (which followed within nine dayes after) for more happy times. Which brings into my minde a sharp, but shrewd Character of this King, occurring in the writings of some, but more common in the mouthes of many▪ that is to say, that be never spared woman in his lust, nor man in his anger. For proofe of which last, it is observed, that he brought unto the block two Queens, two Noble Ladies, one Cardinall declared,* 4.4 of Dukes, Marquisses, Earles, and the sons of Earles, no fewer then twelve: Lords and Knights▪ eighteen; of Abbots and Priors thirteen; Monks, and Religious Persons, about seventy seven; and many more of both Religions, to a very great number. So as it cannot be denied, that he had too much (as all great Monarchs must have somewhat) of the Tyrant in him. And yet I dare not say with Sir Walter Rawleigh, That if all the patterns of a mercilesse Prince had been lost in the World, they might have been found in this one King; some of his Executions being justifiable by the very nature of their Crimes, others to be imputed to the infelicity of the times in which he lived, and may be ascribed unto Reasons of State, the Exigences whereof are seldom squared by the Rule of Justice.

His Infirmity, and the weaknesse which it brought upon him, having confined him to his bed, he had a great desire to receive the Sacrament; and being per∣swaded to receive it in the easiest posture, sitting, or raised up in his bed, he would by no meanes yield unto it; but caused himselfe to be taken up, placed in his chaire, in which he heard the greatest part of the Office, till the Consecration, and then Received the Blessed Sacrament on his knees,* 4.5 as at other times, saying withall, as Sanders doth Relate the story, That if he did not only cast himselfe upon the ground, but even under it also, he could not give unto the Sacrament the Honour which was due unto it. The instant of his death approaching, none of his Servants, though thereunto desired by his Physitians, durst acquaint him with

it. Till at last Sir Anthony Denny undertook that ungratefull office, which the King entertaining with lesse impatience then was looked for from him, gave or∣der that Arch-Bishop Cramner should be presently sent for. But, the Arch-Bishop being then at his house in Croyden, seven miles from Lambeth, it was so long before he came, that he found him speechlesse. Howsoever, applying himselfe to the Kings present condition, and discoursing to him on this Point, that Salvation was to be obtained only by Faith in Christ, he desired the King, that if he understood the effect of his words, and believed the same, he would signifie as much by some signe or other, which the King did by ringing him gent∣ly by the hand, and within short time after he gave up the Ghost, when he had lived fifty five yeares, seven moneths, and six dayes over, of which he had Reigned thirty seven yeares, nine moneths, and six dayes also.

Having brought King Henry to his death, we must next see in what estate he left the Kingdome to his Son▪ with reference to the condition of Affa••res both at home and abroad. Abroad he left the Pope his most bitter enemy, intent on all advantages for the recovery of the Power and Jurisdiction, which had been exercised in England by his Predecessors; and all the Princes of his Party, in Germany, Italy, and elsewhere, either in Action, or Design, concurring with him. The Protestant Kings and Princes he had disobliged, by repudiating the Lady Ann of Cleve, and the precipitated death of Cromwell, upon whose Pow∣er and favour with him they did most rely: But, nothing did mo••e alienate their affections from him, then the persecution raised at home, upon the terrible Sta∣tute of the six Articles, before remembered; by which they saw themselves con∣demned, and executed in the persons of those, who suffered for the same Re∣ligion, which themselves professed. And, as for the two great Kings of France and Spaine, he had so carried himselfe between them, that he was rather feared of both, then beloved by either of them. The Realms and Signeuries of Spaine (exc••pt Portugall only) together with the Kingdomes of Naples, Scicilie, and Sard••nia, and the Estates belonging to the House of Burgundy, in the Belgick Provinces, were all united in the Person of Cha••les the fifth, to which he a••ded by his own proper Power and Valour, the Dukedomes of Millain, and Gull∣dress, the Earldome of Z••tphen, with the Estates of Gr••ini••gen, Vtrecht, and Over-yss••ll. And on the other side the French Kings were not only in the quiet possession of those goodly Territories, (Normandy, Guienne, and the rest) which anci••ntly belonged to the Kings of England; but lately had inpa••ronised them∣selves of the Dukedomes of Burgoine, and Bretagne, and the Earledome of Provence, all meeting in the Person of King Francis the first. Of which two great and puissant Princes, the first being resolved to admit no equall, and the se∣cond to acknowledge no superiour, they endeavoured by all wayes and meanes immaginable to subdue each other, whereby the Conqueror might attaine in time to the Empire of Europe. It was therefore K••ng Henries chiefest care, as it was his interess to keep the scales to even between them, that neither of them should preponderate, or weigh down the other, to the endangering of the rest of the Princes of Christendome: Which he performed with so great con∣stancy and courage, as made him in effect the Arbitrer at all times between them. So as it may be truely affirmed of him, that he sate at the Helmne, and Steered the great Affaires of Christendome, to what point he pleased. But then withall as his constant and continuall standing to th••s Maxime of State, made him friend to neither, so he was suspected of them both; both having also their particular Animosities against his person and proceedings. The Emperour irreconciliably incenst against him for the injury done unto his Aunt, from whom he had caused himselfe to be divorced; the French King no less highly enraged by the taking of B••iloigne, for which, though the King had shuffled up a peace with France, Prince Edward shall be called to a sober Reckoning, when he least lookes for it.

To look to matters near at home, we finde the Scots exasperated by his

Annuall inrodes, but more by his demanding the long neglected duty of Ho∣mage to be performed from that Kingdom to the Crown of England: The Irish on the other side of the sea, being kept under by strong hand, but standing upon no good termes of affection with him; the executing of the young Earle of Kildare, and five of his Unckles at one time, being fresh in memory, and nei∣ther forgotten, nor forgiven by the rest of the Clanns. And, as for England it self, the People were generally divided into Schismes and Factions; some be∣ing two stiff in their old Mumpsimus, as others no lesse busie in their new Sumpsimus, as he used to phrase it. The Treasures of the Crown exhausted by prodigall gifts, and his late chargeable Expedition against the French; the Lands thereof charged with Rents, and Pensions granted to Abbots, Priors, and all sorts of Religious Persons; some of which remained payable, and were paid accordingly, till the time of King James; and, which was worst of all, the Mo∣ny of the Realm so imposed and mixed, that it could not pass for currant a∣mongst Forreign Nations, to the great dishonour of the Kingdome, and the losse of the Merchant. For, though an infinite Masse of Jewels, treasure in Plate, and ready Mony, and an incredible improvement of Revenue had acrued unto him by such an universell spoyle, and dissolution of Religious Houses, yet was he lit∣tle or nothing the richer for it. In so much, that in the yeare 1543. being within lesse then seven yeares after the Generall suppression of Religious Hou∣ses, he was faign to have recourse for moneyes to his Houses of Parliament, by which he was supplied after an extraordinary manner; the Clergy at the same time giving him a subsidy of 6. s. in the pound, to be paid out of all their Spiri∣tuall Promotions, poore stipendary Priests paying each 6. s. 8. d. to encrease the summe. Which also was so soon consumed, that the next yeare he prest his Subjects to a Benevolence, for carrying on his Warr with France and Scotland; and in the next obtained the Grant for all Chanteries, Hospitalls, Colledges, and Free-Chappells, within the Realm, though he lived not to enjoy the benefit of it, as before was said.

