Cyprianus anglicus, or, The history of the life and death of the Most Reverend and renowned prelate William, by divine providence Lord Archbishop of Canterbury ... containing also the ecclesiastical history of the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland from his first rising till his death / by P. Heylyn ...

THE LIFE OF The most Reverend FATHER in GOD WILLIAM Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. (Book 4)

LIB. IV. Extending from his being made Archbishop of Canterbury to the end of the Parliament and Convocation, Anno 1640. (Book 4)

CANTERBVRY was anciently the principal City of the Kingdom, and afterwards of the County of Kent, situate about seven miles from the Sea, and neighboured by a little River, capa∣ble only of small boats, and consequently of no great use for the wealth and trading of the place. It was made an Archiepiscopal See at the first planting of the Gospel amongst the English, Au∣gustine the Monk who first preacht the one, being the first Archbishop of the other. For though that Dignity was by Pope Gregory the Great designed for London, yet Augustine the Monk (whom he sent hither on that Errand) having received this City in gift from the King, resolved to six himself upon it without going further. Merlin had prophesied as much, if those Prophesies be of any credit, signi∣fying, that the (a) 1.1 Metropolitan dignity which was then at London, should in the following times be transferred to Canterbury. Ethelbert; then King of Kent, having thus given away the Regal City, retires himself unto Reculver, where he built his Palace for himself and his Successors in that Kingdom, leaving his former Royal Seat to be the

Archiepiscopal Palace for the Archbishops of Canterbury. The Ca∣thedral, having been a Church before in the Britains time, was by the said Archbishop Augustine repaired, Consecrated and Dedica∣ted to the name of Christ, which it still retains, though for a long time together it was called St Thomas, in honour of Thomas Becket, one of the Archbishops hereof, who was murthered in it. The pre∣sent Fabrick was begun by Archbishop Lanfranck and William Cor∣boyle; and by degrees made perfect by their Successors. Take Can∣terbury as the Seat of the Metropolitan, it hath under it twenty one Suffragan Bishops, of which seventeen are in England, and four in Wales: But take it as the Seat of a Diocesan, and it containeth only some part of Kent, to the number of 257 Parishes, (the residue being in the Diocess of Rochester) together with some few particular Parishes dispersed here and there in several Diocesses; it being an an∣cient priviledge of this See, that wheresoever the Archbishops had their Mannors or Advousons, the place forthwith became exempt from the Ordinary, and was reputed of the Diocess of Canterbury. The other Priviledges of this See are, that the Archbishop is ac∣counted Primate and Metropolitan of ALL England, and is the first Peer of the Realm: having precedency of all Dukes, not being of the Royal bloud, and all the great Officers of the State. He hath the Ti∣tle of Grace afforded him in common speech, and writes him∣self Divina Providentia, where other Bishops only use Divina Permissione. The Coronation of the King hath anciently belonged unto him: It being also formerly resolved, that wheresoever the Court was, the King and Queen were (b) 1.2 the proper and Domestical Parishioners of the Archbishop of Canterbury. It also did belong unto him in former times to take unto himself the Offerings made at the holy Altar by the King and Queen, wheresoever the Court was, if he were present at the same; and to appoint the Lent Preachers: but these time hath altered, and the King otherwise disposed of. Abroad in General Councils he had place at the Popes Right foot: At home this Royal Priviledge, That those which held Lands of him were liable for Wardship to him, and to compound with him for the same, though they held other Lands in chief of our Lord the King. And for the more increase of his power and honour it was Enacted, 25 Hen. viii. and 21.

That all Licences and Dispensati∣ons (not repugnant to the Law of God) which heretofore were sued for in the Court of Rome, should be hereafter granted by the Archbishop of Canterbury and his Successors. As also in the 1 Eliz. and 2. That by the Advice of the Metropolitan or Ecclesi∣astical Commissioners, the Queens Majesty might ordain and publish such Rites and Ceremonies, as may be most for the Advance∣ment of Gods glory, the Edifying of his Church, and the due Reverence of Christs holy Sacraments.

To this high dignity Laud succeedeth on the death of Abbot, nominated unto it by the King on the sixth of August, the Election returned and presented to his

Majesty from the Dean and Chapter, on the twenty fifth of the same, and the translation fully perfected on the nineteenth of September then next following, on which day he kept a solemn and magnificent Feast at his house in Lambeth, his State being set out in the great Chamber of that house, and all persons standing bare before it after the accustomed manner; his Steward, Treasurer, and Comptroller, attending with their white staves in their several Offices.

Thus have we brought him to his height, and from that height we may take as good a prospect into the Church under his direction, as the advantage of the place can present unto us. And if we look into the Church as it stood under his direction, we shall find the Prelates generally more intent upon the work committed to them, more earnest to reduce this Church to the ancient Orders, than in former times; the Clergy more obedient to the Commands of their Ordinaries, joyning together to advance the work of Vniformity re∣commended to them, the Liturgie more punctually executed in all the parts and offices of it; the Word more diligently preacht, the Sacraments more reverendly administred, than in some scores of years before; the people more conformable to those Reverend Ge∣stures in the House of God, which, though prescribed before, were but little practised; more cost laid out upon the beautifying and adorning of Parochial Churches, in furnishing and repairing Parso∣nage houses, than at or in all the times since the Reformation; the Clergy grown to such esteem, for parts and power, that the Gentry thought none of their Daughters, to be better disposed of than such as they had lodged in the Arms of a Church-man; and the Nobili∣ty grown so well affected to the State of the Church, that some of them designed their younger Sons to the Order of Priesthood, to make them capable of rising in the same Ascendent. Next, if we look into the Doctrine, we shall find her to be no less glorious within, than beautified and adorned to the outward eye; the Doctrines of it publickly avowed and taught, in the literal and Grammatical sense, according to the true intent and meaning of the first Reformers; the Dictates and Authorities of private men (which before had carried all before them) subjected to the sense of the Church; and the Church hearkening to no other voice than that of their great Shep∣herd speaking to them in his holy Scriptures; all bitternesses of spi∣rit so composed and qualified on every side, that the advancement of the great work of Unity and Uniformity between the parties went forwards like the building of Solomons Temple without the noise of Axe or Hammer. If you will take her Character from the mouth of a (c) 1.3 Protestant he will give it thus:

He that desires to pour∣tray England (saith he) in her full structure of external glory, let him behold the Church shining in transcendent Empyreal brightness, and purity of Evangelical Truths. Her Religious Performances, her holy Offices, ordered and regulated agreeable to the strict ex∣pedient of such Sacred Actions. Her Discipline, Model, sutable

to the Apostolick Form. The set and suit of her whole Tribe, re∣nowned ••or Piety and Learning, are all those in so super-eminent a degree, that no Church on this side of the Apostolick, can or could compare with her in any one: All Arts and Sciences highly ho∣noured, and consequently their Academies to flourish.

To which last part of the Character let me add thus much, That the Univer∣sities never had such a flourishing time for number of Students, ci∣vility of Conversation, and eminence in all parts of Learning, as when the influences of his Power and Government did direct their Studies.

If you will take her Character from the Pen of a (d) 1.4 Iesuit, you shall find him speaking, amongst many falshoods, these undoubted Truths; viz.

That the Professors of it, they especially of greatest Worth, Learning and Authority, love Temper and Moderation; That the Doctrines are altered in many things; as for example, the Pope not Antichrist, Pictures, Free-will, Pre∣destination, Vniversal Grace, Inherent Righteousness, the preferring of Charity before Knowledge, the Merit (or Reward rather) of good Works; the 39 Articles seeming patient, if not ambitious also of some Catholick sense; That their Churches begin to look with a new face, their Walls to speak a new Language, and some of their Divines to teach, That the Church hath Authority in determi∣ning Controversies of Faith, and interpreting the Scriptures; That men in talk and writing use willingly the once fearful names of Priests and Altars, and are now put in mind, That for Exposition of Scripture they are by Canon bound to follow the Fathers.

So far the Iesuit may be thought to speak nothing but truth; but had he tarried there, he had been no Iesuit: And therefore to preserve the Credit of his Order, he must fly out further, and tell us this, viz.

That Protestantism waxeth weary of it self; That we are at this time more unresolved where to fasten, than in the infancy of our Church; That our Doctrine is altered in many things, for which our Progenitors forsook the then visible Church of Christ, amongst which he reckons Limbus Patrum, Prayer for the Dead, Iustification not by Faith alone, The possibility of keeping Gods Com∣mandments, and the accounting of Calvinism to be Heresie at the least, if not also Treason.

Which Points the Iesuit cannot prove to have been positively maintained by any one Divine in the Church of England; and yet those foolish men began to phancy such a mis∣construction of that Ingenuity and Moderation which they found in some Professors of our Religion, whom they affirmed to be of great∣est Worth, Learning, and Authority, as to conceive that we were coming towards an Agreement with them, even in those Superstiti∣ons and Idolatries which made the first Wall of Separation between the Churches. Upon which hope (as weak and foolish as it was) the late Archbishop of Canterbury was no sooner dead, but one of their Party came to Laud, whom they looked upon as his Successor,

seriously tendred him the offer of a Cardinals Cap, and avowed Abi∣lity to perform it; to whom he presently returned this Answer, That somewhat dwelt within him which would not suffer him to accept the Offer, till Rome were otherwise than it was: And this being said, he went immediately to his Majesty,* 1.5 acquainting him both with the Man, and with his Message, together with the Answer which he made unto it. The like he also did when the same Offer was rein∣forced a fornight after; upon which second Refusal, the Tempter left him, and that not only for that time, but for ever after.

But to proceed: To welcom him to his new great Charge, he received Letters from his Majesty, dated upon the very day of his Confirmation, upon this occasion. It had been ordered by the an∣cient Canons of the Church,

That none should be admitted Dea∣con or Priest, who had not first some certain place where he might use his Function.

And it was ordered by the Canons of the year 1603. in pursuance of the said old Canons,* 1.6

That no person should be admitted into Sacred Orders, except he shall at that time exhi∣bit to the Bishop, of whom he desireth Imposition of Hands, a Presentation of himself to some Ecclesiastical Preferment then void in that Diocess; or shall bring unto the said Bishop a true and undoubted Certificate, That either he is provided of some Church within the said Diocess, where he may attend the Cure of Souls, or of some Ministers Place vacant, either in the Cathe∣dral Church of that Diocess, or of some other Collegiat Church therein also scituate, where he may execute his Ministry; or that he is a Fellow, or in right as a Fellow, or to be a Conduct or Chaplain in some Colledge in either of the Universities; or ex∣cept he be a Master of Arts of five years standing, that liveth in either of them at his own charge.

And hereunto was added this Commination,

That if any Bishop shall admit any person into the Ministry, that hath none of these Titles as is aforesaid, then he shall keep and maintain him with all things necessary, till he do prefer him to some Ecclesiastical Living; and on his refusal so to do, he shall be suspended by the Archbishop, being assisted with another Bishop, from giving of Orders by the space of a year.

Which severe Canon notwithstanding, some Bishops of the poorer S••••s, for their private benefit, admitted many men promis••uously to Holy Orders, so far from having any Title, that they had no Me∣rit. By means whereof the Church was filled with indigent Clerks, which either thrust themselves into Gentlemens Houses to teach their Children, and sometimes to officiate Divine Service at the Ta∣bles end; or otherwise to undertake some Stipendary Lecture, where∣soever they could find entertainment, to the great fomenting of Fa∣ction in the State, the Danger of Schism in the Church, and ruine of both. It had been formerly ordered by his Majesties Instructi∣ons of the year 1629. "That no private Gentleman, not qualified by Law, should keep any Chaplain in his House: Which though

it were somewhat strictly inquired into at the first, yet not a few of them retained their Chaplains, as before: For remedy whereof for the time to come, it was thought fit to tie the Bishops from giving Orders unto any which were not qualified according to the foresaid Canon; which was conceived to be the only probable means of dimi∣nishing the number both of such petit Lecturers, and such Trencher-Chaplains; the English Gentry not being then come to such wild ex∣tremities, as to believe that any man might exercise the Priests Of∣fice, in ministring the Sacraments, Praying, Preaching, &c. which was not lawfully Ordained by some Bishop or other. Now his Ma∣jesties Letter to this purpose was as followeth.

CHARLES REX.

MOst Reverend Father in God, Right Trusty and Right Entirely-beloved Counsellor, We greet you well. There is nothing more dear to us than the preservation of true Religion, as it is now setled and established in this Our Kingdom, to the Honour of God, the great Com∣••ort of Our Self and Our Loyal People: and there can nothing more conduce to the Advancement thereof, than the strict observations of such Canons of the Church as concern those who are to take Orders in their several Times; more especially of keeping that particular Canon which enjoins, That no man be made a Priest without a Title: For We find, that many not so qualified, do by favour or other means procure themselves to be Ordained, and afterwards for want of Means wander up and down, to the scandal of their Calling; or to get Maintenance, fall upon such Courses as were most unfit for them, both by humouring their Auditors, and other ways altogether unsufferable. We have there∣fore thought fit, and We do hereby straightly command, require, and charge you, to call such Bishops to you as are now present in or near Our City of London, and to acquaint them with this Our Resolution. And further, That you fail not in the beginning of the next Term, to give notice of this Our Will and Pleasure openly in Our High-Commis••ion Court; and that you call into your said Court every Bishop respectively, that shall presume to give Orders to any man that hath not a Title, and there to censure him as the Canon aforesaid doth enjoin (which is, to maintain the Party so Ordered till he give him a Title) and with what other Censure you in Iustice shall think fit. And Our further Will is, That nothing shall be reputed a Title to enable a man for Or∣ders, but that which is so by the Ancient Course of the Church, and the Canon-Law, so far forth as that Law is received in this our Church of England. And as you must not fail in these our Directions, nor in any part of them; so We expect that you give us from time to time a strict Account of your Proceedings in the same.

Given under Our Signet at Our Palace of Westminster, Septemb. 19. in the ninth year of Our Reign. 1633.

On the Receipt of these Letters, which himself had both advised and digested, he called such of his Suffragan Bishops who were then about London to come before him, acquaints them with the great scandal which was given the Church, the danger of Schism and Faction which might thence arise, and the more than ordinary dis∣pleasure which had been taken by his Majesty and the Lords of his Council, at such unlawful and uncanonical Ordinations; he required them therefore to be more careful for the time to come, and not to give the like offence to his Sacred Majesty, who was resolved to see the Canons of the Church in that particular more punctually observed than they had been formerly, and to call all such to an ac∣count who should presume hereafter to transgress therein: Which said, he gave to each of them a Copy of his Majesties Letters, and sent the like Copies unto all the rest of his Suffragan Bishops, inclo∣sed in Letters of his own; in which Letters having declared unto them as much as he spake unto the rest, touching his Majesties pious Care to redress that Mischief, he requires them and every one of them,* 2.1

That at all times of Ordination they be very careful to ad∣mit none into Holy Orders, but such men as for Life and Learning are fit, and which have a Title for their maintenance, according to the Laws and the ancient Practice of the Church, assuring them that his Majesty had commanded him to let them know, That he would not fail to call for an account of those his Letters, both from him and them; and therefore, That he did not doubt but that they would have a special care both of the good of the Church, and his Majesties Contentment in it.

The like Letters were sent from his Majesty, by his procurement, to the Archbishop of York, who was as sensible of the inconvenience as himself could be. And though nothing was required in either of the said Letters, but what had been provided for in the Canon of 1603. yet was it as much inveighed against as if it had been a new device, never heard of formerly. The reason was, because that neither any Lecture, nor any possibility of being entertained as a Chaplain in the Houses of Noblemen, or others of the inferiour Gentry, could be allowed of for a Title, and consequently no Orders to be given hereafter under those Capacities. But notwithstanding those Reproaches, the Archbishops so bestirred themselves, and kept such a strict eye on their several Suffragans, that from henceforth we hear but little of such vagrant Ministers and Trencher-Chaplains (the old brood being once worn out) as had pestred and annoyed the Church in those lat∣ter Times.

It is to be observed, That the Archbishops Letter to his several Suffragans bears date on the eighteenth of October, which day gives date also to his Majesties Declaration about Lawful Sports, concern∣ing which we are to know, That the Commons in the first Parliament of his Majesties Reign had gained an Act, That from thenceforth there should be no Assembly or Concourse of People out of their

own Parishes on the Lords day, or any Bull-baiting, Bear-baiting, Enterludes, Common Plays, or any other unlawful Exercises or Pastimes in their own Parishes on the same: Which being gained, they obtained another in the third Parliament, for inhibiting all Car∣riers, Waggoners, Drovers, Pack-men, for Travelling on the said day with their Horses, Waggons, Packs, &c. As also, That no Butcher should from thenceforth kill or sell any Victual upon that day, either by himself or any other, under the several Penalties therein contained. And though it was not his Majesties purpose in those Acts to debar any of his good Subjects from any honest and harmless Recreations, which had not been prohibited by the Laws of the Land; or that it should not be lawful for them, in case of ne∣cessity, to buy a piece of Meat for the use of their Families, the Butchers Shop not being set open as on other days: yet presently some Publick Ministers of Justice began to put another sense upon those Acts, than ever came within the compass of his meaning. For at the Summer Assizes held in Exon,* 2.2 Anno 1627. an Order was made by Walter then Chief Baron, and Denham one of the puisne Barons of the Court of Exchequer, for suppressing all Revels, Church-Ales, Clerk-Ales, which had been used upon that day; requiring the Justices of the Peace within the said County to see the same put in execution; and that every Minister in his Parish-Church should publish the said Order yearly, on the first Sunday in Febru∣ary. The like Order made in the same year also for the Counties of Somerset and Dorset, and probably enough for some of the other Counties of that Western Circuit; none of them in those squeasie and unsettled Times being questioned for it. And then in reference to the Statute of the Third of this King, a Warrant is granted in the Month of April 1629. by Richard Dean then Lord Mayor of London,* 2.3 for apprehending all Porters carrying Burthens, or Water-men ply∣ing at their Oars, all Tankerd-bearers carrying Water to their Ma∣sters Houses, all Chandlers and Hucksters which bought any Victuals on that day of the Country-Carriers, all Vinteners, Alehouse-keepers, Strong water-men, and Tobacco-sellers, which suffered any Person to fit drinking on that day (though possibly they might do it only for their honest necessities). In which as Dean out-went the Statute▪ so Raynton in the same Office, Anno 1633. over-acted Dean, prohibiting a poor woman from selling Apples on that day in St. Paul's Church-yard, within which place he could pretend no Jurisdiction, and for that cause was questioned and reproved by Laud then Bishop of London.

But none so lastily laid about him in this kind, as Richardson the Chi•••• Justice of his Majesties Bench, who in the Lent-Assizes for the County of Somerset, Anno 1631. published the like Order to that which had been made by Walter for the County of Devon; not only requiring that the Justices of the Peace in the said County should see the same to be duly put in execution: but also (as the other had done before) that publication should be made thereof in

the Parish-Churches by all such Ministers as did Officiate in the same; with which encroachment upon the Ecclesiastical Jurisdicti∣on, in imposing upon men in Holy Orders the publishing of War∣rants and Commands from the Secular Judges, Laud being then Bi∣shop of London, and finding his Majesties Affairs in a quieter condi∣tion than they had been formerly, was not meanly offended, as he had good reason so to be, and made complaint of it to the King, who thereupon commanded Richardson to revoke the said Order at the next Assizes. But Richardson was so far from obeying his Maje∣sties Command in that particular, that on the contrary he not only confirmed his former Order, but made it more peremptory than be∣fore: Upon complaint whereof by Sir Robert Philips, and other chief Gentlemen of that County, his Majesty seemed to be very much moved, and gave Command to the Bishop of London to require an Account from the Bishop of Bath nnd Wells then being, how the said Feast-days, Church-Ales, Wakes, or Revels, were for the most part ce∣lebrated and observed in his Diocess. On the Receipt of which Let∣ters the Bishop calls before him 72 of the most Orthodox and ablest Clergy-men amongst them, who certified under their several hands,

That on the Feast-days (which commonly fell upon the Sunday) the Service of God was more solemnly performed,* 2.4 and the Church was better frequented both in the forenoon and afternoon, than upon any Sunday in the year; That the People very much desired the continuance of them; That the Ministers in most Places did the like, for these Reasons specially; viz. For preserving the me∣morial of the Dedication of their several Churches; For civili∣zing the People; For composing Differences, by the mediation and meeting of Friends; For encrease of Love and Unity, by those Feasts of Charity; For Relief and Comfort of the Poor (the Richer part in a manner keeping open House), &c.

On the Return of which Certificate, so seasonably seconding the Complaint and Information of the Gentry, Richardson was again convented at the Council-Table, and peremptorily commanded to reverse his former Orders at the next Assizes for that County; withal receiving such a rattle for his former Contempt by the Bishop of London, that he came out blubbering and complaining, That he had been almost choaked with a pair of Lawn Sleeves.

Whilst these things were thus in agitation, one Brabourne a poor School-master in the Diocess of Norfolk, being seduced and mis∣guided by the continual inculcating of the Morality of the Lords-day-Sabboth from the Press and Pulpit, published a Book in main∣tenance of the Seventh-day-Sabboth, as it was kept amongst the Iews, and prescribed by Moses, according to Gods Will and Pleasure signified in the Fourth Commandment. This Book at the first not daring to behold the Light, went abroad by stealth; but afterwards appeared in publick with an open confidence, an Epistle Dedicatory to his Majesty being placed before it. His Majesty ex∣tremely

moved with so lewd an impudence, and fearing to be thought the Patron of a Doctrine so abhorrent from all Christian Piety, gave Order for the Author to be Censured in the High-Commission. Bra∣bourne being thereupon called into that Court, and the Cause made ready for an Hearing, his Errour was so learnedly confuted by the Bishops and other judicious Divines then present, that he began to stagger in his former Opinion; which hint being taken by their Lord∣ships, he was admonished in a grave and Fatherly manner to submit himself unto a Conference with such Learned men as should be ap∣pointed thereunto; to which he chearfully consented, and found such benefit by that Meeting, that by Gods Blessing he became a Convert, and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxal Doctrine of the Church of England, concerning the Sabboth and Lords-day: Which Tendences of some of the People to downright Iudaism, grounded upon the Practices and Positions of the Sabbatarians, and seconded by the petulancy of some Publick Ministers of Justice, in debarring his good Subjects in keeping the ancient Dedication-Feast of their several Churches, occasioned his Majesty to think of the re∣viving of his Royal Fathers Declaration about Lawful Sports; To which end he gave Orders to the Archbishop of Canterbury to cause the same to be re-printed, word for word, as it had issued from the Press in the time of his late Royal Father, Anno 1618. at the end whereof he caused this Declaration of his own sense to be super-ad∣ded; that is to say:

Now out of a like Pious Care (saith his Sacred Majesty) for the Service of God, and for suppressing of any humours that oppose the Truth, and for the case, and comfort, and recreation of Our well-de∣serving People, We do Ratifie and Publish this Our Blessed Fathers Decla∣ration; the rather, because of late in some Counties of Our Kingdom we find, that under pretence of taking away Abuses, there hath been a general forbidding, not only of ordinary Meetings, but of the Feasts of the Dedication of Churches, commonly called Wakes. Now Our ex∣press Will and Pleasure is, That these Feasts with others shall be obser∣ved, and that our Iustices of the Peace in their several Divisions shall look to it, both that all Disorders there may be prevented or punished; and that all neighbourhood and freedom, with manlike and lawful ex∣ercises be used. And We further command Our Iustices of Assize in their several Circuits, to see that no man do trouble or molest any of Our l••yal and dutiful People, in or for their Lawful Recreations, having first done their Duty to God, and continuing in Obedience to Vs and Our Laws. And of this We command all Our Iudges, Iustices of the Peace as well within Liberties as without, Mayors, Bayliffs, Consta∣bles and other Officers, to take notice, and to see observed as they ten∣der Our displeasure. And We further Will, That Publication of this Our Commmand be made by Order from the Bishops, thorow all the Pa∣rish Churches of their several Diocesses respectively. Given at our Pa∣lace at Westminster, Oct. 18. in the ninth year of Our Reign, 1633.

His Majesty had scarce dried his Pen, when he dipt it in the Ink again, upon this occasion: The Parishioners of St. Gregories in St. Pauls Church-yard had bestowed much cost in beautifying and adorning their Parish Church; and having prepared a decent and convenient Table for the holy Sacrament, were ordered by the Dean and Chapter of St. Pauls, as being Ordinaries of the place, to di∣spose of it in such a Posture, in the East end of the Chancel, as an∣ciently it had stood, and did then stand in the Mother Cathedral. Against this some of the Parishioners (not above five in number) appeal unto the Dean of the Arches, and the Dean and Chapter to the King. The third day of November is appointed for debating the Point in controversie before the Lords of the Council; his Ma∣jesty sitting as chief Judge, accompanied with Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord Keeper, Lord Archbishop of Yorke, Lord Treasu∣rer, Lord Privy Seal, Lord Duke of Lenox, Lord High Chamber∣laine, Earle Marshal, Lord Chamberlaine, Earle of Bridgewater, Earle of Carlisle, Lord Cottington, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Comptroller, Mr. Secretary Cooke, Mr. Secretary Windebanke. The cause being heard, and all the Allegations on both sides exactly pondered, his Majesty first declared his dislike of all Innovations, and receding from ancient Constitutions, grounded upon just and warrantable reasons, &c. And afterwards gave Sentence in behalf of the Dean and Chapter. But because this Order of his Majesty in the case of St. Gregories was made the Rule, by which all other Ordinaries did proceed, in causing the Communion Table to be placed Altarwise in the Churches of their several and respective Diocesses, I will subjoyn it here verba∣tim as it lies before me.

At Whitehall, Novem. 3. 1633.

This day, was debated before his Majesty sitting in Council the que∣stion and difference which grew about the removing of the Communion Table in St. Gregories Church, near the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, from the middle of the Chancel to the upper end, and there placed Al∣tarwise in such manner as it standeth in the said Cathedral and Mother-Church, (as also in other Cathedrals, and in his Majesties own Chappel) and as is consonant to the practice of approved Antiquity; which re∣moving and placing of it in that sort was done by order of the Dean and Chapter of St. Pauls, who are Ordinaries thereof, as was avowed before his Majesty by Doctor King, and Doctor Montfort, two of the Prebends there. Yet some few of the Parishioners, being but five in number, did complain of this act by appeal to the Court of Arches, pre∣tending that the Book of Common Prayer, and the 82 Canon, do give permission to place the Communion Table where it may stand with most fitness and convenience. Now his Majesty having heard a parti∣cular relation, made by the Counsell of both parties, of all the carriage and proceedings in this cause, was pleased to declare his dislike of all in∣novation

and receding from ancient Constitutions, grounded upon just and warrantable reasons, especially in matters concerning Ecclesiastical Orders and Government, knowing how easily men are drawn to affect Novelties, and how soon weak Iudgments in such cases may be overtaken and abused. And he was also pleased to observe, that if those few Pa∣rishioners might have their wills, the difference thereby from the fore∣said Cathedral Mother-Church, by which all other Churches depending thereon ought to be guided, would be the more notorious, and give more subject of discours and disputes that might be spared, by reason of the nearness of St. Gregories standing close to the Wall thereof. And like∣wise, for so much as concerns the Liberty by the said Common Book or Canon, for placing the Communion Table in any Church or Chappel with most conveniency, that liberty is not so to be understood, as if it were ever left to the discretion of the Parish, much less to the particular fancy of any humorous person, but to the judgment of the Ordinary, to whose place and Function it doth properly belong to give direction in that point, both for the thing it self, and for the time, when, and how long, as he may find cause. Vpon which consideration his Majesty declared himself, that he well approved and confirmed the Act of the said Ordi∣nary, and also gave commandment, that if those few Parishioners be∣fore mentioned, do proceed in their said Appeal, then the Dean of the Arches (who was then attending at the hearing of the cause) should confirm the said Order of the aforesaid Dean and Chapter.

Of this last Declaration there was no great notice took at first, the danger being remote, the case particular, and no necessity imposed of conforming to it. But the other was no sooner published then it was followed and pursued with such loud outcries as either the Tongues or Pens of the Sabbatarians could raise against it. Some fell directly on the King, and could find out no better names for this Declaration, than a Profane Edict, a maintaining of his own ho∣nour, and a Sacrilegious robbing of God. A Toleration for prophaning the Lords day. Affirming, That it was impossible that a spot of so deep a dye should be emblanched, though somewhat might be urged to qualifie and alleviate the blame thereof. Others, and those the greatest part, impute the Republishing of this Declaration to the new Archbishop, and make it the first remarkable thing which was done presently after he took possession of his Graceship, as Burton doth pretend to wit it in his Pulpit Libell. And though these Books came not out in Print till some years after, yet was the clamour raised on both at the very first, encreasing every day more and more as the reading of it in their Churches had been pressed upon them. To stop the current of these clamours, till some better course might be devised, one who wisht well both to the Parties and the Cause, fell on a fancy of Translating into the English Tongue a Lecture or Oration made by Dr. Prideaux at the Act in Oxon. Anno 1622. In which he solidly discoursed both of the Sabbath and Sunday, according to the judgment of the

ancient Fathers, and the most approved Writers of the Protestant and Reformed Churches. This Lecture thus translated was ushered also with a Preface: In which there was proof offered in these three Propositions, First, That the keeping holy of one day of seven is not the moral part of the fourth Commandment. Secondly, That the alterati∣on of the day is only an humane and Ecclesiastical Constitution. Thirdly, That still the Church hath power to change the day, and to transfer it to some other. Which as they are the general Tendries of the Prote∣stant, Lutheran, and Calvinian Writers beyond the Seas, so were they briefly touched at and maintained in the Doctors Lecture; which came out thus translated in the next Candlemas Term, under the Title of The Doctrine of the Sabbath, delivered in the Act at Oxon. An. 1622. By D. Prideaux, his Majesties Professor for Divinity in that Vniversity. The name of Prideaux was so Sacred that the Book was greedily bought up by those of the Puritan Faction, presuming they should find in it some invincible Arguments to confirm both the Par∣ty and the Cause. But when they found how much they had deceived themselves in that expectation, and that nothing could be writ more smartly against them and their Lords-day-Sabbath; as it did very much cool their courage, and abate their clamours: so did it no less tend to the diminution of that high esteem and veneration which before they had harboured of the man. What followed after∣wards, when the reading of the book was pressed, and the clamours multiplied by such as refused to read it, future time shall shew.

These passages concerning England being laid together, we must look back into the North, which still took up a great part of his Ma∣jesties thoughts. He had observed how much his Fathers Pious Order for officiating by the English Liturgie in the Chappel Royal of that Kingdom, had been discontinued and neglected, imputing thereunto the opposition which he found amongst them at his late being there. And being resolved to pursue his said Fathers most Religious purpose of settling an uniformity of Divine Worship in all the Churches of these Kingdoms, he thought it most expedi∣ent to pursue the same Method also, to the end that the people being prepared by little and little might the more willingly admit of that, or some other Liturgie like unto it, when he should think it reasona∣ble to commend it to them. In order whereunto he sends to Ballen∣tine, then Bishop of Dumblaine, and Dean of the Chappel of that Kingdom, these Instructions following, to be observed in the Chappel Royal of Holy Rood house in the City of Edenburgh.

CHARLES REX,

• I. Our express Will and Pleasure is,* 3.1 That the Dean of Our Chappel that now is, and his Successors shall be assistant to the Right Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of St. Andrews at the Coronation so often as it shall happen.
• ...

• II. That the Book of the Form of Our Coronation, lately used, be put in a little Box, and laid into a Standard, and committed to the care of the Dean of the Chappel successively.
• III. That there be Prayers twice a day with the Choires as well in Our absence as otherwise, according to the English Liturgy, till some other course be taken for making one that may fit the Customes and Constitu∣tions of that Church.
• IV. That the Dean of the Chappel look carefully, that all that re∣ceive the blessed Sacrament there, receive it kneeling; and that there be a Communion held in that Our Chappel the first Sunday of every Month.
• V. That the Dean of Our Chappel that now is, and so successively, come duly thither to Prayers upon Sundaies, and such Holidaies as the Church observes, in his Whites, and preach so whensoever he preach there; and that he be not absent thence but upon necessary occasion of his Diocesses or otherwise according to the course of his preferment.
• VI. That these Orders shall be Our warrant to the Dean of Our Chappel, that the Lords of Our Privy Council, the Lords of the Sessi∣on, the Advocate, Clerk, Writers to the Signet, and Members of Our Colledge of Iustice, be commanded to receive the holy Communion once every year at the least in that Our Chappel Royal, and kneeling, for ex∣ample sake to the Kingdom; and we likewise command the Dean afore∣said, to make report yearly to Vs how We are obeyed therein, and by whom, as also if any man shall refuse, in what manner he doth so, and why.
• VII. That the Copes which are consecrated for the use of Our Chap∣pel be delivered to the Dean to be kept upon Inventory by him, and in a Standard provided for that purpose, and to be used at the Celebration of the Sacrament in Our Chappel Royal. To these Orders we shall here∣after add others, if we find others more necessary for the Service of God there.

Together with these directions, bearing date the eighth of Octo∣ber, he sends a Letter of the same Date, to the said Bishop of Dum∣blaine, requiring him to put them speedily in execution, and all things to be carefully performed by him as he was directed; com∣manding also that he should certifie the Lords of the Council there, if any person, who had been formerly appointed to communicate in the said Chappel Royal, should either neglect or refuse confor∣mity to his Majesties pleasure, to the end that the Council might take such further order in it, as had been directed by his Majesty in some former Letters. But knowing, or at the least suspecting, that Ballentine might have somewhat more of the Presbyter than the Bi∣shop in him (as indeed he had) he gave a Warrant under his hand to his Grace of Canterbury,* 3.2

Requiring him to hold corresponden∣cy with the said Bishop of Dumblaine, that the said Bishop might from time to time receive his Majesties directions for ordering of

such things as concerned his Service in that Chappel.

He had be∣fore a Primacy in the Church of England, and a strong influence on the Government of the Church of Ireland. This Warrant gives him some just ground of a superintendency over the Kirk of Scotland also, which from henceforth was much directed by his power and wisdome, as will appear by that which follows in its proper place.

Mean while we will behold such alterations as by his power were made in the Pre••erments of the Church of England; which in the beginning of this year lamented the death of Bishop Godwin, made Bishop of Landaff in the year 1601. from thence translated unto He∣reford, Anno 1617. A man whose memory shall be precious in succeeding times for his indefatigable pains and travel in collecting the Catalogue of Succession of all the Bishops of this Church since the first planting of the Gospel amongst the Saxons, not pretermit∣ting such of the Brittish Church as by the care and diligence of pre∣ceding Writers, or any old Monument and Record, had been kept in memory. For his Successor in that See Iuxon, then Dean of Wor∣cester, and Clerk of his Majesties Closet, as before was said, is re∣commended and elected. But before the business had proceeded to confirmation there was a Supersedeas to it by Lauds preferment to the Metropolitan See of Canterbury; who having a great confidence in him, and no less a••fection to his Person than confidence of his Wisdom and Moderation, commended him so efficaciously to his Majesties Favour, that he made him not only Bishop of London, but Dean o•• the Chappel Royal also. It had been Lauds great care, as he grew into credit with his Majesty, to give a stop to such corruptions as had been used too frequently in the Court, about Church Prefer∣ments, which made him the less acceptable to many which were near the King in Place and Service, who formerly had been on the taking hand, and made a market of the Church as they had occasi∣on. Goodman of Glocester having staid in that Diocess long enough to be as weary of them as they were of him, affected a remove to the See of Hereford, and had so far prevailed with some great Officer of State, that his Money was taken, his Conge d' es••ire issued out, his Election passed. But the Archbishop coming opportunely to the knowledge of it, and being ashamed of so much baseness in the man, who could pretend no other merit than his money, so labou∣red the business with the King, and the King so rattled up the Bishop, that he was glad to make his peace, not only with the Resignation of his Election, but the loss of his Bribe. At last, that Church a third time vacant, that is to say, by the death of Godwin, the promoti∣on of Iuxon and the Resignation of Goodman, was recommended to the Government of Dr. Augustine Lindsel, not long before made Bi∣shop of Peterborough, and now succeeded in that See by Francis Dee, Doctor in Divinity, and Dean of Chichester. Now begins Wren to come in play, Chaplain to his Majesty when Prince of Wales, and

chosen by King Iames to be one of the two which were to follow him into Spain amongst the rest of his Retinue, as before was said. He had seen Maw, who went Chaplain with him into Spain, to be prefer∣red first to the Mastership of Trinity Colledge, and afterwards to the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells, Anno 1628. himself remaining in his place in Peterhouse as his highest dignity. In the year 1628. he was at the la••t made Dean of Windsor, and Register of the most noble Order of the Garter, in the place of Beaumont. And on that place he dwelt so long, that his well-willers gave it out, that Laud was afraid of his abilities, and would not suffer him to rise, for fear that he might rise too high both in power and favour, and overtop him in the Court. But these surmises proved as groundless as they were unjust: For this year he was made Successor unto Iuxon as Clerk of the Closet, a place of great nearness to the King, and being once on the Ascendent he went up apace, succeeding Lindsel in the See of Hereford, Anno 1634. and Corbet in the Church of Norwich, Anno 1635. When Iuxon was advanced to the Treasurers Staff, he was made Dean of the Chappel in his place, Anno 1636. Successor un∣to White in the See of Ely, Anno 1638. and questionless had mounted higher had the times been favourable. Nor was he less fortunate in his Successors, leaving the Deanry of Windsor to Dr. Christopher Wren his younger brother; his Clerkship of the Closet to Dr. Richard Steward, Dean of Chichester; and the Mastership of Peterhouse to Iohn Cosens of Durham.

We must conclude this year, and begin the next with some pro∣ceedings against Prynne, the Preparations to whose censure we have heard before. Candlemas Term brings him at last unto his tryal in the Court of Star-Chamber, being first pre-condemned by the Gen∣tlemen of his own Profession, and afterwards sentenced by that Court. The Gentlemen of the four Societies presented their Maje∣sties with a Pompous and Magnificent Masque, to let them see that Prynnes leaven had not sowred them all, and that they were not poysoned with the same infection. In which as they all joyned to∣gether to perform that Service, so gave they such contentment to his Sacred Majesty, that he desired them to make a Representation of it to the City of London: Which they accordingly performed with no less honour to themselves, and delight to the People, than shame and sorrow unto him who had given the occasion. But greater shame and sorrow fell upon him when he came to his Censure. Ri¦chardson, Chief Justice of his Majesties Bench, highly extolled his Majesties mercy in bringing him rather unto his triall in a Criminal than a Capital way; declaring openly, that if he had been turned over to his Tribunal, he must have put himself upon a Iury, of whom no mercy could be hoped for so great an Offendor. The Earl of Dorset, being Lord Chamberlain to the Queen, aggravated his offence in aspersing with such foul reproaches a Lady of such eminent Vertue and exemplary Piety, that her very dreams were more in

heaven than most womens Prayers. The Archbishop having been bred in St. Iohns Colledge in Oxon. where the younger Students used yearly to present some shew or other Dramatick Exercise to the Vni∣versity, spake much in commendation of Academical Enterludes, and the great benefit which redounded to the Actors in them, by train∣ing them in an Art of speaking, a modest confidence of Behaviour, the strengthening of the Memory in the repeating of their parts, and the enriching them with a stock of Latine Verses, out of one appro∣ved Author or other, which were their own for ever after. In fine, they generally concurred in this Censure of him,* 3.3 viz.

To be fined five thousand pound to the King; expelled the University of Oxon. and Lincolns-Inn; degraded and disabled from his Profession in the Laws; to stand in the Pillory, first in the Palace yard in West∣minster, and three daies after in Cheapside, and in each place to lose an Ear, (though this last part of his Censure was much mo∣derated in the execution;) to have his Book, called Histrio-Ma∣styx, publickly burnt before his face by the hand of the Hangman, and remain prisoner during life.