Most true it is, that it was somewhat of the latest before he cast his eye on the Lands of Bishoppricks, though there were some who thought the time long till they fell upon them. Concerning which there goes a story, that after the Court-Harpies had devoured the greatest part of the spoyle, which came by the suppression of Abbyes, they began to seek some other way, to satiate that gree∣dy Appetite, which the division of the former booty had left unsatisfied; and for the satisfying whereof, they found not any thing so necessary as the Bishops Lands. This to effect, Sir Thomas Seimour is imployed as the fittest man, as being in favour with the King, as brother to Queen Jane, his most, and best beloved wife; and having the opportunity of accesse unto him, as being one of the Gentlemen of his Privy Chamber. And he not having any good affection to Arch-Bishop Cranmer, desired that the experiment should be tryed on him, and therefore took his time to informe the King, that my Lord of Canterbury did nothing but fell his woods, letting long leases for great fines, and making ha∣vock of the Royalties of his Arch-Bishopprick, to raise thereby a fortune to his wife and children; withall, he did acquaint the King, that the Arch-Bishop kept no hospitality, in respect of such a large Revenue; and that in the opinion of many wise men it was more meet for the Bishops to have a sufficient yearely Stipend out of the Exchequer, then to be so encumbred with temporall Royal∣ties, being so great a hindrance to their Studies, and Pastorall Charge, and that the said Lands and Royalists being taken to his Majesties use, would afford him (besides the said Annuall Stipends) a great yearly Revenue. The King soon smelt out the Device, and shortly after sent him on an Errand to Lambeth, a∣bout dinner time, where he found all the tables in the great Hall to be very boun∣tifully furnished, the Arch-Bishop himselfe accompanied at dinner, with di∣vers persons of Quality, his Table exceeding plentifully served, and all things answerable to the Port of so great a Prelate: Wherewith the King being made

acquainted at his coming back, he gave him such a Ratle for his false informati∣on, and the design which visibly depended on it, that neither he, nor any other of the Courtiers, durst stir any further in the suite, whilest King Henry lived.

But the King, considering further of it, could not think fit that such a plausible Proposition, as taking to himselfe the Lands of the Bishops, should be made in vaine. Only he was resolved to prey further off: and not to fall upon the spoyle two neere the Court, for feare of having more partakers in the Booty, then might stand with his profit. And to this end the deales with H••lgate, pre∣ferred not long before from Land••ff to the See of Yorke; from whom he takes at one time no fewer then seventy Mannors, and Town-ships, of good old Rents, given him in exchange, to the like yearly value, certain Impropriations, Pensi∣ons, Tithes, and Portions of Tithes, (but all of an extended Rent,) which had accrued unto the Crown by the fall of Abbyes. Which Lands he ••aid by Act of Parliament, to the Dutchy of Lancaster. For which, see 37▪ Hen. 8. C••p 16. He dismembred also by these Acts certain Mannors from the See of Lo••don, in fav••ur of Sir William Petie; and others in the like manner from the See of Canterbury, but not without some reasonable compensation, or allowance for them. And though by reason of his death, which fol••owed within short time after; there was no further alienation made in his time, of the Churches Patri∣money; yet having opened such a Gap, and discovered this secret, that the sacred Patrimony might be alienated with so little trouble; the Courtie••s of King Ed∣wards time, would not be kept from breaking violently into it, and making up their own fortune in the spoyle of the Bi••hopricks. Of which we may ••peak more hereafter in it's proper place. So impossible a thing it is for the i••l exam∣ple of Great Princes, not to finde followers in all ages, especially where profit, or preferment may be furthered by it.

But then it cannot be de••ied, but that King Henry left the Church in many Respects, in a better condition then he found it; not only in order to the Re∣formation of Religion, which none but such a Masculine Prince durst have un∣dertaken, but also in the Polity and endowments of it. The M••n••steries and Religious Houses, might possibly be looked upon no otherwise, then as so many excrescences upon the body of the Church; exempt for the most part from the E∣piscopall Jurisdiction, wholly depending on the Pope▪ and such as might be taken away, without any derogation to the Church, in Power or Patrimony. But, Bi∣shopricks being more essentiall to the constitution of the same, he did not only preserve, as before he found them, but increased their number. Such of the old Cathedralls as were founded on a Prior and Covent, he changed into a Cor∣poration of secular Priests, consisting of a Deane, and Prebendarles, accor∣ding to the proportion of their yearely rents▪ of which sort were the Churches of Canterbury, Winton, Durham, Elie, Rochester, Norwich and Carlile. Six of the wealthier Monasteries he turned into Episcopall Sees, that is to say, the Ab∣byes of Westminster, Peter Borough, Bristoll▪ Glocester, and Chester, with that of O••sney for the See of the Bishop of Oxon; assigning to every new Episcopall See its Deane and Chapter, and unto every such Cathedrall, a competent number of Quiremen, and other Officers, all of them liberally endowed and provided for. And that the Church might be continually furnished with sufficient Seminaries, he sounded a Grammer Schoole in every one of his Cathedralls, either old or new, with Annuall pensions to the Master▪ and some allowance to be made to the children yearely; and ordained also, that in each of the two Universities there should be publick Readers, in the faculties of Divinity, Law and Physick, and in the Greek and Hebrew Tongues; all which he pensioned, and endowed with l••berall Sa••aries, as the times then were. Besides which publique benefact∣ions he confirmed Cardinall Wolsies Colledge in Oxon by the name of Kings Colledge first, and of Christ church afterwards; and erected that most beautifull pi••e of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge; those being the two fa••rest, and most

magnificent foundations in the Christian World.

As for the Polity of the Church, he setled it in such a manner, that Arch-bishops and Bishops might be chosen, confirmed, and consecrated, and all the Subjects be relieved in their suits and Grievances, without having such Recourse to the Court of Rome, as formerly had drained the Realm of so much Treasure. For▪ having by his Proclamation, of the 19th. of September, Anno 1530. prohibited all addresses and Appeales to the Popes of Rome, he prevailed so farr upon his Bishops and Clergy; intangled by the Cardinalls fall in a Premunire, that they acknowledged him in their Convocation, to be the Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England, and signified as much in a Publick Instrument, bearing date, the 22th day of March, next following. Upon this ground were bu••lt the Statutes, prohibiting all Appeales to Rome, and for determi∣ning all Ecclesiasticall suites and controversies within the Kingdom. 24. Hen. 8. cap. 1••. That for the manner of declaring, and consecrating of Arch-Bishops, and Bishops▪ 25. Hen. 8. Cap. 20. and the prohibiting the payment of all impositi∣ons to the Court of Rome; and for obtaining all such dispensations from the see of Canterbury, which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome, 25. Hen. 8. Cap. 21. and finally, that for declaring the King to be the Supreme Head of the Church of England, and to have all Honours and Preheminences; and amongst o∣thers, the first-fruits and tenths of all Ecclesiasticall promotions within the Realm which were annexed unto that Title. In the forme of consecrating Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, and the rule by which they excercised their Jurisdiction, there was no change made, but what the transposition of the Supreme Power, from the Pope to the King, must of necessity infer. For, whereas the Bishops and Cler∣gy in the Convocation An. 1532. had bound themselves neither to make, nor execute any Canons, or Constitutions Ecclesiasticall, but as they were thereto en∣abled by the Kings Authority; it was by them desired, assented to by him, and confirmed in Parliament, that all such Canons, and Constitutions, Synodall and Provinciall, as were before in use, and neither Repugnant to the Word of God, the kings Prerogative Royall, or the known Lawes of the Land, should remaine in force, till a review thereof were made by thirty two Persons of the Kings appointment. Which review, not having been made from that time to this, all the said old Canons, and Constitutions so restrained and qualified, do still remaine in force, as before they did. For this Consult the Act of Parlia∣ment 25. Hen. 8. Cap. 1. And this, and all the rest being setled, then follow∣ed finally the Act for extinguishing the Power of the Pope of Rome. 28. Hen. 8 Cap. 10. which before we mentioned.

In order to a Reformation in points of Doctrine, he first directed his Bishops and Clergy in their Convocation, A••no 1537. to compile a Book, containing The Exposition of the Creed, the Lords Prayer, the Avemary, and the Ten Com∣mandements, together with an Explication of the use and nature of the seven Sacraments. More cleerely in it self, and more agreeable to the Truth of Holy Scripture, then in former times; which book being called The Institution of a Christian Ma••, was by them presented to the King, who liked thereof so well, that he sent it by Doctor Barlow, Bishop of St. Davids, to King James the fifth, hoping thereby, to induce him to make the like Reformation in the Realm of Scotland, as was made in England, though therein he was deceived of his expect∣ation. But, this Book having lien dormant for a certain time, that is to say, as long as the six Articles were in force, was afterwards corrected, and explained by the Kings own hand; and being by him so corrected, was sent to be reviewed by Arch••Bishop Cranmer, by him referred (with his own emendations on it) to the Bishop•• and Clergy, then Assembled in their Convocation, Anno 1543. and by them Approved. VVhich care that Godly Prelate took, as himselfe confes∣seth in a Letter to a friend of his,* 4.6 bearing date, January 25. because the book being to come out by the Kings Censure and Judgement, he would have nothing in the same, which Momus himselfe could Reprehend. VVhich being done, it was pub∣lished shortly after, by the name of a Necessary Doctrine and Erudition, for any

Christian man, with an Epistle of the Kings Prefixt before it, in which it was commended to the Perusall of all his subjects, that were Religiously disposed. Now, as the first book was ushered in by an injunction, published in S••ptember, An. 1536. by which all Curates were required to Teach the people to say the Lords Prayer, the Creed, the Ave••ary, and the Ten Commandements, in the English Tongue; ••o was the second countenanced by a Proclamation which made way unto it, bearing date, May the sixth. 1541, whereby it was commanded, that the English Bible, of the Larger Vollumne, should publiquely be placed in every Parish-Church of the Kings Dominions▪ And here we are to understand, that the Bible having been Translated into the English Tongue, by the great paines of William Tyndall (who after suffered for Reli∣gion, in the Reigne of this King) was by the Kings Command supprest, and the reading of it interdicted by Proclamation; the Bishops, and other Learned men, advising the re••traint thereof, as the times then stood. But afterward, the times being changed, and the People better fitted for so great a benefit, the Bishops and Clergy Assembled in their Convocation, Anno 1536. humbly pe∣titioned to the King, that the Bible being faithfully Translated, and purged of such Prologues, and Marginall Notes, as formerly had given offence, might be permitted from thenceforth to the use of the people. According to which God∣ly motion, his Majesty did not only give Order for a new Translation, but in the Interim he permitted Cromwell, his Viccar Generall, to set out an Injuncti∣on, for providing the whole Bible, both in Latine and English, after the Transla∣tion then in use;) which was called commonly by the name of Matthews Bible, but was no other then that of Tyndall, somewhat altered) to be kept in every ••arish Church throughout the Kingdome. And so it stood (but not with such a Generall observation, as the case required, till the finishing of the new Transla∣tion, Printed by Grafton, countenanced by a learned Preface of Arch-Bishop Cranmer, and Authorised by the Kings Proclamation of the sixth of May, as be∣fore was said. Finally, that the people might be better made acquainted with the Prayers of the Church, it was appointed, a little before the Kings going to Bol∣loigne, Anno 1545. that the L••tany (being put into the same forme almost in which now it stands) should, from thenceforth be said in the English Tongue. So farr this King had gone, in order to a Reformation, that it was no hard mat∣ter for his Son (or for those rather, who had the Managing of Affaires, during his Minority) to go thorough with it.