But all this was so far from working any remorse in him,* 3.4 that it rather hardened him in his waies. For in Iune following, as soon as he could provide himself of Pen, Ink and Paper, he writes a most sharp and Libellous Letter to the Lord Archbishop, touching his Censure in that Court, and that which the Archbishop in particular had declared against him. With this Letter the Archbishop ac∣quaints his Majesty, and his Majesty commands him to refer it to Atturney Noy. Noy sends for Prynne, and demands of him whether the Letter were of his own hand-writing or not; to which Prynne cun∣ningly replied, That he could make no answer to that demand, un∣less he saw the Letter, and might read the same. No sooner was the Letter put into his hands, and Noys back turned a little toward him, but presently he tore it all to pieces, and flung the pieces out of the window, to the end it might not rise in judgment against him if the Atturney should proceed to an Ore tenus, as he meant to do. With this affront, and the principal passages of the Letter, the At∣turney acquaints their Lordships in open Court, but there was no remedy. For being there was no proof of the misdemeanour but the Letter it self, and that the Letter could not be brought in evi∣dence as it should have been, the Archbishop thought it a more no∣ble Act to remit the crime than to trouble the Court, or any of his Majesties Ministers in the prosecution. But herein Prynne sped bet∣ter than some others who had before been snarling at him, and la∣boured to expose him both to scorn and danger. No sooner had he mounted the Chair of Canterbury, but one Boyer, who not long be∣fore had broke prison, to which he had been committed for felony, most grosly abused him to his face, accusing him of no less than High Treason. For which being brought into the Star-Chamber, the next Michaelmas Term he was there censured by their Lordships as

the Crime deserved. And presently on the neck of this, one Greene a poor decayed Printer, for whom his Grace then Bishop of London had procured a Pension of five pound per Annum, to be paid by the Company of Stationers yearly as long as he lived, adventured into the Court of St. Iames's with a great Sword by his side, desperately swearing, That it the King did not do him Justice against the Arch∣bishop, he would take another course with him. For this commit∣ted unto Newgate; but how long he staid there, and what other Punishment he suffered, or whether he suffered any other, or not, let them seek that list.

And that the other Sex might whet their tongues upon him also, the Lady Davies, the Widow of Sir Iohn Davies Atturney-General for King Iames in the Realm of Ireland, scatters a Prophesie against him. This Lady had before spoken something unluckily of the Duke of Buckingham, importing, that he should not live till the end of Au∣gust, which raised her to the Reputation of a Cunning Woman amongst the ignorant people: and now she Prophesies of the new Archbishop, That he should live but few days after the fifth of November; for which, and other Prophesies of a more mischievous nature, she was after brought into the Court of High-Commission; the Woman be∣ing grown so mad, that she phancied the Spirit of the Prophet Daniel to have been infused into her Body: And this she grounded on an Anagram which she made of her Name, viz. ELEANOR DA∣VIES, REVEAL O DANIEL: And though the Anagram had too much by an L, and too little by an S; yet she found Daniel and Reveal in it, and that served her turn. Much pains was taken by the Court to dispossess her of this Spirit; but all would not do, till Lamb then Dean of the Arches shot her through and through, with an Arrow borrowed from her own Quiver: For whilst the Bi∣shops and Divines were reasoning the Point with her out of Holy Scripture, he took a Pen into his hand, and at last hit upon this ex∣cellent Anagram, viz. DAME ELEANOR DAVIES, NEVER SO MAD A LADIE: Which having proved to be true by the Rules of Art, Madam, said he, I see you build much on Anagrams, and I have found out one which I hope will fit you; This said, and reading it aloud, he put it into her ••ands in Writing, which happy Phansie brought that grave Court into such a laughter, and the poor Woman thereupon into such a confusion, that after∣wards she grew either wiser, or was less regarded. This ended as succesfully as he could desire: but he sped worse with another of his Female Adversaries. The Lady Purbeck, Wi••e of Iohn Villers Viscount Purbeck, the elder Brother by the same Venter to the Duke of Buckingham, had been brought into the High-Commission, Anno 1627. for living openly in Adultery with Sir Robert Howard, one of the younger Sons of Thomas the first Earl of Suffolk of that Family. Sentenced among other things to do Penance at St. Paul's Cross, she ••scaped her Keepers, took Sanctuary in the Savoy, and was from

thence conveyed away by the French Embassador. The Duke being dead, all further prosecution against her died also with him; which notwithstanding, the proud woman being more terrified with the fear of the Punishment,* 3.5 than the sense of the Sin, vented her malice and displeasure against the Archbishop (who had been very severe against her at the time of her Trial) when he was come unto his Greatness; spending her tongue upon him in words so full of deep disgrace and reproach unto him, that he could do no less than cause her to be laid in the Gatehouse: But being not long after delivered thence by the Practise of Howard afore-mentioned, Howard was sei∣sed upon, and laid up in her place; which Punishment (though it was the least that could be looked for) he so highly stomach'd, that as soon as the Archbishop was impeach'd by the House of Com∣mons, and committed to Custody by the Lords (which hapned on Fryday December 18. 1640.) he petitioned for Relief against the Arch∣bishop, and some other of the High Commissioners by whom the War∣rant had been signed. The Lords upon the reading of it imposed a Fine of 500 l. on the Archbishop himself, and 250 l. apiece upon Lamb and Duck, and pressed it with such cruel rigour, that they for∣ced him to sell his Plate to make payment of it; the Fine being set on Munday the 21. of December, and ordered to be paid on the Wed∣nesday after.

But these Particulars have carried me beyond my year: I return therefore back again; and having shewed what Actings had been set on foot both in England and Scotland, must now cross over into Ire∣land, where we find Wentworth made Lord Deputy in the place of Faulkland. We told you formerly of some dearness which was growing between him and Laud then Bishop of London, at his first Admission to the place of a Privy-Counsellor. Toward the latter end of Ianuary, Anno 1630. Wentworth being then Lord President of the Council established for the Northern Parts, bestowed a Visit on him at London-House, where they had some private Conference touching the better Settlement of Affairs both in England and Ire∣land, of which Kingdom Wentworth not long after was Created Lord Deputy. He staid somewhat longer from his Charge than he would have done, to be present at the Censure of Williams Bishop of Lincoln, informed against in the Star-Chamber by his Majesties Atturney-General, for some dangerous and disgraceful words which he was reported to have spoken of his Majesties Government, and revealing some Secrets which his Majesty had formerly committed to his Trust as a Privy-Counsellor: But Williams found so many shifts to put off the Trial, that the Deputy was fain to leave him in the same estate in which he found him,* 3.6 and hoised Sail for Ireland. Scarce was he setled in his Power, but he began to reform some things which he beheld as blemishes in the face of that Church. In the Chappel of the Castle of Dublin, the chief Seat of his Residence, he found a fair large Pue at the end of the Choire, erected for the

use of his Predecessors in that place; the Communion-Table in the mean time being thrust out of doors. This Pue he commands to be taken down, and the Holy Table to be restored to its ancient place, where the Altar formerly had stood. In Christ-Church the Cathedral of that City, to which the Lord Deputies repair on Sun∣days and Holydays for Gods Publick Worship, he found the Holy Table scituated in the middle of the Choire or Chancel, and day by day profaned by Boys and Girles, who sate upon it: This Table he caused to be removed also, as he did the other. And whereas the Earl of Cork had built a stately Monument for his Wife and some of her Ancestors, but chiefly for himself and his own Posteri∣ty, at the East end of the Choire in St. Patrick's Church, being the second of that City, the Lord Deputy required him to take it down, or otherwise to satisfie the Archbishop of Canterbury in the standing of it.

Of all these things he gave Order to his Chaplain Bramhall to give the Archbishop an Account, which Bramhall did accordingly in his Letters of the tenth of August 1633. In which Letters he gave this testimony also of the Deputies Care, That it was not pos∣sible for the Intentions of a mortal Man, to be more serious and sincere in those things that concerned the good of the Irish Church, than his Lord∣ships were. And that he might lay a sure foundation to proceed up∣on, he procured the University of Dublin to make choice of Laud, then being Lord Elect of Canterbury, for their Lord and Chancellor. To this they chearfully assented, passed the Election on the fourteenth of September, Anno 1633. being but six days before his actual Con∣firmation into the Metropolitical and Supream Dignity of the Church of England. Nor was it long before they found on what a gracious Benefactor they had placed that Honour: He had been told by Ryves, his Majesties Advocate (who formerly had exercised that Office in the Realm of Ireland) of the deplorable condition of that Church in the respect of Maintenance. Most of the Tythes had been appropriated to Monasteries and Religious Houses, afterwards vested in the Crown, or sold to private Subjects, and made Lay-Fees; The Vicaridges for the most part Stipendary, and their Stipends so miserable sordid, that in the whole Province of Connaught most of the Vicars Pensions came but to 40 s. per Annum, and in many pla∣ces but 16. The Bishopricks at that time were many in number, but of small Revenue, having been much dilapidated in the change of Religion, some of them utterly unable to maintain a Bishop, and no good Benefice near them to be held in Commendam.* 3.7 This had been certified unto him by Letters from the Lord Primate about three years since; and it had been certified also by Beadle Bishop of Killmore, That the Churches were in great decay, and that some men of better quality than the rest were possessed of three, four, five, or more of those V••caridges, to the great disservice of the Church, and reproach to themselves.

These things he could not chuse but look on as great discourage∣ments to Learning, and such as could produce no other effects than Ignorance in the Priest, and Barbarism in the People. Scandalous Benefices make for the most part scandalous Ministers, as naked Walls are said in the English Proverb to make giddy Houswifes. Where there is neither Means nor Maintenance for a Learned Mini∣stry, what a gross night of Ignorance must befal those men who were to hold forth the Light to others? And if the Light it self be Darkness, how great a Darkness must it be, which doth follow after it? That Observation of (e) 3.8 Panormitan, That poor Churches will be filled with none but ignorant Priests, being as true as old, and as old as lamentable. For remedy whereof, he took an opportunity to move his Majesty to restore all such Impropriations to the Church of Ireland, as were then vested in the Crown. The Exchequer was at that time empty, the Revenue low, which might seem to make the Proposition the more unseasonable: But so great was his Maje∣sties Piety on the one side, the Reasons so forcible on the other, and the Lord Deputy of that Kingdom so cordially a••fected to advance the Work, that his Majesty graciously condescended to it, and sound his Ministers there as ready to speed the business, as either of them could desire. Encouraged by which Royal Example, the Earl of Cork, who from a very small beginning had raised himself to a vast Revenue in that Kingdom, Re-built some Churches, and Re∣paired others; restored some of his Impropriations to those several Churches; and doubtless had proceeded further, if a difference had not hapned betwixt the Lord Deputy and him, about the remo∣ving of the Monument which he had erected for himself and his Po∣sterity, in one of the principal Churches of the City of Dublin, as before was said. And as for the improving of the Bishopricks, as Ossory and Kilkenny, Killmore and Ardagh, Down and Connor, and possibly some others had before this been joined together; so was it advised by the Primate, That Kilfenore should be joined unto that of Killalow, lying contiguous to each other; Both which being joined by a perpetual union, were thought sufficient to make an in∣different Competency for an Irish Bishop.

But all this Care had been to little or no purpose, if some course were not also taken to preserve Religion, endangered on this side by Popery, and on that by Calvinism; each side unwillingly contributing to the growth of the other. The perverse oppositions of the Calvi∣nist, made the Papist obstinate; and the insolencies of the Papists, did both vex and confirm the Calvinists. Betwixt them both, the Church of England was so lost, that there was little of her genuine and native Doctrine to be found in the Clergy of that Kingdom. The Papists being first suppressed, it was conceived to be no hard matter to reduce the Calvinians to Conformity; and to suppress the Papists, it was found expedient, That the standing Army should be kept in continual Pay, and that Monies should be levied on the

Papists themselves for the payment of it: In order whereunto, the Bishop of Killmore before-mentioned, had given an Account unto his Grace then Bishop of London, touching the dangerous condition of that Church by the growth of Popery; and now he finds it ne∣cessary to give the like Account unto the new Lord Deputy. Him therefore he informs by Letters dated November 5. 1633. (which was not long after he had personally assumed the Government, and received the Sword) to this effect;* 3.9 viz.

That in that Crown the Pope had a far greater Kingdom than his Majesty had; That the said Kingdom of the Pope was governed by the new Congregation de propaganda Fide, established not long since at Rome; That the Pope had there a Clergy depending on him, double in number to the English, the Heads of which were bound by a corporal Oath to maintain his Power and Greatness against all Persons whatsoe∣ver; That for the moulding of the People to the Popes Obedi∣ence, there was a great rabble of Irregular Regulars, most of them the younger Sons of Noble Houses, which made them the more insolent and uncontrollable; That the Pope had erected an University in Dublin, to confront his Majesties Colledge there, and breed up the Youth of the Kingdom to his Devotion, one Harris being Dean thereof, who had dispersed a Scandalous Pamphlet against the Lord Primates Sermon preach'd at Wansteed (one of the best Pieces that ever came from him) Anno 1629. That since the Dissolving of their new Frieries in the City of Dublin, they had Erected them in the Country, and had brought the Peo∣ple to such a sottish negligence, that they cared not to learn the Commandments as God spake and left them; but flocked in Multitudes to the hearing of such Superstitious Doctrines as some of their own Priests were ashamed of; That a Synodical Meeting of their Clergy had been held lately at Drogheda in the Province of Vl∣ster, in which it was decreed, That it was not lawful to take the Oath of Allegiance; And therefore, That in such a conjuncture of Affairs to think that the bridle of the Army might be taken away, must be the thought not of a Brain-sick, but of a Brainless man: which whosoever did endeavour, not only would oppose his Majesties Service, but expose his own neck to the Skeanes of those Irish cut∣throats.

All which he humbly refers to his Lordships seasonable Care and Consideration. Upon this Information, the Deputy ob∣tains his Majesties leave to hold a Parliament in that Kingdom, which he managed with such notable dexterity, that he made himself Ma∣ster of a Power sufficient to suppress the Insolencies of the Papists, and yet exceedingly prevailed upon their Affections. From which time forwards the Popish Recusants in that Kingdom were kept in stricter duty, and held closer to loyal Obedience, for fear of irrita∣ting so severe a Magistrate, than ever they had been by any of his Predecessors.

This Parliament brought with it a Convocation, as a thing of

course; and in that somewhat must be done to check the spreading of Calvinism in all parts of that Church. The Articles of Religion agreed upon in Convocation Anno 1615. were so contrived by Vsher the now Lord Primate,

That all the Sabbatarian and Calvinian Ri∣gours were declared therein to be the Doctrines of that Church; Most grievous Torments immediately in his Soul affirmed to be endured by Christ, which Calvin makes to be the same with his descent into Hell; The abstenencies from eating Flesh upon certain days, declared not to be Religious Fasts: but to be grounded on∣ly upon Politick Ends and Considerations; All Ministers adjudg∣ed to be Lawfully called, who are called unto the Work of the Ministry by those that have Publick Authority given them in the Church (but whether they be Bishops or not, it makes no matter, so that he be Authorized unto it by their several Churches): The Sacerdotal Power of Absolution made declarative only, and con∣sequently quite subverted; No Power ascribed unto the Church in Ordaining Canons, or censuring any of those who either carelesly or maliciously do infringe the same; the Pope made Antichrist, according to the like Determination of the French Hugonots made at Gappe in Dolphine: And finally, such a silence concerning the Consecration of Archbishops and Bishops (expresly justified and avowed in the English Book) as if there were not a different Order from the Common Presbyters.

All which, being Vsher's own Opinions, were dispersed in several places of these Articles for the Church of Ireland, approved of in that Convocation, and finally confirmed by the Lord Deputy Chichester in the Name of King Iames. By means whereof these two great mischiefs did ensue; First, A great matter of division which it caused to the Priests and Papists of the Realm, that in three Kingdoms, under the Obedience of one Sovereign Prince, there should be three distinct and contrary Professions, and yet pretending every one to the same Religion. And secondly, Whensoever the Points were agitated here in England against the Sabbatarian and Calvinian Rigours, the Disputants were forthwith choaked by the Authority of these Articles, and the in∣fallible Judgment of King Iames, who confirmed the same. If therefore the Archbishop meant to have Peace in England, the Church of Ireland must be won to desert those Articles, and receive ours in England in the place thereof.

This to effect, it was not thought expedient by such as had the managing of that design, to propose any abrogation or repealing of the former Articles, which had so many Friends and Patrons in that Convocation, that it was moved severally both in the House of the Bishops, and in that of the Clergy, to have them ratified and con∣firmed in the present Meeting. And questionless it had been carried in that way, if it had not seasonably been diverted by telling the Promoters of it, That those Articles had already received as much Authority as that Church could give them, and that by seeking to

procure any such Confirmation, they would weaken the Original Power by which they stood. This blow being thus handsomly bro∣ken, their next work was to move the Primate, That for the avoiding of such scandal which was given the Papists, and to declare the Uni∣ty in Judgment and Affections between the Churches, a Canon might be passed in approbation of the Articles of the Church of England. To this the Prelate being gained, the Canon was drawn up and presented to him; and being by him propounded, was ac∣cordingly passed, one only man dissenting when it came to the Vote, who had pierced deeper into the bottom of the Project than the others did. It was desired also by Bramhall, not long before the Lord Deputies Chaplain, but then Bishop of Derrie, That the whole Body of Canons made in the year 1603. might be admitted in that Church: But the Primate was ever so afraid of bowing at the Name of IESVS, and some other Reverences required in them, which he neither practised nor approved, that he would by no means hearken to it, which bred some heats between him and Bramhall, ending at last in this Temperament, That some select Canons should be taken out of that Book, and intermingled with some others of their own composing. But for the Canon which ap∣proved and received the Articles of the Church of England, it was this that followeth; viz.

Of the Agreement of the Church of England and Ireland in the Profession of the same Christian Faith.

FOr the manifestation of our Agreement with the Church of England, in the Confession of the same Christian Faith, and Doctrine of the Sacraments, We do receive and approve the Book of Articles of Reli∣gion, agreed upon by the Archbishops and Bishops, and the whole Clergie, in whole Convocation holden at London, Anno Dom. 1562. for the avoiding of diversities of Opinions, and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion. And therefore if any hereafter shall affirm, That any of those Articles are in any part Superstitious and Erroneous, or such as he may not with a good Conscience Subscribe unto, Let him be Excommunicated, and not Absolved before he make a publick Revocation of his Error.

Such was the Canon passed in this Convocation, for the approba∣tion and reception of the Articles of the Church of England: Which Canon was no sooner passed, confirmed, and published, but the Primate and his Party saw the danger which they had cast them∣selves into by their inadvertency; and found too late, That by recei∣ving and approving the English Articles, they had abrogated and re∣pealed the Irish. To salve this sore, it concerned them to bestir themselves with their utmost diligence, and so accordingly they did.

For first the Primate, and some Bishops of his opinions, required subscription to the Articles of both Churches of all such as came to be ordained at the next Ordination. But it went no further than the next, for if the Papists made it a matter of Derision to have three Confessions in the three Churches of his Majesties Kingdoms;* 4.1 How much more matter must it give them of scorn and laughter, that there should be two different Confessions in the same Church, and both subscribed unto, but as one and the same.

The Primate next applies himself to the Lord Deputy,* 4.2 beseech∣ing him that the former Articles might receive a new Ratification by Act of Parliament for preventing all innovations in the Religion there established: But he found but little comfort there, the Lord Deputy threatning to cause the said Confession to be burnt by the hand of the hangman; if at the least the Scots Commissioners may be believed; amongst whose Articles against him I find this for one. Finding no better hopes on that side of the Sea, he dispatcheth his Letters of Advice to his Friends in England, one to an Honourable Person amongst the rest, assuring them that though by a Canon pas∣sed in that Convocation they had received and approved the Articles of England; yet that the Articlers of Ireland were ever called in, might well be reckoned for a fancy. The like affirmed in a Certifi∣cate made by Bernard, and Pullen, two Members of the Lower House in this Convocation,* 4.3 where it is said, That whosoever do aver that the said Articles were abolished, are grosly mistaken and have abu∣sed the said Convocation in delivering so manifest an untruth. And to back this, another Certificate must be gained from one who comes commended to us under the Title of a most eminent, judicious, and learned person,* 4.4 who having considered of the matter, Conceives that both Confessions were consistent; and that the Act of the Synod was not a Revocation of the Irish Articles, but an approbation of the English, as agreeing with them.

But all this would not serve the turn, or save those Articles from being brought under a Repeal by the present Canon. For first, it appea∣reth by the Canon, That they did not only approve, but receive the Arti∣cles of the Church of England. Their approbation of them, had they gone no further, had been a sufficient manifestation of their agreement with the Church of England in the Confession of the same Prote∣stant Religion: But their receiving of the same doth intimate a su∣perinducing of them upon the other, and is equivalent both in Fact and Law to the Repealing of the old. For otherwise St. Paul must needs be out in the Rules of Logick when he proved the Abrogating of the old Covenant by the superinduction of a new; For having affirmed, that God by speaking of a New Covenant, had (d) 4.5 an∣tiquated and made void the first, (or made the first old as our Eng∣lish read it;) he adds immediatly, That that which is old, decayeth, and is ready to vanish away; that is to say, as Diodati descants on it, The old being disanulled by the new, there must necessarily follow

the abolishment of its use and practice. Nor find they any other abrogation of the Iewish Sabbath then by the superinducing of the Lords day for the day of worship. By means whereof the Sabbath was lessened in authority and reputation by little and little, and in short time was absolutely laid aside in the Church of Christ; the fourth Commandement, by which it was at first ordained, being still in force. So then according to these grounds the Articles of Ireland were virtually, though not formally, abrogated; or else it must be granted, that there were two Confessions in the same one Church, different both in form and matter, and contrary in some points unto one another, which would have been so far from creating an unifor∣mity between the Churches in the concernments of Religion, that it would have raised a greater disagreement within Ireland it self than was before between the Churches of both Kingdoms. And certain∣ly the gaining of this point did much advantage the Archbishop, conducing visibly to the promotion of his ends and Counsels in ma∣king the Irish Clergy subject to the two Declarations, and accoun∣table for their breaking and neglect thereof, that is to say, his Ma∣jesties Declaration about Lawful Sports, and that prefixt before the book of Articles for appeasing Controversies. Take for a farewell this acknowledgment of a late Historian,* 4.6 speaking as well the sense of others as his own,

A Convocation (concurrent with a Parlia∣ment) was called (saith he) and kept at Dublin in Ireland, where∣in the thirty nine Articles of the Church of England were recei∣ved in Ireland, for all to subscribe unto. It was adjudged fit, seeing that Kingdom complies with England in the Civil Government, it should also conform thereunto in matters of Religion.

And thereupon he thus concludes,

That in the mean time the Irish Articles concluded formerly in a Synod, 1616. (mistaken for 1615.) (wherein Arminianism was condemned in terminis termi∣nantibus, and the observation of the Lords day resolved Iure divi∣no) were utterly excluded.

But leaving Ireland to the care of the Lord Deputy, and the Bi∣shop of Derry, who under him had the chief managing of the affairs of that Church; let us see how the new Archbishop proceeds in England, where he had so many plows going at once, too many, as it after proved, to work well together. For not thinking he had done enough in order to the peace and uniformity of the Church of Eng∣land, by taking care for it here at home, his thoughts transported him with the like affection to preserve it from neglect abroad. To which end he had offered some considerations to the Lords of the Council, as before was said, Anno 1622. relating to the regulation of Gods publick Worship amongst the English Factories, and Regi∣ments beyond the Seas, and the reducing of the French and Dutch Churches, settled in divers parts of this Realm, unto some confor∣mity. In reference to the first, he had not sate long in the Chaire of Canterbury when he procured an Order from the Lords of the

Council, bearing date Octob. 1. 1633. By which their English Churches and Regiments in Holland (and afterwards by degrees in all other Foreign parts and plantations) were required strictly to ob∣serve the English Liturgie with all the Rites and Ceremonies prescri∣bed in it. Which Order contained the sum and substance of those considerations which he had offered to the Board touching that par∣ticular. With which the Merchant Adventurers being made ac∣quainted, with joynt consent they made choice of one Beaumont (reputed for a learned, sober, and conformable man) to be Preacher to their Factory residing at Delf, Forbes, a Scot by birth, who for∣merly had been Preacher to the Society, being either dead, or other wise departed to avoid conformity. And that this man might be received with the better welcome a Letter is sent with him to the Deputy Governour, subscribed by the Archbishop himself, in which he signifieth both to him and the rest in his Majesties name,* 4.7

That they were to receive him with all decent and courteous usage fitting his person and calling, allowing him the ancient Pension which former∣ly had been paid to his Predecessors. Which said in reference to the man, he lets them know that it was his Majesties express com∣mand, that both he, the Deputy, and all and every other Mer∣chant, that is or shall be residing in those parts beyond the Seas, do conform themselves to the Doctrine and Discipline settled in the Church of England: and that they Frequent the Common-Prayer with all Religious duty and reverence at all times required, as well as they do Sermons; and that out of their company they should yearly about Easter, as the Canons prescribe, name two Church-Wardens, and two Sides-men, which may look to the Orders of the Church, and give an account according to their office. It was also required that these present Letters should be registred and kept by them, that they which come after might take notice what care his Majesty had taken for the well ordering of the said Company in Church affairs; and that a Copy of the same should be delivered to the said Beaumont, and to every Suc∣cessor of his respectively, that he and they might know what his Majesty expected of them, and be the more inexcusable if they disobey it.

With this Dispatch, bearing date the seventeenth of Iune, this present year 1634. away goes Beaumont into Holland, taking with him these Instructions for his own proceedings; that is to say,

That he should punctually keep and observe all the Orders of the Church of England, as they are prescribed in the Canons and the Rubricks of the Liturgie; and that if any person of that Company shall shew himself refractory to that Ordinance of his Majesty, he should certifie the name of any such offender, and his offence to the Lord Bishop of London for the time being, who was to take order and give remedy accordingly.

Which Order and Instructions given to Beaumont in private, were incorporated also in the Letter, least otherwise he might be thought to act any thing in

it without good Authority. And he accordingly proceeded with such honest zeal, and was so punctual in observing his Majesties pleasure and commands, that for a reward of his good service he was pre∣ferred unto a Prebends place in the Church of Canterbury, though by the unhappy change of times, it brought more reputation than ad∣vantage with it.

And now at last we have the face of an English Church in Holland, responsal to the Bishops of London for the time being, as a part of their Diocess, directly and immediately subject to their Jurisdicti∣on. The like course also was prescribed for our Factories in Ham∣borough, and those further off, that is to say, in Turky, in the Mo∣guls Dominions, the Indian Islands, the Plantations in Virginia, the Barbadoes, and all other places where the English had any standing Residence in the way of trade. The like done also for regulating the Divine Service in the Families of all Ambassadours, residing in the Courts of Foreign Princes for his Majesties Service; as also in the English Regiments, serving under the States. The superinspection of which last was referred to Boswel his Majesties Resident at the Hague, and his Successors in that place; as he and all the rest of the Embassadors, in what place soever, were to be ordered by the care of the Lords of the Council; and they to be accountable therein to his Sacred Majesty, as the Supream Ordinary. The English Agents and Embassadours in the Courts of Foreign Princes had not been formerly so regardful of the honour of the Church of England, as they might have been, in designing a set Room for religious uses, and keeping up the Vestments, Rites and Ceremonies, prescribed by Law in performance of them. It was now hoped that there would be a Church of England in all Courts of Christendom, in the chief Cities of the Turk, and other great Mahometan Princes, in all our Facto∣ries and Plantations in every known Part of the world, by which it might be rendred as diffused and Catholick as the Church of Rome.

In reference to the regulating of the French and Dutch Churches here amongst our selves, he conceived himself in a capacity of putting his own Counsels in execution, either as Bishop of the Diocess, or Archbishop of the Province of Canterbury. He had considered of the dangers which those Foreign Churches drew on this, by standing divi∣ded and dismembred from the rest of the body; and of the countenance and encouragement which was given to the Puritan Faction in the promoting of Schism. There was no Traverse to be made to this Dilemma, but either they were or were not of the same Religion with the Church of England. If they were not of the same Religion why should they, being strangers, borne in other Countries, or de∣scending from them, expect more Liberty of Conscience than the Papists had, being all Natives, and descending from English Pa∣rents? If of the same, why should they not submit to the Govern∣ment and Forms of Worship, being the outward acts and exercises

of the Religion here by Law established? It was now as when they first fled into this Land from the Fire and Faggot; from which their own Countries having felt no Persecution for forty or fifty years last past, were at this time freed: And therfore if they did not like the Terms of their staying here, they might return from whence they came, in peace and safety, with thanks to God and the good English Nation, for the long and comfortable Entertainment they had found amongst them. Upon these grounds, and such Considerations as had before been offered to the Lords of the Council, before he had sate a whole year in the Chair of Canterbury, he caused these three Articles to be tendred to the French Congregation in that City, and the two Dutch Congregations in Sandwich and Maidston, Apr. 14. 1634. 1. What Liturgie do you use? or whether you have not the Dutch or French in use? 2. Of how many Descents for the most part they were born Subjects? 3. Whether such as are born Subjects, will conform to the Church of England? For Answer to the Articles (after some fruit∣less Pleas touching their Exemptions) they obtained time till the fifth of May; against which time, with the consent of their several Churches, they prepared these several Answers. To the first it was answered, That they had that Liturgie which all the Churches of the French Tongue (both in France, and in the United Provinces of the States) have had since the blessed Reformation, and which their Church∣es (refuged here) have had this sixty or seventy years, or more: That the English Liturgie was Translated into French, but that they used it not; and that they knew not whether it were Translated in Dutch or not. To the second it was answered, That the greatest part of the Heads of the Families were not born here, but about a third part; be∣cause that the greatest part of the old ones were Strangers born, and many others are newly come since a few years. But to the third they desired to be excused from making any Answer at all, foreseeing (as it was pretended) a dissipation of their Churches, in reference to the maintainance of their Ministry and relief of their poor, if such Con∣formity should be pressed, which they endeavoured to avoid by all means imaginable. But before these Answers were returned, it was thought fit to consult with the Coetus (as they style it) of the French and Dutch Churches in London, who were concerned as much as they, and who by reason of their wealth and number governed all the rest; by whom they were advised to suppress those Answers, and to present their Declinator, fixing themselves upon their Privi∣ledges, and challenging the Exemption granted them by King Ed∣ward vi. confirmed by several Acts of Council in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King Iames, and his Sacred Majesty.

This Declinator no way satisfied his Grace of Canterbury. He knew, none better, That Acts of Council were not like the Laws of the Medes and Persians, but might be changed and varied as occasion served; That the Letters Patents granted by King Edward vi. to the first Congregation of Strangers under Iohn A Lasco (by which they

were Licenced to use their own Forms both of Worship and Go∣vernment, without any disturbance) were vacated by the depar∣ture of the said Congregation in the time of Queen Mary; and that the French and Dutch Churches now in England, could pretend no succession unto that in the time of King Edward vi. And therefore as soon as Brent returned from his Visitation (of which we shall hear more anon) and had a while reposed himself after that long Journey, he was dispatched to Canterbury with these Injunctions, viz. 1. That all the Natives of the Dutch and Walloon Congregations in his Graces Diocess, are to repair to their several Parish Churches where they inha∣bite, to hear Divine Service and Sermons, and perform all Duties and Payments required in that behalf: And 2. That all the Ministers, and all other of the same Walloon or French Congregations, which are Aliens born, shall have and use the Liturgie used in the English Churches, as the same is or may be faithfully Translated into French or Dutch. These two Injunctions being given on the nineteenth of De∣cember, with time for conforming thereunto till the first of March, were presently communicated by the Kentish to the London Church∣es, and by those of London to the rest in the Province of Canterbury, requiring them to send their Deputies to consult together with them in this Common Danger. There were at that time ten Churches of Strangers in this Province; that is to say, two in London, two in Norwich, and one apiece in Canterbury, Sandwich, Maidstone, Southampton, Colchester, and Yarmouth, who were to send their sufficient Deputies, consisting of Ministers and Lay-Elders, to make this Synod. But because the time might be elapsed before these Deputies from so many Places could meet together, and resolve upon any Conclusion; it was determined by the Coetus, that those of Kent, whom it most immediately concerned, should address themselves to the Archbishop, and desire his favour for the enjoy∣ing of their Priviledges, as in former times; whose Propositions being heard, and their Reasons pondered, he answered, That it was his purpose to make a General Visitation of all his Province, and that he would begin at home; That he did nothing but what had been communi∣cated to the King, and resolved by the Council; That neither the Let∣ters Patents of King Edward vi. nor any Reasons by them alledged, should hinder him from proceeding in the said Injunctions; That their Churches were nests and occasions of Schism, which he would prevent in Kent as well as he could; That it were better there were no Foreign Churches nor Strangers in England, than to have them thereby to give occasion of prejudice or danger to the Church-Government of it; That they endeavoured to make themselves a State in a State, and had vaunt∣ed, That they feared not his Injunctions; but, That he hoped the King would maintain him in it, as long as he Governed by the Canons; That the dissipation of their Churches, and maintenance of two or three Mi∣nisters, was not to be laid in the same Balance with the Peace and Hap∣piness of the Church of England; That their ignorance in the English

Tongue, ought not to be used for a pretence for their not going to their Parish Churches, considering that it was an affected Ignorance, and they might avoid it when they would: And finally, That he was resolved to have his Injunctions put in execution, and that they should conform to them at their peril by the time appointed.

Finding no hope of Good this way, they expect the Sitting of the Synod on the fifth of February; to which the Deputies made a Report of their ill Successes; and thereupon it was resolved, That a Petition in the name of all the Foreign Churches, should be presented unto the King; which way they found as unsuccessful as the other was▪ For his Majesty having read the Petition, delivered it to the Earl of Pembroke, commanding him to give it to one of the Secretaries. And though Pembroke, either out of love to the Cause, or hate to the Archbishops Person, chose rather to deliver it to Cooke than Win∣debank; yet neither Cooke himself, nor Weckerly his chief Clerk (a Walloon by birth) who had very much espoused the Quarrel, could do any thing in it. The next course was to back that Petition with a Remonstrance, containing the chief Reasons which they had to urge in their own behalf; and that Remonstrance to be put into his Maje∣sties hands by the Duke of Soubize, a Prince of great Descent in France, and a chief stickler in the Wars of the Hugonots against their King: In which Reasons, when they came to be examined more par∣ticularly, there was nothing found material, but what had formerly been observed and answered; except it were the fear of a Persecuti∣on to be raised in France, when it should there be known, how much the French Churches in this Kingdom had been discountenanced and distressed. And this they after aggravated by some fresh Intelligence which they had from thence, by which they were advertised of some words of the great Cardinal Richelieu, to this effect, viz. That if a King of England, who was a Protestant, would not permit two Disci∣plines in his Kingdom, why should a King of France, a Papist, permit two Religions? Great workings had been in the Court upon this oc∣casion; though all which was effected by it, was but the present qualification of the second Injunction; His Majesty on good Reason of State insisting so strongly on the first, that it could not be altered. But as for the second Injunction, it was qualified thus, viz. That the Ministers, and all others of the French and Dutch Congregations, which are not Natives, and born Subjects to the Kings Majesty, or any other Stranger that shall come over to them, while they remain Stran∣gers may have and use their own Discipline, as formerly they have done; yet it is thought fit that the English Liturgie should be Translated into the French and Dutch, for the better fitting of their Children to the English Government. But before the Injunction thus qualified could be sent to Canterbury, the Mayor and Brethren of that City were put upon a Petition in their behalf, insisting, amongst other things, on the great Charge which would fall upon them, if the relief of the poor French, which formerly had been maintained on the common

Purse of that Church, should be cast upon the several Parishes; and the great want of Work which would happen to their own Poor in that City, if the Manufactures of the French should be discontinu∣ed. To which Petition they received a favourable Answer in respect of themselves; but without any alteration of his Graces purpose in such other points of it as concerned those Churches. A Tempera∣ment was also used in regard of the Ministers which did Officiate in those Churches; it being condescended to on the suit of their De∣puties, That such of their Ministers as were English born should continue in their Place and Ministry, as in former times: but that hereafter none should be admitted to be Ministers in their Congre∣gations, but such as were Strangers. Which Condescensions not∣withstanding, It was directed by the Coetus of the London Churches, That by no means the Kentish Foreigners should publish the said In∣junctions in their Congregations; and that if the prosecution of them should be strictly urged, they would then think upon some other course to bear of that blow. And by this Tergiversation they gained so much time, that the final Decree was not passed upon them till the 26th of September 1635. when to the former Injunction they found this Clause or Proviso added, viz. That the Natives should continue to contribute to the maintenance of their Ministry, and the Poor of their Church, for the subsisting thereof; and that an Order should be obtained from his Majesty, if it were desired, to maintain them in their Manufactures, against all such as should endeavour to mo∣lest them by Informations. Some time was spent about the publishing of this Decree, the Ministers and Elders of those Churches refusing to act any thing in it: But at the last it was published in the French Church at Canterbury by one of their Notaries, and in Sandwich by the Chanter or Clerk of the Congregation, with Order to the Mi∣nisters and Churchwardens of the several Parishes, to take notice of such of the Natives as resorted not diligently to their Parish Churches.

This proved a leading Case to all the other French and Dutch Chur∣ches on this side of the Seas, though they opposed it what they could. For no sooner was the News of these Injunctions first brought to Nor∣wich, when a Remonstrance was presented to Corbet (who was then Bishop of that Diocess) and by him transmitted to the Archbishop; in which they had expressed such Reasons against the tenour of the same, as we have met with formerly in this Narration. But the Archbishops Visitation of that Diocess in the year next following, Anno 1635. put an end to that business; the Injunction being pub∣lished in the Churches of Strangers in that City, before any publi∣cation of them had been made in Canterbury. Nor was the like done only in all the Churches of Strangers in the Province of Canterbury, but in those of York, where the Archbishop kept them to a harder Diet; for having seen what had been done by Brent in his Visitation, and having no such powerful Sollicitors as the Coetus of the London

Churches to take off his edge, he denied them the Exercise of any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of their own; injoins them the use of the English Liturgie in the French Tongue, with Obedience to all the Laws and Ordinances of the Church of England; to receive the Sa∣crament once a year in the Church of the Parish where they dwell, and to perform all their Christenings, Marriages, and Burials there, or else none of their Congregations to be permitted. But notwith∣standing all this care of the Metropolitans, the business went forward more or less, as the Ministers and Church-wardens stood affected in their several Parishes. And in most Parishes the Ministers and Church-wardens were so well pleased with that indecency which they had amongst them, in respect of any Superiors in Church-con∣cernments, to whom they might be made accountable for Life or Doctrine, that generally they wish'd themselves in the same conditi∣on: And being freed from their greatest fear, of having the Poor of those Churches cast upon them in their several Parishes, they seem∣ed not much sollicitous whether they came to the Church or not, to hear the Sermons, receive the Sacraments, or perform any other part of Publick Worship; especially if they were not scrupulous in paying to the Minister his accustomed Dues, and yielding to such Rates and Taxes as the Church-wardens laid upon them for Paro∣chial uses. If any Minister began to look too strictly to them, they would find some means to take him off by Gifts and Presents, or by some powerful Letter from some of the Grandees residing in London, and sometimes from a neighbouring Justice, whose displea∣sure must not be incurred. And that they might not want encou∣ragement to stand it out as long as they could, the leading men of the Genevian Faction in most parts of the Realm, did secretly solli∣cite them not to be too forwards in conforming to the said Injuncti∣ons, assuring them of such Assistances as might save them harmless, and flattering them with this Opinion of themselves, That the Li∣berty of the Gospel, and the most desirable Freedom of the Church from Episcopal Tyranny, depended chiefly on their Courage and Resolution. What was done afterwards in pursuance of the said Injunctions, shall be told elsewhere: all which Particulars I have laid together, that the Proceedings of his Grace in this weighty bu∣siness (so much calumniated and defamed) might be presented to the Reader without interruption.

It was once said by Telesinus to Caj. Marius, That he did well to scoure the Country; but Italy would never want Wolves, so long as Rome continued so fit a Forest to afford them shelter. In like manner the Archbishop knew full well how small a Progress he should make in his Reformation, for reducing the French and Dutch to a Communi∣on with the Church of England, and the Church of England to it self, if London were not brought to some Conformity. Which City having a strong influence on all parts of the Kingdom, was generally looked on as the Compass by which the lesser Towns and Corpora∣tions

were to steer their Course, the practice of it being pleaded upon all occasions, for Vestries, Lectures, and some other Innova∣tions in the State of the Church. And to this nothing more concur∣red, than that the Beneficed Clergy being but meanly provided for, were forced to undertake some Lectures, or otherwise to connive at many things, contrary to their own Judgment and the Rules of the Church; in hope that gaining the good will thereby of the Chief of their Parishes, they might be gratified by them with Entertain∣ments, Presents, and some other helps to mend their Maintenance. The Lecturers in the mean time, as being Creatures of the People, and depending wholly on the Purse of the wealthier Citizens, not only overtopped them in point of Power and Reputation, but gene∣rally of Profit and Revenue also. Not that these Lecturers were maintained so much by the Zeal and Bounty of their Patrons, as by a general Fraud, which for many years last past had been put upon the Regular Clergy, by the diminishing of whose just Dues in Tythes and Offerings, such Lecturers and Trencher-Chaplains had been fed and cherished. For the better understanding whereof, we are to know, That in the year 1228. Roger Niger Bishop of London▪ ordained by a Synodical Constitution, That the Citizens should pay of every pounds Rent by the year, of all Houses, Shops, &c. the Sum of 3 s. 5 d. as time out of mind had formerly been paid. Which 3 s. 5 d. did arise from the Offerings upon every Sunday and thirty of the principal Holydays in the same year, after the Rate of one halspeny for every twenty shillings Rent of their Houses, Shops, &c. This Order of Roger Niger remaining in force till the year 1397. and the C••••••gy being kept to such Rates for the Rents of Houses, as at the first making of the same, it was decreed by Thomas Arundell then Bishop of Canterbury, That as the Rent increased, so the Offerings or Tythes should increase also; That the said Order should be read in every Parish-Church four times in the year, and a Curse laid upon all those who should not obey it. Confirmed by Pope Innocent vii. and Nicholas v. with a Proviso, That the said Oblations should be paid ac∣cording to the true yearly value of the Shops and Houses. It so remain∣ed until the twenty fifth year of Henry viii. at what time many of the former Holydays being abrogated by the Kings Authority, the year∣ly Profit of the Clergy found a great abatement; the greater, in re∣gard of the variances which arose betwixt them and their Parishio∣ners, about the payment of their Dues; the People taking the ad∣vantage of some Disorders which the Clergy at that present had been brought unto, by acknowledging the King for the Supream Head of the Church of England. Upon this variance a Complaint is made unto the King, who refers the whole matter to Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, Audley Lord Chancellor, Gardiner Bishop of Winton, Cromwell Chief Secretary of Estate, Fitz-Iames and Nor∣wich Chief Justices of the several Benches, by whom it was con∣cluded, That from thenceforth 2 s. 9 d. only should be paid out of

every pound for the Rents of Houses, Shops, &c. And to this Order the Citizens did not only consent, as they had good reason, but bound themselves by an Act of Common Council to perform the same; the said Decree confirmed by Act of Parliament in the twen∣ty seventh, and afterwards in the thirty seventh of that King, with a power given to the Lord Mayor to commit to Prison every person whatsoever who should not pay his Tythes and Dues according to that Proportion.

But contrary to the true intent and meaning of the said Decrees, and the several Acts of Parliament which confirmed the same, the covetous and unconscionable Landlords, who had the Fee-simple, or some long Leases at the least, of such shops and houses, devised many base and fraudulent waies to put a cheat upon the Law, and abuse the Clergie; reserving some small sum in the name of a Rent, and covenanting for other greater Sums to be paid quarterly or half yearly in the name of Fines, Annuities, Pensions, Incomes, Interest money, &c. Finding these Payments so conditioned and agreed upon to be too visible a cheat, some were so wise as to take their Fines in gross, when they sealed their Leases, some inconsiderable Rent be∣ing charged upon them; others so cunning as to have two Leases on foot at the same time, one at a low contemptible Rent to gull the In∣cumbent of his dues, the other with a Rent four or five times as great to keep down the Tenant; and some by a more cleanly kind of conveyance (reserving a small Rent as others did) caused their Te∣nants to enter into several bonds for the payment of so much money yearly with reference to the term which they had in their Leases. By which Devises and deceits the house-Rents were reduced to so low a value, that some Aldermen, who do not use to dwell in Sheds and Cottages, could be charged with no more than twenty shillings for a whole years Tythe; the Rent reserved amounts after that pro∣portion but to seven pounds yearly. The Clergie by the Alteration of Religion had lost those great advantages, which had before ac∣crued unto them by Obits, Mortuaries, Obventions to the Shrines and Images of some special Saints, Church Lands, and personal Tythes according to mens honest gain, which last was thought to have amounted to more than the Tythe of houses. Being deprived of the one, and abused in the other, they were forced in the sixteenth of King Iames, Anno 1618. to have recourse to the Court of Ex∣chequer, by the Barons whereof it was declared, that according to the true intent of the said Acts the Inhabitants of London and the Liberties thereof ought to pay the Tythe of their houses, shops, &c. after the rate of two shillings nine pence in the pound proportionable to the true yearly value of the Rent thereof. In order whereunto it was then ordered by the Court, that a Shed, which had been built and made a convenient dwelling house, should pay twenty four shillings nine pence yearly in the name of a Tythe, as was afterwards awarded by Sir Henry Yelverton, upon a reference made unto him,

that one Rawlins, who paid forty shillings yearly to his Landlord in the name of a Rent, and twelve pound by the name of a fine, should from thenceforth pay his Tythe to the Incumbent of the Parish in which he dwelt, after the rate of fourteen pound yearly.

This and the like Arbitrements about that time gave them some hope of finding more relief from the Court of Exchequer than they could expect from the Lord Mayor; who being at the first made Judge in the business for the ease of the Clergy, carried himself rather like a party concerned in it than an equal Umpire. But there was no contending with the Purse of the City; For though the proceed∣ings of the City Landlords were declared to be unjust and Sacrilegi∣ous under the hands of many Bishops, and most of the Heads of Houses in both Universities, Anno 1620. yet the business going on from bad to worse, they were necessitated to cast themselves at the feet of King Charles, and to petition for a remedy of these growing mischiefs, which otherwise in some tract of time might become in∣supportable. Which Petition being taken into consideration by his Sacred Majesty, he was graciously pleased to refer the same to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Keeper Coventry, the Earl Marshal, the Lord Bishop of London, the Lord Cottington, Mr. Secretary Windebank, and Chief Justice Richardson, or any five, or three of them, of which the Lord Archbishop to be alwaies one, requiring, and thereby authorizing to call before them all parties concerned in the business, and after a full hearing and examination thereof, to end if they could, or otherwise to report to his Majesty where the Impediment lay, that so his Majesty might take such fur∣ther order therein as in his Princely wisdom he should think most meet. Which reference, being made the fifteenth of May of this present year, was carried on with such equality, and moderation, that the rich Landlords had no reason to complain of any obliquity or partiality in the conduct of it: But having been accustomed to ••eed on the Churches Bread, and to have the poor Clergie obnoxi∣ous them, they could with no patience entertain the thoughts of relinquishing their former dyet, or suffer a deserving Clergy to en∣joy their own. Nothing more feared, than that the Clergy by this means would grow too rich; They who conceived two thousand pound of yearly Rent not enough for an Alderman, think one hundred pound per annum (as was affirmed by one of that number) to be too much for a Minister. And should the Clergy once grow rich they would become more absolute, and independent, not so obsequious to them as they had been formerly, and consequently more apt to cross them in their opposition or neglect of establisht Orders. And in this state the business stood when Iuxon the Bishop of London was advanced to the Treasurers Staff in the end of March 1635. which much encreast the hopes of the one, and the fears the other. Some of the Clergie had the hap to better their condi∣tion, and improve their Benefices by the appearing of so many

powerful persons in their behalf; and possible enough it is that some expedient would have been resolved on by the Refer••ees to the general content of both parties (his Grace of Canterbury being very sollicitous in behalf of the Clergy) if the troubles which brake out soon after in Sc••tland, and the preparations for the War, which ensued upon it, had not put the business to a stand, and per∣swaded both the King and Council to an improfitable compliance with that stubborn City, from which he reapt nothing in conclusion but neglect and scorn. So frequently have the best designs been overthrown, not so much by the puissance and might of the adverse party, as through defect of Constancy and Resolution to go through with them.

Mention was made in the Narrative of our Archbishops late pro∣ceeding against the Congregations of the French and Dutch, of some∣what which was done in order to it, in the Metropolitical Visitation of the Province of Canterbury. Concerning which we are to know, that in the beginning of the year 1634. he resolved upon that Visita∣tion. And having some distrust of Brent his Vicar General, he pr••∣pared one of his Confidents to be a joynt Commissioner with him, that he might do no hurt, if he did no good. But afterwards, be∣ing more assured of Brent than before he was, he resolved to trust him with himself, and not to fetter him with any such constant Over∣seer to attend his actings. The Articles for his Visitation, Printed for the use of Churchwardens and Sides-men in their several Pari∣shes, had little in them more than ordinary. But he had given di∣rections to his Vicar General to enquire into the observation of his Majesties Instructions of the year 1629. to command the said Churchwardens to place the Communion Table under the Eastern Wall of the Chancel, where formerly the Altar stood; to set a de∣cent Raile before it to avoid profaneness; and at the Raile the Com∣municants to receive the blessed Sacrament. It had been signified to the Archbishop, that a Dog in one place or other (but I remember not the name) had run away with the Bread appointed for the holy Communion; and that the Communion Wine had been brought unto the Table in many places, in Pint-pots and Bottles, and so di∣stributed to the people. The placing of a Raile before the Table would prevent all infamies of the first sort, and he hoped the Mini∣sters would take order to reform abuses of the last. Williams, at that time Bishop of Lincoln, had placed the Table of his own Chappel in the state of an Altar, and ••urnis••ed it with Plate and other costly Utensils, beyond most others in the Kingdom. The Table stood in the same posture in the Cathedral Church of Lincoln, of which he was both Bishop and Residentiary; and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster, whereof he was Dean. The Chancel of St. Martins C••urch in the Town of Leicester had been made a Library,* 4.8 which he when he was in his good humours perswaded the people to remove, to trim and prepare the said Choire with Railes and such other Orna∣ments

as were fitting for it, and then to place therein their Commu∣nion Table, all whicn they accordingly performed. But understand∣ing of the Order of the third of November, made by his Majesty and the Lords of his Council in the Case of St. Gregories, he untwisteth all this Line again. For a Certificate being presented to him by the Vicar, Church-wardens, and some others of the Parish, That the place where the Table stood before, was far more fit, by reason of the more capacity to receive the Communicants, and the more audibleness of the Ministers voice, and the Proximity of it to the place where Morning and Evening Prayer had been appointed to be read, than the Chancel was; he gave them leave to remove the Communion Table to the place where it formerly stood, especially at such times as they received the Communion. All which by his Letters of the nineteenth of December 1633. he signifies to Burden, one of Lambs Surrogates in the Archdea∣conry of Leicester, requiring him not to be troublesome or molestfull to the said parties in any thing concerning the Premises. Which Letter Burden sends to Lamb, and Lamb communicates to his Grace of Canterbury; who thereupon resolves to make that Diocess the Scene of his first Visitation.

The Diocess of Lincoln was anciently larger than it is, the Bi∣shoprick of Ely being taken out of it in the Reign of King Henry the First, Anno 1109. and those of Oxon. and Peterborough by King Hen∣ry the Eighth, Anno 1541. But as it is, it is the largest of the King∣dom, both for the quantity of ground, and the number of Parishes, containing in it the whole Counties of Lincoln, Leicester, Bucking∣ham, Bedford, Huntington, and that part of Hertfordshire which belonged to the Kingdom of Mercia. In which Counties are con∣tained 1255 Parishes divided (though not equally) between six Archdeacons, that is to say, the Archdeacons of Lincoln, How, Leicester, Buckingham, Bedford, and Huntingdon; each of them having his several Commissaries, and every Commissary one or more Surrogates, to officiate under him in times of necessary absence. Within this great Diocess he begins, first laying a Suspension on the Bishop and the six Archdeacons, by which they were inhibited from the exercise of their Jurisdiction, as long as that Visitation lasted. And after sending out a Citation to all the Ministers and Churchwardens of that Diocess, he required them to appear at certain times and places before his Vicar General and the rest of the Commissioners authorized for the several Archdeaconries of the same. But the Bi∣shop was too stout to yield at the first assault, pretending an exem∣ption from such Visitations by old Papall Bulls. The Archbishop be∣ing herewith startled, was not long after very well satisfied in that particular, by a Paper which was tendred to him, asserting his Me∣tropolitan Right against those Pretences, collected out of Histories and old Records. Which being compared with the Originals, and found to contain nothing but undoubted truths, the Bishop is com∣manded to appear before the Lords of the Council, where his

Papal Bulls were so well baited by the Archbishop and his Coun∣sel, that not being able to hold any long play, they ran out of the Field, leaving the Bishop to shift for himself as well as he could. This Bar removed, the Vicar-General proceeds to the Visitation, and in all places gives command to the Church-wardens, not only to return their Presentments, according to the Articles of the Visita∣tion; but to transpose the Communion Table to the East end of the Chancel, and to ••ence it with a decent Rail, to avoid prophaneness, according unto such Directions as he had received from the Lord Archbishop. He further signified, That they were to take especial care of certifying the names of all the Lecturers in their several and respective Parishes; as also, Whether the said Lecturers, and all other Preaching Ministers within that Diocess, did carefully observe his Majesties Instructions published in the year 1629. Their know∣ledge in which Particulars, with a Certificate of their doings about the removing of the Communion Table, together with their Present∣ments to the several Articles which were given them in charge, to be returned unto him by a time appointed. Which Charge thus given, and the Visitation carried to another Diocess, he leaves the prosecution of it (as afterwards in all other places) to the care of the Bishop. But the Bishop having other designs of his own, was no sooner dis∣charged of that Suspension which was laid upon him, but he resolves to visit his Diocess in person, to shew himself to those of his Cler∣gy, and gain the good affections of those especially who adhered to Calvin and Geneva: Insomuch that meeting in the Archdeaconry of Buckingham, with one Doctor Bret, a very grave and reverend man, but one who was supposed to incline that way, he embraced him in his Episcopal Arms with these words of St. Augustine, viz. Quam∣vis Episcopus major est Presbytero, Augustinus tamen minor est Hiero∣nymo: Intimating thereby, to the great commendation of his mo∣desty amongst those of that Faction, That the said Bret was as much greater than Williams, as the Bishop was above a Priest. And in compliance with that Party, he gave command for Railing in the Communion Table (as appears by the Extract of his Proceedings in the Archdeaconry of Leicester) not placed at the East end of the Chancel, with a Rail before it: but in the middle thereof, as it stood before, with a Rail about it. And by that kind of half-com∣pliance, as he retracted nothing from his own Opinion, in his Letter to the Vicar of Grantham; so he conceived, That he had finely fru∣strated the design of his Metropolitan, and yet not openly proceed∣ed against his Injunction.

The Visitation thus begun,* 4.9 was carried on from year to year, till it had gone over all the Diocesses in the Province of Canterbury. In the prosecution whereof, the Vicar-General having given the Charge, and allowed time to the Church-wardens to return a Certificate of their doings in pursuance of it, the further execution of it was left to the Bishops in their several Diocesses; in which it went forwards

more or less, as the Bishops were of spirit and affection to advance the Work, either in reference to the transposing of the Table, or the observation of his Majesties Instructions above-mentioned, which had not the least place in the business of this Visitation. Wright Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield having given order by his Chan∣cellor for the transposing of the Tables in most parts of his Diocess, began at last to cast his eyes on the Churches of the Holy Trinity and St. Michael the Archangel in the City of Coventry; concerning which he prescribed these Orders: 1. That the Ground at the upper end of the Chancells be handsomly raised by three steps, that the Cele∣bration of the Sacrament may be conspicuous to all the Church. 2. That the Ground so raised at both Churches, the Communion-Table should be removed close to the East-wall of the Chancels. 3. That in both Churches all new Additions of Seats in the Chancels be taken away, and the P••ws there reduced as near as may be to the ancient form. But the Citizens of Coventry found a way to take off his edge, notwith∣standing that he had received not only his Majesties Command, but encouragements also in pursuance of it (his Majesty spending at the least a fortnight in that Diocess, in the year 1636. at such time as the Bishop came to wait upon him in Tutbury Castle): For they so far prevailed upon him at his being in Coventry, that in the presence of the Mayor and some others of the Fraternity, he appointed, That the Communion-Table should be removed from its ascent of three Steps, unto the Body of the Chancel, during the Administration of the Blessed Sacrament, commanding Bird, who had the Officiality of the place, not to trouble them in it. Bird not being well pleas∣ed with so much levity in the Bishop, gives notice of it unto Latham the Bishops Register in Lichfield, by whom it was signified to Lamb, by Lamb to the Archbishop, and by him to the King; from whom it is to be supposed that the Bishop could receive small thanks for his disobedience. In Essex the business met with a greater difficulty. Aylet Official there under the Chancellor of London, had caused many of the Communion Tables within the verge of his Jurisdicti∣on to be transposed and railed in, and the People to come up and kneel and receive at the Rail. Opposed at first in some of the great∣er Towns, because they found it otherwise in the Churches of Lon∣don, whose example they conceived might be a sufficient warrant for them in that particular: But much more were they moved to stand out against him, upon sight of one of the Articles for the Me∣tropolitical Visitation, by which they conceived that they had leave to remove their Table at the time of Celebration, and place it as it might be most convenient for the Parishioners to come about it and receive the Sacrament. Aylet complains of this to Lamb, finding himself thereby under an imputation of crossing the Article delivered by his Graces Visitors, and following after his own Inven∣tions, without any Authority. For remedy whereof, and to save all that he had done from returning back again to the same estate in

which he found it, he desires to know his Graces Pleasure and Lambs Directions. More constantly, and with better fortune, is the business carried on by Pierce in his Diocess of Bath and Wells. No sooner had his Majesty signified his Pleasure in the Case of St. Gregories, but he issueth out a Commission to some of his Clergy, to inquire into the State of all the Parish Churches within that Diocess; and on the return of their Account, gives Order for the rectifying of such things as they found amiss, especially in the posture of the Holy Ta∣ble. And that it might be seen, that his Commands were not only countenanced by Power, but backed by Reason, he prepares certain Motives and Considerations to perswade Conformity; as, viz. 1. That it was Ordered by the Queens Injunctions, That the Com∣munion Table should stand where the Altar did. 2. That there should be some difference between the placing of the Lords Table in the Church, and the placing of a Mans Table in his House. 3. That it was not fit the People should sit above Gods Table, or be above the Priest when he Consecrateth. 4. That when the Communion Table stands thus, the Chancel would be the fairer, and so there would be more room for the Communicants. 5. That the Table standing thus, the face of the Minister would be better seen, and his voice more audibly and distinctly heard, than if it stood upon a Level in the midst of the Chancel. And 6. That it was expedient that the Daughters should be like their Mother, and that the Parochial Churches should conform themselves in that particular to their own Cathedrals. But that which seemed to be the most popular Argument to perswade Obe∣dience, was the avoiding of those Prophanations which formerly the Holy Table had been subject to; For should it be permitted to stand as before it did, Church-wardens would keep their Accounts on it, Parishioners would dispatch the Parish business at it, School-Masters will teach their Boys to Write upon it, The Boys will lay their Hats, Sachels, and Books upon it, Many will sit and lean irreverently against it in Sermon time, The Dogs would piss upon it and defile it, and Glasi∣ers would knock it full of Nail-holes. By which means he prevailed so far, that of 469 Parishes which were in that Diocess, 140 had conformed to his Order in it, before the end of the Christmas Holy∣days in this present year, Anno 1635. without any great reluctancy in Priest or People. The first strong Opposition which he found in the business, came from a great and populous Parish called Beck∣ington, where Hewish Incumbent of the place, was willing of him∣self to have obeyed his Directions in it: but the Church-wardens of the Parish were determined otherwise. For this being sent for by the Bishop, he gave them Order by word of mouth, to remove the Table to the East end of the Chancel, and to place a decent Rail be∣fore it: Which they refusing to perform, were cited to appear in the Bishops Court, before Duck the Chancellor of that Diocess, on the ninth of Iune, by whom they were commanded to remove such Seats as were above the Communion Table, to obey the Bishops

former Directions, and to return a Certificate of all that they had done therein by the sixth of October then next following: and for default thereof, were on the same day Excommunicated by the Bi∣shop in person. But the Church-wardens being rich, well-backed, and disaffected to the Service, appealed from their Diocesan to the Dean of the Arches; at whose request, upon some hope given of their Conformity, they were absolved for a Month, and admonish'd to submit to that which had been enjoined them. Continuing in their obstinacy, he Excommunicates them again, and they again ap∣peal to the Dean of the Arches; where finding ••o Relief, they pre∣sented a Petition to the Archbishop, with no less than a hundred hands unto it, and afterwards to the King himself, but with like suc∣cess. Pierce had done nothing in that case, but what he had been warranted to do by their Authority, and therefore was by their Authority to be countenanced in it. There is an ancient Priviledge belonging to the Church of England, That he who standeth obstinate∣ly Excommunicated for forty days, upon Certificate thereof into the Court of Chancery, shall be attached with a Writ De excommunicato capiendo, directed to the Sheriff, for his Apprehension; by him to be committed to Prison without Bail or Mainprise (as our Lawyers call it) till he conf••rm himself, and seek Absolution. By virtue of this Writ these obstinate persons were laid up in the Common Gaol, after they had remained Excommunicate above a twelvemonth; which shews with how great patience they had been forborn. And then at last, perceiving what ill counsel they had followed, and in∣to what perplexities they had cast themselves, they made their sub∣mission to their Bishop, by whom they were enjoined to do Penance for their Contempt, and obstinate standing out against the Sentence of the Court, in a form prescribed: The Penance to be done in the great Church of Bath, their own Parish Church at Beckington, and in the Parish Church of Frome-Selwood the next Market-Town ad∣joining to it; and thereupon the Parties to be Absolved. Which Opposition thus suppressed, prepared the People in most other pla∣ces of that Diocess for a more ready conformity, than otherwise the Diocesan might have found amongst them: So true is that of the Historian, That the Resistancies of the Subject being once suppressed, add strength to that Authority which they sought to crush. How he behaved himself in reference to his Majesties Instructions, we shall see hereafter, when he is brought upon the stage on that occasion; and we shall see hereafter also, how much or how little was done in order to the purpose of this Visitation, by the rest of the Bishops.

Nor was there only care taken for rectifying such things as were found amiss in Parochial Churches: but to inquire also into the State and Actions of the Mother Cathedrals, by which all other Churches which depended on them, were to be regulated and directed. And they found work enough in many of them; especially in those W••erein there was a want of Statutes for the Common Govern∣ment.

There are in England twenty six Cathedral or Episcopal Sees, of which thirteen are reckoned of the old foundation, and the other moyety of the new; those of the old foundation such as anciently had been founded in Secular Canons, as they still continue. Of which sort are the Churches of S. Paul in London, together with those of Chichester, Salisbury, Wells, Exeter, Lincoln, Lichfield, Hereford, and the four Welsh Bishopricks, in the Province of Canter∣bury, and none but the Metropolitical See of York in the other Pro∣vince, all of which had their ancient Statutes, and required no alteration in them except Hereford only. Those of the new founda∣tion (as they commonly called them) were such as had been foun∣ded on Monastick Orders, which being dissolved by King Henry the Eighth, he founded them a new in a Dean and Chapter of Secular Priests, of which sort were the Churches of Canterbury, Winchester, Ely, Worcester, Rochester, Norwich, and the four new Bishopricks by him founded in the Abbeys of Oxon. Peterborough, Glocester, and Bristol, together with those of Durham, Carlisle, and Chester, (this last of his foundation also) in the other Province. For each of which Churches there was made a draught of Statutes, but never perfected or confirmed; and therefore either kept or broken at the Deans discretion, as it conduced most to his advantage from time to time; which proved the unavoydable occasion of many differences between the Deans and Prebendaries of those several Churches; the Deans affecting an arbitrary and absolute Government, and the Pre∣bends looking on themselves as Brethren, not as Subjects to him. The perfecting of these Statutes to serve as a standing Rule to both for the times succeeding, took up much of his thoughts, and cer∣tainly he had effected it for all those Churches in convenient time, if the disturbances which hapned in Scotland first, and in England afterwards, had not diverted and disabled him from that per∣formance.

He began first with Canterbury his own Cathedral,* 4.10 where he found the Table placed at the East end of the Choire by the Dean and Chapter, and Adoration used toward it by their appointment; as was attested upon Oath by Dr. Blechinden, one of the Prebends of that Church at the time of his Trial. Which having found in so good order, he recommended to them the providing of Candlesticks, Basons, Carpet, and other Furniture for the adorning of the Altar, and the more solemn celebrating of the blessed Sacrament. And that these things might be perpetual to succeeding Ages, he compo∣sed a new body of Statutes for the Government of that Cathedral, which was sent thither under the Great Seal, with his own hand sub∣scribed to every leaf. In which there was this Statute amongst the rest, (which the Deans, Prebends, and Officers there were bound by Oath to observe) That at their coming in and going out of the Choire,* 4.11 and all approaches to the Altar, they should by bowing toward it, make due reverence to Almighty God. The like he did at Winton also, in this

present year, where he required them by Brent his Vicar General, to provide four C••pes, to raile in the Communion Table and place it Altarwise, to bow towards it, and dayly to read the Epistles and Gospels at it; the said Epistles and Gospels to be read by none but such as were in holy Orders, contrary to the late practice of that Church, where the said Office was performed by their lay Vicars at the will and pleasure of the Dean. To bind them to it for the present, certain Injunctions were left with them by Brent under the Seal of his Office. And that they might not fall again to their old confusions, a Book of Statutes was composed also to the use of that Church, for the recti∣fying of such disorders as had grown therein under the Government of Abbot, Morton, and Young the present Dean thereof a Scot by Nation, and one that never rightly understood the Constitution of t••e Church of England. The like Injunctions given by Brent to the Church of Chichester, to provide Copes by one a year for Gods publick Service, till they were sufficiently furnished with them; with the like Adorations toward the Communion Table, as before at Winchester. The Statutes of Hereford being imperfect, he caused to be cast in a new mold, and sent them thither under the Broad Seal for their future Reglement to be there sworn to and observed. In which it was required, First, That every Residentiary should officiate twice every year under the pain of paying forty shillings to be laid out on Ornaments of the Church.* 4.12 Secondly, That they should officiate on Sundaies and Holidaies in their Copes. Thirdly, That they should stand up at the Creeds and Gospel, and Doxologies, and to bow so often as the name of Jesus was mentioned, and that no man should be covered in the Church. Fourthly, That every one should bow toward the Altar. Fifthly, That the Prayer afore their Sermons should be made according to the 55 Canon, which as it shews to what disorders they were grown in point of practice, and how they had deviated from the Rules of the Church; so may it serve to verifie that old Observation, (l) 4.13

That ma∣ny times corrupt Manners and evill Customs do beget good Laws.

At Worcester Manwaring, who succeeded Iuxon in that Deanry, pre∣vented Brent, and acted many things of himself without any Injun∣ction; For having erected a fair Table of Marble, standing on four well-fashioned Columns, he covered the Wall behind the same with Hangings of Azure-coloured Stuff, having a white silk Lace upon every Seam, and furnished it with Palls and Fronts, as he had observed in his Majesties and some Bishops Chappels; and ordered the Kings Scholars, being forty in number, who formerly used to throng tumultuously into the Choire, to go in Rank, by two and two, and make their due obeisances at their coming in. Such Copes as belonged anciently to that Church, which had been lent many times unto common Actors, or otherwise Sacrilegiously pro∣faned, he caused to be burned, the Silver extracted out, and laid up in the Treasury, toward the buying of new ones, as more money ••••me in.

In many other Churches the Deans and Prebends had been conten∣ted to put that money into their Purses, which might better have been expended on some publick Ornaments. And that he might proceed to a Reformation on the better grounds, he took order to be furnished with a just account of their present condition, what Vestments, and Utensils they had, and what they wanted. From Lincoln it was certified,* 4.14 That the Communion Table was not very decent, and the Raile before it worse; that the Organs were old and naught, and that the Copes and Vestments were imbezeled, and none remained. From Norwich, That the Hangings of the Choires were old, and the Copes fair, but wanted mending. From Glocester, That there wan∣ted Copes, and that many things were grown amiss since he left that Deanry. From Lichfield, That the Furniture of the Altar was very mean, care therefore to be taken in it for more costly Ornaments. The like account from other places, which drew on by degrees such Re∣formation in Cathedral Churches that they recovered once again their ancient splendour, and served for an example to the Parish Churches which related to them. Nor did the Archbishop stand alone in point of judgment as to these particulars. He had therein the testimony and assent of two such Bishops then which there could be none more averse from Popery, or any thing that tended to it. A difference hapning between the Minister and Church-wardens in a Pa∣rish of Wilts, about the placing of the Table, which the Minister desired to transpose to the end of the Chancell, and the Church-wardens to keep it as it stood before, the business was referred to Davenant, then Bishop of Salisbury, who on a full consideration of the matter, declared in favour of the Incumbent, and by a Decree under his Episcopal Seal settled the Table in the place where the Altar stood, as the Minister desired to have it. In which Decree there are these two passages to be observed;* 4.15 First, That by the Injunction of Queen Elizabeth, and by Canon 32 under King James, the Communion-Ta∣bles should ordinarily be set and stand with the side to the East Wall of the Chancel. And secondly, That it is ignorance to think that the stand∣ing of the holy Table in that place doth relish of Popery. This for the placing of the Table. And then as for the bowing and adoring to∣ward it, we have this Authority from the Pen of Morton, then Bishop of Durham, in a Book by him written of the Romish Sacrifice.

The like difference (saith he) may be discerned be∣tween their manner of Reverence in bowing towards the Altar for adoration of the Eucharist only, and ours in bowing as well when there is no Eucharist on the Table as when there is, which is not to the Table of the Lord, but to the Lord of the Table, to testifie the Communion of all the faithful Communicants therewith, even as the people of God did in adoring him before the Arke his footstoole, Psalm 99.

And here we also may observe, that though Davenant made not his Decree till the seventeenth of May 1637. when the business of the Table had been settled in most parts of

the Kingdom, yet Mortons book came out this year, Anno 1635. at the first breaking out of those oppositions which were made against it.

Yet did not the Archbishop think he had done sufficiently if he should leave the case to be ruled only by Injunctions and Decrees, un∣less he added vigour to them by his own example. When he was Bi∣shop of S. Davids, he built a new Chappel to his House of Aberguilly, and furnished both the Chappel and the Altar in it with Hangings, Palls, Fronts, Plate, and other Utensils, to a very great value. Ac∣cording unto which beginning he continued till the end of his Race. When he came first to Lambeth-house, where he found the Chappel lye so nastily,* 4.16 (as his own words are) the Windows so defaced, and all things in it so disordered, that he was much ashamed to see it, and could not resort unto it without disdain; the Images in the Windows being broken in many places, and most deformedly patcht up with ordinary Glass, he caused to be repaired, and beautified according to their former Figure, his Glasiers Bill amounting to no less than 148 li. 7 s. 6 d. With like care, but with far less Charges, he re∣paired the ruined Windows in the Chappel of his house in Croyden, where he spent the greatest part of his Summers, and whither he retired at other times for his ease and privacy. And as for the Communion Table, which he found standing in the middle of the Chappel, a very sorry one in it self, he ordered it to be removed to some other Room,* 4.17 and caused a new one to be made, placed where the Altar sometimes stood, shadowed over-head with a very fair Frieze, and fenced with a decent and costly Raile, the guilding of the one, and the curious workmanship of the other, together with the Table it self, amounting to 33 pounds, and upwards; Copes, Altar-cloaths, Plate, and other necessaries which belonged to the adorning of it he had been Master of before in his other Chappels, and therefore was it the less charge in compleating this. He put himself to some cost also in repairing and beautifying the Organs, which he found very much out of tune, and made great use of them in the celebrating of Divine Service on Sundaies and Holidaies, when his leisure could permit him to be present at it; some Gen∣tlemen of his Majesties Chappel assisting many times to make up the Consort when the solemnity required it. According unto which example of their Lord, and Chancellor, the principal Colledges in Oxon. beautified their Chappels, transposed their Tables, fenced them with Railes, and furnished them with Hangings, Palls, Plate, and all other necessaries. Yet neither his own Example, nor the Authority of the said two Bishops, nor practice of the Deans and Chapters in so many Churches, or the Governours of those princi∣pal Colledges, so stopt the mouths of divers railing Rabshakehs of the Puritan Faction, as not to spit their venome and reproaches on them. Witness for all, that scurrilous passage of H. B. in his seditious Sermon,* 4.18 called, For God and the King; How then (saith he) will our

new Masters, our Innovators, make good the bringing in of these things afresh into Cathedrals, and forcing all petty Churches to conform thereunto? Would the Prelates thus make the Mother Cathedrals (thus by themselves made and adopted Romes daughters) their Concubines, whereon to beget a new bastard Generation of sacrificing, idolatrous, Mass-Priests throughout the Land, which our good Laws, and all our learned and pious Divines have proclaimed illegitimate? So he. More of this foul stuff might be found elsewhere, but that I hate the raking in such dirty puddles.

The business of the Table going on in so good a way, that of the Declaration about Lawful Sports seemed to be at a stand. Such Mi∣nisters as had readily obeyed the Mandates, and published the seve∣ral Orders of the secular Judges in their several Churches, did ob∣stinately refuse the publishing of this Declaration, when required to do it by their Bishops; and that they might not be thought to stand out against them without some good ground, they alledged some reasons for themselves, which when they came to be exami∣ned, had no reason in them. First, they alledged, That there was no express order in the Declaration, that the Minister of the Parish should be prest to the publishing of it. But then withall they should consider, that the Bishops were commanded to take order for the publishing of it in their several Parishes; and whom could they require to publish it in the Parish Churches but the Ministers only? Bound to them by an Oath of Canonical obedience at their ad∣mission to their Cures. So that the Bishops did no more than they were commanded in laying the publication of this Declaration on the back of the Ministers; and the Ministers by doing less than they were commanded infringed the Oath which they had taken, rendring themselves thereby obnoxious to all such Ecclesiastical Censures as the Bishops should inflict upon them. It was alledged secondly, That the publishing of this Declaration was a work more proper for the Constable or Tything-man, or the Church-wardens at the least, than it was for the Ministers: But then it was to be considered, that the Constable or Tything-man were Lay-officers meerly, bound by the Law to execute the Warrants of the Judges and Justices, but not the Mandates of the Bishops, so far from be∣ing Proper Instruments in such a business, that none of the Judges thought it fit to command their Service in publishing their Orders against Ales and Revels. And though the Church-wardens had some relation to Church-matters, and consequently to the Bishop in the way of Presentments; yet was he not bound to execute any such Commands, because not tyed by an Oath of Canonical obedience, as the Ministers were. Or were it otherwise, yet doth it happen many times in Country Villages, that the Church-wardens cannot read, and therefore not to be imployed in publishing such Declara∣tions, which require a more knowing man than a silly Villager. And last of all it was alledged, that the Ministers of all others

were most unfit to hold the Candle for lighting and letting in such a course of licenciousness, as was indulged on the Lords day, by the said Declaration. But then it was to have been proved, that any of the Sports allowed of in it, might have been brought within the compass of such Licentiousness, which neither the Word of God, nor the Canons of the Christian Church, nor any Statutes of the Realm had before forbidden. Or had it been as they preten∣ded, that the Command was contrary to the Law of God, and could not be obeyed with a sa••e conscience; yet this was only a pre∣ten••••, their reading of the Book being no more an argument of their approbation of any thing therein contained, than when a com∣mon Crier reads a Proclamation, the Contents whereof perhaps he likes not.

The Business being at this stand, it was thought fit that the Bishops should first deal with the Refusers in a Fatherly and gentle way, but adding menaces sometimes to their perswasions if they saw cause for it; and that in the mean season some discourses should be writ and published to bring them to a right understanding of the truth, and their several duties: which burden being held of too great weight for any one to undergo, and the necessity of the work requiring a quick dispatch, it was held fit to divide the imployment betwixt two. The Argumentative and Scholasticall part referred to the right learned Dr. White, then Bishop of Ely, who had given good proof of his ability in Polemical matters in several Books and Disputations against the Papists. The Practical and Historical, by Heylyn of Westminster, who had gained some reputation for his Stu∣dies in the ancient Writers by Asserting the History of S. George, mali∣ciously impugned by those of the Calvinian Party upon all occasions. Both of them, being enjoyned their tasks, were required to be ready for the Press against Michaelmas Term; at the end whereof both books came out, The Bishops under the Title of A Treatise of the Sabbath day, containing a defence of the Orthodoxal Doctrine of the Church of England against Sabbatarian Novelty, The other called, The History of the Sabbath, was divided into two Books or Parts; The first whereof began with the Creation of the World, and car∣ried on the Story till the destruction of the Temple; The second, be∣ginning with our Saviour Christ and his Apostles, was drawn down to the year 1633. when the publishing of this Declaration was re∣quired. But going different waies to work they did not both en∣counter the like success. The Bishops Book had not been extant very long, when an Answer was returned unto it by Byfield of Surrey, which Answer occasioned a Reply, and that Reply begat a Rejoynder. To Heylyns Book there was no Answer made at all, whether be∣cause unanswerable, or not worth the Answering, is to me unknown. And though it is not to be doubted, but that the Arguments of the one, and the Authorities of the other, prevailed with some to lay aside their former obstinacy and averseness; yet did there still

remain too many, who stopp'd their ears, like the deaf Adder in the Psalmist, and would not hear the voice of the Charmers, charmed they never so sweetly. By which it did appear too plainly, That there was some Association had and made amongst them, to stand it out to the last, and put some baffle or affront upon their Superiors, by whose Command the reading of the Book was imposed upon them. And thereupon it was resolved, That the Bishops in their several Diocesses should go to work more roundly with them, and either bring them to Conformity, if it might be done; or otherwise, to proceed against them by Ecclesiastical Censures.

But whilst these things were acting on the Stage of England, the Bishops of Scotland were as active in drawing of a Book of Canons, and framing a Publick Liturgie for the use of that Church. Both Undertakings warranted by the Act of a General Assembly held at Aberdeen, Anno 1616. and the one brought to a good forwardness before the death of King Iames: But being discontinued by the Ac∣cidents and Debates before-remembred, it pleased his Majesty at the last to yield unto the importunity of the Scottish Bishops, in having a Liturgie of their own, differing in some things from that of the Church of England, to shew the independency and self-subsistence of their Kirk; but agreeing with it in the main, to testifie the Con∣formity between the Churches: Which being thus condescended to, they were ordered to proceed with all speed and diligence, which they did accordingly. But the Canons being the shorter work, were first brought to an end; for the compiling whereof, his Majesty gives these Reasons in his large Declaration. First, That he held it but exceeding necessary, that there should be some Book extant to con∣tain the Rules of the Ecclesiastical Government; so that as well the Clergy as the Laity might have one certain standing Rule, to regulate the Power of the one, the Obedience and Practise of the other. Second∣ly, That the Acts of General Assemblies were Written only, and not Printed; and therefore could not come to the knowledge of many: So large and voluminous, that it was not easie to Transcribe them, inso∣much that few of the Presbyters themselves could tell which of them were authentical, which not: So unsafely and uncertainly kept, that they knew not where to address themselves for consulting with them: That by reducing those numerous Act, (and those not known unto them∣selves) to such a paucity of Canons, published and exposed to the publick view, no man should be insnared by ignorance, or have just reason to complain of their multiplicity. And finally, That not one in all that Kingdom did either live under the Obedience of the Acts of those Ge∣neral Assemblies, or did know what they were, or where to find them. Upon which grounds, the Book of Canons being drawn up and pre∣sented to him, he gave a Warrant under his Hand to the Archbishop of Canterbury, requiring him, together with the Bishop of London, to peruse the same, to see that they were well fitted to the Church-Government, and as near as conveniently might be to the Canons of

the Church o•• England; giving them, and either of them full pow∣er to alter any thing in the said Canons, as they found most fitting. Which being done as he commanded, and the Book made ready for the Press, he pass'd his Royal Confirmation of it, under the Great Seal o•• the Kingdom, in this manner following.

CHARLES REX.

WE 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Our Royal Care for the Maintenance of the present Estate and Government of the Church of Scotland, have di∣ligently and with great content considered all the Canons and Consti∣tutions after following; and finding the same such as We are perswa∣ded will be profitable, not only to our whole Clergy, but to the whole Church of that our Kingdom, if so they be well observed, Have for Vs, Our Heirs, and Lawful Successors, of Our especial Grace, certain Know∣led••••▪ ••nd meer ••otion, given, and by these presents do give Our 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ass••••t ••nto all the said Canons, Orders and Constitutions, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all and every thing in them contained, as they are afterwards set 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

And further, We do not only by Our Prerogative Royal, and Su∣preme 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Causes Ecclesiastical, Ratifie and Confirm by these Our Letters Pat••nts the said Canons, Orders and Constitutions, ••nd all ••nd every thing in them contained: But likewise We command by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••uthority Royal, and by these Letters Patents, the same to be diligently observed and executed by all Our Loving Subjects of that Our Kingdom, both within the Province of St. Andrews and ••lascow; in all points wherein they do or may concern every or any of them, ac∣cording to this Our Will and Pleasure hereby expressed and declared. And for the better observation of them, We straightly Charge and Command all Our Archbishops, Bishops, and all others tha•• exercise any Ecclesi∣astical Iurisdiction within that Our Realm, to see the same Canons, Orders and Constitutions to be in all points duly observed; not spa∣ring to execute the Penalties in them severally mentioned, upon any that shall willingly break or neglect to observe the same, as they ten∣der the Honour of God, the Peace of the Church, the Tranquility of the Kingdom, and their Service and Duty to Vs their King and Sovereign.