In Reference to the Regall State, he added to the Royal Stile, these three Glori∣ous Attributes, that is to say. Defender of the Faith, The Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of England, and King of Ireland. In what manner he obtained the Title of Supreme Head, conferred upon him by the Convocation, in the year 1530. and confirmed by Act of Parliament, in the 26 yeare of his Reign, hath been showne before. That of Defender of the Faith, was first bestowed upon him by Pope Leo the tenth, upon the publishing of a Book against Martin Luther; which Book being presented unto the Pope, by the hands of Doctor Clark, afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells, hath been preserved ever since amongst the choisest Rarities of the Vatican Library. Certain it is, that the Pope was so well pleased with the present, as to receive the same in a Sollemn Assembly of the Cardinalls, and Court of Rome, expressing the contentment which he took therein, by a fluent Oration, the Copy whereof we have in Speed, Fol. 991. And whereas, in former times, the French were Honoured with the Ti∣tle of Most Christian; and the Spaniard lately with the Title of The Catholick King, This Pope, in due acknowledgement of so great a Merit, bestowes on Henry the more Glorious Attribute of, The Defender of the Faith. Which Bull being dated on the tenth of Octob. Anno 1521. is to be found exem∣plified in The Titles of Honour, and thither I referr the Reader for his satisfacti∣on. Twenty three yeares the King enjoyed this Title, by no other Grant, then the Donation of Pope Leo. But, then considering with himselfe, that it was first

Granted by that Pope, as a Personall favour, and not intended to descend upon his Posterity, as also, that the Popes, by the reason of such differences as were between them, might possibly take a time to deprive him of it, he resolved to stand no longer on a ground of no greater certainty. And therefore, having summoned his High Court of Parliament, to Assemble on the 29th. of March, Anno 1544. he procured this Title to be assured unto his Person, and to be made perpetuall to his Heires and Successors, for all times succeeding. For which Consult, the Statute 35. Hen. 8. Cap. 3. And by the Act it was ordained, that whosoever should malitiously diminish any of his Majesties Royall Titles, or seek to deprive him of the same, should suffer death, as in case of Treason; and that from thenceforth the Stile Imperiall should no otherwise be exprest, then in this forme following, that is to say, N. N. by the Grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and on Earth of the Churches of England, and Ireland, the Supreme Head. By vertue of which Act Queen Mary still retained this Title, though she disclaimed the other of Supreme Head, by Act of Parliament, in the first yeare of her Reign, as being incompetible with her submission, and Relations to the See of Rome.

As for the Title of King of Ireland, it was first given unto this King, by a Par∣liament, there holden in the Month of June, 1541. under Sir Anthony Saint-Leiger being then Lord Deputy. The Acts whereof being transmitted to the King, and by him confirmed, he caused himselfe to be first Proclaimed King of Ireland, on the 23th. of January, then next following. Which, though it added some∣what to him in point of Title, yet it afforded him no advantage in point of Pow∣er; but that the name of King was thought to carry more respect and awe with it amongst the Irish, then the Title of Lord, which only till that time had been assumed by the Kings of England. For, otherwise the Kings of England, from the first Conq••est of the Country by King Henry the second, enjoyed and ex∣ercised all manner of Royalties, and Preheminences, which do, or can belong to the greatest Kings; Governing the same by their Vice-Ger••nts, to whom sometimes they gave the Title of Lord Lieutenants, sometimes Lord Deputies of Ireland, then whom no Vice-Roy in the VVorld comes nearer to the Pomp and splendor of a Soveraign Prince. And though they took no other Title to them∣selves, then Lords of Ireland, yet they gave higher Titles to their Subjects there, many of which they advanced to the Honour, and Degree of Earles. And at the same time, when King Richard the second contented himselfe with no Higher Stile then Lord of Ireland, he exalted his great Favourite Robert d' Vere, the tenth Earle of Oxon, of that Family, first, to the Dignity and Stile of Marquesse of Dublin, and after to the invidious Appellation of Duke of Ireland, which he enjoyed unto his death. The Countrey at the same time changed it's Title also, being formerly no otherwise called in our Records, then Terra Hiberniea, or the Land of Ireland, but, from henceforth to be called upon all occasions, in Acts of Parliament, Proclamations, and Letters Patents, by the name of Regnum Hiberniae, or the Realm of Ireland. At the assuming of which new Title, by this King, the Scots were somewhat troubled, but the Pope much more; The Scots had then some footing in the North parts of that Iland, and thought, the taking of that Title by the Kings of England, to tend to the endangering of their possession, or at least to bring them under a Subjection of a Foreign Prince. And on the other side, it was complained of in the Court of Rome, as a great and visible encroachment on the P••pall Power, to which it only appertained, to erect new Kingdomes; and that the injury was the greater in the present case, because the King holding that Iland by no other Title, (as it was then, and there pretended) then by the Donation of Pope Adrian to King Henry the se∣cond, was not with••ut the Popes consent to assume that Title. But, the King ca∣red as little for the Pope, as he did for the Scots, knowing how able he was to make good all his Actings against them both; and not only for enjoying this Title for the rest of his life, but for the leaving of it to his Heires and Successors▪

though afterward Queen Mary accepted a new Grant of it from the Pope then being.

Having thus setled and confirmed the Regall Style, his next care was for set∣ling, and preventing all disputes and quarrells, which might be raised about the Succession of the Crown, if the Prince, his son, should chance to dye without lawfull issue, as he after did. In which, as he discharged the trust reposed in him, so he waved nothing of the Power which he had took unto himself by Act of Parlia∣ment, made in that behalfe, in the 35 year of his Reign, as before wasnoted. In pursuance whereof, finding himself sensibly to decay, but having his wits and un∣derstanding still about him, he framed his last Wil and Testament, which he caused to be signed and attested on the 30 of December, Anno 1546, being a full Month before his death. First published by Mr. Fuller, in his Church History of Brit∣tain, Lib. 5. Fol. 243, 244. And out of him I shall crave leave to transcribe so much thereof, as may suffice to show unto posterity the sence he had of his own condition, the vile esteem he had of his sinfull body, what pious, but unprofita∣ble care he took, for the Decent Interment of the same; in what it was wherein he placed the hopes of Eternall life; and finally, what course he was pleased to take in the intailing of the Crown after his decease, by passing over the line of Scotland, and setling the Reversion in the House of Suffolk, if his own children should depart without lawfull Issue, as in fine they did. In which, and in some other points, not here summed up, the Reader may best satisfie himselfe by the words and tenour of the VVill, which are these that follow.