Given at Our Mannor of Greenwich, 23 May 1635.

These Canons when they came abroad, were presently quarrelled and disclaimed by the Scottish Presbyters: Quarrelled in reference to the subject matter comprehended in them: Disclaimed, because imposed upon them without their own approbation and consent. The points most quarrelled at, were these. 1. That whosoever should af∣firm, That the Kings Majesty had not the same Authority in Causes Ec∣clesiastical, that the Godly Kings had among the Jews, or the Christian Emperors in the Primitive Church; or impugn in any part his Royal Su∣premacy

in Causes Ecclesiastical, was to incur the Censure of Excommu∣nication. 2. The like Censure to be inflicted on those who should affirm, That the Worship contained in the Book of Common Prayer, and Admi∣nistration of the Sacraments (though at the making of these Canons there was no such Book of Common Prayer recommended to them); or, That the Government of the Church by Archbishops and Bishops, or the form of Making and Consecrating Archbishops and Bishops, &c. did contain any thing repugnant to the Scriptures, or was corrupt, supersti∣tious, or unlawful in the Service and Worship of God. 3. That the Ordinations were restrained to four times in the year; that is, the first Weeks of March, June, September, and December. 4. That every Ecclesiastical Person at his Admission should take the Oath of Su∣premacy, according to the form required by Parliament; and the like Oath for avoiding Symonie, required in the Book of Consecration. 5. That every Presbyter shall either by himself, or by another Person lawfully called, read or cause Divine Service to be done, according to the form of the Book of that Common Prayer, before all Sermons; and that he should Officiate by the said Book of Common Prayer, in all the Offices, Parts and Rubricks of it (when as yet none of them had seen the said Book or Liturgie). 6. That no Preacher should impugn the Doctrine delivered by another in the same Church, or any neer ad∣joining to it, without leave from the Bishop; which they conceived to be the way to pin their whole Religion on the Bishops Sleeves 7. That no Presbyter should hereafter become Surety or Cautioner for any Per∣son whosoever, in Civil Bonds and Contracts, under pain of Suspension. 8. That whatsoever remained of the Bread and Wine prepared for the Communion, should be distributed to the poorer sort which receive that day, to be eaten and drunken of them before they go out of the Church. 9. That Presbyters are enjoined to Minister the Sacrament of Baptism in private Houses, and upon every day alike, in case of infirmity; and that the People were required not to receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper but upon their knees. 10. That in all Sentences of Separation a Thoro & Mensa, there shall be a Caution inserted (and given ac∣cordingly) That the Persons so separated should live continently and chastly, and not contract Marriage with any Person, during each others life (which seemed to put the innocent Party into as bad a condition as the guilty, contrary to the Judgment of the Reformed Churches). 11. That no private Meeting be kept by Presbyters, or any other Per∣sons whatsoever, for expounding Scripture, or for consulting upon mat∣ters Ecclesiastical: Such matters to be handled only in the Lawful Sy∣nods held by Bishops. 12. That under pain of Excommunication, no Presbyter or Layman, jointly or severally, make Rules, Orders, or Constitutions in Causes Ecclesiastical; or to add or detract from any Ru∣bricks or Articles, or other things now established, without the Authori∣ty of the King or his Successors. 13. That National or General Assem∣blies were to be called only by the Kings Authority; That the Decrees thereof should bind as well the Absent as the Present in Matters Eccle∣siastical;

and, That it should not be lawful for the Bishops themselves, in such Assemblies, or otherwise, to alter any Articles, Rubrick, Canon Doctrinal or Disciplinary whatsoever, without his Majesties leave first had and obtained. 14. That no man should cover his Head in time of Divine Service, except with a Cap or Night-coife in case of infirmity; and that all Persons should reverently kneel when the Confession and other Prayers were read, and should stand up at the saying of the Creed. 15. That no Presbyter or Reader be permitted to conceive Prayers ex tempo••e, or use any other form in the Publick Liturgie or Service, than is prescribed, under the pain of Deprivation from his Benefice or Cure. 16. That by this Prohibition the Presbyters seemed to be d••barred from using their own Prayers before their Sermons, by reason that in c. 3. num. 13. it is required, That all Presbyters and Preachers should move the People to join with them in Prayer, using some few and convenient words, and should always conclude with the Lords Prayer (which in ef∣fect was to bind them to the form of bidding Prayer, prescribed in the 55th. Canon of the Church of England). 17. That no man should Teach either in Publick School or Private House, but such as shall be allowed by the Archbishop of the Province, or Bishop of the Diocess, under their Hand and Seal; and those to Licence none but such as were of good Religion, and obedient to the Orders of the Church. 18. That none should be admitted to read in any Colledge or School, except they take first the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy. 19. That nothing ••e hereafter Imprinted, except the same be seen and allowed by the Vi∣sitors appointed to that purpose; the Penalty thereof (as in all like Cases in which no Penalty is expressed) being left to the discretion of the Bi∣shops. 20. That no Publick Fast should be appointed upon Sundays (as had been formerly accustomed) but on the Week-days only; and them to be appointed by none but His Majesty. 21. That for the Ministring of the Sacrament of Baptism, a Font should be prepared, and placed some∣what near the entry of the Church, as anciently it used to be, with a Cloth of fine Linnen, which shall likewise be kept all neatly. 22. That a comely and decent Table for Celebrating the Holy Communion should be provided, and placed at the upper end of the Chancel or Church, to be covered at the times of Divine Service with a Carpet of decent Stuff, and at the time of Ministration with a white Linnen Cloth; And that Basons, Cups, or Chalices of some pure Metal shall be provided, to be set upon the Communion Table, and reserved to that only use. 23. That such Bishops and Presbyters as shall depart this life, having no Children, shall leave their Goods or a great part of them to the Church and Holy Vses; and that notwithstanding their having Children, they should leave some Testimony of their love to the Church and advancement of Religion. 24. That no Sentence of Excommunication should be pro∣nounc'd, or Absolution given by any Presbyter, without the leave and approbation of the Bishop: And no Presbyter should reveal or make known what had been opened to him in Confession, at any time, or to any Person whatsoever, except the Crime be such as by the Laws of the

Realm his own Life may be called in question for concealing the same. 25. And finally, That no Person should be received into Holy Orders, nor suffered to Preach, Catechise, Minister the Sacraments, or any other Ecclesiastical Function, unless he first subscribe to be obedient to these present Canons, Ratified and Approved by his Majesties Royal Warrant, and Ordained to be observed by the Clergy, and all others whom they concern.

These were the matters chiefly quarrelled in this Book of Canons, visibly tending (as they would make the World believe) to subject that Kirk unto the Power of the King; the Clergy to the command of their Bishops; the whole Nation, to the Discipline of a Foreign Church; and all together by degrees, to the Idolatries and Tyran∣nies of the Pope of Rome. But juster cause they seemed to have for disclaiming the said Book of Canons, because not made nor imposed upon them by their own approbation and consent, contrary to the usage of the Church in all Times and Ages. Had his Majesty impo∣sed these Orders on them by the name of Injunctions, according to the example of King Henry viii. Anno 1536. of King Edward vi. Anno 1547. and of Queen Elizabeth, Anno 1559. he might perhaps have justified himself by that Supremacy which had been vested in him by the Laws of that Kingdom; which seems to have been the Judgment of King Iames in this very case. At his last being in Scotland, Anno 1617. he had prepared an Article to be passed in Parliament to this effect,* 5.1 viz. That whatsoever his Majesty should determine in the Ex∣ternal Government of the Church, with the advice of the Archbishop, Bishops, and a competent number of the Ministry, should have the strength of a Law. But understanding that a Protestation was prepared against it by some of the most Rigid Presbyterians, he commanded Hay the Clerk or Register, to pass by that Article, as a thing no way necessary;* 5.2 the Prerogative of his Crown giving him more Authori∣ty than was declared or desired by it. But as for Canons and Con∣stitutions Ecclesiastical, if they concerned the whole Church, they were to be advised and framed by Bishops, and other Learned men, assembled in a General Council, and testified by the Subscription of such Bishops as were then assembled. Or if they did relate only un∣to National Churches, or particular Provinces, they were to be concluded and agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergy; that is to say, so many of the Clergy as are chosen and impowered by all the rest for that end and purpose, assembled in a National or Provincial Synod. No Canons nor Constitutions Ecclesiastical to be otherwise made; or if made otherwise, not to bind, without a voluntary and free submission of all Parties to them. And though it could not be denied, but that all Christian Emperours, Kings, and Princes reser∣ved a Power unto themselves of Ratifying and Confirming all such Constitutions as by the Bishops and Clergy were agreed on; yet still the said Canons and Constitutions were first agreed on by the Bi∣shops and Clergy, before they were tendred to the Sovereign Prince

for his Ratification. The Scottish Presbyters had formerly disclaimed the Kings Authority either in calling their Assemblies, or confirming the Results and Acts thereof; which they conceived to be good and valid of themselves without any additional power of his to add strength unto them. And therefore now they must needs think themselves reduced to a very great vassalage in having a body of Ca∣nons so imposed upon them, to the making whereof they were never called, and to the passing whereof they had never voted. But as they had broke the Rules of the Primitive Church in acting Sove∣raignty of themselves without requiring the Kings approbation and consent in the times foregoing; so were they now upon the point of having those old Rules broken on them by the King, in making Ca∣nons, and putting Laws and Orders on them for their future Go∣vernment, to which they never had consented. And therefore though his Majesty had taken so much care (as himself observed) for faci∣litating and conveniencing their obedience,* 5.3 by furthering their knowledge in those points which before they knew not; yet they did generally behold it, and exclaimed against it, as one of the most grie∣vous burthens that ever had been laid upon them.

More clamour, but on weaker grounds, was made against the Book of Common Prayer when it first came out, which was not till the year 1637. and then we shall hear further of it. Mean while we will return to England, and see what our Archbishop doth, as a chief Counsellor and States-man in his Civil Actings. It was about four or five years since, Anno 1631, that he first discovered how ill his Majesties Treasury had been managed between some principal Officers of his Revenue, to the enriching of themselves, to the im∣poverishing of their Master, and the no small amazement of all good Subjects. But the abuses being too great to be long concealed, his Majesty is made acquainted with all particulars, who there∣upon did much estrange his countenance from the principal of them.

For which good service to the King none was so much suspected by them as the Archbishop of Canterbury, against whom they be∣gan to practise, endeavouring all they could to remove him from his Majesties ear, or at the least to lessen the esteem and reputation which his fidelity and upright dealing had procured of him. Facti∣ons are heightned in the Court. Private ends followed to the preju∣dice of Publick Service, and every mouth talkt openly against his proceedings. But still he kept his ground, and prevailed at last, appointed by his Majesty on the fifth of February 1634. to be one of the great Committee for Trade and the Kings Revenue; and seeing Wes••ons Glories set under a cloud, within few weeks after, Weston being dead, it pleased his Majesty to commit the managing of the Treasury by Letters Patents under the Broad Seal, bearing date on the fourteenth day of March, to the Lord Archbishop, Cottington Chancellor of the Exchequer, Cooke and Windebank, principal Se∣cretaries,

and certain others; who with no small envy looked upon him as if he had been set over them for a Supervisor. Within two daies after his being nominated for this Commission, his Majesty brought him also into the Foreign Committee, which rendred him as considerable abroad as he was at home. This as it added to his power, so it encreased the stomach which was borne against him. The year 1635. was but new began, when clashing began to grow between him and Cottington about executing the Commission for the Treasury. And that his grief and trouble might be the greater, his old Friend Windebank, who had received his preferment from him, forsook him in the open field, and joyned himself with Cottington and the rest of that Party. This could not chuse but put him to the exercise of a great deal of Patience, considering how necessary a friend he had lost, in whose bosome he had lodged a great part of his Counsels, and on whose Activity he relied for the carrying on of his designs at the Council Table. But for all this ••e carries on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Comm••••••ion the whole year about, acquaints himself with the My∣steries and secrets of it, the honest advantages which the Lord Treasurers had for enriching themselves (to the value of seven t••ou∣sand pound a year and upwards, as I have heard from his own mouth) without defrauding the King, or abusing the Subject. He had observed, that divers Treasurers of late years had raised them∣selves from very mean and private Fortunes to the Titles and Estates o•• Earls, which he conceived could not be done without wrong to both; and therefore he resolves to commend such a man to his Majesty for the next Lord Treasurer, who having no Family to raise- no Wife and Children to provide for, might better manage the In∣comes of the Treasury to the Kings advantage than they had been formerly. And who more like to come into his eye for that prefer∣ment than Iuxon, his old and trusty Friend, then Bishop of London; a man of such a well tempered disposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and People, and one whom he knew capable of as much instruction as by a whole years experience in the Com∣mission for the Treasury he was able to give him.

It was much wondred at, when first the Staff was put into this mans hand; in doing whereof the Archbishop was generally con∣ceived neither to have consulted his own present peace, nor his fu∣ture safety. Had he studied his own present peace, he should have given Cottington leave to put in for it, who being Chancellor of the Exchequer pretended himself to be the next in that Ascendent, the Lord Treasurers Associate while he lived, and the presumptive heir to that office after his decease. And had he studied his own safety and preservation for the times to come, he might have made use of the power by recommending the Staff to the Earles of Bedford, Hart∣ford, Essex, the Lord Say, or some such man of Popular Nobility; by whom he might have been reciprocated by their strength and in∣teress with the People in the change of times. But he preferred his

Majesties Advantages before his particular concernments, the safe∣ty of the Publick before his own. Nor did he want some seasonable considerations in it for the good of the Church. The peace and quiet of the Church depended much on the conformity of the City of London, and London did as much depend in their trade and payments upon the Love and Justice of the Lord Treasurer of England. This therefore was the more likely way to conform the Citizens to the di∣rections of their Bishop, and the whole Kingdom unto them; No small encouragement being thereby given to the London Clergy for the improving of their Tythes. For with what confidence could any of the old Cheats adventure on a publick Examination in the Court of Exchequer (the proper Court for suits and grievances of that nature) when a Lord Bishop of London sate therein as the principal Judge? Upon th••se Counsels he proceeds, and obtains the Staff, which was delivered to the Bishop of London on Sunday March 6. sworn on the same day Privy Counsellor, and on the first of the next Term conducted in great state from London House to Westminster Hall, the Archbishop of Canterbury riding by him, and most of the Lords and Bishops about the Town, with many Gentlemen of chief note and quality, following by two and two to make up the Pomp. It was much feared by some, and hoped by others, that the new Treasurer would have sunk under the burden of that place, as Williams did under the custody of the Seal: but he deceived them both in that expectation, carrying himself with such an even and steady hand, that every one applauded, but none envied his prefer∣ment to it; insomuch as the then Lord Faulkland, in a bitter Speech against the Bishops about the beginning of the Long Parliament, could not chuse but give him this faire Testimony, viz. That in an unexpected place and power he expressed an equal moderation and hu∣mility, being neither ambitious before, nor proud after, either of the Crozier or White Staff.

The Queen about these times began to grow into a greater preva∣l••n••y over his Majesties Affections than formerly she had made shew of: But being too wise to make any open alteration of the conduct of a••••airs, she thought it best to take the Archbishop into such of her Counsels as might by him be carried on to her contentment, and with no dishonour to himself, of which he gives this intimation in the Breviate (a) 5.4 on the thirtieth of August 1634. viz. That the Queen sent for him to Oatlands, and gave him thanks for a business which she had trusted him withall, promising him to be his Friend, and that he should have immediate access to her when he had occasion. This seconded with the like intimation, given us May 18. 1635. of which he writes, that having brought his account to the Queen on May 18. Whitsunday, the Court then at Greenwich, it was put of till the Sunday after, at which time he presented it to her, and received from her an assurance of all that was desired by him. Panzani's coming unto London in the Christmas holydaies makes it not impro∣bable

that the facilitating of his safe and favourable reception was the great business which the Queen had committed to the Archbi∣shops trust; and for his effecting of it with the King, had given him those gracious promises of access unto her, which the Breviate spake of. For though Panzani was sent over from the Pope on no other pretence than to prevent a Schism which was then like to be made between the Regulars and the Secular Priests, to the great scandall of that Church; yet under that pretence were muffled ma∣ny other designs which were not fit to be discovered unto Vulgar eyes. By many secret Artifices he works himself into the fauour of Cot∣tington, Windebank, and other great men about the Court, and at last grew to such a confidence, as to move this question to some Court-Bishops, viz. Whether his Majesty would permit the residing of a Catholick Bishop of the English Nation to be nominated by his Majesty, and not to exercise his Function but as his Majesty should limit? Upon which Proposition, when those Bishops had made this Quaere to him, Whether the Pope would allow of such a Bishop of his Majesties no∣minating as held the Oath of Allegiance lawful, and should permit the taking of it by the Catholick Subjects, he puts it off by pleading that he had no Commission to declare therein one way or other. And there∣upon he found some way to move the King for the permission of an Agent from the Pope to be addressed to the Queen for the concern∣ments of her Religion; which the King, with the Advice and Con∣sent of his Council, condescended to, upon condition that the Par∣ty sent should be no Priest. This possibly might be the sum of that account which the Archbishop tendred to the Queen at Greenwich on the Whitsontide after Panzani's coming, which as it seems was only to make way for Con (of whom more hereafter) though for the better colour of doing somewhat else that might bring him hi∣ther, he composed the Rupture between the Seculars and the Regulars above-mentioned.

I cannot tell whether I have hit right or not upon these particu∣lars: But sure I am, that he resolved to serve the Queen no further in her desires than might consist both with the honour and safety of the Church of England; which as it was his greatest charge, so did he lay out the chief parts of his cares and thoughts upon it. And yet he was not so unmindful of the Foreign Churches, as not to do them all good offices when it came in his way, especially when the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church of England was not concerned in the same. For in the year 1634. having received Letters from the Queen of Bohemia (with whom he held a constant course of Correspondence) about the furtherance of a Collection for the exi∣led Ministers of the Palatinate; he moved the King so effectually in it, that his Majesty granted his Letters Patents for the said Collecti∣on to be made in all parts of the Kingdom; which Letters Patents being sealed and brought unto him for his further Direction in pro∣secution of the same, he found a passage in it which gave him no

small cause of offence, and was this that followeth; viz.

Whose cases are the more to be deplored, for that this extremity is fal∣len upon them for their sincerity and constancy in the true Religion which we together with them professed, and which we are all bound in conscience to maintain to the utmost of our powers;* 5.5 whereas these Religious and Godly persons being involved amongst other their Country-men might have enjoyed their Estates and Fortunes, if with other backsliders in the times of Trial they would have submitted themselves to the Antichristian Yoke, and have renounced or dissembled the Profession of the true Religion.

Upon the reading of which passage he observed two things: First, That the Religion of the Palatine Churches was declared to be the same with ours. And secondly, That the Doctrine and Government of the Church of Rome is called an Antichristian Yoke; neither of which could be approved of in the same terms in which they were presented to him. For first he was not to be told, that by the Reli∣gion of those Churches all the Calvinian Rigors in the point of Pre∣destination and the rest depending thereupon were received as Or∣thodox; that they maintain a Parity of Ministers directly contrary both to the Doctrine and Government of the Church of England; and that Pareus, Profes••or of Divinity in the University of Heydelberg, (who was not to be thought to have delivered his own sense only in that point) ascribes a power to inferiour Magistrates to curb the power, controule the persons, and resist the Authority of Soveraign Princes, for which his Comment on the Romans had been publickly burnt by the appointment of King Iames, as before is said. Which as it plainly proves, that the Religion of those Churches is not al∣together the same with that of ours, so he conceived it very unsafe that his Majesty should declare under the Great Seal of England, that both himself and all his Subjects were bound in conscience to main∣tain the Religion of those Churches with their utmost power. And as unto the other point he lookt upon it as a great Controversie, not only between some Protestant Divines and the Church of Rome, but between the Protestant Divines themselves,* 5.6 hitherto not determined in any Council, nor positively defined by the Church of England; and therefore he conceived it as unsafe as the other, that such a doubtful controversie, as that of the Popes being Antichrist, should be determined Positively by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England, of which there was great difference even amongst the Learned, and not resolved on in the Schools. With these objecti∣ons against that passage he acquaints his Majesty, who thereupon gave order that the said Letters Patents should be cancelled, and new ones to be drawn, in which that clause should be corrected or expunged; and that being done, the said Letters Patents to be new sealed, and the said Collection to proceed according to the Arch∣bishops first desires and proposition made in that behalf.

But before this Collection was finished, and the money returned,

Charles Lodowick, Prince Elector Palatine, eldest surviving Son of the Queen of Bohemia, comes into England to bestow a visit on his Uncle, and to desire his aid and counsel for the recovery of the Electoral Dig∣nity and Estate which did of right belong unto him. On the twenty second of November this present year 1635. he comes to Whitehall, graciously welcomed by the King, who assigned him for his quarters in the Court, the Lodgings properly belonging to the Prince his Son, where he continued whilst he made his abode in England, except such times as he attended his Majesty in his Summers Progress. Knowing how forward the Archbishop had expressed himself in do∣ing all ready Services for the Queen his Mother, and the good offi∣ces which he had done for her sake to the distressed Ministers of his Dominions, on the 30 day of the same Month he crost over to Lam∣beth, and was present with the Archbishop at the Evening Prayer then very solemnly performed; and upon that day fortnight came unexpectedly upon him, and did him the honour to dine with him. And that he might the better endear himself to the English Nation by shewing his conformity and approbation of the Rites and Cere∣monies here by Law established, he did not only diligently frequent the Morning and Evening Service in his Majesties Closet, but upon Christmass day received the Communion also in the Chappel Royal of Whitehall. For whose accommodation, at the receiving of it, there was a Stool placed within the Traverse, on the left hand of his Ma∣jesty, on which he sate while the Remainder of the Anthem was sung, and at the Reading of the Epistle, with a lower Stool and a Velvet Cushion to kneel upon both in the preparatory Prayers, and the Act of Receiving, which he most reverently performed to the great content of all beholders. During his being in the Court he published two Books in Print by the advice of the King and Council, not only to declare his Wrongs, but assert his Rights. The first he called by the name of a PROTESTATION, against all the un∣lawful and violent proceedings and actions against him and his Ele∣ctoral Family. The second, called the MANIFEST, concern∣ing the right of his Succession in the Lands, Dignities, and Honours, of which his Father had been unjustly dispossessed by the Emperour Ferdinand the Second. After which Preparatory writings, which served to no other effect than to justifie his own and the Kings pro∣ceedings in the eye of the world, he was put upon a course for being furnished both with men and money to try his fortune in the Wars, in which he wanted not the best assistance which the Archbishop could afford him by his Power and Counsels. But as he laboured to advance his interess in the recovery of his Patrimony and Estates in Germany, so he no less laboured to preserve the Interess of the Church of England against all dangers and disturbances which might come from thence. And therefore when some busie heads, at the time of the Princes being here, had published the Book enti∣tuled, A Declaration of the Faith and Ceremonies of the Palsgraves

Churches; A course was took to call it in, for the same cause, and on the same prudential grounds on which the Letters Patents before mentioned, had been stopt and altered. The Prince was welcome, but the Book might better have stayed at home, brought hither in Dutch, and here translated into English, Printed, and exposed to the publick view, to let the vulgar Reader see how much we wanted of the Purity and simplicity of the Palatine Churches.

* 5.7But we must now look back on some former Counsels in bringing such refractory Ministers to a just conformity in publishing his Ma∣jesties Declaration about lawful Sports, as neither arguments and perswasions could p••eva••l upon. And that the Suffragan Bishops might receive the more countenance in it, the Archbishop means not to look on, but to act somewhat in his own Diocess which might be exempla••y to the rest, some troublesome persons there were in it, who publickly opposed all establisht orders, neither conforming to his Majesties Instructions, nor the Canons of the Church, nor the Rubricks in the publick Liturgy.* 5.8 Culmer and Player, two men of the same a••••••ctions, and such as had declared their inconformity in ••or∣mer times, were prest unto the publishing of this Declaration; Brent acting in it as Commissary to the Bishop of the Diocess, (not Vicar General to the Archbishop) of the Province of Canterbury. On their refusal so to do, they were called into the Consistory and by him suspended. Petitioning the Archbishop for a release from that suspension, they were answered by him, That if they knew not how to obey, he knew as little how to grant. He understood them to be men of Factious spirits, and was resolved to bring them to a bet∣ter temper, or else to keep them from disturbing the publick peace. And they resolving on the other side, not to yield obedience, conti∣nued under this suspension till the coming in of the Scottish Army, not long before the beginning of the Long Parliament, Anno 1640. which wanted little of four years before they could get to be relea∣sed▪ Wilson, another of the same Crew, was suspended about the same time also, and afterwards severely sentenced in the High Commission, the profits of his Living sequestred, (as the others were) and liberal assignments made out of it for supplying the Cure. In which conditi∣on he remained for the space of four years, and was then released on a motion made by Dering in the House of Commons, at the very open∣ing, in manner, of the Long Parliament; that being the occasion which was taken by them to bring the Archbishop on the Stage, as they after did.* 5.9 And though he suspended, or gave order rather for suspend∣ing of no more than these; yet being they were leading-men, and the chief sticklers of the Faction in all his Diocess, it made as much noise as the great Persecution did in Norfolk and Suffolk. By one of which first County we are told in general,

That being promoted to this dignity, he thought he was now Plenipotentiary enough, and in full capacity to domineer as he listed, and to let his profest enemies feel the dint of his Spirit, but more particularly, that

he caused the Book of Sports to be published, for no other rea∣son, than to gall and vex those Godly Divines, whose Conscien∣ces would not vail to so much impiety, as to promote the Work; and finally, That thereupon many of the most sound and or∣thodox Belief, were compelled to desert their Stations, and abandon their Livings, in which their livelihood consisted, rather than to submit unto it.

And here I had took my leave of Kent, but that I must first pass thorow the Diocess of Rochester,* 5.10 where I find one Snelling to have been both Suspended and Excommunicated on the same account (some other Inconformities (as not bowing at the Name of IESVS) being taken into the Reckoning) by Wood then Chancellor of that Diocess under Bishop Bowles, and afterwards Sentenced to a Deprivation on the ninth of February 1637.

But as for that great Persecution in Norfolk and Suffolk (greater, if Burton were to be believed, than any which hapned to the Church in Queen Maries Days) we shall hear it thus Preach'd up in that sediti∣ous Sermon of his,* 5.11 which he was pleased to entitle For God and the King; in which he telleth us, That in those Counties they had made the greatest havock of good Ministers (and their Flocks now left des••late and exposed to the Wolves, as Sheep without their Shepherd) as our eyes had ever seen; That there were already threescore Ministers in that one Diocess Suspended, and between three and fourscore more had time given them till Christs-tide, by which time they must either bid their good Consciences farewell, or else their precious Ministry, and there∣with their necessary Means: And finally, That in all Queen Maries Time there was not so great a havock made (in so short a time) of the faithful Ministers of God, in any part of, yea, in the whole Land. Wren had not long before succeeded Corbet in the See of Norwich; a man who very well understood his Work, and resolved to do it: but finding himself more deeply galled with these Reproaches, than he had deserved, he caused his Registers to be search'd, and the Acts of his Court to be examined, out of which we may take this short Account of his Proceedings; that is to say, 1. That the Clergie of that Diocess, comprehending all that are in Spiritual Dignity or Office, and all Parsons, Vicars, Curates, and School-Masters (taking in the Le∣cturers withal) amount unto the number of 1500, or thereabouts. 2. That there were not above thirty of all sorts involved in any Ecclesi∣astical Censure of what kind soever, and not above sixteen Suspended. 3. That of those sixteen, eight were then Absolved, for a time of fur∣ther trial to be taken of them, and two did voluntarily resign their Pla∣ces; so that there were but six Suspended absolutely, and persisting so. 4. That of the Residue, one was deprived, after notorious Inconformity for twelve years together, and final Obstinacy after several Admoniti∣ons; eight Excommunicated for not appearing at the Court, and four inhibited from Preaching; of which four, one by Trade had been a Draper, another a Weaver, and a third a Tayler. 5. That for the other number between sixty and eighty, which were Suspended upon

day till Christmas, upon the Examination of the Register there appear but eight, and those not all Suspended neither, two being Excommuni∣cated for not appearing in the Court. And 6. Taking it for granted, That sixty of all sorts had been Suspended, as it was suggested in the Libel; yet sixty in so great a number, comes to no more than four in one hundred, which would not have been look'd upon as a Persecution in Queen Mar••es days, nor in a time of better temper and more moderation than the Libeller deserved to live in. And yet the Minister of Lincoln Diocess, in his Holy Table, must needs fly out against this Bishop, comparing him unto a Wren mounted on the wings of an Eagle, and finding by the Index to the Acts and Monuments, That the Bishop of Norwich sent out Letters of Persecution.

And yet it was not thought sufficient to justifie themselves in mat∣ter of fact, unless they Advocated for themselves, and the King under whom they acted, by strong Reasons also. And first, it was alledged in behalf of the King (who had commanded the said De∣claration to be published by Order from the Bishops, in all the Churches of their several and respective Diocesses) That all the Commands of the King, which are not upon the first inference and illation contrary to a clear passage in the Word of God, or to an evident Sun-beam of the Law of Nature, are precisely to be obeyed. 2. That it was not enough to find a remote and possible Inconveni∣ence that might ensue therefrom; for every good Subject is bound in conscience to rest assured, That his Prince, environed with such a Council, will be able to discover, and as ready to prevent any ill se∣quel that may come of it, as himself possibly can be. And 3. That we must not by disobeying our Prince, commit a certain Sin, in pre∣venting a probable but contingent Inconveniency. And then it was alledged in behalf of themselves, That the Declaration was com∣manded to be published by Order from the Bishops in the Parish Churches; That there were none on whom the Bishops could im∣pose the Publishing of it in the Churches of their several Diocesses, but the Ministers only; which was a sufficient warrant for them to enjoin the Ministers to do it. And lastly, That though no Penalty was prescribed in it to such as should refuse to publish the same; yet that some Penalty was implied, or otherwise the Command had been impertinent, and to no purpose and effect whatsoever. Finally, it was alledged, in respect of those who were enjoined the publishing of it, That there was nothing contained in the said Declaration, which was either plainly contrary to the Word of God, or the Ca∣nons of the Church, or the Laws of the Land, or the Practice of the Protestant or Reformed Churches in all parts of the World; That if it should appear otherwise with some scrupulous men, yet even those scrupulous men were bound to obey their Superiors, in making publication of it (a) 5.12, for fear of dissolving by their disobe∣dience the whole frame of Government; That if it should be law∣ful for particular Persons first to dispute, and afterwards to disobey

the Commands of those higher Powers, to which the Lord had made them subject, the Subject would seem to be in a better con∣dition, and more absolutely at his own disposing, than the Sovereign was; That by the Laws a Sheriff is bound to publish his Majesties Proclamations, though tending to the Apprehension of his dearest Friends, or otherwise containing matter of dangerous consequence to the Publick Interest; That a Presbyter or Minister without any sin, may safely pronounce an Excommunication, legally delivered unto him, though in his own private conscience he be convinced, that the Party is unjustly excommunicated; That when the Iews commanded by Antiochus, gave up the Divine Books to his Officers to be destroyed, it was afterwards adjudged in favour of them by Op∣tatus Bishop of Milevis, a right godly man, to be (a) 5.13 sin rather in them that commanded, than of those who with fear and sorrow did obey their Mandates; That when the Emperour Mauritius had made an Edict, That no Souldier should be admitted into any Mo∣nastery, and sent it to be published by Gregory sirnamed the Great, the Pope forthwith dispersed it into all parts of the Christian World, (b) 5.14 because he was subject to his command; though in his own judg∣ment he conceived the said Edict to be unlawful in it self, and preju∣dicial unto many particular persons, as well in reference to their spi∣ritual as their temporal benefit; and finally, That it was resolved by St. Augustine, in his Book against Faustus the Manichee, cap. 75. That a Christian Souldier fighting under a Heathen Prince, may law∣fully pursue the War, or exercise the Commands of his immediate or Superior Officers, in the course of his Service, though he be not absolutely assured in the justice of the one, or the expedience of the other. Such were the Reasons urged in behalf of all Parties con∣cerned in this business; and such the Defences which were made for some of them in matter of fact: but neither the one nor the other could allay that storm which had been raised against him by the Tongues and Pens of unquiet Persons; of which more anon.

Nor was the Clamour less which was raised against such of the Bishops as either pressed the use of his Majesties Instructions, con∣cerning Lecturers, and silencing the Arminian Controversies; or urged the Ministers of their several and respective Diocesses, to use no other form of Prayer before their Sermons than that which was prescribed Canon 55. It had been prudently observed, That by su••fering such long Prayers as had accustomably been used of late be∣fore the Sermons of most Preachers, the Publick Liturgie of the Church had been much neglected; That the Puritan Preachers for the most part had reduced all Gods Service in a manner to those Pulpit-Prayers; That the People in many places had forborn to go into the Church till the Publick Liturgie was ended, and these Prayers begun; That by this means such Preachers prayed both what they listed, and how they listed; some so seditiously, that their very Prayers were turned into Sin; others so ignorantly and

impertinently, that they dishonoured God and disgraced Religion. For remedy whereof, it was thought convenient by the Arch∣bishop, and some other Prelates, to reduce all to the form of Prayers appointed in the Canon above-mentioned, according to the like form prescribed in the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth, and be∣fore her time by King Edward the Sixth, and before his time also by King Henry the Eighth; practised accordingly in the times of their several Reigns, as appears by the Sermons of Bishop Latimer, Bi∣shop Gardiner, Archbishop Parker, Bishop Iewell, Bishop An∣drews, and generally by all Divines of the Church of England, till by the artifices and endeavours of the Puritan Faction, these long Prayers of their own making had been taken up, to cry down the Liturgie. Which being in charge in the Visitation, and afterwards in the Articles of several Bishops, made as much noise amongst ig∣norant and factious People, under colour of quenching the Spirit of God, expressed in such extemporary Prayers of the Preachers conceiving, as silencing the Doctrines of Predestination, changing the afternoons Sermons into Catechisings, and regulating the Extra∣vagances of some of their Lecturers, under the colour of a Plot to suppress the Gospel.

In which last Calumny, as most of the Bishops had a share, so did it fall as heavy on Pierce of Bath and Wells, as on any other, though he did nothing in that kind, but what he was required to do by the Kings Instructions. His Crimes were, That he had com∣manded the Ministers in his Diocess to turn their afternoons Ser∣mons into Catechisings, and those Catechisings to be made according to the Questions and Answers in the Catechism authorised by Law, and extant in the Book of Common Prayer; which some few abso∣lutely refusing to conform unto; and others (contrary to the mean∣ing of the said Instructions) taking some Catechism-point for their Text, and making long Sermons on the same, were by him suspen∣ded, and so continued till they found a greater readiness in themselves to obey their Ordinary. But the Great Rock of Offences against which they stumbled, and stumbling filled all places with their Cries and Clamours, was, That he had suppressed the Lecturers in most parts of his Diocess; and some report, That he proceeded so far in it as to make his brag (not without giving great Thanks to God for his good Success) That he had not left one Lecturer in all his Diocess, of what sort soever, whether he Lectured for his Stipend, or by a voluntary combination of some Ministers amongst themselves. Which if it should be true, (as I have some reason to believe it is not) ought to be rather attributed to some exiliency of humane frailty (of which we are all guilty more or less) than to be charged amongst his Sins. But for his Actings in this kind, as also for his vigorous proceedings in the Case of Beckington, he had as good Authority as the Instructions of the King, and the Directions of his Metropolitan could invest him in. And so far Canterbury justified

him in the last particular, as to take the blame (if any thing were blame-worthy in it) upon himself, though then a Prisoner in the Tower, and under as much danger as the Power and Malice of his Enemies could lay upon him: For such was his undaunted Spirit, that when Ash a Member of the House of Commons, demanded of him in the Tower, Whether the Bishop of Bath and Wells had re∣ceived his Directions from him in the Case of Beckington? he an∣swered roundly, That he had; and that the Bishop had done nothing in it,* 5.15 but what became an obedient Diocesan to his Metropolitan. So careful was he of preserving those who had acted under him, that he chose rather to augment the number of his own misfortunes, then occasion theirs. If all the Bishops of that time had joined their hearts and hands together, for carrying on the work of Uni∣formity, as they were required, the Service might have gone more happily forwards, and the Envy would have been the less by being divided: but leaving the whole burden upon so few, and turning it over to their Chancellors and Under-Officers (if they did so much) they did not only, for as much as in them was, destroy the business, but expose such as took care of it, to the publick hat••ed. For such was their desire to ingratiate themselves amongst the People, that some of them being required to return the names of such Ministers as refused the reading of the Book, made answer, That they would not turn Informers against their Brethren, there being enough besides themselves to perform that Office. Others conceived, that they had very well performed their duty, and consulted their own peace and safety also, by waving all Proceedings against them in their own Consistories, wherein they must appear as the principal Agents, and turning them over to be censured by the High-Commission, where their Names might never come in question. The like done also in transposing the Communion Table; in which it was believed by many, that they had well complied with all expectations, if they did not hinder it, but left the Ministers to proceed therein as best pleased themselves; or otherwise, to fight it out with the Church-wardens, if occasion were.

And yet the fortune of the Church had not been so wretched, if none of that Order had pulled down more with one hand, than ma∣ny of the rest had built up with both. The Metropolitical Visita∣tion being held in the Diocess of Norwich, Anno 1635. Order was given by Brent, as in other places, for Railing in the Communion Table at the East end of the Chancel, and there to dispose of it un∣der the Eastern Wall, with the ends of it North and South. In or∣der whereunto, it was found necessary in many places to remove such Seats as had been built in that end of the Chancel, for the use and ••ase of private Persons. The Church-wardens of St. Mary Towres in the Borough of Ipswich, a Town of great Wealth and Trade in the Country of Suffolk, refusing to remove such Seats, and advance the Table in their rooms, were Excommunicated for their obstinacy

and contempt, by one of Brent's Surrogates for that Visitation. The Church-wardens, animated by some of the Town, who had better Purses than themselves, appeal unto the Dean of the Arches, and after exhibited a Bill in the Star-Chamber against the Surrogate: but without remedy from either. And on these terms the business stood, when Wren succeeded Corbet in the See of Norwich; and looking upon Ipswich as a place of great influence and example on the rest of the Diocess, took up his dwelling in the same. It was not long before he came to understand, that a great part of the opposition which was made as well against himself, as the Vicar-General, about the removing and railing in of the Holy Table, proceeded from a Letter written from the Bishop of Lincoln to the Vicar of Grantham; which though it was written some years since, and had long been dead; yet now it was revived again, and the Copies of it scattered in all parts of the Kingdom (the better to discourage or discounte∣nance the Work in hand): but no where more than in the Diocess of Norwich, being next neighbour unto Lincoln, and under the in∣spection of a diligent and active Prelate. Some of them coming to his Hand, and an Advertisement withall, That they were ordinari∣ly sold amongst the Booksellers in Duck-lane in written Copies, it was thought fit that an answer should be made unto it; in which the Sophistry, Mistakes, and Falshoods of that Letter, whosoever was the Writer of it, might be made apparent: Which Answer being made ready, approved, and licenced, was published about the middle of May, under the Title of A COAL from the AL∣TAR, or, An Answer to a Letter not long since written to the Vicar of Grantham, against the placing of the Communion Table at the East-end of the Chancel, &c. As it cooled the heat of some, so it infla∣med the hearts of others, not with Zeal, but Anger; the Book oc∣casioning much variety of Discourse on both sides, as men stood variously affected in the present Controversie: But long it will not be before we shall hear of a Reply unto it, a Rejoinder unto that Reply, and other Writings pro and con, by the Parties interessed.

But it had been to little purpose to settle a Conformity in Paro∣chial Churches, if Students in the Universities (the constant Semi∣naries of the Church) were not trained up to a good perswasion of the Publick Counsels: Upon which ground it had been prudently Ordained in the Canons of the year 1603. not only, That the prescri∣bed Form of Common Prayer should be used in all Colledges and Halls; but, That the Fellows and Scholars of the said Houses should wear the Surplice at those Prayers on the Sundays and Holydays, the better to inure them to it, when they came to any Publick Ministry in their several Churches. Many things had been done at Cambridge in some years last past, in order to the Work in hand; as beautifying their Chap∣pels, furnishing them with Organs, advancing the Communion Table to the place of the Altar, adorning it with Plate and other Utensils for the Holy Sacrament, desending it with a decent Rail from

all prophanations, and using lowly Reverence and Adorations, both in their coming to those Chappels, and their going out: But in most Colledges, all things stood as they had done formerly▪ in some there were no Chappels at all, or at the best, some places used for Chappels, but never Consecrated. In Sidney Colledge the old Dormitory of the Franciscans (on the Site of which Friery the said Colledge was built) was after some years trimmed and fitted, and without any formal Consecration converted to a House of Prayer; though formerly, in the opinion of those who allowed thereof, it had been no better nor worse than a Den of Thieves. The Chappel of Emanuel Colledge, though built at the same time with the rest of the House, was both irregular in the situation, and never Consecra∣ted for Divine and Religious uses. And what less could this beget in the minds of the Students of those Houses, than an Opinion touch∣ing the indifferency of such Consecrations, whether used, or not? and at the last a positive Determination, That the continued Series of DIVINE DVTIES in a place set apart to that purpose, d••th sufficiently Consecrate the same? And what can follow thereupon in some tract of time, but the executing of all Divine Offices in Private Houses, the Ruine and Decay of Churches, the selling of their Materials, and alienating their Glebe and Tythes to the next fair Chapman? It is therefore thought expedient to carry on the Visitation to that University, and put such things in order there, as were found in this. But against this the University opposed, pre∣tending an exemption from his Jurisdiction, by their ancient Privi∣ledges; and that they had no Visitor but his Majesty only. But Canter∣bury, who before had over-ruled the like Plea in the Bishop of Lin∣coln, would not give way to this of Cambridge, which caused the matter on both sides to be thorowly canvased: But neither yielding to the other, and the Earl of Holland stickling strongly for the Uni∣versity (of which he had the Honour to be chosen Chancellor on the death of the Duke) the deciding of the Controversie is referred to his Majesty. On Tuesday Iune 21. they both appear before the King at Hampton-Court, where the Counsel of both sides being heard, it pleased his Majesty to give Judgment for the Metropolitan, and to submit that University to his Visitation: But before any thing was done in it, the Troubles in Scotland, and the Disturbances at home, kept it off so long, that a greater Visitation fell upon the Visitor, than could have hapned unto them. Howsoever, the bare reputation of it did prevail so far, that many who were slack or fearful in em∣belishing their Chappels and publick Places of Divine Worship, went on more confidently then before; insomuch that not only in the Chappels of some private Colleges, but in St. Maries Church it self, being the Publick Church of that University, the Table was railed in like an Altar, towards which many of the Doctors, Scho∣lars, and others usually bowed.

In Oxon. where he was more absolute, he found less comptroll.

Chancellor of the University by their own Election, Visitor of the Colledges of All Souls and Merton in the right of his See, and such a Patron to the rest, that he could hardly recommend that Affair unto them, which they did not expedite. In many of their Letters and Addresses to him, they gave him the Title of His Holiness, and most Holy Father; which though appropriated to the Pope in the darker Times, were generally communicated to all Christian Bishops in the clear Sun-shine of the Gospel. And on the other side, in his Missives and Dispatches to them, he recommends himself unto their Devotions, beseeching them, That as often as they made their ap∣proaches toward the Altar, they would remember him in their Prayers (a) 5.16 to Almighty God. He had his breeding (as before was said) in that University, and could not chuse but know, That many of the old Statutes were grown out of use by the change of Religi∣on; others, by long neglect and discontinuance; some never rightly understood; and all so mingled and confounded, that it was very hard to say which of them were in force, which not; and yet all Stu∣dents bound to keep them under corporal Oaths, if not at their first Matriculations, yet at their taking of Degrees. For remedy where∣of, with great pains and judgment, he digested a new Body of Sta∣tutes, to serve as a perpetual standing Rule for their future Govern∣ment, as well in commanding as obeying: Which being first sent down unto them, advisedly considered of, explained, corrected, and accommodated to their best advantages, were afterward revised by him, and upon full deliberation engrossed in Vellum, fairly bound up, confirmed by his most Sacred Majesty, and so obtained the strength of Laws: Received and published for such in the Convoca∣tion, on Wednesday Iune 22. being the morrow after the Judgment had passed on his side at Hampton-Court, for the Visitation at Cambridge. And in those Statutes, he took care that the Vice-chancellor, Proctors, and all Proceeders, year by year in their several Faculties, (b) 5.17 should make their Offerings with that due and accustomed Reverence at the Holy Table. He procured also from his Majesty a Confirmation of their former Priviledges over the Town, and an enlargement of them also in respect of the Londoners: By which last they were enabled to Print all Books, which either his Majesties Printers or the Company of Stationers had engrossed to themselves, as Bibles, Common Prayer Books, Homilies, Grammars, &c. which brought them in a Composition of 200 l. per Annum for the times ensuing. Nor could his Care and Providence for the encouragement of Learning, be confin'd to this side of the Sea, the like course being taken by him shortly after, as well for revising and perfecting the broken Sta∣tutes of the Colledge neer Dublin, as the enlarging of the Priviledges of that University.

And yet he could not hold his hand, till he had added Boun∣ty and Munificence to his former Cares. The University of Oxon. was long since honoured with the Title of Generale

Studium (a) 5.18, conferred upon none else in the former times, but the Universities of Paris in France, Bononia in Italy, and Salamanca in Spain: In all which, by a Decree of Pope Clement the Fifth, in the Council of Vienna in France, Anno 1511. it was Ordained, That there should be Professors of the Hebrew, Greek, Arabick, and Chalde∣an Languages: But it was only so Ordained, no execution following on it till some Ages after. The Arabick Tongue was known in Spain, by reason of the great Command which the Moors had in that Country: but never entertained in any of the other three. And as for the Hebrew, Greek, and Chaldee, those times were so extremely ignorant of them, that the Study of the Greek Tongue was suffici∣ent to condemn a man of Heresie; and a small spattering in the He∣brew, made him subject unto some suspicion of Heretical Fancies. And so it stood till Reuchlin and Budaeus in France, Erasmus and Paulus Fagius in England, restored again the Greek and Hebrew to those seve∣ral Nations. The Greek so coursly entertained in this University, whilst Erasmus taught it quietly enough at Cambridge, that when a (b) 5.19 Learned young man began publickly to read the Greek Tongue there, he was encountred presently in a poor but popular declama∣tion, with base and barbarous Revilings. But long it was not be∣fore Cardinal Wolsey took a course to put this University into a way of Nobler Studies, founding therein two Publick Lectures for the Greek and Hebrew, with a liberal Salary (according to the Standard of that time) of 40 l. per Annum to either of them; which after∣wards being confirmed by King Henry viii. continued without further encouragement and augmentation, till such time as Laud was come to his Ascendent; when by the Power and Favour which he had with his Majesty, a Canonry in Christ-Church was annexed perpetually to the Publick Professor for the Hebrew, Doctor Iohn Morris being the first who enjoyed the benefit of that Grant: By means whereof, the Hebrew and Chaldaick Tongues, which few in Oxon. understood when I first came thither, became to be so generally embraced, and so chearfully studied, that it received a wonderful proficiency, and that too, in a shorter time than a man can easily imagine: So great a Spur the hope of Honour and Preferments, gives to Arts and Languages. But all this while, the Arabick was utterly laid aside in these parts of Europe; till, in conformity to the said Decree of the Council holden at Vienna, it came into our Archbishops mind to establish a Publick Lecture in that Language also; which having for a long time taken up his thoughts, was at last effected: The first Lecture in that Language, read publickly on the tenth of August in this present year; a Revenue of 40 l. per Annum settled upon the University for the maintenance of it; his first Professor in that Tongue being Edward Pocock, Fellow of Corpus Christi Colledge, one who had spent much time in the Factory of Aleppo, and other places of the East, returning home well studied in all the Languages of those Countries. And that Rhetorick might thrive as well under his

Encouragements, as Grammar and the Tongues were in a hopeful way to do, he obtained from his Majesty another Canonry in Christ-Church, to be annexed for ever to the Orators place, (whose yearly Pension till that time was but twenty Nobles.) Injoyed first by Dr. William Strode, admitted thereunto on the first of Iuly, Anno 1638. and after his decease by Dr. Henry Hammond, Anno 1644.

Such were the benefits which the University received from him in this present year. And that he might both do himself and the University some honour in the eye of the Kingdom, he invites the King, the Queen, the Prince Elector, and his Brother, to an Aca∣demical entertainment, on the twenty ninth day of August then next following, being the Anniversary day, on which the President∣ship of St. Iohns Colledge was adjudged to him by King Iames. The time being come, and the University put into a posture for that Royal visit, their Majesties were first received with an eloquent Speech as he passed by the house, being directly in his way betwixt Woodstock and Christ-Church, not without great honour to the Col∣ledge, that the Lord Archbishop, the Lord Treasurer, the Chan∣cellor, the Vice-Chancellor, and one of the Proctors should be at that time of the same foundation. At Christ-Church his Majesty was entertained with another Oration by Strode, the University Ora∣tour; the University presenting his Majesty with a fair and costly pair of Gloves (as their custome was) the Queen with a fair Eng∣lish Bible, the Prince Elector with Hookers Books of Ecclesiastical Politie, his Brother Rupert with Caesars Commentaries in English, illustrated by the learned Explanations and Discourses of Sir Cle∣ment Edmonds. His Majesty was lodged in Christ-Church, in the great Hall whereof (one of the goodliest in the World) he was enter∣tained, together with the Queen, the two Princes, and the rest of the Court, with an English Comedy, (but such as had more of the Philosopher than the Poet in it) called, Passions Calmed, or the settling of the Floating Islands. On the morrow morning, being Tues∣day, he began with a Sermon, preacht before him in that Cathedral on these words of St. Luke, viz. Blessed is the King that cometh in the name of the Lord, peace in heaven, and glory in the highest, Luk. 19.38. The Sermon being ended, the Archbishop, as Chancellor of the University, calls a Convocation, in which he admits the Prince Elector, his Brother Prince Rupert, and many of the chief Nobility to the degree of Masters of Art; and that being done, attends the King and Queen to St. Iohns Colledge. Where in the new Gallery of his own building, he entertains the King and Queen, the two Princes, with all the Lords and Ladies of the Court, at a stately and magnificent Dinner, the King and Queen sitting at one Table at the South end of the Room; the two Princes, with the Lords and Ladies, at a long Table, reaching almost from one end to the other; at which all the Gallantry and beauties of the Kingdom seemed to meet. Nor did he make Provision only for those two Tables, but

every Office in the Court had their several diets, disposed of in conve∣nient places for their reception with great variety of Achates, not only sufficient for contentment, but for admiration. After dinner he enter∣tains his principal Guests with a pleasant Comedy, presented in the publick Hall; and that being done, attends them back again to Christ-Church, where they were feasted after Supper with another Comedy, called, The Royal Slave; the Enterludes represented with as much variety of Scenes and motions as the great wit of Inigo Iones (Surveyor General of his Majesties Works, and excellently well skilled in setting out a Court-Masque to the best advantage) could extend unto. It was the day of St. Felix (as himself obser∣veth) and all things went happily. On Wednesday the next morning the Court removed, his Majesty going that same night to Winchester, and the Archbishop the same day, entertaining all the Heads of Hou∣ses at a solemn Feast; order being given at his departure, that the three Comedies should be acted again, for the content and satis∣faction of the University in the same manner as before, but only with the Alteration of the Prologues and Epilogues.

But to return unto the publick. On the same day in which the new Statutes were received at Oxon. he procured a Supplement to be added to the old Statutes of Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, touching the letting of their Lands. Some Informations had been given, that the Deans and Prebends of those Churches had enricht them∣selves, their Wives and Children by taking great Fines, for turning leases of twenty one years into leases for lives, leaving their Successors destitute of that growing means, which otherwise might come in to help them. This was the outside of the business, but the chief motive to it was, that the Gentry and Yeomanry (and some of the Nobility also) holding Lands of those Churches, might have a greater respect to the Church and Church-men, when they must depend upon them from time to time for renewing of their said Estates at the end of every ten or twelve years at the most. For though it be a like lawful by the Law of the Land, 13 Eliz. c. 20. to make Leases of three lives, or one and twenty years, at the pleasure of the Dean and Chapter; yet the difference is so great between them, that once a Tenant to my knowledge, after a Lease for three lives had continued 29 years in being, chose rather to give a Fine for the change of one life than to take a new Lease of 21 years without paying any thing. All which his Majesty taking into his Princely consideration,* 5.20 he caused Letters under his Royal Signature to be sent to all the Deans and Chapters of this Kingdom respectively,

Calling and commanding them upon pain of his utmost displea∣sure, that they presumed not to let any Lease belonging to their Church into lives, which was not in lives already; and further that when any fair opportunity was offered (if any such be) they fail not to reduce such as are in lives, into years; requiring further that those his Majesties said Letters should be exemplified in the

Register-books of the said Churches, and pre••erved in the Regi∣stries of the Bishops of their several Diocess, to the end that the said Bishop might take notice of their doing therein, and give his Majesty and his Successors notice thereof, if any presumed to dis∣obey.

And in regard that some of the Deans of the said Cathe∣drals were a Corporation of themselves, and held their Lands di∣stinct from the rest of their Chapters; a clause was added to those Letters to preserve those Lands for the benefit of their Successors, as formerly in his Majesties Instructions for ordering and disposing the Lands of Bishops on the like occasions. His Majesty therefore first declares,

That he had taken order by his late Instructions, that no Bishop should let any Lease after they had been named to a better Bishoprick, but had not therein named the Deans, as he therein intended. And therefore secondly, that no Dean should presume from thenceforth, after his being named to a Bishoprick, or a better Deanry, to renew any Lease either into lives or years: His Majesty having well observed, that at such times of remove many men care not what or how they let their Estates, to the pre∣judice of the Church and their Successors. Which Letters bear date at Greenwich in the twelfth year of his Reign, Iune 27.

Nor was he less careful to preserve the Parochial Clergy from be∣ing oppressed by their neighbours in rates and taxes than he had been in maintaining the Estates of Capitular bodies, for the greater ho∣nour of those bodies at the present time, and the benefit of Succes∣sion for the time to come. During the Remiss Government of King Iames, his Majesties late embroylments with France and Spain, and his entanglements at home, the Hollanders had invaded the Regality of the Narrow Seas, and questioned the property of his Dominion in the same; not only growing to such an height of insolency, as to dispute their striking Sail in passing by any of his Majesties Ships: but publishing a Discourse in Latine, called, Mare Liberum, in defence thereof. These affronts occasioned Noy, the Atturney Gene∣rall, to put his Majesty in mind of setting out a strong power of Ships for the recovery of his Rights against all pretenders. And the better to enable him for it, adviseth him to set on foot the old Naval Aide, required of the Subject by his Predecessors. He was a man extremely well versed in old Records, with which consulting fre∣quently in the course of his studies, he had excerpted and laid by many notes and precedents for the Kings levying of such Navil Aide upon the Subjects, by his own Authority, whensoever the preser∣vation and safety of the Kingdom did require it of them, which Notes and Precedents he had taken as they came in his way, in small pieces of Paper (most of them no bigger than ones hand) he kept in the Coffin of a Pye, which had been sent him by his Mother, and kept there till the mouldiness and corruptibleness of it had perished many of his Papers. And by these Notes it did appear, that many times in the same years, wherein the Kings had received Subsidies

by way of Parliament, they levied this Naval Aide by their own sole power. For if (as he discoursed it to me at his house near Brentford) the King wanted money, either to support his own ex∣pences, or for the enlarging of his Dominions in Foreign Conquests, or otherwise to advance his honour in the eye of the World, good reason he should be beholden for it to the love of his People. But if the Kingdom was in danger, and that the safety of the Subject was concerned in the business, he might, and did raise such sums of mo∣ney as he thought expedient for the preventing of the danger, and providing for the publick safety of him and his Subjects. Accord∣ing to which precedents he prepares a Writ, by which his Majesty commandeth the Maritime Counties to provide a certain number of Ships for defence of the Kingdom, prescribing to each Ship its seve∣ral burden, the number of Mariners, and great Pieces of Ord∣nance, with Victuals, Arms, and Ammunition thereunto propor∣tioned. The Subject not daring at the first to dispute the Com∣mand, collected money for the Service according to the several rates imposed on them in their several Counties; but dealt so un∣mercifully with the Clergy in the levying of it, that they laid upon them generally the fifth or sixth part of the sum imposed. The Ice thus broken, and his Majesty finding that provision not sufficient to effect his purpose, issued out his Writs in the next year after anno 1635. into all the Counties of the Kingdom for preparing of a Royal Fleet to be in readiness against the beginning of this year, in which the Clergy were as like to suffer as before they did. By the best was, that they had not only a gracious Patron, but a very powerful Mediatour, Up∣on whose humble desire his Majesty was pleased to direct his Letters to all the Sheriffs in England respectively, requiring them that no Tax should be laid upon any Clergy-man, possest of a Parsonage, above the tenth part of the Land-rate of their several Parishes; and that consideration should be had of the poor Vicars in their several Parishes, according to their small revenue, compared with the Abi∣lities of the Parishioners amongst whom they lived. The whole Sum levied by this Tax amounted to 236000 li. or there abouts, which comes not to 20000 li. a month; and being instead of all other payments, seemed to be no such heavy burthen as it was generally made by the Popular Party, many of which quarrelled and and refu∣sed it.

But his Majesty was two just a Prince to exact any thing by power, when he had neither Law nor Reason to make it good. And there∣fore as he had the opinion of all his Judges subscribed by their hands for justifying the Legality of this Naval Tax amongst the Sub∣jects; so he thought fit to publish some defence of his Dominion, Right, and Soveraignty in the Narrow Seas for the satisfaction of his Neighbours. Iohn Selden of the Inner Temple, a name that stands in need of no titles of honour, had written a Discourse in the time of King Iames, which (in answer to that of Grotius, called, Mare Li∣berum)

〈◊〉〈◊〉 intituled by the name of Mare Clausum. But stomacking the submission and acknowledgment which he was forced to make in the High Commission for publishing his book of Tythes, and sensible of the smart which he had found from the Pens of Tillesly, Monta∣gue, and Nettles, in their Answers to him, he did not only suppress the ••ook which he had written in the Kings defence, but carried an evil eye to the Court and Church for a long time after. But being a man of great parts, and eminent in the retired walks of Learning, he was worth the gaining, which Canterbury takes upon him, and at last ef••ecteth. By his perswasion he not only perfected, but publi∣shed that laborious piece, which he dedicated to his Majesty, whose cause he pleaded. By whom it was so well approved, that he sent it by Sir William Beecher (one of the Clerks of his Council) to the Barons of the Exchequer in open Court, by them to be laid up as a most inestimable Jewel amongst the choice Records, which con∣cerned the Crowns. In this book, which came out this year, he first asserts the Soveraignty or Dominion of the Brittish Seas to the Crown of England. And that being cleared, he proved by constant and continual practice, that the Kings of England used to levy mo∣ney from the Subjects (without help of Parliament) for the pro∣viding of Ships and other necessaries to maintain the Soveraignty which did of right belong unto them. This he brought down unto the times of King Henry the Second, and might have brought it nea∣rer to his own times had he been so pleased, and thereby paved a plain way to the payment of Ship-money, as they commonly called it. But then he must have crost the proceedings of the House of Commons in the last Parliament, (wherein he was so great a stick∣ler) voting down under a kind of Anathema the Kings pretensions of right to all help from the Subject, either in Tunnage or Poundage, or any other way whatsoever, the Parliament not cooperating and contributing towards it. Howsoever the Service was as grateful as the Author acceptable, from henceforth both a frequent and a wel∣come guest at Lambeth house, where he was grown into such esteem with the Archbishop, that he might have chose his own preferment in the Court (as it was then generally believed) had he not under∣valued all other employments in respect of his Studies. But possi∣bly there might be some other reason for his declining such imploy∣ments as the Court might offer. He had not yet forgotten the af∣fronts which were put upon him about his History of Tythes, (for in the notion of affronts he beh••ld them alwaies) and therefore did but make fair weather for the time, till he could have an opportuni∣ty to revenge himself on the Church and Church-men, the King be∣ing took into the reckoning. For no sooner did the Bishop begin to sink in power and credit under the first pressures of the late Long Par∣liament, but he published a book in Greek and Latine by the name Fut••chius, with some Notes upon it. In which he made it his chief business to prove, that Bishops did no otherwise differ from the rest

of the Presbyters than doth a Master of a Colledge from the rest of the Fellows, by consequents, that they differed only in degree, not order. And afterwards, when his Majesty began to decline in the love of the Parliament, and that the heats grew strong between them, he was affirmed to have written the Answer to his Majesties Declaration about the Commission of Array: Which in effect proved a plain putting of the Sword into the hands of the People. So hard it is for any one to discerne the hearts of men by their out∣ward actions, but the God that made them.

Thus leaving England for a time we must go for Scotland, in which we find the Canons finished, and the Bishops busie and intent on a publick Liturgie. It was his Majesties first intent to introduce the English Liturgie amongst them; and to that end, had ordered that it should be daily read in his Chappel Royal of that Kingdom, as be∣fore was said. But Ballentine, the Bishop of Dumblaine, and Dean of the Chappel (to whom the care thereof had been recommended) was so negligent in it, that the Archbishop found it necessary to re∣move him to some other Bishoprick on the next avoydance. The See of Aberdeen proving vacant, he procured his translation thither, and preferred Wederbourne, a Scot by birth, but bread in Cambridge, beneficed in Hampshire, and made one of the Prebends of ••ly by the learned Andrews, to be his Successor in those places, By this new Dean his Majesties design was followed with more care than ever; and possibly might have took effect, if the rest of the Scottish Bishops had been pleased therewith as well as this. But the Scottish Bishops having prevailed with his Majesty, as before was noted, to have a distinct Liturgie of their own, His Majesty commanded the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury to give them the best assistance he could in that way and work; which notwithstanding he delayed as long as he could, in hope to bring them in the end to a better perswasion. But finding them so resolved upon it, that they could not be altered he contributes his assistance to it, humbly intreated so to do by some Letters brought unto him by Maxwell (not long before made Bishop of Ross) bearing date April 2. 1635. and subscribed by the Archbishops of St. Andrews and Glascow, the Bishops of Murrey, Dumblaine, and Brechine. The Book being first hammered and pre∣pared in Scotland, and from thence transmitted to the Court, his Majesty referred it to the consideration of the Archbishop of Can∣terbury, the Lord Treasurer Iuxon Bishop of London, and Wren Bi∣shop of Norwich: But the Lord Treasurer being taken up with other imployments the burden of the work remained on the other two. They found on the perusal of it that Wederbourne had followed such instructions as he had carried with him about the making of that book (if it must be made) in keeping so much in it of the English Liturgie, and they found also certain notes which he had sent toge∣ther with it, to the end that as many of them as his Majesty liked, might be made use of in that book. Thus authorised and instructed

they proceed unto the making of such Alterations as were offered to them, consisting for the most part in these Particulars: First, That the Magnificat and the rest of the Hymns, together with the Epistles and Gospels, should be printed according to the last Translati∣on in the time of King James; conform therein to such Directions as they had received for Printing the Psalms of David in the last Tran∣slation. Secondly, That for the better singing of those Psalms to the Organ, a Colon should be made in the middle of every Verse, as it was in the English. Thirdly, That they could not agree to any more Emendations in the Creed of St. Athanasius, than they had noted in that Book. Fourthly, That though the Bishops there desired some time to consider further of the Holydays, yet it was never otherwise meant: but that the Office appointed for every of them, should be kept in the Litur∣gie; the Practice and Observation of them being respited for a time to their further thoughts. Fifthly, That though they admitted of all the Sen∣tences which they found in the Offertory, yet they wished that some which were in the English Book, might be added also. Sixthly, That every Prayer or Action through the whole Communion, should be named in the Rubrick before it, that it might be known to the People what it is; as they should find done to their hands in the Prayer of Consecra∣tion, and the Memorial of Oblation next after following. Seventh∣ly, That the Invitation, Confession, Absolution, Sentences, Prefaces, and Doxologie, should be retained in the same place and order which they had in the Liturgie of England; and that the Prayer of humble Access to the Holy Table, would stand very well (as they conceived) be∣fore the very Act af Participation. Eighthly, and finally, That in the Margin of the Prayer of Consecration, they should add some Note, directing him that Celebrates, at what words he should take the Patin with the Bread on it, and the Chalice with the Wine in it, into his hands, according to the Practise of the Church of England.

These Alterations being not only made by his Majesties Warrant, and approved by him in a Memorial under his Hand, bearing date the nineteenth day of April in this present year; but confirmed also with the like Royal Signature as they stood in the Book: Of which Parti∣culars, and some others, the Bishop gives an account to Weder∣bourne by his Letters of the twentieth of April, being the morrow after his Majesty had Signed the said Memorial. It seems that We∣derbourne had given our Archbishop notice of some defects which he had found in the Book of Consecration of Archbishops, Bishops, &c. as it was then used amongst the Scots, viz. 1. That the Order of Deacons was made but a Lay-Office at the best, as by that Book might be understood. And 2. That in the Admission to the Priesthood, the very essential Words of conferring Orders were left out. With which the King being made acquainted, he gave command to the Archbi∣shop to make known unto them, That he would have them either to admit the English Book, or else to rectifie their own in those two great oversights. After which, taking the whole business of that

Church into his consideration, it pleased him to direct his Further Instructions to the Archbishops and Bishops of it, bearing date on the eighteenth of October following; In which he requires them to take care,

That the Proclamation to be made for Authorising the Service-Book, should not derogate in any thing from his Royal Pre∣rogative. 2. That in their Kalendar they should keep such Ca∣tholick Saints as were in the English, such of the Saints as were most peculiar to that Kingdom (especially those which were of the Royal Blood, and some of the most holy Bishops) being ad∣ded to them: but that in no case St. George and St. Patrick be omitted. 3. That in their Book of Ordination, in giving Orders to Presbyters, they should keep the words of the English Book with∣out change, Receive the Holy Ghost, &c. 4. That they should in∣sert among the Lessons ordinarily to be read in the Service, out of the Book of Wisdom the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth Chapters; and out of the Book of Ecclesiasticus, the first, second fifth, eighth, thirty fifth, and forty ninth Chapters. 5. That every Bishop within his Family twice a day cause the Service to be read; and that all Archbishops and Bishops make all Uni∣versities and Colledges within their Diocesies, to use daily twice a day the Service. 6. That the Preface to the Book of Common Prayer, Signed by his Majesties Hand, and the Proclamation for Authorising the same, should be Printed, and inserted in the Book of Common-Prayer.

According to which Instructions, and the Corrections above-mentioned, this Liturgie at the last (after it had been twenty years in consideration) was fully finished and conclu∣ded; and being thus finished and concluded, was Ratified and Con∣firmed by his Majesties Royal Edict, as followeth, viz.

CHARLES By the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To Our Lovits

Messengers, Our Sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally, specially constitute, Greeting. Forasmuch as We, ever since Our entry to the Im∣perial Crown of this Our ancient Kingdom of Scotland, especially since Our late being here in the same, have divers times recommended to the Archbishops and Bishops there, the publishing of a Publick Form of Ser∣vice in the Worship of God, which We would have uniformly observed therein, and the same being now condescended unto: Although We doubt not but all our Subjects, both Clergie and others, will receive the said Publick Form of Service; yet thinking it necessary to make Our Pleasure known, touching the Authority thereof, Our Will is, and We straightly command, That incontinent these Our Letters seen, you pass, and in Our Name and Authority command and charge all our Subjects both Ecclesiastical and Civil, by open Proclamation at the Market-Cros∣ses of the Head Burroughs of this Our Kingdom, and other Places need∣ful, to conform themselves to the said Publick Form of Worship, which

is the only Form which We (having taken the Counsel of Our Clergie) think fit to be used in Gods Publick Worship in this Our Kingdom: Com∣manding also all Archbishops and Bishops, and other Presbyters and Church-men, to take a special care that the same be duly obeyed and ob∣served, and the Contraveners condignly censured and punished; and to have special care, that every Parish betwixt this and Pasche next, procure unto themselves two at the least of the said Books of Com∣mon-Prayer, for the use of the Parish; The which to do, We commit to you conjunctly and severally Our full Power by these Our Letters Patents, delivering the same to be by you duly executed, and endorsed again to be delivered to the Bearer.

Given under Our Signet at Edenborough, 20 December, in the Twelfth year of Our Reign, 1636.

Such was the form of Passing and Confirming the Scottish Litur∣gie, never presented to that Kirk, nor tendred to the Approbation of any General Assembly; as in the Restitution of Episcopal Govern∣ment, and Introduction of the five Articles of Perth, had been done before. And this is that at which the Scottish Presbyters did seem to be most offended; sufficiently displeased with any Liturgie at all, but more in having such an one as either was so near the English, or so different from it. Which fault, if any fault it were, is rather to to be charged upon the Scottish than the English Prelates. For when the way of introducing it was in agitation,* 6.1 our Archbishop ever ad∣vised them, as well in his Majesties presence, as elsewhere,

To look carefully to it, and to be sure to do nothing in it but what should be agreeable to the Laws of the Kingdom; and not to fail of ta∣king the Advice of the Lords of the Council, and governing themselves according to it.

But as it seems, those Bishops durst not trust their Clergy, or venture the reception or refusal of it to the Vote of a General Assembly, from which they could not promise themselves any good success. So that the Case seems to be much like that of King Edward vi. when the first Liturgie was Composed by some few of the Bishops, and other Learned men (not above thirteen in number) especially thereto Authorised: Or unto that of Queen Elizabeth, when the second Liturgie of that King was fitted and corrected by her appointment. Neither of which durst trust their Clergy, but acted Sovereignly therein of their own Authority, not venturing either of the said Books to their Convocations: but only giving them the strength of an Act of Parliament; and then the Point in issue will be briefly this, viz. Whether the King, consulting with a lesser part of the Bishops and Clergie, and having their consent therein, may conclude any thing in the way of a Reformation, the resi∣due and greatest part not advised withal, nor yielding their consent in a formal way? Now for my Answer, that it may be built upon the surer grounds, it is to be considered, 1. Whether the Reformation be in corruption of Manners, or abuses in Government? Whether

in matters Practical, or in points of Doctrine? 2. It in matters Practical, Whether such Practice have the Character of Antiquity, Vniversality, and Consent imprinted on it? or that it be the Practice of particular Churches, and of some Times only? And 3. It in Points of Doctrine, Whether such Points have been determined o•• before in a General Council, or in Particular Councils universally re∣ceived and countenanced? or are to be defined de novo on emergent Controversies?

And these Distinctions being thus laid, I shall Answer briefly. 1. If the things to be reformed be either Corruptions in Manners, or neglect of Publick Duties to Almighty God,; Abuses either in Government, or the Parties governing; the King may do it of him∣self, by his sole Authority: The Clergy are beholden to him, if he takes any of them along with him when he goes about it. And if the Times should be so bad, that either the whole body of the Cler∣gy, or any (though the greatest) part thereof, should oppose him in it, he may go forwards notwithstanding, punishing such as shall gainsay him in so good a Work, and compelling others. And this I look on as a Power annexed to the Regal Diadem, and so insepara∣bly annexed, that Kings could be no longer Kings, i•• it were denied them. And on the other side, if the Reformation be in Points o•• Doctrine, and in such Points of Doctrine as have not been before defined, or not defined in form and manner as before laid down, the King only, with a few of his Bishops and Learned Clergy (though never so well studied in the Point disputed) can do nothing in it. That belongs only to the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation rightly called and constituted; whose Acts being Ratified by the King, bind not alone the rest of the Clergy, in whose name they Voted: but all the residue of the Subjects of what sort soever, who are to acquiesce in their Resolutions. But if the thing to be Reform∣ed be a matter practical, we are to look into the usage of the Primi∣tive Times: And if the Practice prove to have been both ancient, and universally received over all the Church, though intermitted for a Time, and by Time corrupted, the King, consulting with so many of his Bishops, and others of his most able Clergy, as he thinks ••it to call unto him, and having their Consent and Direction in it, may in the case of intermission revive such Practice, and in the case of corruption and degeneration, restore it to its Primitive and Original Lustre. Now that there should be Liturgies for the use of the Church, And that those Liturgies should be Celebrated in a Language understood by the People, That in those Liturgies there should be some prescribed Forms, for Giving the Communion in both Kinds, for Baptizing In∣fants, for the reverent Celebration of Marriage, performing the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Office to the Sick, and the decent Burial of the Dead; as also, for set Fasts and appointed Festivals, hath been a thing of Primitive and General Practice in the best times of the Church: And being such, though intermitted and corrupted as before is said, the King advising

with his Bishops and other Church-men (though not in a Synodical way) may cause the same to be revised and revived; and having fit∣ted them to Edification and encrease of Piety, either commend them to the Church by his sole Authority, or else impose them on the People under certain Penalties, by his Power in Parliament. (a) 6.2 The Kingdom of Heaven (said the Reverend Isidore of Sevil) doth many times receive increase from these Earthly Kingdoms; in nothing more, than by regulating and well ordering of Gods Publick Worship. Add hereunto what was before alledged, for passing the Canons in the same way; and then we have the sum of that which was, and probably might have been pleaded in defence hereof.

The prosecution of this Liturgie on the one side, and the exaction of those Publick Orders on the other, kindled such fires in the breasts of some of the Puritan Faction, that presently they brake out into open Flames. For first the Scots scattered abroad a virulent and sedi∣tio••s Libel in the year 1634. wherein the King was not only charged with altering the Government of that Kingdom, but traduced for very strong inclinations to the Religion of the Church of Rome. The chief Abettor whereof (for the Author was not to be found) was the Lord Balmerino; for which he was Legally convicted, and condemn∣ed of Treason: but pardoned by the Kings great Goodness, and by that Pardon kept alive for the mischiefs following. And as the Eng∣lish had Scotized in all their Practises (by railing, threatning, and stirring up of Sedition) for bringing in the Genevian Discipline in Queen Elizabeths Time; so they resolve to follow their Example now. Bastwick a Doctor of Physick (the second part of Leighton) first leads the Dance, beginning with a Pestilent Pamphlet called Flagel∣lum Episcoporum Latialium, maliciously venomous against the Bishops, their Function, Actions, and Proceedings. But this not being likely to do much hurt amongst the People, because writ in Latine, he se∣conds it with another, which he called his Litany, in the English Tongue: A Piece so silly and contemptible, that nothing but the Sin and Malice which appeared in every line thereof, could possibly have preserved it from being ridiculous. Prynne follows next, and publisheth two Books at once (or one immediately on the other) one of these called The Quench-Coal, in answer unto that called A Coal from the Altar, against placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise: The other named The Vnbishoping of Timothy and Titus, against the Apostolical Institution of Diocesan Bishops. But that which was entituled to him by the name of a Libel, was, The News from Ipswich; intended chiefly against Wren then Bishop of Norwich, who had taken up his dwelling in that Town, as before is said: but falling as scandalously foul on the Archbishop himself, and some of the other Bishops also, and such as acted under them in the present Service. For there he descants very trimly (as he conceived) on the Archbishop himself, with his Arch-Piety, Arch-Charity, Arch-Agent for the Devil; that Beelzebub himself had been Archbishop, and the

like to those, a most triumphant Arch indeed to adorn his victories. With like reproach he falls on the Bishops generally, calling them Luciferi∣an Lord Bishops, execrable Traitors, devouring Wolves, with many other odious names not fit to be used by a Christian; and more particular∣ly on Wren, telling us, That in all Queen Maries times no such havock was made in so short a time of the faithful Ministers of God in any part, nay, in the whole Land, than had been made in his Diocess. And then he adds with equal Charity and Truth, That Corbet, Chancellor to this Bishop, had threatned one or two godly Ministers with pistolling, and hanging, and I know not what, because they had refused to read his Majesties Declaration about lawful Sports. More of this dish I could have carved, but that this may serve sufficiently for a taste of the whole.

But the great Master-piece of mischief, was set out by Burton (so often mentioned before) who preaching on the fifth of November, in his own Parish Church of St. Matthews in Friday Street, took for his Text those words in the Proverbs, viz. My Son, fear th••n the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are given to change, Chap. 24.22. In this Sermon (if I may wrong the Word so far as to give it to so lewd a Libel) he railes most bitterly against the Bishops, accuseth them of Innovating both in Doctrine and Worship, im∣peacheth them of exercising a Jurisdiction contrary to the Laws of the Land, 1 Edw. 6. c. 2. and for falsifying the Records of the Church by adding the first clause to the twentieth Article; arraigneth them for oppressing the Kings Liege people, contrary unto Law and Justice, exciting the people to rise up against them; magnifying those disobedient Spirits, who hitherto have stood out in defiance of them; and seems content in case the Bishops lives might be cal∣led in question, to run the hazard of his own. For this being taken and imprisoned by a warrant from the High Commission, he makes his appeal unto the King, justifies it by an Apology, and seconds that by an Address to the Nobility: In which last he requires all sorts of people, Noblemen, Judges, Courtiers, and those of the inferiour sort, to stand up stoutly for the Gospel against the Bishops. And finally Prints all together with an Epistle Dedicatory to the King himself; to the end that if his Majesty should vouchsafe the reading of it, he might be brought into an ill opinion of the Bishops and their pro∣ceedings in the Church.* 6.3 Whose actions tend only (as he telleth us) to corrupt the Kings good peoples hearts, by casting into them fears and jealousies, and sinister opinions toward the King; as if he were the prime cause of all those Grievances, which in his name they oppress the Kings good Subjects withall. Thus also in another place, These Factors of Antichrist (saith he) practice to divide Kings from their Subjects,* 6.4 and Subjects from their Kings, that so between both they may fairly erect Antichrists Throne again. For that indeed, that is to say, the new building of Bable, the setting up again of the throne of Antichrist, the bringing in of Popery to subvert the Go∣spell,

is made to be the chief design of the Prelates and Prelatical party; to which all innovations, usurpations, and more dangerous practices, which are unjustly charged upon them, served only as pre∣paratives and subservient helps.

Such being the matter in the Libell, let us next look upon the Or∣naments and dressings thereof, consisting most especially in those infa∣mous Attributes, which he ascribes unto the Bishops.

For Fa∣thers he calls them Step-fathers; for Pillars, Caterpillars; their houses haunted, and their Episcopal Chairs poysoned, by the Spi∣rit that bears rule in the air. They are (saith he) the Limbs of the Beast, even of Antichrist, taking his very courses to bear and beat down the hearing of the Word of God, whereby men might be saved, p. 12. Their fear is more toward an Altar of their own invention, towards an Image or Crucifix, toward the sound and syllables of Iesus, then toward the Lord Christ, p. 15. He gives then the reproachful Titles of Miscreants, p. 28. The trains and wiles of the Dragons doglike flattering taile, p. 30. New Ba∣bel builders, p. 32. Blind Watchmen, dumb dogs, thieves and robbers of Souls, False Prophets, ravening Wolves, p. 48. Fa∣ctors for Antichrist, p. 75. Antichristian Mushrumps. And that it might be known what they chiefly aimed at, we shall hear him say that they cannot be quiet, till (res novas moliendo) they set up Popery again in her full Equipage, p. 95. Tooth and naile for set∣ting up Popery again, p. 96. Trampling under feet Christs Kingdom, that they may set up Antichrists Throne again, p. 99. According to the Spirit of Rome which breaths in them, by which they are so strongly biassed to wheel about to their Roman Mistress, p. 108. The Prelates consederate with the Priests and Jesuites for rearing up of that Religion, p. 140. Calling them upon that account in his Apo∣logy, Iesuited Polipragmaticks, and Sons of Belial.

Having thus lustily laid about him against all in general, he descends to some particulars of most note and eminence,

Reviling White of Ely, with railing and perverting, in fighting against the truth, which he makes to be his principal quality, p. 127. and Mountague of Chi∣chester for a tried Champion of Rome, and the devoted Votary to his Queen of Heaven, p. 126.

And so proceeding to the Archbi∣shop (for of Wren he had spoke enough before) he tells us of him,

That he used to set his foot on the Kings Laws, as the Pope did on the Emperors neck, p. 54. That with his right hand he was able to sweep down the third part of the Stars in heaven, p. 121. And that he had a Papal infallibility of Spirit, whereby, as by a divine Oracle, all Questions in Religion are finally determined, p. 132.