IN the name of God, and of the Glorious and blessed Virgin, our Lady St. Ma∣ry, and of all the Holy Company of Heaven: We Henry, by the Grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland; Defender of the Faith, and in Earth immediately under God, the Sùpreme Head of the Church of Eng∣land and Ireland, of that name the eighth; Calling to our remembrance the great gifts and benefits of Almighty God, given unto us in this Transitory life, give unto him our most lowly and humble thanks, acknowledging our selves insufficient in any part to deserve, or recompence the same. But feare that we have not worthily received the same; and considering further also, that we be, (as all mankinde are) mortall, and borne in sin, believing never∣thelesse, and hoping that every Christian creature living here in this Transito∣tory and Wretched World, under God, dying in stedfast and perfect Faith, endeavouring, and exercising himselfe to execute in this life time, if he have leisure, such good deeds, and charitable workes, as Scripture commandeth, and as may be to the Honour and pleasure of God, is Ordained by Christ's Pas∣sion to be sacred, and attain eternall Life; of which number we verily trust by his Grace to be one.

And that every creature▪ the more high that he is in Estate, Honour, and Authority in this World, the more he is bound to love, serve, and thank God, and the more diligently to endeavour himselfe to do good and charitable works, to the Laud, Honour, and Praise of Almighty God, and the Profit of his soul; We also calling to remembrance the dignity, Estate. Honour, Rule and Governance that Almighty God hath called us to in this World; and that neither we, nor any other creature mortall knoweth, the place, time, when, nor where it shall please Almighty God to call him out of this Transitory World; Willing therefore, and minding with Gods grace, before our passage out of the same, to dispose and order our latter Mind, Will, and T••stament, in that sort, as we trust it shall be acceptable to Almighty God, our only Savi∣our Jesus Christ, and all the Holy Company of Heaven, and the due satis∣faction

of all Godly brethren in Earth, Have now, being of whole and perfect mind, adhering wholly to the right Faith of Christ, and his Doctrine, repen∣ting also our old and detestable life, and being in perfect will and mind, by his Grace, never to returne to the same, and such like. And minding, by Gods Grace, never to vary therefrom as long as any remembrance, truth, or inward knowledge doth, or may, remaine within this mortall body; most humbly and heartily do commend, and bequeath our soul to Almighty God, who in person of the Son redeemed the same, with his most pretious body and blood▪ in time of his Passion: And for our better remembrance thereof, hath left here with us in his Church Militant, the Consecration and Administration of his most pre∣tious Body and Blood, to our no little Consolation and Comfort, if we as thankfully accept the same, as he lovingly and undeservedly on mans behalfe, hath ordained it for our only benefit, and not his.

Also, we do instantly require, and desire the blessed Virgin Mary, his Mo∣ther, with all the Holy Company of Heaven, continually to pray for us; whilest we live in this World, and in the time of passing out of the same, that we may the sooner attain everlasting life, after our departure out of this tran∣sitory life, which we do both hope and claime by Christs Passion; And for my body, when the soul is departed, shall then remaine but as a Cadaver, and so returne to the vile matter it was made of; were it not for the Crown and Dig∣nity which God hath called us unto, and that we would not be counted an inf••in∣ger of honest Wo••ldly Policies, and Customes, when they be not contrary to Gods Lawes, we would be content to have it buried in any place, accustom∣ed for Christian ••olkes, were it never so vile, for it is but ashes, and to ashes it shall returne. Neverthelesse, because we would be loath, in the Reputation of the people, to do injury to the Dignity, which we are unworthily called unto, we are content, and also by these presents, Our Last Will and Testament is, to will and order, that our body be buried and interred in the Quire of our Col∣ledge of Windsor, middle way, between the stalls and the High Altar, and there to be made and set, as soon as conveniently may be done after our decease, by our Executors, at our costs and charges; if it be not done by us in our life∣time, an Honourable Tomb, for our bones to rest in, which is well onward, and almost made therefore already with a faire Grate about it; in which we will also, that the bones of our true and loving wife Queene Jane, be put also: And that there be provided, ordained and set, at the cost and charge of us, or of our Executors, if it be not done in our life time, a convenient Altar, Honourably prepared, and apparrelled with all manner of things requisite, and necessary for dayly Masse, there to be said perpetually, while the World shall endure: Also we Will, that the Tombs, and Altars of King Henry the sixt, and also of King Edward the fourth, our great Vncle and Grand∣father, be made more Princely, in the same place where they now be, at our charge.

Which care being taken for his Tomb, he gives order that all Divine Offices, accustomed for the dead, should be duly Celebrated for him; that at the remo∣vall of his body to Windsor, 1000. Marks should be distributed amongst the poore, to the end that they might pray for the remission of his sins, and the Wealth of his soule; that a Revenue of 600 pound per Annum, be setled on the Deane and Chapter of Windsor, for performance of the uses in the Will. expressed, and more particularly for the maintainance of thirteen poore Gentle∣men, (to be called the Poore Knights of Windsor) at the rate of twelve pence by the day to each of them, with a see of 3 l. 6 s. 8 d. yearly to be superadded unto him; which should be chosen the Head and Gover••our over all the rest. And that being done, he proceeds to the entailing of the Crown, in this manner following.

And as concerning the Order and disposition of the Imperiall Crown of this Realm of England, and Ireland, with our Title of France, and all Dig∣nities, Honours, and Preheminences, Prerogatives, Authorities and Juris∣dictions to the same annexed, or belonging, and for the s••re Establishment of the Succession of the same. And also for a full and plaine gift, Disposition, Assignement, Declaration, Limitation, and appointment, with what Con∣ditions our Daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, shall severally have, hold, and enjoy the said imperiall Crowne, and other the like Premises after our De∣cease; and for default of issue, and Heires of the severall bodyes of us, and of our Son Prince Edward, lawfully begotten, And also for a full Gift, Disposition, Assignement, Declaration, Limitations, and appoint∣ment to whom, and of what Estate, and of what Manner, Fortune, and Condition, the said Imperiall Crowne, and other the Premises shall re∣maine, and come after our Decease; And for default of Issue, and Heires of the severall bodies of us, of our said Son Prince Edward, of our said Daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, lawfully begotten, We by these Presents do make, and declare our last Will and Testament, conveying the said Imperiall Crowne, and all other the Premises in manner and Forme fol∣lowing.