These are the principal flowers of Rhetorick which grew in the Gar∣den of H. B. sufficient questionless to shew how sweet a Champion he was like to prove of the Church and Gospel.

And yet this was not all the mischief which the Church suffered at that time, for presently on the neck of these came out another,

entituled, The holy Table, name and thing, intended purposely for an Answer to the Coal from the Altar, but cunningly pretended by him to be written long ago by a Minister in Lincolnshire against Dr. Coale, a judicious Divine in Queen Maries daies; Printed for the Diocess of Lincoln; by the Bishop whereof, under the name of Iohn Lin∣coln, Dean of Westminster, it was authorized for the Press. In mana∣ging whereof, the point in Controversie was principally about the placing of the Holy Table according to the practice of the Primitive Church, and the received Rules of the Church of England at the first Reformation of it. In prosecution of which point he makes himself an Adversary of his he know not whom, and then he useth him he cares not how, mangling the Authors words whom we would confute, that so he might be sure of the easier conquest; and pra∣ctising on those Authors whom he was to use, that they may serve his turn the better to procure the victory. Of the composure of the whole we may take this Character from him who made the Answer to it,* 6.5 viz.

That he that conjectured of the house by the trim or dress, would think it very richly furnished; the Walls whereof (that is the Margin) richly set out with Antick hangings, and whatsoever costly workmanship all nations of these times may be thought to brag of; and every part adorned with flourishes and pretty pastimes, the gay devices of the Painter: Nor is there any want at all of Ornaments or Vtensils to set out the same, such especially as may serve for ostentation, though of little use; many a fine and subtle Carpet, not a few idle couches for the credulous Reader, and every where a pillow for a Puritans elbow; all very pleasing to the eye, but slight of substance; counterfeit stuff most of it, and wrought with so much fraud and falshood that there is hardly one true stitch in all that work from the very beginning to the end. Hardly one testimony or authority in the whole Dis∣course which is any way material to the point in hand: but is as true and truly cited, as that the book it self was writ long ago in answer unto D. Coale of Queen Maries daies.

The King he ta∣citely upbraides with the unfortunacies of his Reign by Deaths and Plagues, the Governours of the Church with carrying all things by strong hand, rather by Canon-shot than by Canon Law. The Bishop of Norwich he compares (as before was noted) to a Wren mounted on the feathers of an Eagle, and fall upon his Adversary with as foule a mouth as Burton doth upon the Prelates; the Parable be∣twixt him and Burton being very well fitted as appears by the Pre∣face to the Ministers of Lincoln Diocess in the Answer to him.* 6.6 Ob∣liquely and upon the by he hath some glancings against bowing at the name of Iesus, Adoring toward the East, and Praying according to the Canon; and makes the transposing of the Table to the place where the Altar stood, to be an Introduction for ushering in the whole body or Popery. Which Eleusinian Doctrine (for so he cal∣leth it) though these new Reformers (for fear of so many Laws and

Canons) dare not apparently profess, yet (saith he) they pre∣pare and lay grounds for it, that the out-works of Religion being taken in, they may in time have a bout with the Fort it self.

To these two Books his Majesty thought fit that some present An∣swer should be made, appointing the same hand for both which had writ the History of the Sabbath. The one being absolutely de∣structive of the uniformity in placing the Communion Table, which was then in hand; The other labouring to create a general hatred unto all the Bishops, branding their persons, blasting their Counsels, and decrying the Function. And hard it was to say whether of the two would have proved more mischievous if they were not seasona∣bly prevented.* 6.7 The Answer unto Burton was first commanded and prepared; That to the Lincoln Minister, though afterwards enjoy∣ned, was the first that was published. This of the two, the subtler and more curious piece; exceedingly cried up when it first came out; the disaffection of the times, and subject matter of the Book, and the Religious estimation which was had of the Author, concurring altogether to advance the Reputation of it to the very highest, sold for four shillings at the first, when conceived unanswerable; but within one month after the coming out of the Answer (which was upon the twentieth of May) brought to less than one. The Answer published by the name of Antidotum Lincolniense, with reference to the Licencer and Author of the Holy Table. The publishing of the other was delayed upon this occasion: A Resolution had been taken by command of his Majesty to proceed against the Triumvirate of Libellers (as one fitly calls them) to a publick Censure, which was like to make much noise amongst the ignorant People. It was thought fit by the Prudent Council of Queen Elizabeth upon the execution of some Priests and Jesuits, that an Apology should be published, by the name of Iustitia Britannica, to vindicate the pub∣lick Justice of the State from such aspersions, as by the Tongues and Pens of malicious persons should be laid upon it. And on the like prudential grounds it was thought expedient, that an answer should be made to the book which seemed most material; and being so made, should be kept in readiness till the execution of the Sentence, to the end that the people might be satisfied, as well in the greatness of the Crimes, as the necessity and justice of the Punishment, in∣flicted upon one of the Principals, by whom a judgment might be made of all the rest. But the Censure being deferred from Easter until Midsummer Term, the Answer lay dormant all the while at Lambeth in the hands of the Licencer, and was then published by the name of A briefe and moderate Answer to the seditious and scan∣dalous challenges of H. B. &c. Two other Books were also published about that time, the one about the name and situation of the Com∣munion Table, which was called, Altare Christianum, writ by one P••cklington, then beneficed in Bedfordshire, and seconded by a Chappel

Determination of the well studied Ioseph Mede: The other against Burton by name, published by Dow of Basell in Sussex, under the Title of Innovations unjustly charged, &c. And so much for the Pen Combates, managed on both sides in the present Contro∣versies.

But whilst these things were in agitation, there hapned toward the end of this year, such an Alteration in the Court, as began to make no less noise than the rest before: It had been an ancient cu∣stome in the Court of England to have three Sermons every week in the time of Lent. Two of them preached on Wednesdaies and Fri∣daies, the third in the open preaching place near the Council Cham∣ber on Sundaies in the Afternoon. And so it continued till King Iames came to this Crown. Who having upon Tuesday the fifth of August escapt the hands and treasons of the Earl of Gowrie, took up a pious resolution, not only of keeping the Anniversary of that day for a publick Festival in all his Dominions, but of having a Ser∣mon, and other divine Offices every Tuesday throughout the year. This custome he began in Scotland, and brought it with him into the Court of England; and thereupon translated one of the Lent Ser∣mons from Wednesday to Tuesday. This Innovation in the Court, where before there were no Sermons (out of Lent) but on Sundaies only, came in short time to have a very strong Influence upon the Country, giving example and defence to such Lectures and Sermons on the working daies, as frequently were appointed and continued in most Corporations, and many other Market Towns in all parts of the Kingdom. In which respect it was upon the point of being laid aside at the Court on the death of that King, in reference to whose particular concernments it was taken up, and therefore his Successor not obliged to the observation. But then withall it was considered, that the new King had married with a Lady of the Roman Religion, that he was ingaged in a War with Spain, which could not be car∣ried on without help from the Parliament, wherein the Puritan Par∣ty had appeared to be very powerful. The discontinuing of that Sermon in this conjuncture, might have been looked on in the King as the want of zeal toward the preaching of the Gospel, and a strong tendency in him to the Religion of the Church of Rome, and a be∣traying of the Court to Ignorance and Superstition by depriving them of such necessary means of their Instruction. Upon these grounds it stood as before it did, as well in the holy time of Lent as in other Weeks. But now Laud being Archbishop of Canterbury, and Wren Dean of the Chappel, it was resolved to move his Maje∣sty, that the Lent Sermons might be preached on Wednesdaies as they had been Anciently. To which his Majesty condescending, and the Bill of Lent-Preachers being drawn accordingly, it was first mut∣tered secretly, and afterwards made a publick clamour, that this was one of the Archbishops Artifices, a trick devised for putting down the Tuesday Sermons of which you should never hear more,

when this Lent was over: Which Cry growing lowder and lowder, as the Lent continued, was suddenly hush'd and stilled again on the Easter Tuesday, when they saw the Preacher in the Pulpit, as at other times. So usual is it with some men to be afraid of their own sha∣dows, and terrified with fears of their own devising.

This Interruption thus past over, I shall unwillingly resume my former Argument concerning Bastwick and the rest of his fellow-Criminals, who being called unto their Answer, used so many delays, that the Case could not come to Sentence before Midsomer Term. Some Answers they had drawn: but they were so Libellous and full of scandal, that no Counsellor could be found to put his hand to them, according to the course of that Court; Instead whereof, they exhibited a cross Bill against Canterbury and his Confederates, (as they called them) charging them with the greatest part of those Reproaches, which had been made the subject-matter of their former Libels; which being signed by no hands but their own, and tendred so to the Lord Keeper, was by him rejected, and themselves taken pro confessis, their obstinacy in not answering in due form of Law, being generally looked on by the Court as a self-conviction, On the four∣teenth of Iune they received their Sentence, which briefly was to this effect: Prynne to be fined 5000 l. to the King, to lose the re∣mainder of his ears in the Pillory, to be branded on both cheeks with the Letters S. L. for a Schismatical Libeller, and to be perpetu∣ally imprisoned in Carnarvan Castle:* 6.8 Bastwick and Burton con∣demned in the like Fine of 5000 l. to be Pilloried, and lose their Ears; the first to be imprisoned in the Castle of Lanceston in Corn∣wal, and the second in the Castle of Lancaster. On the thirtieth of the same Month, Burton being first degraded of his Ministry in the High-Commission, they were brought into the Palace-yard of West∣minster to receive their punishment, not executed on them with such great severity as was injuriously given out: But being executed how∣soever, it was a great trouble to the spirits of many very moderate and well-meaning men, to see the three most Eminent Professions in all the World (Divinity, Law, and Physick) to be so wretchedly dis∣honoured in the Persons of the Malefactors, as was observed by the Archbishop himself in his Epistle to the King. Which part of the Punishment being inflicted, they were conveyed with care and safety to their several Prisons, the People either foolishly or factiously re∣sorting to them as they passed, and seeming to bemoan their Suffer∣ings as unjustly Rigorous. And such a haunt there was to the several Castles, to which they were condemned of purpose for preventing all Intelligence and Correspondence to be held between them, that the State found it necessary to remove them further; Prynne to the Castle of Mont Orgueil in the Isle of Iersey,* 6.9 Burton to Castle-Cor∣net in the Road of Guernsey, and Bastwick to St. Maries Castle in the Isle of Silly; which last remembreth me of the like Confinement, to which Instantius a professed Priscilianist (a very near Kinsman of the

English Puritan) had been condemned by the Justice of the Primitive Times.

At the pronouncing of this Sentence the Archbishop made a long and elaborate Speech, in vindication of himself and the rest of the Bishops from any Design to bring in Popery, or innovating in the Go∣vernment and Forms of Worship, here by Law established.

He made his Introduction to it in a brief Discourse touching the na∣ture of the Crime, shewing how odious a thing it was to think of defending Religion in the way of Libels; a thing not used by any of the Primitive Christians, in the greatest heats of Persecution; and then professing for his own part▪ That he had done nothing as a Bishop, but with a sincere intention for the good Government and Honour of the Church of England, and the maintenance of the Orthodox Truth and Religion professed and established in it; adding withal, That nothing but his Care of reducing the Church into Order in the External Worship of God, and the settling of it on the Rules of its first Reformation, had raised this Storm against himself and the rest of the Bishops, for which alone they stood ac∣cused of Innovations, by those which were the greatest Innovators in the Christian World. He spake next touching the Calling of Bishops, which he maintained to be Iure Divino, though not all the Adjuncts of that Calling; averring further, That from the time of the Apostles, to the days of Calvin, the Government of the Church was by Bishops only, Lay-Elders being never heard of; which Claim by Divine Right, derogateth not from the King either in Right or Power (as the Libellers made it) no more than the Cal∣ling of the Presbyters by the same Right, could be thought to do; in regard they exercised not any Iurisdiction in the Kings Domini∣ons, but with his Licence for so doing: Or were it otherwise, yet that the Bishops stood in England in as good a case as the present Laws could make them; and therefore they that Libelled against them, Libelled against the King and State, by the Laws whereo•• they were established; and consequently, could aim at no other end, than the stirring of Sedition amongst the People. As touch∣ing the design of bringing in Popery (by which Artifice they chiefly hoped to inflame the People) he first acquitted the King of it, by shewing his sincerity and constancy in his Religion, exemplified by his Carriage in Spain, where he wanted no temptations to draw him from it; and his Deportment since in England, in which ••e had so often declared a settled Resolution, to maintain the same: Or were it otherwise, and that the King had any mind to change Religion, he must seek for other Instruments than himself to effect that purpose; most humbly thanking God, That as yet he knew not how to serve any Man, against the Truth of Christ; so ••e ho∣ped he should never learn: professing further, for the satisfaction of all which heard him, That he knew of no plot nor purpose of alter∣ing the Religion here established; and that for his own part, he had

ever been far from attempting any thing which might be truly said to tend that way, in the least degree; to both which he was ready to take his Oath. Which said in general, he briefly touch'd on those Innovations which in those Libels, had been charged on him and the rest of the Bishops, in order unto that Design.

To the first Innovation, touching the suppressing of Sermons (during the time of the late Fast) in infected places, contrary to the Orders in former times, he answered, First, That after-Ages might without offence learn to avoid any visible inconvenience ob∣served in the former: And secondly, That the suppressing of those Sermons was no Act of the Bishops, but a Command proceeding (on a full debate) from the Lords of the Council, the better to avoid the spreading of the Contagion: And thirdly, That as Ser∣mons on the Fast-days had been used of late, they were so far from humbling men in the sight of God, that they were fitter for other operations, as the raising of Sedition amongst the People; of which there could not be a clearer instance, than in that of Burton. To the second, That by appointing the Weekly Fasts to be on Wednesdays, and those Fasts to be kept without any Sermons, there was a plot for suppressing all Wednesday Lectures for ever af∣ter: It was answered, That Wednesday was the usual day for such Publick Fasts; That it was named by the Lord Keeper, no great Friend to Popery; and that those men had lived to see the Fast en∣ded, and the Wednesday Lectures still continued. To the third, That the Prayer for Seasonable Weather was left out of the last Book; and that the leaving of it out, was one cause of the Ship∣wracks and Tempestuous Weather which followed after: He an∣swered generally, first, That all Fast-Books are made by the com∣mand of the King (who alone had Power to call such Fasts); and that the Archbishops and Bishops, who had the ordering of those Books, had also Power under the King, of putting in and leaving out of those Books, whatsoever they think fit for the present occa∣sion. Secondly, as to this particular, That when the Fast-Book was made, the Weather was very Seasonable, and the Harvest in; and that it was not the Custom of the Church to pray for seasona∣ble Weather when they had it, but when it was wanting. Third∣ly, That it was very boldly done, to ascribe the cause of those Tempests to the leaving out of that Prayer, which God had ne∣ver revealed unto them, and they could not otherwise know but by Revelation. To the fourth, touching a Clause omitted in the first Collect, in which Thanks had been given to God for deliver∣ing us from Popish Superstition; He answered, That though our Fore-fathers had been delivered from such Superstitions, yet (God be blessed) that for our parts, we were never in them, and there∣fore could not properly be said to have been delivered. To the fifth, touching the leaving out of a passage in one of the Orders for the Fast, concerning the abuse thereof in relation to Merit,

he answered, That it was left out, because in this Age and King∣dom there was little opinion of Merit by Fasting; insomuch that all Fasts were contemned and scorned (both at Lent, and all other set times) except such as some humerous men called for of them∣selves, to promote their ends. The sixth Innovation charged up∣on them, was the leaving of the Lady Elizabeth and her Children▪ out of one of the Collects: And the seventh, That out of the same Collect, the words, Father of thine Elect, and of their Seed, was expunged also: To which it was answered, That the said Col∣lect was not in the Common-Prayer-Book confirmed by Law, neither King Edward vi. nor Queen Elizabeth having any Children. Se∣condly, That it was added to the Book at the coming in of King Iames, who brought a Princely Issue with him; and left out again in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles, who at that time, and for four years after, had no Issue neither. Thirdly, That as the Lady Elizabeth and her Children were put into the Collect when the King had no Issue of his own; so when the King had Issue of his own, there was as much reason to leave them out. Fourth∣ly, For the leaving out of that Clause, Father of thine Elect, &c. it was done by his Predecessor; and that the leaving out of the Lady Elizabeth and her Issue, was done by the Command of the King. The eighth Innovation charged upon them, was bowing at the Name of IESVS, and altering to that end the words in the Epistle on the Sunday next before Easter, by changing IN the Name of Iesus, to AT the Name of Iesus. And it was answered unto this, That bowing at the Name of IESVS, was no Inno∣vation made by the Prelates of this Age, but required by the In∣junction of Queen Elizabeth, in the very first beginning of the Re∣formation: And secondly, Though it be IN the Name of Iesus, in the old Editions of the Liturgie; yet it is AT the Name of Ie∣sus, in the Translation of Geneva, Printed in the year 1567. and in the New Translation Authorised by King Iames. The ninth relates to the Alteration of two Passages in the Form of Prayer set forth by Act of Parliament, for the Fifth of November; in which Form it is thus expressed, Root out the Babylonish Sect, which say of Jerusalem, Down with it, &c. And in the other place, Cut off those Workers of Iniquity, whose RELIGION is REBELLI∣ON: Which are thus altered in the Books which came out last, viz. Root out that Babylonish and Antichristian Sect (of them) which say, &c. And in the other, Cut off those workers of Iniquity, who turn RELIGION into REBELLION, &c. To which it was replied, That the Book of Prayer appointed for the Fifth of November, was neither made, set forth, or commanded to be read by Act of Parliament: but only made, and appointed to be read by the Kings Authority. Secondly, That being made and appointed to be read by no other Authority than the Kings, the King might alter in it what he thought convenient; and that he

had the Kings hand for those Alterations. (What Reasons there might be to move his Majesty to it, we may enquire into hereafter on another occasion) To the tenth, for the leaving out the Prayer for the Navy, he answered, that the King had then no Fleet at Sea, nor any known enemy to assault, as he had when that Prayer was first put in; and that howsoever, if there had been any design to bring in Popery (to which these Innovations must be made subser∣vi••nt) they should rather have kept in that Prayer than have left it out.

Concerning the Communion Table there were three Innovations urged, the placing of it Altarwise, reading the second Service at it, and bowing towards or before it. For answer to the first,

It was proved to have been no Innovation in regard of Practice, because it had so stood in his Majesties Chappels, and divers Cathedrals of this Kingdom since the first Reformation. Which posture if it be decent and convenient for the Service of God, either in the Kings Chappels or Cathedrals, it may be used also in other Churches: but if it served to bring in Popery it was not to be used in them. Nor was it any Innovation in regard of Law, the holy Table being appointed to be placed where the Altar stood by the Queens Injunctions, Anno 1559. and that position justified by an order of Dr. Davenant Bishop of Sarum (of which we have al∣ready spoken) whom the Libellers themselves were not like to ac∣cuse for a man that purposed the ushering in or advancing of Popery. The setting of a Raile before it, or about it, howsoever placed, was only for avoiding of Prophanation, and for that cause justifiable. As for the reading of the Second (or Communion) Service at the holy Table, it was no more than what had formerly been used in many places to his own remembrance; first altered in those Churches where the Emissaries of that Faction came to preach, and therefore the Innovation to be laid on them. Secondly, That it is not only fit and proper for that part of the Divine Service to be read at the Communion Table, but that it is required so to be by the Rules and Rubricks of the Church: It being said in the first Rubrick after the Communion, that on the Holy Daies (if there be no Com∣munion) all shall be read which is appointed at the Communion; and in the last Rubrick before the Communion, that the Minister standing at the North side of the holy Table, shall say the Lords Prayer with that which follows. And finally, as to that of bowing towards it at their first entrance in the Church, or ap∣proaches to it, it is answered, that it was agreeable to the Practice of Moses, David, Hezekiah, recorded in the holy Scriptures, and that Venite Adoremus, O come let us worship and fall down, &c. was used constantly in the beginning of the Ancient Liturgies, and preserved in the beginning of ours in England; and therefore that the people may as well refuse to come, as at their coming not to Worship: he added, that by the Statutes of the noble Order of

St. George, called the Garter, the Knights whereof were bound to do their Reverence versus Altare, toward the Altar; that it had so continued ever since the time of King Henry the fifth; that if there were any Idolatry in it, neither Queen Elizabeth (who drove out Popery) nor King Iames (who kept out Popery) would have suffered it to remain in Practice; and in a word, that if it were Gods Worship and not Idolatry, he ought to do it as well as they: but if it were Idolatry, and no Worship of God, they ought to do it no more than he. But the fourteenth and last charge which most concerned him and the rest of the Bishops to make answer to, was the forging of a new Article of Religion brought from Rome, (to justifie their proceedings and Innovations) and foysting it to the beginning of the twentieth Article. The Clause pretended to be added, is, That the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and Authority in Controversies of ••aith, be∣cause not found (say they) in the Latine or English Articles of King Edward the sixth, or Queen Elizabeth, ratified by Parlia∣ment; adding, that if to forge a Will or Writing be censurable in the Star-Chamber, though it be but a wrong to a Private man: how much more should the forgery of an Article of Religion be censured there, which is a wrong to the whole Church? And unto this he answered, that the Articles made in the time o•• King Edward the sixth were not now in force, and therefore not mate∣rial whether that Clause be in or out; that in the Articles as they passed in Queen Elizabeths time this Clause was to be found in the English Edition of the year 1612. of the year 1605. of the year 1593. and in Latine in the year 1563. being one of the first Prin∣ted Copies after the Articles had been agreed on in the Convo∣cation; that it was to be found in the same terms in the Re∣cords of Convocation, Anno 1562. as he proved by a Certificate under the hand of a publick Notary; and therefore finally, that no such forgery in adding that Clause unto that Article had been committed by the Prelates to serve their own turns by gaining any power to the Church: but that the said Clause had been razed out by some of those men, or some of that Faction to weaken the just power of the Church, and to serve their own.

These Innovations thus passed over and discharged, he signifies unto their Lordships,

That some other Charges were remaining in matter of Doctrine; that they should presently be answered, justo volumine, to satisfie all well-minded people; and that when Burtons Book was answered, (his Book he said, but not his ray∣lings) none of the rest should be answered either by him or by his care; leaving that Court to find a way for stopping the mouths of such Libellers, or else for him, they should raile on as long as they listed. And thus beginning to draw toward an end, he declares himself to be in the same case with St. Cyprian, then Bishop of Carthage, bitterly railed upon by a pack of Schismaticks, and yet

conceiving himself bound (which he made his own Resolution also) not to answer them with the like Levities or Revilings, but to write and speak only as becomes a Priest of God; that by Gods grace the Reproaches of such men should not make him faint or start aside,* 6.10 either from the right way in matter of Practice, or à certa Regula, from the certain Rule of Faith. Which said, and cra∣ving pardon of their Lordships for his necessary length, he thanks them for their just and honourable censure of those men in their unanimous dislike of them, and defence of the Church; Makes his excuse from passing any censure of them, in regard the business had some reflection on himself; and so leaves them to Gods mer∣cy and the Kings Justice.

Thus have I acted Phocion's part in cutting short the long and well-studied Speech of this grave and Eloquent Demosthenes; which I have been the more willing to reduce to so brief an Abstract, that the Reader may perceive, without the least loss of time and labour, on what weak grounds the Puritan Faction raised their outcry against Innovations, and what poor trifles many of those Innovations were, against which they clamoured and cried out. But for the Speech in its full length, as it gave great satisfaction unto all that heard it: so by his Majesties Command it was afterwards Printed, for giving the like satisfaction to all those who should please to read it. In obe∣dience unto which Command he caused the said Speech to be Prin∣ted and Published, although he was not ignorant (as he declares in his Epistle to the King) that many things while they are spoken, and pass by the ears but once, give great content, which when they come to the eyes of men, and their open scanning, may lie open to some exceptions. And so it proved in the event; for though the Speech was highly magnified as it came from his mouth: yet it had not been long pub∣lished in Print, when it was encountred with a base and Libellous An∣swer, without the name of any Author, Place, or Printer, or any Bookseller (according to the unusual Custom) where, and of whom it might be bought. I shall not trouble my self any more about it than by a Transcript of the Title, which was this that followeth: viz. DIVINE and POLITICK OBSERVATIONS, newly translated out of the Dutch Language, wherein they were lately divulged, upon some lines in the Speech of the Archbishop of Canter∣bury, pronounced in the STAR-CHAMBER the fourteenth of June, 1637. VERY expedient for preventing all prejudice which as well through ignorance, as through malice and flattery, may be incident to the judgment which men make thereby, either of his Graces power over the Church, and with the King: or of the Equity, Iustice and Wisdom of his ENDS in his said Speech; and of the reasons used by him for attaining to his said ENDS. And though he took great care and pains concerning that supposed additional clause to the 20th Article, so much as might satisfie any man, not extremely partial; yet find I a late Writer so unsatisfied in it, that he leaves it to the

State-Arithmeticians to decide the Controversie, whether the Bishops were more faulty in the addition, than the opposites in their substraction of it.

One other Charge there was, and a great one too, which I find not touched at in this Speech; and that is, that the Prelates neither had, nor sought to have the Kings Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England for their keeping Courts and Visitations,* 6.11 &c. but did all in their own Names, and under their own Seals, contrary to the Law in that behalf. Concerning which we are to know, that by a Statute made in the first year of King Edward the Sixth,* 6.12 it was Enacted,

That all Summons, Citations, and other Process Ecclesiastical in all Suites and causes of Instance, and all causes of Correction, and all causes of Bastardy, or Bigamy, or De jure Patronatus, Probates of Testaments, and Commissions of Administrations of persons deceased, be made in the name, and with the Style of the King, as it is in Writs Original or Iudicial at the Common Law, &c. As also that no matter of person or persons who hath the Exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, use any other Seal of Ju∣risdiction but wherein his Majesties Arms be engraven, &c. on pain of incurring his Majesties indignation, and suffering imprisonment at his will and pleasure.

Which Statute, and every branch there∣of, being repealed by Queen Mary, and not revived by Queen Eli∣zabeth in all her Reign, the Bishops of her time were safe enough from any danger on that side. But in the first Parliament of King Iames there passed an Act, for continuing and reviving of divers Sta∣tutes, and for repealing of some others, 1 Iac. c. 25. Into the Body whereof a Clause was cunningly conveyed (his Majesties Council learned, not considering, or fraudulently conniving at it) for the re∣pealing of that Statute of the Reign of Queen Mary, by which King Edwards stood repealed; of which no notice being taken for some while by those whom it chiefly did concern, it was now discovered, and made use of as a Rod to affright the Prelates from exercising their Jurisdiction over obstinate and incorrigible Non-conformists, as formerly they had been accustomed. For remedy whereof, and for encouraging the Bishops to perform their duties, i•• was de∣clared by the Judges with an unanimous consent, and so delivered by the Lords Chief Justices in the Star-Chamber, the fourteenth of May in this present year, That the said Act of Repeal, 1 of Queen Mary, did still stand in force as unto that particular Statute by them so much pressed. This was sufficient for the present, but the Arch∣bishop would not trust to it for the time to come; and thereupon in in his Epistle to the King, before remembred,

He humbly desired his Majesty in the Churches name, That it might be resolved by all the Reverend Judges of England, and then published by his Ma∣jesty, that the Bishops keeping of their Courts, and issuing Pro∣cesses in their own names, and the like exceptions formerly taken, and now renued, were not against the Laws of this Realm, that

so the Church Governours might go on chearfully in their duty, and the peoples minds be quieted by this assurance, that neither their Law, nor their Liberty, as Subjects, was thereby infringed.

A motion favourably heard, and graciously granted; his Majesty issuing out his Royal Proclamation, on the eighteenth day o•• August then next following, For declaring that the proceedings of his Ecclesi∣astical C••urts and Ministers were according to Law. The Tenour of which Proclamation or Declaration was as followeth:

By the King.

WHereas in some of the Libellous Books and Pamphlets lately published the most Reverend Fathers in God, the Lord Archbi∣shops and Bishops of the Realm are said to have usurped upon his Maje∣sties Prerogative Royal, and to have proceeded in the High Commissi∣on, and other Ecclesiastical Courts contrary to the Laws and Statutes of the Realm: It was Ordered by his Majesties High Court of Star-Chamber, the twelfth of June last, that the Opinion of the two Lords Chief Justices, the Lord Chief Baron, and the rest of the Judges and Barons should be had and certified in these particulars, viz. whether Pro∣cesses may not issue out of the Ecclesiastical Courts in the names of the Bishops? Whether a Patent under the Great Seal be necessary for the keeping of the Ecclesiastical Courts, and enabling Citations, Suspen∣sions, Excommunications, and other Censures of the Church? And whether the Citations ought to be in the Kings Name, and under his Seal of Arms; and the like for Institutions and Inductions to Bene∣fices, and correction of Ecclesiastical offences? And whether Bishops, Arch∣deacons, and other Ecclesiastical persons may or ought to keep any Visi∣tation at any time, unless they have express Commission or Patent under the great Seal of England to do it; and that as his Majesty Visitors only, and in his name and right alone.

Whereupon his Majesties said Judges having taken the same into their s••rious consideration, did unanimously agree and concur in opi∣nion, and the first day of Iuly last certified under their hands as fol∣loweth: That Processes may issue out of Ecclesiastical Courts in the name of the Bihops, and that a Patent under the Great Seal is not neces∣sary for the keeping of the said Ecclesiastical Courts, or for the enabling of Citations, Suspensions, Excommunications, and other Censures of the Church. And that it is not necessary that Summons, Citations, or other Processes Ecclesiastical in the said Courts, or Institutions, and Inductions to benefices, or correction of Ecclesiastical offences by Cen∣sure in those Courts be in the Kings name, or with the Style of the King, or with the Kings Seal, or the Seals of the Office have in them the Kings Arms; And that the Statute, 1 Edw. 6. c. 2. which enacted the contrary, is not now in force; And that the Archbishops, Bishops, Archdea∣cons, and other Ecclesiastical persons, may keep their Visitations, as

usually they have done, without Commission under the Great Seal so to do. Which opinions and resolutions being declared under the hands of all his Majesties said Judges, and so certified into his Court of Star-Chamber, were there recorded: And it was by that Court further ordered the fourth of the said Iuly, That the said Certificate should be enrolled in all other his Majesties Courts at Westminister, and in the High Commission and other Ecclesiastical Courts for the satisfaction of all men; That the proceedings in the High-Commission and other Ecclesiastical Courts are agreeable to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm.

And his Royal Majesty hath thought fit, with the Advice of his Coun∣cil, that a publick Declaration of these the Opinions of his reverend and learned Iudges, being agreeable to the Iudgment and Resolution of for∣mer times, should be made known to all his Subjects, as well to vindi∣cate the Legal Proceedings of his Ecclesiastical Courts and Ministers from the unjust and scandalous imputation of invading or intrenching on his Royal Prerogative, as to settle the minds and stop the mouths of all unquiet Spirits, that for the future they presume not to censure his Eccle∣siastical Courts, or Ministers in these their just and warranted pr••ceedings. And hereof his Majesty admonisheth all his Subjects to take warning as they will answer the contrary at their Peril.

Given at the Court at Lindburst the 13 day of August in the 13th year of his Reign, 1637.

Having carried on this business as far as we can without breaking the rule of time in too gross a manner, we must go back to the Star-Chamber, where we left the Bishop of Lincoln ready to put in his Answer after many delaies. In which estate the business stood, when Kilvert, a Proctor in the Arches, who had been formerly imployed in hunting Bennet, a corrupt Judge of the Prerogative Court, to his final Sentence, was entertained to prosecute this Bishop to the like confusion; who having found by diligent inquiry, and subtle pra∣ctices, that the Bishops purgation depended most upon the testimo∣ny of one Prigeon, the Register of the Court at Lincoln, he made it his chief work, by discrediting the Witness, to invalidate and make void his evidence, he laies a Bastard to his charge, and there appea∣red sufficient ground to indict him for it. The Bishop apprehend∣ing himself necessitated to weight up Prigeon his repute, engaged himself more zealously therein than was consistent with the gravity of so great a Prelate for so inconsiderable a person. The Fathering of this Bastard is bandied betwixt Prigeon and one Boone from Sessions to Sessions, and from one year unto another, till the Mother of the Child was found to have been tampered with by some of the Bi∣shops Creatures to charge it wholly upon Boone. On the discovery of which practise Kilvert lets go his former hold, and exhibits a new Bill against the Bishop for subornation of Witnesses, a crime most proper for that Court. The Bishop now finds himself at a

loss, and endeavours a Composition with his Majesty, being willing to lay down a good Sum of Money, for the purchasing of his own Peace and his Majesties Favour; which afterwards was urged against him, to prove him conscious of the Crime which he stood accused for. On Tuesday the eleventh of Iuly he received his Doom, which was to pay 8000 l. unto the King, to be Suspended à Benefi∣ciis & Officiis, and stand committed unto Prison at his Majesties Pleasure. To this Sentence the Archbishop consented amongst the rest, aggravating the fault of Subornation of Perjury, with a pathe∣tical Speech of almost an hour long,* 7.1 shewing how the World was above three thousand years old, before it was ripe enough to com∣mit so great a Wickedness; That Iezabel was the first in Scripture, which had been branded with that Infamy, whose Witnesses could find no other name in Scripture than the Sons of Belial: And there∣fore, That considering the greatness of the offence, though before he had been five times on his knees before his Majesty in the Bishops behalf, yet now he could not but agree to the heaviest Censure. To which Sentence the whole Court concurred, his best Friends amongst them, who gave themselves not a little hope, that the ri∣gour of it (especially as unto the Fine) might receive mitigation; though in the end, his Majesty looking on him, both as adjudged to be guilty, and well known to be solvent, it was no wonder if the utmost penny of it were exacted.

He had not lain long under this Suspension and Imprisonment, but he began to find how dreadful a thing it was to fall into a Kings displeasure; and thereupon made use of all his Friends at Court, for the re-obtaining of his own Liberty, and his Majesties Favour: And to that end, he made means by the Queen to be admitted to a Reconciliation with him, offering both his Bishoprick, and Deanry of Westminster, in confidence that the King would so provide for him, that he should not go much less than he was. The King, upon the Queens desire, sent the Earl of Dorset (from whose mouth I had it) to accept the Bishops Offer on the one side; and on the other side, to promise him in his Majesties Name, the next good Bishoprick which should fall in Ireland. Which Proposition being made, the Bishop absolutely refused to hearken to it, telling the Earl of Dorset, That he had made a shift, by the Power and Mediation of his Friends, to hold out against his Enemies here for seven years together: but if they should send him into Ireland, he should there fall into the hands of a man, who once in seven Months would find out some old Statute or other to cut off his head. Which double dealing did so cool the Affections of his Friends in Court, that for three years and more there were no further Endeavours used for his Enlarge∣ment: During which time, he never went unto the Chappel of the Tower, where he was Imprisoned, to attend the Divine Service of the Church, or hear the Sermon there, or receive the Sacrament, as all other Protestant Prisoners had been used to do: but kept himself

only to his Private Devotions, to which his neerest Servants were not o••ten admitted: Which whether it gave the greater scandal to the Protestants, Puritans, or Papists, it is hard to say.

But great Persons must not fall alone. Three of his Servants which had been most active in the business, were censured at the same time also; Walker his Secretary, fined at 300 l. Powell an Officer of his Houshold, fined no more than he: But Land, who left his Business in the Court of Lincoln to attend this Suit, at 1000 Marks. All of them censured to Imprisonment, which none suffered but he, and that but for a short time neither. Nor were their Fines exacted of them, which (as the Bishop after found to his cost) were in short time to be commuted into such other Offices as they were to do for Kilvert against their Master: The Story whereof, desireth the Readers further patience, though it come somewhat out of time, and is briefly this. Osbaldston the late Schoolmaster, and then Pre∣bend of Westminster, a profess'd Creature of the Bishops, and much imployed by him in his greatest businesses, had written a Letter to him about Christmas, in the year 1635. touching some Heats which hapned in that cold Season, betwixt the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lord Treasurer Weston: Osbaldston conceiving this to be a fit opportunity for the Bishop to close in with Weston, and by his means to extricate himself out of those Perplexities, in which this Star-Chamber Suit had so long intangled him. This Intelligence he disguised in these expressions, viz. The little Vermin, the Vrchin and Hocus Pocus, is this stormy Christmas at true and real variance with the great Leviathan. And this conceit, the Bishop out of too much jollity makes known to others, by whom at last it came to Kilvert; who laying hold on the Advantage, exhibits a new Bill against him, for divulging Scandalous Libels against Privy Counsel∣lors; there being good proof to be produced, That by the names of Little Vermin, Vrchin, and Hocus Pocus, the writer of that Letter designed no other than the Archbishop, and the Lord Treasurer Weston by the Great Leviathan. Both being made Parties to the Bill, Osbaldston answers for himself, That by Leviathan, he intended Chief Justice Richardson; and Spicer a Doctor of Laws, by the other Character: The differing statures of the men, seeming to make good this Construction, which the Grammar of the Text might bear, as well as the other. The Bishop pleaded for his part▪ That he remembred not the receiving of any such Letter; and that if any such Letter had come unto him, it could not be brought within the compass of a Libel, because not written in such plain and significant terms as might apparently decypher and set forth the Person intend∣ed in it. But all this proved to be but shifts on either side; for Kilvert had a Letter ready (which Walker was supposed to have put into his hands) to make sure work of it; a Letter which the Bishop had writ to the said Walker, being then his Secretary, at the time of that falling out betwixt Laud and Weston. Here is a strange thing

(saith that Letter) Mr. Osbaldston importunes me to contribute to my Lord Treasurers use, some Charges upon the Little Great Man, and as∣sures me they are mortally out. I have utterly refused to meddle in this business; and I pray you learn from Mr. S. and Mr. H. if any such falling out be, or whether somebody hath not gulled the Schoolmaster in these three last Letters; and keep it unto your self, what I write un∣to you. If my Lord Treasurer would be served by me, he must use a more neer, solid, and trusty Messenger, and free me from the Bonds of the Star-Chamber; else let them fight it out for me.

This Secret thus discovered, and the Mystery opened, it was not long before the Cause was brought to Censure: For the two Let∣ters being compared with the Time and Circumstances, it was no hard matter to the Lords (who had their own Concerment in it) to conclude both of them to be guilty of the Crime called Scandalum Magnatum, a Libelling and defaming the Great Men of the Realm, pro••ibited and punishable by the Laws of the Land. So that no Buckler being ••ound to bear off the Blow, a Fine of another 8000 l. was imposed on the Bishop, Osbaldston fined 5000 l. to be deprived of all his Ecclesiastical Preferments, his Ears to be tack'd to the Pil∣lory in the Palace-yard, and Dammages or Costs of Suit to be paid by both to the Archbishop of Canterbury. A Censure greater than the Crime (as most men conceived) in respect of Osbaldston, whose Indiscretion might have been corrected with far less severity; and less severity was intended, then the Sentence intimated; For though Osbaldston at that time conceived the Archbishop to be his greatest Enemy, yet the Archbishop was resolved to shew himself his great∣est Friend, assuring the Author of this History (before any thing was known of his supposed flight) that he would cast himself at the Kings feet, for obtaining a discharge of that corporal punishment unto which he was Sentenced. Which may obtain the greater cre∣dit, first, in regard that no course was taken to stop his flight, no search made after him, nor any thing done in order to his Appre∣hension. And secondly, By Osbaldstons readiness to do the Archbi∣shop all good Offices in the time of his Troubles, upon the know∣ledge which was given him (at his coming back) of such good in∣tentions: For Osbaldston not hoping for so much favour, and fear∣ing more the shame of the Punishment, than the loss of Preferment, had seasonably withdrawn himself to a Friend•• House in London, where he lay concealed, causing a noise to be spread abroad of his going beyond Sea, and signifying by a Paper which he left in his Study, That he was gone beyond Canterbury. But this hapned not till the latter end of the year next following, though I have laid it here together, because of the coherence which it hath with the for∣mer Story.

To look back therefore where we left; The Bishop of Lincoln was no sooner Suspended by the High-Commission (that part of the Sentence being executed Iuly 24.) but all the Profits of his Prefer∣ments

in the Church, were Sequestred to the Use of the King: A Privy Seal is sent to the Sub-Dean and Prebends of the Church of Westminster, requiring them to set apart all the Profits, certain and uncertain, which of right accrued unto that Dean, and to pay the same from time to time into the Receipt of the Exchequer. And that his Majesties Profits might not suffer any diminution, nor the Prebends of that Church be punished for the fault of their Dean, a Commis∣sion was issued under the Great Seal of England, inabling them to Let and Set, to Renew Leases, keep Courts, and make Grants of Offices; and finally, to act and do all manner of things which con∣cerned the Government of that Church, in as ample manner as if the Dean himself had been present at the doing of them. The like course also taken, in gathering in the Profits of his other Promoti∣ons; those of the Bishoprick of Lincoln, naturally flowing into the Exchequer, as in times of Vacancy. And as for his Episcopal Iu∣risdiction, that fell as naturally to the Archbishop of the Province, as the Temporal Revenue to the King; the Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry exercising all kind of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction throughout the Diocess of Lincoln, not only as Ordinary of that Diocess, but as Visitor of all those Colledges which had any dependence on that See. Amongst which Colledges, as that of Eaton was the chief, so there was somewhat in it which was thought to want a present Reme∣dy; some Information being given, That they had diminished the number of their Fellows from Ten to Seven. This being a matter easily to be proved, they were required to make up their number, according to their first Foundation by King Henry vi. But against this, the Fellows pleaded, That out of an hatred to their Founder, a great part of their Lands had been taken from them by King Ed∣ward iv. conferred by him upon the Abby of Westminster and the Church of Windsor, and by them enjoyed until this day; and that they hoped his Grace would not tye them to maintain the whole number of their Fellows, with little more than half their Lands. To which so reasonable a desire, upon full proof made of the Sug∣gestion, his Grace did readily consent, and left them in the same state in which he found them.

The noise of these Proceedings in England, in the Iune and Iuly of this year, being quickly posted to the Scots, became a principal Incentive of those Combustions, which not long after inflamed that Kingdom; For it could be no hard matter for the Presbyterians there, to possess the People with the sense of the like smart Sufferings, by the Pride and Tyranny of their Bishops, if they permitted them to grow great and powerful, and did not cast about in time to prevent the mischief. And to exasperate them the more, the Superstitions of the Liturgie, now at the point of being put in execution, were presented to them; which if once settled amongst them, as was then intended, would in short time reduce them under the Obedi∣ence of the Church of Rome. They could not but confess, That

many things which were found fault with in the English Liturgie, were in this altered unto the better, the name of Priest (so odious unto them of the Puritan Faction) changed to that of Presbyter; no fewer than sixty Chapters, or thereabouts, taken out of the Apo∣crypha, appointed to be read by the Church in the English Book, reduced to two, and those two to be read only on the Feast of All-Saints; The new Translation, Authorised by King Iames, being used in the Psalms, Epistles, Gospels, Hymns, and Sentences instead of the old Translation so much complained of in their Books and Conferences. But what was this compared with those Supersti∣tions, those horrible Corruptions, and Idolatries, now ready to be thrust upon them, in which this Liturgy as much exceeded that of England, as that of England had departed from the simplicity and purity of the holier Churches? Now therefore somewhat must be done to oppose the entrance of the Popish superstitious Service-Book, either now or never: But the Presbyterian Ministers, who had gone thus far, did not alone bring fewel to feed this flame, to which some men of all degrees and qualities did contribute with them. The Lords and Gentry of the Realm, who feared nothing so much as the Commission of surrendries, above mentioned, laid hold on this occasion also; and they being seconded by some male∣contented Spirits of that Nation, who had not found the King to be as prodigal of his bounties to them as his Father had been before, endeavoured to possess them with Fears and Jealousies, that Scot∣land was to be reduced to the Form of a Province, and governed by a Deputy, or Lord Lieutenant, as Ireland was. The like done also by some Lords of secret Counsel, who before had governed as they listed, and thought their power diminished, and their persons under some neglect, by the placing of a Lord President over them to direct in Chief. So that the People generally being fooled into this opinion, that both their Christian and Civil Liberty was in no small danger, became capable of any impression which the Presbyterian Faction could imprint upon them; nor did they want incourage∣ments from the Faction in England, to whom the Publication of the Book for Sports, the transposing of the holy Table, the suppressing of so many Lecturers, and Afternoon Sermons, and the inhibiting of Preaching, Writing, Printing, in defence of Calvinism, were as distasteful and offensive, as the new Liturgie with all the supposed su∣perstitions of it, was to those of Scotland.

This Combination made, and the ground thus laid, it is no won∣der if the people brake out into those distempers, which soon after followed. Sunday the 23 of Iuly was the day appointed for the first reading of the New Liturgy in all the Churches of that Kingdom; and how it sped at Edenborough (which was to be exemplary to all the rest) shall be told by another, who hath done it to my hand al∣ready,

Iuly 23. being Sunday, the Dean of Edenborough began to read the Book in St. Giles his Church (the chief of that City)

but he had no sooner entred on it than the inferiour multitude be∣gan in a tumultuous manner to fill the Church with uprore, whereupon the Bishop of Edenborough stept into the Pulpit, and hoping to appease them by minding them of the Sanctity of the place, they were the more enraged, throwing at him Cudgels, Stools, and what was in the way of Fury, unto the very endange∣ring of his life. Upon this the Archbishop of St. Andrews, Lord Chancellor, was enforced to call down from the Gallery the Pro∣vost, Bailiffs, and other Magistrates of the City to their assistance, who, with much ado, at length thrust the unruly Rabble out of the Church, and made fast the doors. This done, the Dean pro∣ceeded in reading the Book, the multitude in the mean while rap∣ping at the doors, pelting the Windows with stones, and endea∣vouring what in them lay to disturb the Sacred Exercise: but not∣withstanding all this clamour the Service was ended, but not the peoples rage,* 7.2 who waiting the Bishops retiring to his Lodging, so assaulted him, as had he not been rescued by a strong hand, he had probably perisht by their violence. Nor was S. Giles his Church thus only pestered and profaned, but in other Churches also (though not in so high a measure) the peoples disorders were agreeable. The Morning thus past, the Lord Chancellor and Council assembled to prevent the like darings in the Afternoon, which they so effected as the Liturgy was read without any di∣sturbance: Only the Bishop of Edenborough was in his return to his Lodging rudely treated by the people, the Earl of Roxboroughs Coach, in which he passed, serving for no protection to him; though Roxborough himself was highly favoured of the People, and not without some cause suspected to have had a hand in the Com∣motions of that day.

The business, having thus miscarried in Edenborough, stood at a stand in all other Churches of that Kingdom; and therefore it will not be amiss to enquire in this place into the causes and occasions of it: it seeming very strange to all knowing and discerning men, that the Child that had so long lain in the Womb, perfectly formed, and now made ready for the birth, should not have strength enough to be delivered. Amongst which causes, if disposed into ranke and order, that which appears first is the confidence which Canterbury had in the Earl of Traquaire, whom he had raised from the conditi∣on of a private Laird to be a Peer of that Realm, made him first Treasurer Depute (Chancellor of the Exchequer we should call him in England) afterwards Lord Treasurer and Privy Counsellor of that Kingdom. This man he wrought himself so far into Lauds good liking, when he was Bishop of London only, that he looked upon him as the fittest Minister to promote the Service of that Church, taking him into his nearest thoughts, communicating to him all his Counsels, committed to his care the conduct of the whole Affair, and giving order to the Archbishops and Bishops of Scotland not to

do any thing without his privity and direction. But being an Hamiltonian Scot (either originally such, or brought over at last) he treacherously betrayed the cause, communicated his Instructions to the opposite Faction from one time to another, and conscious of the plot for the next daies tumult, withdrew himself to the Earl of Mortons house of Dalkeith, to expect the issue. And possible it is, that by his advice, the executing of the Liturgy was put off from Easter; at what time the reading of it was designed by his Majesty, as appears by the Proclamation of December 20. which confirmed the Book. By which improvident delay he gave the Presbyterian Faction the longer time to confederate themselves against it, and to possess the people with Fears and Jealousies, that by admitting of that book they should lose the Purity of their Religion, and be brought back unto the Superstitions and Idolatries of the Church of Rome. And by this means the People were inflamed into that Sedition, which probably might have been prevented by a quicker prosecuti∣on of the Cause at the time appointed, there being nothing more destructive of all publick Counsels than to let them take wind amongst the People, cooled by delaies, and finally blown up (like a strong Fortress undermined) by some subtle practice. And there were some miscarriages also amongst the Prelates of the Kirk in not communicating the design with the Lords of the Council, and other great men of the Realm, whose Countenance both in Court and Country might have sped the business. Canterbury had directed the contrary in his Letters to them, when the first draughts of the Liturgy were in preparation, and seems not well pleased in another of his to the Archbishop of St. Andrews,* 7.3 bearing date September 4. that his advice in it was not followed, nor the whole body of the Council made acquainted with their Resolutions, or their ad∣vice taken, or their power called in for their assistance till it was too late. It was complained of also by some of the Bishops, that they were made strangers to the business, who in all Reason ought to have been trusted with the knowledge of that intention, which could not otherwise than by their diligence and endeavours amongst their Clergy, be brought to a happy execution. Nor was there any care taken to adulce the Ministers, to gain them to the Cause by fair hopes and promises, and thereby to take off the edge of such Leading men as had an influence on the rest; as if the work were able to carry on it self, or have so much Divine assistance as countervailed the want of all helps from man. And which per∣haps conduced as much to the destruction of the Service as all the rest, a publick intimation must be made in all their Churches on the Sunday before, that the Liturgie should be read on the Lords day following, of purpose, as it were, to unite all such as were not well affected to it, to disturb the same.

And there were some miscarriages also, which may be looked on as Accessories after the Fact, by which the mischief grew remedi∣less,

and the malady almost incurable.

For first, the Archbishops and Bishops most concerned in it, when they saw what hapned, consulted by themselves apart, and sent up to the King without calling a Council, or joyning the Lay Lords with them; whereas all had been little enough in a business of that nature, and so much opposed by such Factious persons as gathered themselves on pur∣pose together at Edenborough to disturb the Service. A particular in which the Lay Lords could not be engaged too far; if they had been treated as they ought. But having run upon this error they committed a worse in leaving Edenborough to it self, and retiring every one to his own Diocess, except those of Galloway and Dum∣blaine, For certainly they must needs think (as Canterbury writes in one of his Letters to Traquaire) that the Adverse party would make use of the present time to put further difficulties upon the work; and therefore that they should have been as careful to up∣hold it, the Bishop of Ross especially, whose hand had been as much in it as the most.

But possibly the Bishops might conceive the place to be unsecure, and therefore could not stay with safety, neither the Lords of the Council, nor the Magistrates of the City having taken any course to bring the chief Ringleaders of the Tu∣mult to the Bar of Justice: which must needs animate all disaffe∣cted and seditious persons, and almost break the hearts of those who were well enclined. And such indeed was the neglect of the Civil Magistrate that we hear of no man punished, scarce so much as questioned, for so great a Riot, as was not to be expiated but by the death, or some proportionable punishment of the chief offen∣ders. Which had it been inflicted on some three or four for a terror to others, it might have kept that City quiet, and the whole Kingdom in obedience for the time to come, to the saving of the lives of many thousands (some hundreds of thousands at the least in all the three Kingdoms) most miserably lost in those long and cruel Wars, which ensued upon it. But the Lords of Scotland were so far from looking before them, that they took care only for the pre∣sent, and instead of executing Justice on the Malefactors, suspend∣ed the Liturgie it self as the cause of the Tumult, conceiving it a safer way to calm the differences than to encrease the storm by a more rigorous and strict proceeding. All that they did in order to his Majesties Service, or the Churches peace, was the calling in of a scandalous Pamphlet, entituled, A dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies obtruded on the Kirk of Scotland; which not being done till October 20 following, rather declared their willingness to suffer the said Book to be first dispersed and set abroad, then to be called in and suppressed.

Nor seemed the business to be much taken to heart in the Court of England, from whom the Scots expected to receive Directions: Nor Order given them for unsheathing the Sword of Justice, to cut off such unsound and putrified Members, which might have saved

the whole Body from a Gangreen: the drawing of some Blood in the Body Politick, by the punishment of Malefactors, being like let∣ting Blood in the Body Natural, which in some strong Distempers doth preserve the whole. Or granting that the Tumult had been grown so high, and so strongly backed, that Justice could not safely have been done upon them; a way might have been found to have cooled the Fever, without loss of Blood, by bringing the whole Corporation under the danger of a forfeiture of their Lands and Liberties in a Legal way; which course proved so successful unto King IAMES on the like occasion, Anno 1597. Or finally, sup∣posing that the Cause admitted not such a long delay, if then his Majesty had but sent a Squadron of the Royal Navy which he had at Sea, to block up their Haven, he had soon brought the Edenburghers unto his devotion, and consequently kept all the rest of the King∣dom in a safe Obedience. This was the way to keep them under; and of this course the People of the City were more afraid, than of any other. Somewhat they are to do, which might make his Ma∣jesty hope better of them than they had deserved; and nothing they could do which might better please him, than to express their chear∣fulness in admitting the Liturgie. To this end they addressed their Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury, as more concerned in this Affair than any other of the Lords which were neer his Majesty, ex∣pressing in the same their great dislike of the late Tumult; for their Innocency therein, they refer themselves to his Majesties Council in that Kingdom, declaring further their concurrence with the Bi∣shops which remained in the City, and the Ministry of the same, for settling the Service-Book; and offering Means above their Power, to such as should undertake the Reading of it; and finally, desiring his Grace to make known to his Majesty, how ready they were at all points to advance the Service, which they promised to accept as an accumulation of his Graces Favours unto them and their City. And that this Letter of theirs, which bears date the nineteenth of August, might bear the greater credit with him, they did not only seem industrious for the apprehending of some, and the inquiring after others of the Principal Actors; but bound themselves by an Obligatory Act of the Common-Council,* 7.4 both for the Indempnity and Maintenance of such as should read the Book, the Ministers of Edenborough refusing to do their parts in it, without such Encou∣ragements. But the danger was no sooner over, by the coming home of the Fleet, but they Petitioned the Lords of the Council to put them into the same condition with the rest of the Subjects; and that the Service-Book should be no further pressed on them, than it had been in all the other parts of the Kingdom: To which they were encouraged by a general confluence of all sorts of People, such most especially, as had most shewn their disaffection to the work in hand.

For the Harvest was no sooner in, and the People at more leisure

than before to pursue that Quarrel: but the City swarmed with throngs of People from all parts, even to a formidable number, which moved the Lords to publish two Proclamations on the seven∣teenth of October; The first commanding all of them to repair to their Dwellings, except such as should shew sufficient reason for their stay and continuance there: The second, for Adjourning the Sessions from Edenborough, to the Town of Linlithgow. But this served rather like the powring on of Oyl, to encrease the Flame; than of Water, to quench it: For the next day the Bishop of Gal∣loway being to Sit with the Lord Chief Justice upon some especial Business in the Council-House, he was pursued all along the Street with bitter Railings to the very Door; and being drawn in from the rage of the People, they immediately beset the House, demanding the delivery of him, and threatning his destruction. The Earl of Traquair being advertised of the Bishops danger (who formerly had been his Tutor) came to his Relief, and with much ado forced an Entrance thorow the Press: But being got in, he was in no better plight than the Bishop, the Clamour still encreasing more and more, and encompassing the Council-House with terrible Menaces. Here∣upon the Provost and City-Council was called to raise the Siege: but they returned answer, That their condition was the same; for they were surrounded with the like Multitude, who had enforced them, for fear of their Lives, to sign a Paper importing, First, That they should adhere to them, in opposition to the Service-Book: Secondly, To restore to their Places Ramsey and Rollock two Silenced Ministers, and one Henderson a Silenced Reader. No better Answer being re∣turned, the Lord Treasurer, with the Earl of Wigton, went in Person to the Town-Council-House, where they found the heat of the fu∣ry somewhat abated, because the Magistrates had signed the Paper; and returned with some hope that the Magistrates would calm the Disorders about the Council-House, so as the Bishop might be preserved: But they no sooner presented themselves to the Great Street, than they were most boysterously assaulted, the Throng be∣ing so furious, as they pulled down the Lord Treasurer, took away his Hat, Cloack, and White Staff, and so haled him to the Council-House. The Lords seeing themselves in so great danger, at length pitch upon the best expedient for their safety, and sent to some of the Noblemen and Gentry, who were disaffected to the Service-Book, to come to their Aid. These Lords and Gentlemen came, as was desired, and offered both their Persons and Power to protect them; which the Lords and the Council-House readily embraced, and so were quietly guarded to Holy-Rood-House, and the Bishop to his Lodging. The Lords of the Council not thinking themselves to be secure, published a Proclamation the same day in the afternoon, for repressing such Disorders for the time to come: But they found slender Obedience yielded to it, Commissioners being sent unto them from the Citizens, in an insolent manner, for demanding the Resti∣tution

of their Ministers to their Place and Function, and performing all such Matters as had been agreed on at the Pacification.

These Riots and Seditions might have served sufficiently in another Reign, to have drawn a present War upon them, before they were provided in the least degree to make any resistance: But the Eden∣burghers knew well enough what they were to do, what Friends they had about the King, and what a Party they had got among the Lords of his Council, which Governed the Affairs of that King∣dom: And they were apt enough to hope, by the unpunishing of the first Tumult on Iuly 23. That the King might rather have patience enough to bear such Indignities, than Resolution to revenge them; so that he came at last to that perplexity, which a good Author speaks of, (a) 7.5 That he must either out-go his Nature, or fore-go his Authority. For instead of using his just Power to correct their Inso∣lencies, he courts them with his Gracious Proclamation of the se∣venth of December, in which he lets them know,

How unwilling he was that his Loyal and Faithful Subjects should be possessed with groundless and unnecessary doubts and fears touching their Religion; and therefore was pleased to declare, That as he abhor∣reth all Superstitions of Popery, so he would be most careful that nothing should be allowed within his Dominions, but that which should most tend to the Advancement of the true Religion, as it was presently professed within his Ancient Kingdom of Scotland; and that nothing was nor should be done therein, against the lau∣dable Laws of that his Native Kingdom.

The Rioters perceived by this Proclamation, that the King was more afraid than hurt: And seeing him begin to shrink, they resolved to put so many fears upon him one after another, as in the end might fashion him to their desires. First therefore they began with a new Petition, not of a rude Multitude: but of Noblemen, Barons, Ministers, Burgesses, and Commons (the very Flower of the whole Nation) against the Liturgie and Canons. This Petition being sent to the Courts, could do no less (and it did no more) than produce another Proclamation in Reply to the Substance of it, some Menaces being intermingled: but sweetned in the close, to give them the better relish. His Ma∣jesty first lets them know the Piety of his Intent in appointing the Liturgie,* 7.6 assuring them,

That he had no other end in it, than the maintenance of the true Religion there already professed, and the beating down of all Superstition; That nothing passed in the said Book, but what was seen and approved by himself, before the same was either divulged or printed; and that he was assured, That the Book it self would be a very ready means to preserve the Re∣ligion there professed, of which he doubted not to give them sa∣tisfaction in his own time. Which said, he lets them know, That such as had Assembled for subscribing the said Petition, had made themselves liable to his highest Censures, both in Life and Fortune; That notwithstanding, he was pleased to dispence with

the errour (upon a confidence that it proceeded rather from a pre∣posterous Zeal, than a disaffection to Sovereignty) on condition that they retired themselves upon notice hereof, as became good and dutiful Subjects. He interdicted also the like Concourse as had been lately made at Edenborough, upon pain of Treason; com∣manding that none of them should repair to Sterling (to which the Term was then Adjourned) or any other place of Counsel and Session, without Warrant from the Lords of the Council; and that all such, of what sort soever (not being Lords of the Coun∣cil or Session) which were not Inhabitants of the Town, should within six hours after publication thereof, depart the same, ex∣cept they were so Licenced and Warranted as before is said, un∣der pain of Treason: And finally, he concludes with this, That he would not shut his ears against any Petition, upon this or any other Subject, which they should hereafter tender to him; pro∣vided that the matter and form thereof be not prejudicial to his Regal Authority.

Had his Majesty followed at the heels of this Proclamation, with a powerful Army, according to the Custom of his Predecessors, Kings of England, it might have done some good upon them. But Proclamations of Grace and Favour, if not backed by Arms, are but like Cannons charged with Powder, without Ball or Bullet, making more noise than execution; and serve for nothing in effect, but to make the Rebel insolent, and the Prince contemptible, as it proved in this: For on the very day, and immediately after the reading of it, it was encountered with a Protestation, published by the Earl of Hume, the Lord Lindsey, and others, justifying them∣selves in their Proceedings, disclaiming all his Majesties Offers of Grace and Pardon, and positively declaring their Resolution to go on as they had begun, till they had brought the business to the end intended. And in pursuance hereof, they erected a new Form of Government amongst themselves, despotical enough in respect of those who adhered unto them, and unaccountable to his Majesty for their Acts and Orders. This Government consisted of four Tables, for the four Orders of the State, that is to say, the Noblemen, Ba∣rons, Burgesses, and Ministers; each Order consulting at his own Table, of such things as were necessary for the carrying on of the Design; which being reduced into Form, were offered, debated, and concluded at the General Table, consisting of a choice number of Commissioners out of all the rest. And that this new Govern∣ment might be looked on with the greater reverence, they fixed themselves in Edenborough, the Regal City, leaving the Lords of Council and Session to make merry at Sterling, where they had lit∣tle else to do than to follow their Pleasures. The Tables were no sooner formed, but they resolved upon renewing of the Ancient Con∣fession of that Kirk, with a Band thereunto subjoined, but fitted and accommodated to the present occasion, which had been signed by

King Iames on the 28th. of Ianuary, Anno 1580. after their Account, and generally subscribed by all the Nation. And by this Band they entred Covenant for Maintenance of their Religion then professed, and his Majesties Person: but aiming at the destruction of both; as ap∣peareth both by the Band it self, and their Gloss upon it: For by the one they had bound themselues to defend each other against all Per∣sons whatsoever, the King himself not being excepted; and by the other they declared, That under the general Names of Popery, He∣resie and Superstition, which were there expressed, they had abjured (and required all others so to do) not only the Liturgie and Canons lately recommended to them, but the Episcopal Government, and the five Articles of Perth, though confirmed by Parliament. And to this Covenant, in this sense, they required an Oath of all the Subjects, which was as great an Usurpation of the Regal Power, as they could take upon themselves, for confirming their own Authority and the Peoples Obedience, in any Project whatsoever which should after∣wards issue from those Tables.

In this Estate we leave the Scots, and return to England, where we shall find all things in a better condition, at least as to the outward appearance, whatsoever secret workings were in agitation amongst the Grandees and chief Leaders of the Puritan Faction. Little or no noise raised about the publishing of the Book for Sports, or silencing the Calvinian Doctrines, according to his Majesties Decla∣ration before the Articles: No clamour touching the transposing of the Holy Table, which went on leisurely in most places, vigorously in many, and in some stood still. The Metropolitical Visitation, and the Care of the Bishops, had settled these Particulars in so good a way, that mens Passions began to calm, and their Thoughts to come to some repose, when the Commands had been more seriously con∣sidered of, than at first they were. And now the Visitation having been carried into all parts of the Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales, his Grace began to cast his eye upon the Islands of Guernsey and Iersey, two Islands lying on the Coast of Normandy, to the Dukedom whereof they once belonged, and in the Right of that Dukedom to the Crown of England. Iersey, the bigger of the two, more populous, and of richer soil: but of no great Trading. Guern∣sey the lesser, the more barren: but nourishing a wealthier People, Masters of many stout Barques, and managing a rich Trade with the neighbouring Nations. Attempted often by the French, since they seised on Normandy: but always with repulse and loss, the People being very affectionate to the English Government, under which they enjoy very ample Priviledges, which from the French they could not hope for. As parts of Normandy, they were subject in Ecclesiasti∣cal Matters to the Bishops of Constance in that Dukedom, and so continued till the Reformation of Religion here in England, and were then added to the Diocess and Jurisdiction of the Bishops of Win∣chester. But the Genevian Discipline being more agreeable to such

Preachers as came to them from France, they obtained the Exercise thereof in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth, Anno 1565. The whole Government distinguished into two Classes or Colonies; that of Iersey of it self being one, and that of Guernsey, with the Islands of Sark and Alderney, making up the other; both Classes meet∣ing in a Synod every second or third year, according to the Order of their Book of Discipline, digested by Snape and Cartwright, (the two great Ring-leaders of that Faction here in England) in a Synod held at Guernsey, Iune 28. 1576. And this manner they conti∣nued till the time of King Iames, when the Churches in the Isle of Iersey falling into some disorder, and being under an immediate Go∣vernour who was no great Friend to Calvin's Plat-form, they were necessitated, for avoiding of a greater mischief, to cast themselves into the Arms of the Church of England. The principal Ecclesia∣stical Officer, whilst they were under the Bishops of Constance, had the Title of Dean; for each Island one; the several Powers both of the Chancellor and Archdeacon, being united in his Person. This Office is restored again, his Jurisdiction marked out, his Fees ap∣pointed, his Revenue settled: but made accountable for his Admi∣nistration, to the Bishops of Winchester. The English Liturgie is Translated also into French, to be read in their Churches: Instructi∣ons first, and afterwards a Body of Canons framed, for Regulating both the Ministers and People in their several Duties; those Canons bearing date the last of Iune, in the one and twentieth year of that King.

For the confirming of this Island in their Conformity to the Go∣vernment and Forms of Worship there established, and the redu∣cing of the others to the like condition, it was resolved, That the Metropolitical Visitation should be held in each of them, at the next opening of the Spring. And that it might be carried on with the great∣er assurance, the Archbishop had designed a Person for his Principal Visitor, who had spent some time in either Island, and was well ac∣quainted with the Bayliffs, Ministers, and men of special note amongst them: But the Affairs of Scotland growing from bad to worse, this Counsel was discontinued for the present, and at last laid by for all together.

But these Islands were not out of his mind, though they were out of sight, his care extending further than his Visitation. The Islanders did use to breed such of their Sons as they designed for the Ministry either at Saumur or Geneva, from whence they returned well sea∣soned with the Leaven of Calvinism. No better way to purge that old Leaven out of the Islands than to allure the people to send their Children to Oxon or Cambridge; nor any better expedient to effect the same than to provide some preferments for them in our Universi∣ties. It hapned, that while he was intent on these Considerations, that one Hubbard, the Heir of Sir Miles Hubbard, Citizen and Alderman of London, departed this Life; to whom, upon an inquisition taken after

his death in due form of Law, no Heir was found which could lay claim to his Estate. Which falling to the Crown in such an unex∣pected manner, and being a fair Estate withal, it was no hard mat∣ter for the Archbishop to perswade his Majesty to bestow some small part thereof upon pious uses. To which his Majesty consenting, there was so much allotted out of it, as for the present served suffi∣ciently to endow three Fellowships for the perpetual Education of so many of the Natives of Guernsey and Iersey; not without some probable ••ope of doubling the number, as the old Leases of it ••••ould expire. These Fellowships to be founded in Exeter, Iesus, and Pembroke Colledges, that being disperst in several Houses, there might be an increase both of Fellows, and Revenues of the said foun∣dations. By means whereof he did both piously and prudently pro∣vide for those Islands, and the advancement of Conformity amongst them in the times to come. For what could else ensue upon it: but that the breeding of some Scholars out of those Islands in that Uni∣versity, where they might throughly acquaint themselves with the Doctrine, Government, and Forms of Worship establisht in the Church of England, they might afterwards at their return to their native Countries, reduce the Natives by degrees to conform unto it; which doubtless in a short time would have done the work with as much honour to the King, and content to himself, as satisfaction to those People.

It is not to be thought that the Papists were all this while asleep, and that neither the disquiets in England, nor the tumults in Scot∣land were husbanded to the best advantage of the Catholick Cause. Panzani, as before is said, had laid the foundation of an Agency or constant correspondence between the Queens Court and the Popes; and having so done, left the pursuit of the design to Con a Scot, by birth, but of a very busie and pragmatical head. Arriving in England about the middle of Summer, Anno 1636. he brought with him many pretended reliques of Saints, Medals and Pieces of Gold with the Popes Picture stamped on them, to be distributed amongst those of that Party, but principally amongst the Ladies of the Court and Country, to whom he made the greatest part of his ap∣plications. He found the King and Queen at Holdenby House, and by the Queen was very graciously entertained, and took up his chief Lodgings in a house near the new Exchange. As soon as the Court was returned to Whitehall, he applied himself diligently to his work, practising upon some of the principal Lords, and making himself very plausible with the King himself, who hoped he might make some use of him in the Court of Rome for facilitating the restitution of the Prince Elector. And finding▪ that the Kings Councils were much directed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, he used his best endeavours to be brought into his acquaintance. But Canterbury neither liked the man, nor the Message which he came about, and therefore kept himself at a distance, neither admitting him to Com∣plement,

nor Communication. Howsoever by the Kings Conni∣vence, and the Queens Indulgence, the Popish Faction gathered not only strength, but confidence; multiplying in some numbers about the Court, and resorting in more open manner to the Masses at So∣merset house, where the Capuchins had obtained both a Chappel and Convent. Of this none bears the blame but Laud, who is traduced in Libels and common talk for the principal Architect in the Plot, and the Contriver of the mischief.

On this account, and the proceedings of the Star-Chamber, be∣fore remembred, one Libel is dropt at the South Gate of St. Pauls, on August 23. declaring that the Devil had left that house to him for the saying of Mass, and other abominations of the Church of Rome; another two daies after fastned to the North Gate of it, signi∣fying that the Church of England was like a Candle in a Snuff, going out in a stench. His Speech in the Star-Chamber put into a kind of Pillory, and hanged up at the Standard in Cheapside; and another short Libel made against him in Verse four daies after that. Awake∣ned by so many Alarms he had good cause to look about him, but more at the great noise, not long after raised, about the seducing of the Countess of Newport, a Kinswoman of the late Duke of Buck∣inghams, to the Church of Rome; effected by the Practices of Walter Mountague, a younger Son of the Earl of Manchester, and the importunities of Toby Matthews, (an undeserving Son of a worthy Father) Con interposing in it as he found occasion. The Archbishop had long stomackt at the Insolencies of Matthews, and Mountague, and had forborn the taking of any publick notice of them, till he had almost lost himself in the sight of the people. But laying hold on this opportunity, he passionately declares himself at the Council Table, on October 22. in a full and free Speech to the King, concerning the increase of the Roman Party, the frequent re∣sort of Papists to Somerset house, the unsufferable misdemeanors of Matthews, and Mountague, in practicing upon his Subjects, and chiefly upon those which lived within the verge of the Court, and were nearest to him, humbly beseeching him to put some strong re∣straint upon them, whereby they either might be barred from com∣ing into the Court at all, or to give no offence and scandal by their misbehaviours. Of this the Queen had notice that very night, who seemed much displeased at the matter, and let him see it in her Countenance, whensoever he had any cause of coming where she was. But the Pill was given in a very good hour, and wrought so effectually with the King, that Mountague and Matthews were purged out of the Court; the one betaking himself to his Country practice, the other for a time to his former travels in France and Italy. Which the Queen finding to be past remedy, and knowing how necessary a Servant the Archbishop was to his Great Master, and how useful he might be to her in her own affairs, she admitted him to her speech again in December following; and after some expostulations con∣cerning

Mountague, she began to clear her Countenance, and to part fair with him.

Follow this business into the next year, and we shall find him mo∣ving for a Proclamation, about the calling in of a Popish Book, written in French by Francis Sales Bishop of Geneva, translated into English,* 7.7 and published by the name of an Introduction to a devout life, which Book being brought to Haywood, the Archbishops Chap∣lain, and by him purged of divers unsound passages apparently tend∣ing unto Popery before it was licenced to the Press, was notwith∣standing published as it came to his hands, without alteration, the Translator inserting the same passages into it again, and the Printer conniving at the same. The Printer was thereupon apprehended, and the Translator diligently sought for to be brought to Justice; his Majesties care for maintaining the Religion professed in the Church of England in its natural purity, being so remarkable that he caused the said Book to be called in, and as many as could be seised on, to be publickly burned, But that which did most generally vindicate his Reputation,* 7.8 was the enlarging and re-printing of his Conference with Fisher the Iesuite, to which he had been moved by some of his private friends (none of them knowing that any other but himself had made the motion) when the Libellers were most fierce against him, and afterwards advised to it by the King himself at the Coun∣cil Table. The former Propositions had disposed him to it, and this desire of the Kings served for a command to confirm him in it: But multiplicity of business gave him so little leisure to attend his Studies, that the year was almost ended before the Book could be made ready for the publick view. But at the last it came from the Press, and was presented to his Majesty on Sunday the tenth of Fe∣bruary, and the next day exposed unto open sale. A Piece so solid∣ly compacted,* 7.9 that one of our Historians (who shews himself to be none of his greatest Friends) gives it the commendation of being the exactest Master-piece of Polemique Divinity of any extant at that time; further affirming, That he declared himself therein to be so little theirs (he means the Papists) as he had for ever disabled them from being so much their own as before they were.* 7.10 And DERING, his most professed Adversary, in the Preface to his Book of Speeches, could not but confess, but that in his Book, especially the last half of it, he had muzzled the Iesuite, and should strike the Papists under the fifth Rib, when he was dead and gone. And being dead, that whereso∣ever his grave should be, Pauls would be his perpetual Monument, and his own Book his Epitaph.

But such was his unhappy Fate, that many obstinate and malici∣ous Puritans would not be otherwise perswaded of him, than before they were; which they spared not to express upon this occasion: One of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary had Preached two Ser∣mons in Ianuary foregoing on Matt. 13.26. which being brought into discourse at such time as the Archbishops Book was newly publi∣shed,

it was affirmed by some moderate men, that the Doctor in those two Sermons had pulled up Popery by the very roots; one of the company replying thereunto, That the Archbishop might Print, and the Doctor might Preach what they pleased against Popery, but that he should never think them, or either of them, to be the less Papists for all that. A Censure of so strange a nature, and so little savouring of Christianity, that I believe it is not easie to be paralelled in the worst of times. And when no Priest nor Jesuite could be found so confident as to venture on an Answer to it, one of the Presbyterian Scots (for such he was then generally affirmed to be) published an unlicenced Piece against him, under the Title of A Re∣ply to a Relation of the Conference betwixt William Laud and Mr. Fi∣sher the Iesuite, said to be writ by a Witness of Iesus Christ. In the whole course whereof the Author, whosoever he was, most mise∣rably perverts his words, and mistakes his meaning, wresting the most Orthodox and innocent truths to his wicked ends, and put∣ting his own corrupt Gloss and sense upon them. And which is yet most strange of all, with an unparalelled impudence he dedicates it to his Sacred Majesty, calling upon him,

To send out his Royal Edict for the taking down of all Altars, (which where ever they stand, are by him said to stand in open defiance of Christ;) Ano∣ther for calling in the Book for Sports on the Lords day; A third, for calling in his Declaration before the Articles of Religion; A fourth for calling in of all Orders for the Restraint of Preaching; A fifth, for restoring to their place and Ministry all those who out of Conscience of their duty to God had by the Prelates been thrust out of all for refusing to read the said Book; And finally, for re∣leasing and setting at liberty the three poor banished prisoners, the loud cry of whose oppressions might otherwise provoke the thunderbolt of Divine Revenge to blast the beauty of his State.

Now as he laboured by these means to preserve the Church of England from the growth of Popery, so he took care for prevent∣ing the subversion of it, by the spreading of the Socinian Heresies. He had before took care for suppressing all Books of that nature which had been imported into England out of other Countries, and had received thanks for it from the Pen of a Jesuit: But Burton char∣geth it upon him among his Crimes, reproaching him for suppressing those books for no other reason but because they magnified the Au∣thority of the holy Scriptures; and by the late Decree for Printing (of which more anon) he had took such order, that no Eggs of that pestiferous Brood should be laid in England, or if they were, should ever peep out of the Shell, or appear in sight. There had been pub∣lished a Discourse, called, Disquisitio Brevis, in which some of the principal Socinian Tenents were cunningly inserted, pretending them for the best Expedients to appease some Controversies betwixt us and Rome: The Book ascribed in common Speech to Hales of Ea∣ton,

a man of infinite reading, and no less ingenuity; free of Dis∣course, and as communicative of his knowledge as the Coelestial Bodies of their light and influences. There past also up and down a Discourse of Schism, not Printed, but transmitted from hand to hand in written Copies (like the Bishop of Lincolns Letter to the Vicar of Grantham) intended chiefly for the encouragement of some of our great Masters of Wit and Reason, to despise the Autho∣rity of the Church. Which being dispersed about this time, gave the Archbishop occasion to send for him to Lambeth, in hope that he might gain the man, whose abilities he was well acquainted with when he lived in Oxon. An excellent Grecian in those daies, and one whom Savil made great use of in his Greek Edition of St. Chryso∣stoms Works. About nine of the Clock in the Morning he came to know his Graces pleasure, who took him along with him into his Garden, commanding that none of his Servants should come at him upon any occasion. There they continued in discourse till the Bell rang to Prayers, and after Prayers were ended, till the Dinner was ready, and after that too, till the coming in of the Lord Con∣way and some other Persons or honour, put a necessity upon some of his Servants to give him notice how the time had passed away. So in they came, high coloured, and almost panting for want of breath; enough to shew, that there had been some heats between them, not then fully cooled. It was my chance to be there that day, either to know his Graces pleasure, or to render an account of some for∣mer commands, but I know not which; and I found Hales very glad to see me in that place, as being himself a meer stranger to it, and unknown to all. He told me afterwards, That he found the Arch∣bishop (whom he knew before for a nimble Disputant) to be as well versed in books as business; That he had been ferretted by him from one hole to another, till there was none left to afford him any further shelter; That he was now resolved to be Orthodox, and to declare himself a true Son of the Church of England, both for Do∣ctrine and Discipline; That to this end he had obtained leave to call himself his Graces Chaplain, that naming him in his Publick Prayers for his Lord and Patron, the greater notice might be taken of the Alteration. Thus was Hales gained unto the Church, and gained a good preferment in it; promoted not long after by the Archbi∣shops Commendation to be Prebend of Windsor, and to hold the same by special dispensation, with his place in Eaton.

Nor was the Archbishop less intent upon all Advantages for keeping down the Genevian Party, and hindring them from Printing and Publishing any thing which might disturb the Churches Peace, or corrupt her Doctrine. To this end he procured a Decree to be pass'd in the Star-Chamber, on Iuly 1. Anno 1637. to Regulate the Trade of Printing, and prevent all Abuses of that Excellent Art, to the disturbance of the Church. By which Decree it had been Ordered, That the Master-Printers

from thenceforth should be reduced to a certain number; and that if any other should secretly or openly pursue that Trade, he should be set in the Pillory, or whipped through the Streets, and suffer such other Pu∣nishment as that Court should inflict upon him; That none of the said Master-Printers should from thenceforth Print any Book or Books of Divinity, Law, Physick, Philosophy, or Poetry, till the said Books, together with the Titles, Epistles, Prefaces, Tables, or Commendatory Verses, shall be lawfully Licenced, either by the Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry, or the Bishop of London for the time being, or by some of their Chaplains, or by the Chancellors or Vice-Chancellors of either of the two Vniversities, upon pain of loosing the Exercise of his Art, and being proceeded against in the Star-Chamber, or the High-Commission Court respectively; That no Person or Persons do hereafter Re-print, or cause to be Re-printed, any Book or Books whatsoever (though formerly Printed with Licence) without being reviewed, and a new Licence obtained for the Re-printing thereof: That every Merchant, Bookseller, or other Person, who shall Import any Printed Books from beyond the Seas, shall present a true Catalogue of them to the said Archbishop or Bishop for the time being, before they be delivered, or exposed to Sale, upon pain of suffering such Punishment as by either of the said two Courts respective∣ly shall be thought fit; That none of the said Merchants, Booksellers, or others, shall upon pain of the like Punishment, deliver any of the Books so Imported, till the Chaplains of the said Archbishop or Bishop for the time being, or some other Learned Man by them appointed, to∣gether with the Master and Wardens of the Company of Stationers, or one of them, shall take a view of the same, with Power to seize on all such Books which they found to be Schismatical and Offensive, and bring them to the said Archbishop or Bishop, or to the High-Commission Office: And finally, That no Merchant, Bookseller, &c. should Print, or cause to be Printed beyond the Seas, any Book or Books, which either totally, or for the greatest part, were written in the English Tongue, whether the said Books have been here formerly Print∣ed, or not; nor shall willingly or knowingly Import any such Books into this Kingdom, upon pain of being proceeded against in either of the said two Courts respectively, as before is said. By means of which Decree he had so provided both at home and abroad, That neither the Pa∣tience of the State should be exercised (as in former times) with continual Libels; nor the Church troubled by unwarrantable and Out-landish Doctrines.