That is to say, We will by these Presents, that Immediately after our de∣parture ••ut of this present life, our said Son Prince Edward shall have and enjoy the said Imperiall Crowne, and Realme of England, our Title of France, with all Dignities, Honours, Preheminences, Prerogatives, Autho∣rities, and I••risdictions, Lands and Possessions to the same annexed, or be∣longing unto him, or to the Heires of his body Lawfully begotten; And for default of such Issue of our said Son Prince Edward's Body, lawfully be∣gotten, We will the same Imperiall Crown, and other the Premises after our Deceases, shall wholly remaine, and come to the Heires of our Body, law∣fully begotten upon the body of our entirely beloved wife, Queene Katharine, that now is, or of any other our lawfull wife that we shall hereafter marry. And for lack of such issue and Heires, we will also that after our decease, and for default of Heires of the severall bodies of us, and of our said Son Prince Edward's, lawfully begotten, the said Imperiall Crowne, and all o∣ther the Premises shall wholly remaine, and come to our said Daughter Mary, and the Heires of her body, lawfully begotten, upon condition, that our said daughter Mary, after our decease, shall not marry, nor take any Person to her Husband, without the Assent, and Consent of the Privy Counsellours, and others, appointed by us to our dearest Son, Prince Edward aforesaid, to be of Counsell, or of the most part of them, or the most of such as shall then be alive thereunto, before the said Marriage, had in writing, sealed with their seales. All which conditions ••s Declare, Limit, Appoint, and Will by these Presents, shall be knit and invested to the said Estate of our daugh∣ter Mary, in the said Imperiall Crowne, and other the Premises. And if it fortune our said Daughter Mary to die, without Issue of her body lawfully begotten, We will, that after our decease, and for default of Issue of the se∣verall bodies of us, and of our said Son Prince Edward, lawfully begotten, and of our daughter Mary, the said imperiall Crown, and other the Premises shall wholly remain to come to our said daughter Elizabeth, and to the Heires of her body, lawfully begotten, upon condition, that our said daughter Eliza∣beth, after our decease, shall not marry, or take any Person to her Hus∣band, without the Assent, and Consent of the Privy Counsellors, and others appointed by us, to be of Counsell with our said dearest Son Prince Edward, or the most part of them, or the most part of such of them as shall be then alive, thereunto, before the Marriage, had in writing, sealed with their seales, which Condition we Declare, Limit, and appoint, and Will by these

presents, shall be to the said Estate of Our said Daughter Elizabeth knit, and invested.

And, if it shall fortune Our said Daughter Elizabeth to die without Issue of Her Body lawfully begotten, We will, that after our Decease, and for default of Issue of the several Bodies of V••, and of Our said Son Prince Edward, and of Our said Daughters Mary and Elizabeth, the said Imperial Crown, and other the Premisses, after Our Decease, shall wholly remain, and come to the Heirs of the Body of the Lady Frances our Neece, eldest Daughter to Our late Sister the French Queen, lawfully begotten. And, for default of such Issue of the Body of the said Lady Frances, We will, that the said Imperial Crown, and other the Premisses, after Our Decease, and for default of Issue of the se∣veral Bodies of V••, and of Our Son Prince Edward, and of Our Daughters Mary and Elizabeth, and of the Lady Frances lawfully begotten, shall wholly remain, and come to the Heirs of the Body of the Lady Elanor Our Neece, second Daughter to Our said Sister the French Queen, lawfully begotten. And if it happen the said Lady Elanor to die without Issue of Her Body law∣fully begotten, We will, that after Our Decease, and for default of Issue of the several Bodies of Vs, and of Our said Son Prince Edward, and of Our said Daughters Mary and Elizabeth, and of the said Lady Frances, and of the said Lady Elanor, lawfully begotten, the said Imperial Crown, and other the Premisses, shall wholly remain, and come to the next Rightfull Heirs. And We will, that if Our said Daughter Mary do marry without the assent and consent of the Privy Councellours, and others appointed by Vs to be of Council to Our said Son Prince Edward, or the most part of them that shall then be alive, thereunto, before the said Marriage, had in wri∣ting, sealed with their Seals, as is afore-said; That then, and from thence∣forth, for lack of Heirs of the several Bodies of Vs, and of Our said Son Prince Edward, lawfully begotten, the said imperial Crown shall wholly re∣main be, and come, to Our said Daughter Elizabeth, and to the Heirs of Her Body lawfully begotten, in such manner and form, as though Our said Daugh∣ter Mary were then dead, without any Issue of the Body of Our said Daughter Mary lawfully begotten; Any thing contained in this Our Will, or any Act of Parliament, or Statute, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And in case Our said Daughter, the Lady Mary, do keep, and perform the said con∣dition, expressed, declared, and limited to her Estate in the said Imperial Crown, and other the Premisses in this Our last Will declared; And that Our said Daughter Elizabeth do not keep, and perform, for her part, the said con∣dition declared, and limited by this Our last ••ill to the Estate of the said La∣d•• El••zabeth in the said Imperial Crown in this Realm of England, and Ire∣land, and other the Premisses: We will, that then, and from thence-forth, after Our Decease, and for lack of Heirs of the several Bodies of Vs, and of Our said Son Prince Edward, and of Our Daughter Mary, lawfully begotten; the said Imperial Crown, and other the Premisses shall wholly remain, and come to the next Heirs lawfully begotten of the said Lady Frances, in such manner and form, as though the said Lady Elizabeth were dead with∣out any Heir of Her Body lawfully begotten, Any thing contained in this Will, or in any Act, or Statute to the contrary notwithstanding. The remain∣der over, for lack of Issue of the said Lady Frances lawfully begotten, to be, and continue, to such Persons, like Remainders, and ••states, as is before li∣mited, and declared.

And We, being now at this time (thanks to Almighty God) of perfect Memory, do Constitute, and Ordain these Personages following Our Exe∣cutours, and Performers of Our last Will and Testament; Willing, Command∣ing, and Praying them to take upon them the occupation and performances of the same, as Executours: that is to say; The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; the Lord Wriothesly, Chancellour of England; the Lord St▪ John, Great

Master of Oar House; the Earl of Hartford, Great Chamberlain; the Lord Russel, Lord Privy Seal; the Viscount L'isle, Lord High Admiral of England; the Bishop Tonstal of Duresme; Sir Anthony Brown Knight, Master of Our Horses; Sir Edward Mountague Knight, chief Judge of the Common Pleas; Justice Bromly; Sir Edward North Knight, Chancellour of the Augmentations; Sir William Paget Kni••ht Our chief Secretary; Sir Anthony Denny, Sir William Herbert Knight, chief Gentlemen of Our Privy Chamber; Sir Edward Wotton, Knight, and Mr. Dr. Wotten, his Brother. And all these We will to be Our Executours, and Councellours of the Privy Council with Our said Son, Prince Edward, in all matters both concerning His Private affairs, and the Publick affairs of the Realm; Willing and charging them, and every of them, as they must, and shall, answer at the day of Judgement, wholly, and fully, to see this My last Will and Testament performed in all things, with as much speed and diligence as may be; and that none of them presume to med••le with any of Our Treasure, or to do any thing appointed by Our said Will, alone, unless the most part of the whole number of the Co-Executours do consent, and by wri∣ting agree to the same; And w••ll that Our said Executours, or the most part of them, may lawfully do what they shall think most convenient for the execu∣tion of this Our Will, without being troubled by Our said Son, or any other for the same.—After which, having taken Order about the payment of His Debts, He proceeds as followeth.

Further, according to the Laws of Almighty God, and for the Fatherly Love, which We bear to Our Son, Prince Edward, and this Our Realm, We declare Him; according to Justice, Equity, and Conscience, to be Our lawfull Heir; and do give, and bequeath unto Him the Succession of Our Realms of England and Ireland, with Our Title of France, and all Our Dominions, both on this side the Seas, and beyond: A convenient portion for Our will and Testament to be reserved. Also we give unto Him all Our Plate, Stuff of Houshold, Artillery, Ordnance, Ammunition, Ships, Cables, and all other things, and implements to them belonging, and Money also, and Jew∣els; saving such portions, as shall satisfie this Our Last Will and Testament: Charging, and commanding Him on pain of Our curse, (seeing He hath so Lo∣ving a Father of Vs, and that Our chief Labour, and Study in this world, is to establish him in the Crown Imperial of this Realm, after Our ••••cease, in such sort as may be pleasing to God, and to the health of this Realm,) that He be Ordered and Ruled both in His Marriage, and also in ordering the Af∣fairs of the Realm, as well outward as inward; and also in all His own private Affairs, and in giving of Offices of Charge, by the Advice and Coun∣sel of Our Right-entirely beloved Councellours, the Arch-Bishop of Can∣terbury, the Lord Wriothesly Chancellour of England, the Lord St. John Master of Our Horse, the Lord Russel Lord Privy Seal, the Earl of Hart∣ford Great Chamberlain of England, the Viscount L'isle High Admiral of England, the Bishop Tonstal of Dure••me, Sir Anthony Brown Knight Ma∣ster of Our Horses, Sir William Paget Our chief Secretary▪ Sir Anthony Denny, Sir William Herbert, Justice Mountague and Bromely, Sir Edward Wotton, Mr. ••octour Wotton, and Sir Edward North: Whom we Ordain, name and appoint, and by these Presents Signed with Our hand, do make, and constitute Our Privy Council, with Our said Son; and will that they have the Governance of Our most dear Son, Prince Edward, and of all Our Realms, Dominions, and Subjects, and of all the Affairs, publick and private, untill He shall have fully compleated the eighteenth year of His Age.

And for because the variety, and number of things, affairs, and matters, are, and may be, such, as We, not knowing the certainty of them before, cannot conveniently prescribe a certain ••rder, or Rule, unto Our said Councellours, for their behaviours, and proceedings, in this charge which we have now, and do appoint unto them about Our said Son, during the time of His minority afore∣said:

We therefore, for the special Trust and Confidence, which We have in them, will, and by these Presents, do give, and grant full Power, and Authority, unto Our said Councelours; that they all, or the most part of them, being assembled together in Council, or, if any of them fortune to dye, the more part of them, which shall be for the time living, being assembled in Coun∣cil together, shall, and may make, devise, and ordain, whatsoever things they, or the more part of them, as afore-said, shall, during the Minority of Our said Son, think meet, necessary, and convenient, for the Benefit, Honour, and Surety of the Weal, Profit, and Commodity of Our said Son, His Realms, Dominions, or Subjects, or the Discharge of Our Conscience. And the same things made, ordained, and devised by them, or the more part of them, as afore-said, shall, and may, lawfully do, execute, and accomplish, or cause to be done, executed, or accomplished, by their Discretions, or the Di∣scretions of the more part of them, as afore-said, in as large and ample manner, as if We had, or did express unto them, by a more special Commission under Our Great Seal of England every particular cause, that may chance, or occurr, du∣ring the time of Our said Son's Minority, and the self-same manner of Pro∣ceeding, which they shall from time to time think meet to use, and follow: Will∣ing, and charging Our said Son, and all others, which shall hereafter be Councellours to Our said Son; that they never charge, molest, trouble, or dis∣quiet Our afore-said Councellours, nor any of them, for the devising, or doing, nor any other person, or persons, for doing that they shall devise, or the more part of them devise, or do, assembled as is afore-said.

And We do charge expresly the same Our entirely-beloved Councellours, and Executours, that they shall take upon them the Rule and Charge of Our said Son and Heir, in all His Causes and Affairs, and of the whole Realm; doing nevertheless all things, as under Him, and in His name, untill Our said Son, and Heir, shall be bestowed, and married by their advice, and that the eigh∣teenth year be expired. Willing, & d••siring furthermore, Our said Trusty Coun∣cellours, and then all Our Trusty and Assured Servants; and Thirdly, all other Our Loving Subjects▪ to aid and assist Our fore-named Councellours in the Ex∣ecution of the Premisses, during the afore-said time; not doubting, but that they will in all things deal so truly and uprightly, as they shall have cause to think them well chosen for the Charge committed unto them: Streightly charging our said Councellours, and Executours, and in God's Name exhor∣ting them, for the singular Trust, and special Co••fidence, which we have, and ever had in them, to have a due and diligent Eye, perfect Zeal, Love, and Affection, to the Honour, Surety, Estate, and Dignity, of Our said Son, and the Good State and Prosperity of this Our Realm; And, that all delays set apart, they well aid, and assist Our said Councellours and Executours, to the performance of this Our present Testament, and last Will in every part, as they will answer before God at the day of Judgement, Cum venerit judicate vivos & mortuos.

And furthermore, for the special Trust and Confidence, which We have in the Earls of Arundel, and Essex, that now be; Sir Thomas Cheney Knight, Treasurer of Our Houshould; Sir John Gage Knight, Comptroller of Our Houshold; Sir Anthony Wingfield Knight, Our Vice-Chamberlain; Sir William Peter Knight, one of Our two principal Secretaries; Sir Richard Rich Knight, Sir John Baker Knight, Sir Ralph Sadler Knight, Sir Tho∣mas Seimour Knight, Sir Richard Sou••hwel, and Sir Edmond Peckham, Knights: they, and every of them, shall be of Council, for the aiding and assisting of the fore-named Councellours, and Our Executours, when they, or any of them, shall be called by Our said Executours, or the more part of the same.

Item, We bequeath to Our Daughters, Mary and Elizabeth's Marriage, they being married to any outward Potentate by the Advice of the afore••said Councellours (if We bestow them not in Our Life-time) ten thousand pounds in Money, Plate, Jewels, and Houshold-stuff, for each of them; or a larger sum, as to the discretion of Our Executours, or the more part of them, shall be thought convenient; Willing them on My Blessing to be ordered, as well in Marriage, as in all other lawfull things, by the Advice of Our fore••named Councellours: And, in case they will not, then the sum to be minished at the Councellours Discretions. And Our further Will is, That from the first Hour of Our Death, untill such time, as the said Councellours can provide either of them, or both, some Honourable Marriages. They shall have, each of them, M. M. M. lb. ultra reprisas, to live upon; Willing, and charging the a∣fore-said Councellours to limit, and appoint to either of them▪ such said Officers, and Ministers, for Orderance thereof, as may be imployed both to Our Honour, and Theirs. And, for the great Love, Obedience, and Chast∣ness of Life, and Wisdom, being in Our fore-named Wife and Queen; We be∣queath unto Her, for Her proper Vse, and as it shall please Her to Order it, M. M. M. lb. in Plate, Jewels, and Stuff of Houshold, besides such Ap∣parell, as it shall please Her to take, as She hath already: And further We give unto Her M. lb. in Money, with the enjoying of Her Dowry and Joynture, according to Our Grant by Act of Parliament.

Which said, He bequeathed, in other Legacies, amongst the Lords of His Council, and other of His Principal Officers, whom He had declared for His Executours, the sum of 6433. lb. 6. s. 8. d. And amongst other Knights, and Gentlemen, His Domestick Servants, and such as were in Ordinary Attendance about the Court, (under which stile I find that Pa∣trick before-remembred) the Sum of 5••83. lb. 6. s. 8. d. Both Sums amounting in the total to 11516. lb. 13. s. 4. d. And so concludeth with a Revocation of all other Wills, and Testaments, by Him formerly made; that onely this might stand in Force, and be effectual▪ to all Intents and Purposes in the Law whatsoever. Dated 30. December, Signed with His own hand, and Witnessed by eleven of such of His Physicians, and Attendants, as were then about Him.

Such was the Last Will, and Testament, of this Puissant Prince. Of which how little was performed, and how much less should have been performed, if some Great Persons (whom He had nominated for His Executours) might have had their Wills; we shall hereafter show, in fit time, and place. In the mean season we will see Him laid into His Grave: which was done with as much conve∣nient speed, as the necessary Preparations for a Royal Funeral could of right admit. For, on the fourteenth day of February then next following, His Body, being removed in a Solemn and Magnificent manner to Shene, near Richmond, was the next day with like Solemnity attended to His Castle of Windsore (one of the Goodlie••t, and most Gallant Seats of the Christian World) and there Interred in a Vault, prepared for Himself, and His Dear Wife, Queen Jane; as in His Last Will He had desired. For, though a most Magnificent, and Costly Tomb, had been begun for Him, by Cardinal Wol••••e, in a by-Chapel of that Church, (commonly called, The Chapel of King Henry the Eighth;) yet being an unfinished piece, and the King ha∣ving otherways disposed of His own Interment, a Vault was opened for Him in the middest of the Quire. Into which the Body of the King was no sooner laid, but all His Officers brake their Staves, and threw them in the Grave, (according to the usual Ceremonies on the like Occasions) re∣ceiving new ones the next day at the hands of His Son. Nor were the Funeral Rites performed by His own Subjects onely: but a Solemn Obsequie

was kept for Him, in the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris, by King Fran∣cis the First; notwithstanding, that He had been Excommunicated by the Popes of Rome. So much that Generous Prince preferred His old affections to this King for former Favours: not onely above the late displeasures con∣ceived against Him, for the taking of Bulloign; but even above the Pope's Curse, and all the Fulminations of the Court of Rome, which might fol∣low on it. But long it will not be, before we shall discharg this debt, in pay∣ing the like Duty to the Honour of Francis; who, dying on the two and twentieth day of March next following, had here an Obsequie, as Solemn as the Times could give Him. Of which more hereafter.

Notes

• * 1.1

  An. 1536
• * 1.2

  Lord Herb. Hist. fol. 387.
• * 1.3

  1536.
• * 1.4

  An 28. Hen. 8. Cap. VII.
• * 1.5

  An. 1537.
• * 1.6

  Anno. 15••
• * 1.7

  Plin. Lib. 7. Cap. 9.
• * 2.1

  Church. Hist. 7. Fol. 422.
• * 3.1

  Id. Ibid.
• * 3.2

  S••ow Chron p. 575. Godw.
• * 3.3

  Ann. Hen. 8. p. 117.
• * 3.4

  Lord Herb. Hist. fol. 430.
• * 3.5

  Stow Chron. fol. 863.
• * 3.6

  Cot. M. S. p. 325.
• * 3.7

  An. 1538.
• * 3.8

  Anno 1538.
• * 3.9

  Anno 1539.
• * 3.10

  Anno 1540.
• * 3.11

  An. 1542.
• * 3.12

  Anno 1541.
• * 3.13

  Anno 1542.
• * 3.14

  Speed ex John Leshly. Fol. 1014.
• * 3.15

  Anno 1543
• * 3.16

  Anno. 1544.
• * 3.17

  Anno. 1545.
• * 3.18

  An. 1545.
• * 4.1

  An. 1546.
• * 4.2

  Anno 1546.
• * 4.3

  Act of An. 35. Henry the 8th. Cap. ••.
• * 4.4

  Sand. de Scis. Angl. p. 214.
• * 4.5

  Ibid. p. 211.
• * 4.6

  M. S. de Ec∣cles. in Bishop Cot. p. 5.