But good Laws are of no effect without execution; and if he took no care for that, he had lost his labour. King Iames had ma∣nifested his dislike of the Genevian Bibles, and the Notes upon them; some of which did not only teach Disobedience to Kings and Prin∣ces, but the murthering of them also, if they proved Idolaters; and others did not only teach the Lawfulness of breaking Faith and Promise, when the keeping of it might conduce to the hurt of the Gospel: but ranked Archbishops, Bishops, and all men in Holy

Orders, or Academical Degrees, amongst those Locusts in the Reve∣lation, which came out of the Pit. That King gave Order there∣upon, That the Bible of the New Translation should be printed with no Notes at all; which course he also recommended to the Synod of Dort, to be observed in the new Translation of the Bible in∣to the Dutch or German Tongue, which was then intended. Upon this ground, the Printing of those Bibles with Notes upon them had been forbidden in this Kingdom: but were Printed in Holland not∣withstanding, and brought over hither, the better to keep up the Faction, and a••••ront Authority. Some of them had before been sei∣sed in Holland, by the care of Boswel the Resident at the Hague: And in the beginning of this year, he received Advertisement of a new Impression of the same designed for England, if the terrour of this Decree did not stop their coming. Because Holland, and the rest of the Provinces under the Government of the States, was made the Recep∣tacle of many of our English Malecontents, who there and from thence vented their own Passions, and the Discourses of their Party in this Kingdom, to the disturbance of the Church; it concerned him to keep a careful watch over them and their Actions. Of these he had Ad∣vertisement from time to time, by one Iohn Le Maire; and there∣upon, by the means of Boswell his right trusty Friend, he dealt so ef∣fectually with the States-General of those Provinces, that they made a Proclamation against the Printers and Spreaders of Libellous and Seditious Books against the Church and Prelates of England;* 7.11 and tooke Order with the Magistrates of Amsterdam and Rotterdam (two great Towns in Holland) for apprehending and punishing of such Englishmen as had Printed any of the said Lawless and Unlicenced Pamphlets.

There was a time when Queen Elizabeth beheld the Pope as her greatest Enemy, in reference to her Mothers Marriage, her own Birth, and consequently her Title to the Crown of England; and many of the Books which were Printed in and about that time, were full of bitterness and revilings against the Church of Rome it self, and all the Divine Offices, Ceremonies, and Performances of it. There was a time also when the Calvinian Doctrines were embraced by many for the Genuine Doctrines of this Church, to the great countenancing of the Genevian Discipline and Forms of Admini∣stration: And not a few of the Books then Printed, and such as after were Licenced in Abbot's Time, aimed principally at the Mainte∣nance of those Opinions, which the latter Times found inconsistent with the Churches Doctrines. With equal diligence he endeavour∣ed by this Decree to hinder the Reprinting of the one and the other, that so the Church might rest in quiet, without any trouble or mo∣lestation in her self, or giving offence to any other.

As little Trouble could be feared from Lecturers, as they now were Regulated. The greatest part of those who had been Superin∣ducted into other Mens Cures (like a Doctor added to the Pastor in

Calvin's Plat-form) had deserted their Stations, because they would not read the Common-Prayers in their Hoods and Surplices, ac∣cording to the Kings Instructions before remembred; such as re∣mained being either founded on a constant or certain Maintenance, or seeing how little was to be gotten by a fiery and ungoverned Zeal, became more pliant and conformable to the Rules of the Church: Not a Lecturer of this kind found to stand out in some great Dio∣cesses, to keep up the Spirits of the Faction, and create disturban∣ces. And as for Combination-Lecturers, named for the most part by the Bishops, and to them accountable, they also were required in some places to read the second Service at the Communion-Table, to go into the Pulpit at the end of the Nicene Creed, to use no other form of Prayer than that of the 55th. Canon, after the Sermon end∣ed, to go back to the Table, and there read the Service. All which being to be done in their Hoods and Surplices, kept off the greatest part of the rigid Calvinists from exercising their Gifts, as formerly in great Market-Towns. And as for the position of the Communion-Table, it was no longer left to private Instructions, as it was at the first, when the Inquiry went no further, than, Whether the Lords Ta∣ble was so conveniently placed, that the Minister might best be seen and heard of the Congregation? The more particular disposing of it, being left to Inference, Conjecture, or some private Directions. It now began to be more openly avowed in the Visitation-Articles of se∣veral Bishops and Archdeacons, some of which we shall here pro∣duce, as a light to the rest: For thus we find it in the Articles for the Archdeaconry of Buckingham, Anno 1637. Art. 5. Have you a decent Table, or a Frame for the Holy Communion, placed at the East end of the Chancel? Is it Railed in or Enclosed, so as Men or Boys can∣not sit upon it, or throw their Hats upon it? Is the said Rail and Inclo∣sure so made with Settles and kneeling-Benches, at the foot or bottom thereof, as the Communicants may fitly kneel there at the Receiving of the Holy Communion? The like for the Diocess of Norwich in the year before,* 7.12 where we find it thus; viz. Have you in your Church a Com∣munion Table, a Carpet of Silk? &c. And is the same placed conve∣niently, so as the Minister may best be heard in his Administration, and the greatest number may reverently Communicate? To that end, Doth it ordinarily stand up at the East end of the Chancel, where the Altar in former times stood, the ends thereof being placed North and South? And in another Article it is thus inquired, viz. Do all your Parishio∣ners, of what sort soever, according as the Church expresly them com∣mandeth, draw neer, and with all Christian Humility and Reverence, come to the Lords Table, when they are to receive the Holy Communion? But because these Articles might be thought too general, if not otherwise limited, certain Injunctions were annexed in Writing, in one of which it was required, That the said Tables should be Railed in, to avoid Prophanations; and secondly, That all Communicants should come up by Files, and Receive the Sacrament at the same. Which

was performed in this manner: As many as could well kneel close to the Rails, came up out of the Church or Chancel, and then up∣on their knees received (from the Priest standing within the Rails) the Bread and Wine; who being thus Communicated, retired into the Church or Chancel, and made room for others. Which course was constantly observed, till they had all Received the Sacrament in their ranks and forms, according to the ancient Custom of the Church of England; till Novellism, and Compliance with the Forms of Geneva, had introduced a deviation from their own ap∣pointments.

In this condition stood that Diocess, as to these particulars, when Wren, translated unto Ely, left the place to Mountague; who though he was as zealous, and as forward as he in railing in the Commu∣nion Table at the East end of the Chancel where the Altar stood, (as appears by his Visitation Articles for this present year) yet he had fancied to himself a middle Course between receiving at the Rail and carrying the Communion to all parts of the Church, as had been most irreverently used in too many places. And therefore that he might do somewhat to be called his own, he caused a meeting of the Clergy to be held at Ipswich for the parts adjoyning, where he pre∣scribed these following Orders: That is to say,

First, After the the words, or Exhortation pronounced by the Minister (standing at the Communion Table, the Parishioners as yet standing in the body of the Church) Draw near, &c. all which intended to Com∣municate should come out of the Church into the Chancel, Se∣condly, That all being come in, the Chancel door should be shut, and not opened till the Communion be done▪ That no Commu∣nicant depart till the Dismission; That no new Communicant come in amongst them; And that no Boys, Girls, or Gazers be suffered to look in as at a Play. Thirdly, That the Communi∣cants being entred should be disposed of orderly in their several Ranks, leaving sufficient room for the Priest or Minister to go be∣tween them; by whom they were to be communicated one Rank after another, till they had all of them received. Fourthly, and finally, That after they had all received, the Priest or Minister should dismiss them with the Benediction.

Which though it dif∣fered very little from the Rules prescribed by his Predecessor, yet some diversity there was, for which he rendred an account to his Metropolitan, and was by Wren sufficiently answered in all points thereof. It was not coming up to the Raile, but going into the Chancel, which had been stomacked, and opposed by the Puritan Faction, who loved to make all places equal, and to observe as lit∣tle reverence in the Participation as in all other Acts of Worship: Which Mountague either not considering or fancying to himself some hopes which he had no ground for, resolved to fall upon this course, which he conceived to be more agreeable to the course of Antiqui∣ty, and most consistent as he thought with the Rules of Politie. For

by this condescension he presumed, as himself informs us, to keep many men at home with their Wives and Families, in obedience to his Majesties Laws, who otherwise were upon a resolution of depart∣ing the Kingdom; wherein how much he was deceived, the event dis∣covered.

For so it was, that the people in many great trading Towns, which were near the Sea, having been long discharged of the Bond of Ce∣remonies, no sooner came to hear the least noise of a Conformity, but they began to spurn against it. And when they found that all their striving was in vain, that they had lost the comfort of their Lectu∣rers, and that their Ministers began to shrink at the very name of a Visitation, it was no hard matter for those Ministers and Lecturers to perswade them to remove their dwellings, and transport their Trades. The Sun of Heaven, say they, doth shine as comfortably in other places, the Son of Righteousness much brighter: Better to go and dwell in Goshen, find it where we can, than tarry in the midst of such an Egyptian darkness as was then falling on this Land. The sinful corruptions of the Church (said they) were now grown so general, that there was no place free from that Contagion, and in∣fections of it; and therefore go out of her my people, and be not parta∣ker of her sins. And hereunto they were the more easily perswa∣ded by seeing so many Dutch men with their Wives and Children to forsake the Kingdom; who having got Wealth enough in England, chose rather to go back to their Native Countries, than to be obliged to resort to their Parish Churches, as by the Archbishops Injuncti∣ons they were bound to do. Amongst the first which separated up∣on this account were Goodwin, Nye, Burroughs, Bridge, and Sympson; who taking some of their followers with them, betook themselves to Holland, as their City of Refuge. There they filled up their Congregations to so great a number, that it was thought fit to be divided; Goodwin and Nye retiring unto Arnheim, a Town of Gel∣derland; Sympson and Bridge fixing at Rotterdam in Holland: but what became of Burroughs I am yet to seek. These men a••fecting neither the severe Discipline of Presbytery, nor the Licenciousness incident to Brownism, embraced Robinsons Moddel of Church-Government in their Congregations, consisting of a Coordination of several Churches for their mutual comfort, not a Subordination of the one to the other, in the way of direction or command. Hence came that name of Independents, continued unto those amongst us, who neither associate themselves with the Presbyterians, nor embrace the Frensies of the Anabaptists. But they soon found the Folly of their Divisions, Rotterdam growing too narrow a place for Bridge and Sympson, so that this last was forced to leave it, and Ward who suc∣ceeded him could not tarry long. More unity there was at Arnheim, where their Preachers did not think they had done enough in con∣forming their new Church to the Pattern which they saw in the Mount, if it were not Apostolical in the highest perfection: To

which end they not only admitted of Hymns, and Prophecyings which the Sister-Congregations had not entertained: but of Widows, and the holy Kiss, cas••ired for the avoiding of Scandal in the Primi∣tive times; yea, and of the Extreme Vnction also, the exercise whereof by Kiffin and Patients I had rather the Reader should take out of the Gangraena, than expect from me.

The curteous entertainment which these people found in the Bel∣gick Provinces, might easily have served for a strong temptation to bring over the rest to enjoy the like: But the Country was too nar∣row for them, and the Brethren of the Separation desired elbow-room for fear of Enterfeering with one another. New-England was chiefly in their eye, a Puritan Plantation from the first beginning, and therefore fitter for the growth of the Zuinglian or Calvinian Gospel than any Country whatsoever. A Country first discovered to any purpose by one Captain Gosnold, Anno 1602. and in the next year more perfectly surveyed by some of Bristol; afterwards granted by King Iames, Anno 1606. unto a Corporation of Knights, Gentle∣men, and Merchants, to be planted and disposed of for the Publick, under the Ordering and Direction of Chief Justice Popham, by whom a Colony was sent thither in the year next following; at what time they built St. Georges Fort to secure their Haven, that they might have a door open for their going thence, which soon after fol∣lowed. And though the Adventurers made a further attempt in the year 1616, yet it never settled into Form till the building of New-Plymouth, in the year 1620. and some incouragements being sent thence to bring others on, it came in very short space to so swift a growth, that no Plantation for the time ever went beyond it; New Bristol, new Boston, and new Barnstable, being quickly added to the other. (a) 7.13 The growth of old Rome and new England had the like foundation, both Sanctuaries for such of the neighbouring Nations as longed for Novelties and Innovations both in Church and State. But let the Reader take their Character from (b) 7.14 de Laet a right good Chorographer, in the third Book of his Description of America, where he informeth us, that the first Planters, and those which fol∣lowed after them were altogether of that Sect, which in England were called Brownists or Puritans; many of which had formerly betaken themselves to Holland, but afterwards departed thence to joyn with their Brethren in New-England. The Churches cast into the same mould with those before, all of them following the device of Ro∣binson, that notorious Schismatick, at the spawning of the second separation in Amsterdam: Who, to distinguish his followers from the brethren of the first separation governed by a Try-formed Presbytery of Pastors, Elders, and Deacons, introduced a new way of his own, leaving as much Exercise of Church Discipline to the whole Congregation, as was elsewhere enjoyed by the Pastors and Elders.

In this estate they stood in the year 1633. at what time Iohn de

Laet made that Character of them: Exceedingly encreased in short time after, both in Men and Buildings, by those who frequently flocked thither from most parts of this Kingdom, either for fear of Punishment, or for danger of Debt, or to enjoy the folly of their Schism with the greater safety. But whatsoever were the causes of the Separation, certain I am, the Crime was laid on the Archbi∣shop of Canterbury, amongst the Articles of whose Impeachment by the House of Commons, I find this for one, viz.

That in his own Person, and his Suffragans, Visitors, Surrogates, Chancellors, or other Officers by his Command, he had caused divers Learned, Pious, and Orthodox Preachers of Gods Word to be silenced, suspended, deprived, degraded, excommunicated, or otherwise grieved and vexed without any just and lawful cause; whereby, and by divers other means he hath hindred the Preaching of Gods Word, and caused divers of his Majesties Subjects to forsake the Kingdom.

So is the Judge to be accused for all those mischiefs, which the condemn∣ed Malefactors, when they once break Prison, may design and exe∣cute. The principal Bell-weathers of these Flocks, were Cotton, Chancy, Wells, Hooker, and perhaps Hugh Peters; the rest, let them look after, who affect such Company. Not much took notice of at the first, when they were few in Numbers, and inconsiderable for their Power: but growing up so fast both in strength and multitude, they began to carry a face of danger. For how unsafe must it be thought both to Church and State, to suffer such a constant Recepta∣cle of discontented, dangerous, and schismatical Persons, to grow up so fast; from whence, as from the Bowels of the Trojan Horse, so many Incendiaries might break out to inflame the Nation? New-England, like the Spleen in the Natural Body, by drawing to it so many sullen, sad, and offensive Humours, was not unuseful and un∣serviceable to the General Health: But when the Spleen is grown once too full, and emptieth it self into the Stomach, it both cor∣rupts the Blood, and disturbs the Head, and leaves the whole man wearisom to himself and others. And therefore to prevent such mischiefs as might thence ensue, it was once under Consultation of the chief Physicians, who were to take especial care of the Church∣es Health, to send a Bishop over to them, for their better Govern∣ment; and back him with some Forces to compel, if he were not otherwise able to perswade Obedience. But this Design was stran∣gled in the first Conception, by the violent breakings out of the Troubles in Scotland, which call upon us from this place to look to∣wards them.

And now again we are for Scotland, where we spent the last year in doing nothing, and shall spend this in doing that which was worse than nothing. The Insolencies of the Covenanters were now grown so great, that some advised the King to take the Sword into his hand, and to reduce them to Obedience by force of Arms, before they had ripened their Intelligences, and formed a Party to their will both at

home and abroad: But the King would not hearken to it, resolved upon his Fathers way of sending Commissioners, and trying what he might effect by Treaty and Negotiation. Which Resolution be∣ing taken, the next Consideration was for the choice of the man. The well-affected Scots pitched on the Marquis of Huntley, a man of great Power in his own Country, true to the King, and a professed Enemy to the Presbyterians. And to this end the Earl of Sterling Principal Secretary of Estate, the Bishops of Ross and Brechin Pri∣vy-Counsellors both, Hay the Clerk-Register, and Spotswood Lord President of the Sessions (a most deserving Son of a Reverend Father) made a journey thence unto the King, and used their best Endeavours with him, to commit the managing of that great Trust into Hunt∣••••ys hands: But the Court-Faction carried it for the Marquis Ha∣milton, whose Head was better than his Heart, a notable dissembler, t••••e only to his own ends, and a most excellent Master in the Art of In••••••uation, by which he screwed himself so far into his Majesties good opinion, that whosoever undertook the unrivetting of him, made him faster in it. And so far had the man prevailed by his Arts and Instruments, that the Duke of Lenox was brought over to con∣tribute his Assistances to him; and rather chose to commend the known Enemy of his House to that great Employment, than that a private Country-Gentleman (such as Huntley was) should carry the Honour from them both. And therefore briefly in this place to speak of Hamilton, and his Proceedings in the weighty Charge committed to him (in which he hath been generally suspected to be∣tray his Master) we will fetch the Story somewhat higher, that we may see what ends he aimed at for himself, and what enclined him rather to foment than quench the Flames which had been kindled in that Kingdom.

Know therefore, That the Hamiltonian Family derives it self from one Hamilton an Englishman, who went to try what Fortunes he could find in Scotland: Neither himself nor his Posterity of any great note, till Iames iii. bearing a great affection to Sir Iames Hamilton, married him to one of his Sisters whom he had forcibly taken from the Lord Boyd her former Husband. From this unlawful Marriage descended another Iames, the Grandchild of this, as impious and ••dulterous in his second Marriage, as his Grandmother had been be∣fore: For having married a Wife of one of the Noble Houses of Scotland, he put her shamefully away, and took into his Bed a Niece of Cardinal Beton's, who then swayed all things in that Kingdom. Of this last Marriage came Iohn Earl of Arran, Created by King Iames vi. the first Marquis of Hamilton, the Father of Iohn, and Grandfather of Iames Marquis of Hamilton, of whom we now speak. This man considering with himself, that he was descended from a Daughter of King Iames ii. (but without taking notice of any intervenient Flaws which occurred in the Pedigree) conceived by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and little, That a Crown would look as lovely upon his Head,

as on the Heads of any which descended from a Daughter of Iames v. To give some life unto his Fancies, he found the Great Men amongst the Scots in high discontentments, about the Revocati∣on of Church-Lands, which the King then busily intended: The Popular Party in England no less discontented, by the Dissolving of three Parliaments one after another; and the Puritans in both, by the great Power and Credit which some Bishops had attained unto in either Kingdom. In which conjuncture, it was not hard for him to conceive, That he might make unto himself a strong Party in That, without fear of any opposition to be made from This. And so ••ar had his hopes gone with him, when he obtained the Conduct of an Army, intended by his Majesty for assisting of the King of Sweden in the Wars of Germany: An Army for the most part raised in Scot∣land, and most of the Commanders of that Nation also, whom he had so obliged unto him by his Arts and Flatteries, that a Health was openly begun by David Ramsey (a boisterous Ruffian of that Court) to King Iames the Seventh: And so much of the Design was disco∣vered by him unto Donald Maukie Baron of Ree, than being in the Marquisses Camp, that the Loyal Gentleman thought himself bound in duty to make it known unto the King. Ramsey denying the whole matter, and the Lords having no proof thereof (as in such secret Practices it could hardly be) more than a confident asseveration, and the Engagement of his Honour, the King thought good to refer the Controversie to the Earl of Lindsey, whom he made Lord High-Constable to that end and purpose. Many days were spent accord∣ingly in pursuance of it: But when most men expected that the matter would be tried by Battel, as had been accustomed in such cases, the Business was hushed up at Court, the Lord Ree dismissed to his Employment in the Wars, and, contrary to the mind of all good men, the Marquis did not only continue in the Kings great Favour: but Ramsey was permitted to hold the Place of Gentle∣man of the Privy-Chamber, which had been formerly procured for him.

As for the Army of Scots, consisting of 7000. if my memory fail not, transported into Germany in the Summer before, Anno 1631. they mouldred away by little and little, without acting any thing; the King of Sweden being then in a prosperous condition, and not de∣siring the Scots should carry away any part of the Spoil and Honour which he doubted not of acquiring to his own Nation in the course of the War. This put the Marquis upon new Counsels; and in the course of these new Counsels, he was not only to ••oment those Animosities which had been raised in that Nation against the King, but to remove all those Impediments which might lye in the way be∣twixt him and his affected Greatness. Two men there were whom he more feared than all the rest, both of the House of Graham, and both descended from a Son of King Robert the Second; and that too by a clearer Descent, than the Hamiltons could pretend from the

Daughter of King Iames ii. The first was William Earl of Menteith, descended from an Heir-general of David Earl of Stratherne, one of the younger Sons of King Robert ii. as before was said: A man o•• sound Abilities and approved Affections, and therefore by the King made President of the Council in Scotland: In which Office he be∣haved himself, and stood so stoutly in behalf of the King his Master upon all occasions, that nothing could be done for Advance of Ha∣miltons Designs, till he was removed from that Place. In order whereunto, it was put into his head by some of that Faction, that he should sue unto the King to be Created Earl of Stratherne, as the first and most honourable Title which belonged to his House; That his Merits were so great, as to assure him not to meet with a denial; and that the King could do no less, than to give him some nominal Reward for his real Services. On these Suggestions, he repaired to the Court of England 1632. where without any great difficulty, he obtained his Suit, and waited on the King the most part of the Sum∣mer-Progress; no man being so openly honoured, and courted by the Scottish Nation, as he seemed to be: But no sooner was he gone for Scotland, but the Hamiltonians terrified the King with the Dan∣gers which he had run into by that Creation, whereby he had revived in that proud and ambitious Person, the Rights which his Ancestors pretended to the Crown of Scotland; That the King could not chuse but see how generally the Scots flock'd about him (after his Creati∣on) when he was at the Court, and would do so much more when he was in Scotland: And finally, That the proud man already had so far declared himself, as to give it out, That the King held the Crown of him. Hereupon a Commission was speedily posted into Scotland (in which those of Hamiltons Faction made the greatest number) to inquire into his Life and Actions, and to consider of the Inconveniencies which might redound unto the King by his affecting this new Title. On the Return whereof, the poor Gentleman is re∣moved from his Office, from being one of the Privy Council; and not only deprived of the Title of the Earl of Stratherne, but of that also of Menteith, which for a long time had remained in his Ancestors. And though he was not long after made Earl of Airth, yet this great fall did so discourage him from all Publick Businesses, that he retired to his own House, and left the way open to the Hamiltonians to play their own Game as they listed. Faithful for all this to the King, in all changes of Fortune; neither adhering to the Covenanters, nor giving the least countenance to them, when he might not only have done it with safety, but with many personal Advantages which were tendred him.

The other Bar to be thrust back, was the Earl of Montross, of the same House, and descended from the same Original; as plausi∣ble with the Souldiers and Men of War, as his Cosin of Menteith was powerful at the Council-Table. This man returning out of France in the flower and Bravery of his Age, had an intent of putting

himself into the Kings Service, and was advised to make his way by the Marquis of Hamilton; who, knowing the Gallantry of the Man, and fearing a Competitor in his Majesties Favour, cunningly told him, That he would do him any Service: but that the King was so wholly given up to the English, and so discountenanced and slighted the Scottish Nation, that were it not for doing Service to his Coun∣try (which the King intended to reduce into the form of a Province) he could not suffer the Indignities which were put upon him. This done, he repairs unto the King, tells him of the Earls return from France, and of his purpose to attend him at the time appointed: but that he was so Powerful, so Popular, and of such esteem amongst the Scots, by reason of an old Descent from the Royal Family, that if he were not nipped in the bud (as we use to say) he might indanger the Kings interest and affairs in Scotland. The Earl being brought unto the King, with very great demonstrations of affection on the Marquis his part, the King without taking any great notice of him, gave him his hand to kiss, and so turned aside; which confirmed him in the truth of that false Report, which Hamilton had delivered to him: So that in great displeasure and disdain, he makes for Scotland. There finds he Colonel Alexander Lesly (an obscure fellow, but made rich with the Spoils of Germany) as discontented as himself, for being denied the honourable Title of a Baron, which he ambiti∣ously sought for at the Kings being there. And he found them there also, who perceived on what foot he halted, and knew well how to work on such humours as he brought along with him, till by second∣ing the Information which he had brought from Hamilton, they had fashioned him wholly to their will: For they prevailed so far upon him, that at the first he cordially espoused their Quarrel against the Liturgie and Canons, and whatsoever else they found fault withal in the Publick Government; he being one of those Great Persons (and as forward as any of them all) who published a Protestation at the Cross in Edenborough, against one of his Majesties Proclamations of Grace and Favour: But afterwards, being displeased that Lesly was preferred before him in Commanding the Army; and looking thereupon more carefully into the depth of the Design than at first he did, he estranged himself from them by degrees, and at last be∣came the most eminent Instrument that ever his Majesty imployed in his Wars with that People.

But Hamilton had another remove to make, without which all the rest were nothing; and that was the removing of the Earl of Mar from the Custody and Command of the Castle of Edenborough (some time Hereditary to that House) and gaining it unto himself. To this Remove the Earl consented, because he found how earnestly his Ma∣jesty desired it of him, from whom he received a Compensation in Money for it. At so great charge was the King, to put Hamilton in∣to as full possession of the Strengths of that City, as he had got be∣fore in the hearts of the Citizens. The way being thus prepared,

and all Rules removed, on Saturday May 26. he set forwards for Scot∣land, and in short time came to Dalkeith, an House of the Earl of Mortons four Miles from Edenborough, where he reposed himself a while; that he might make his Entry into the City with the greater honour. After some seeming diffidences betwixt him and the Cove∣nanters, he puts himself into Holy-Rood House, where the first thing he did, was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 waving of his Attendance at the Reading of the Eng∣lish Liturgie, which had been settled in the Chappel-Royal of that House by the care of King Iames, Anno 1617. and after some ne∣glects and intermissions, restored by the Piety of King Charles, An∣no 1633. as before was signified. It was no hard matter to discern by his Acts in this, whose Game it was he meant to play, for what it was that he had held the s••uff••ing of the Cards so long, and who was like to win the Set, when none but he had the dealing of them: For he so plied the King from one time to another, sometimes by re∣presenting the extreme difficulties, and sometimes the apparent dan∣gers in which his Affairs there stood involved; That he drew him to ••ling up all in less than three Months, which King Iames and he had been projecting above thrice ten years. For first, by his Proclamati∣on bearing date Iune 28. he suspends the present execution of the Canons and Liturgie, dischargeth all Acts of Council made for the Establishment of them, and promiseth so to regulate the High-Com∣mission, that it should neither impugn the Laws, nor be a just grie∣vance to the Subject. By a second, bearing date September 9. he dischargeth the Liturgie, Canons, and High-Commission (this last be∣ing of King Iames his instituting, Anno 1610.) rescinding all Pro∣clamations and Acts whatsoever, which had been made for the Establishing of the same; and by the same, suspends the executing of the Five Articles of Perth, though confirmed by Parliament. By the same also he subjecteth all his Ministers, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, to the Censure of Parliaments, General Assemblies, or any other competent Judicatory: And fr••es all Ministers at their Entry from taking the Oath of Canonical Obedience, that against Symonie, or any other not enjoined by Acts of Parliament. By the same also he commands the Subscribing of the Consession of Faith, with the Band thereunto annexed, which the Covenanters before had press'd on the People, and upon which they had placed such a great part of their confidence, that they solemnly protested to Hamilton at his first coming thither, That they would rather renounce their Baptism, than reli••quish their Covenant. And this he did for no other Reason, as appears by a Letter of the same date to the Lords of the Council, than to legitimate the Rebellion;* 7.15 Because not being Warranted before by Regal Authority, it must needs be in it self ineffectual,, and preju∣dicial to the Ancient Form of Government kept within that his King∣dom of Scotland. And finally, by his Royal Edict, bearing date the 22d. of the same Month, he gives Order for a General Assembly, to be held at Glasco on November 21. next following; in which he

could not but be sure, that after so many previous Condescensions on his part, they would be able to do whatsoever they listed in de∣fiance of him.

For, before the Assembly was Indicted, the Covenanters had so laid the Plot, that none but those of their own Party should have Suffrage in it; as afterwards by several Orders from their Tables, they directed that no Chaplain, nor Chapter-man, nor any who have not subscribed the Covenant, should be chosen to it; not suffering the Archbishops or Bishops to sit as Moderators in their Presbyteries, where the Elections were to pass; and citing them to appear as Cri∣minal Persons at the said Assembly: by means of which Exclusions and Prelimitations, the greatest part of the Assembly did consist of such as either were irregularly chosen by the over-ruling Voices of Lay-El∣ders which were thrust upon them, or else not capable of being Ele∣cted, some of them being under the Censures of the Kirk of Scotland, others under the Censures of the Church of Ireland, and some not having taken the Oath of Supremacy required by the Laws of the Land. Upon which just and weighty Reasons, as also the Admission of the Schismatical Clergy to sit as Judges over their Bishops; the intrusion of so many Lay-Elders, contrary to the Constitution of for∣mer General Assemblies; the countenancing of a scandalous Libel against their Function and Persons; and the prejudging of their Cause in their several Presbyteries, by excluding them from having any Vote in the said Assembly, when they were not present to inter∣pose or speak any thing in their own behalf, the Archbishops and Bishops, in the name of themselves, and all which did adhere unto them, prepared their Declinator or Protestation against the said Ge∣neral Assembly, and all the Acts and Conclusions of it, as being void, and null in Law to all intents and purposes whatsoever. The day being come, Hamilton marcheth to the place appointed for the Sessi∣on, in the equipage of a High-Commissioner, the Sword and Seal be∣ing carried before him, the Lords of the Council, and all the Offi∣cers of State, attending on him like a King indeed. The reading of his Commission, the putting in and rejecting of the Declinator, the chusing of Henderson to be Moderator of the Assembly, the constitu∣ting of the Members of it, and some Debates touching the Votes and Suffrages, challenged by Hamilton for such as were Assessors to him, took up all the time between their first Meeting and their Dis∣solution, which was by Proclamation solemnly declared on the twenty ninth of the same Month, having ••ate only eight days by the Kings Authority.

For notwithstanding the said Dissolution, the Members of the said Assembly continued and kept their Session, and therein passed many Acts for the utter overthrow of the Polity and Government of the Church, the infringing of his Majesties Prerogative Royal, and vio∣lating the Authority of Parliaments. For they not only Excom∣municated the Bishops and their Adherents, but condemned the

very Function it self to be Antichristian, and utterly to be abolished out of the Church; notwithstanding that several Parliaments had confirmed the same. The like Censure they also past on the Ser∣vice Book and Canons, with the five Articles of Perth; though the two first received the Stamp of Royal Authority, and the five last were confirmed in Parliament also. They condemned in one breath all the Arminian Tenents, in case of Predestination, without exa∣mining the Arguments on which they were built; and declared all men subject to Excommunication, and other Censures of the Church, who should refuse to yield obedience to all their unlawful Actings and Determinations, And though his Majesty by the same Procla∣mation had commanded all his faithful Subjects not to yield any obedience to their Acts and Ordinances, and bound himself in the Word of a King to defend them in it; yet those of the Assembly were resolved to maintain their Authority. For notwithstanding his Majesties late Declaration and Commands, not only the Bishops and Clergy, but also as many of the Layty as had refused to sub∣scribe to the Acts thereof, were deprived of their Offices and Pre∣ferments, banished their Country, and forced to fly into England, o•• other places, the King not being able to protect them from the power and malice of their Adversaries. For having lost the oppor∣tunity of suppressing them in their first Insurrection in the year pre∣cedent, a••d afterwards of reducing them by force of Arms in the year next following, he was forced to shuffle up such a Pacification in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, Anno 1641. as left his Party d••••••••tute of all protection, but what they found in England by his Majesties Favour in providing the Clergy of some small Benefices for their present subsistance, which possibly might amount to more than formerly they enjoyed in their own Country.

And yet the Covenanters did not play all parts in this Assembly, the King and his Commissioner had one part to act, which was the presenting of a Declaration, containing the sum and substance of all his Majesties gracious Condescensions, exprest in the several Pro∣clamations before remembred, and a Command to have it registred in the Acts and Records thereof. But upon what considerations and reasons of State his Majesty might be moved to commit that Paper to be registred amongst the Acts of Assembly, is beyond my reach. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ough many times the wisest Princes have sent out Proclamati∣ons of Grace for redress of Grievances, and pardoning of fore-past o〈…〉〈…〉; yet were those Proclamations and Acts of Grace beheld no otherwise than as temporary and occasional Remedies for the present mischiefs, not to be drawn into Example, and much less put upon Record for the times cusuing; his Majesties Condescensions had been large enough, and too much to the prejudice of his Crown and Dignity without this Enrolment. Nor wants it somewhat of a ••iddle, that at such time as Hamilton tendred the Paper of his Ma∣j••sti••s ••racious Concessions for discharging of the Service Book, &c.

to be enrolled amongst the Acts of the Assembly, he both declared, and protested that his so doing should be no acknowledgment of the lawfulness and validity of that Convention which was instantly to be dissolved: or that his Majestie should give order to have those Acts of Grace and Favour enrolled in the Records of the Assembly, to stand full and sure to all his good Subjects for their assurance of and in the true Religion; which Assembly at the same time ••e declared to be illegal, and all the Acts thereof to be null and void. I must confess I am not Oedipus enough for so dark a Sphinx, and must therefore leave this depth of State-craft to more able heads. Only I cannot chuse but note, how little his Majesty got by those Conde∣scensions; the stubborn and rebellious Scots being so far unsatisfied with these Acts of Grace, that they not only forced all those who adhered unto him to fly the Country: but intercepted his Revenues, seazed on all his Forts and Castles, and put themselves into a Posture of open War. And that they might be able to manage it with the greater credit, they called home some of their Commanders out of Germany, and some which served under the Pay of the States Ge∣neral; so far prevailing with those States as to continue such Com∣manders in their Pay and Places as long as they remained in the Ser∣vice of the Scottish Covenanters. A favour which his Majesty could not get at their hands, nor had he so much reason to expect it as the others had, i•• considered rightly. It had been once their own case, and they conceived they had good reason to maintain it in others.

It may deservedly be a matter of no small amazement, that this poor and unprovided Nation, should dare to put such baffles and affronts upon their Lawful King; the King being backt by the uni∣ted Forces of England and Ireland, obeyed at home, and rendred formidable unto all his Neighbours by a puissant Navy, they must have some assurances more than ordinary which might enflame them to this height; and what they were it may not be amiss to enquire into. First then they had the King for their natural Country-man, born in that Air, preserving a good affection for them to the very la••t; and who by giving them the Title of his Ancient and Native Kingdom (as he did most commonly) gave them some reason to be∣lieve, that he valued them above the English. They had in the next place such a strong Party of Scots about him, that he could neither stir or speak, scarce so much as think, but they were made ac∣quainted with it. In the Bed-Chamber they had an equal number of Gentlemen, and seven Grooms for one; in the Presence-Chamber more than an equal number amongst the Gentlemen Ushers, Quar∣ter-Waiters, &c. In the Privy-Chamber, besides the Carvers and Cup-bearers, such disproportion of the Gentlemen belonging to it, that once at a full Table of Waiters, each of them having a Servant or two to attend upon him, I and my man were the only English in all the Company. By which the King was so obs••rved, and be∣trayed

withal, that as far as they could find his meaning by Words, by Signs, and Circumstances, or the silent language of a shrug, it was posted presently into Scotland, some of his Bed-Chamber be∣ing grown so bold and saucy, that they used to Ransack his Pockets when he was in bed, to transcribe such Letters as they found, and send the Copies to their Countrymen in the way of intelligence. A thing so well known about the Court, that the Archbishop of Can∣terbury in one of his Letters, gave him this memento, that he should not trust his Pockets with it. For Offices of trust and credit they w••re as well accomodated as with those of service, Hamilton, Ma∣ster of the Horse, who stocked the Stables with that People; The Earl of Morton, Captain of his Majesties Guard; The Earl of Ancram, Keeper of the Privy Purse; The Duke of Lenox, Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Constable of Dover Castle; Balfore Lieu∣tenant of the Tower, the Fortress of most power and command in England; And Wemmys, the Master Gunner of his Majesties Navy, who had the issuing of the Stores, and Ammunition, designed unto it. Look on them in the Church, and we shall find so many of that Nation beneficed and preferred in all parts of this Country, that their Ecclesiastical Revenues could not but amount to more then all the yearly Rents of the Kirk of Scotland; and of all these scarce one in ten, who did not cordially espouse and promote their Cause amongst the People. They had beside no less assurance of the Eng∣lish Puritans than they had of their own; those in Court (of which there was no very small number) being headed by the Earl of Hol∣land, those in the Country by his Brother the Earl of Warwick; The f••rst being aptly called in a Letter of the Lord Conways to the Lord Archbishop, The spiritual, and invisible head, the other, The visible and temporal head of the Puritan Faction. And which was more than all the rest, they had the Marquiss of Hamilton for their Lord and Patron, of so great power about the King, such Authority in the Court of England, such a powerful influence on the Council of Scotland, and such a general Command over all that Nation, that his pleasure amongst them past for Law, and his words for Oracles; all matters of Grace and Favour ascribed to him, matters of harsh∣ness or distate to the King or Canterbury. To speak the matter in a word, he was grown King of Scots in Fact, though not in Title; His Majesty being looked on by them as a Cypher only in the Arithmetick of State.

But notwithstanding their confidence in all these Items, taking in the Imprimis too, they might have reckoned without their Host in the Summa Tetalis, the English Nation being generally disaffected to them, and passionately affecting the Kings quarrel against them. The sense and apprehension of so many indignities prevailed upon the King at last to unsheath the Sword, more justly in it self, and more justifiably in the sight of others; the Rebels having rejected all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o••••ers of Grace and Favour, and growing the more insolent by

his Condescensions. So that resolved, or rather forced upon the War, he must bethink himself of means to go thorow with it: To which end Burrows the Principal King of Arms, is commanded to search into the Records of the Tower, and to return an Extract of what he found relating to the War of Scotland; which he presented to the Archbishop in the end of December, to this effect, viz. 1.

That such Lords and others as had Lands and Livings upon the Borders, were commanded to reside there with their Retinue; and those that had Castles there, were enjoined to Fortifie them. 2. That the Lords of the Kingdom were Summoned by Writ, to attend the Kings Army with Horse and Armour at a certain time and place, according to their Service due to the King; or repair to the Ex∣chequer before that day, and make Fine for their Service: As also were all Widows, Dowagers of such Lords as were deceased; and so were all Bishops and Ecclesiastical Persons. 3. That Procla∣mations were likewise made by Sheriffs in every County, That all men holding of the King by Knights-Service or Sergeancy, should come to the Kings Army, or make Fines as aforesaid; with a strict command, That none should conceal their Service under a great Penalty. 4. As also, That all men having 40 l. Land per Annum, should come to the Kings Army with Horse and Armour; of which if any failed to come or to make Fine, their Lands, Tenements, Goods, and Chattels were distrained by the Sheri••f upon Summons out of the Exchequer. 5. That Commissions should be issued out for Levying of Men in every County, and bringing them to the Kings Army: That the like be done for Mu∣stering and Arraying the Clergy throughout England; or other∣wise, to furnish the King with a proportion of Armed Men for the present Service. 6. That Writs be issued out into all Coun∣ties, for certifying the King what number of Horse and Foot every County could afford him in his Wars with Scotland. 7. The like also to the Borders, requiring them to come unto the Kings Army well armed; Commissions to be made for punishing such as refused. 8. That the Sheriffs of the Counties were command∣ed by Writ to make Provisions of Corn and Victuals for the Kings Army, and to cause them to be carried to the place appointed. The like Command sent to the Merchants in the Port-Towns of England and Ireland; and the Ships of the Subject taken to Trans∣port such Provisions to the place assigned. 9. Several Sums of Money raised by Subsidies and Fifteens from the English Subject, and Aid of Money given and lent by the Merchant-Strangers, to∣ward the Maintenance of the War. 10. That the King used to suspend the payment of his Debts for a certain time, in regard of the great occasions he had to use Money in the Wars of Scot∣land.

Other Memorials were returned to the same effect: but these the principal.

According to these Instructions, his Majesty directs his Letters to

the Temporal Lords, his Writs to the High-Sheriffs, his Orders to the Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants in their several Coun∣ties, his Proclamations generally to all his Subjects; Requiring of them all such Aids and Services in his present Wars, as either by Laws, o•• Ancient Customs of the Land, they were bound to give him. He caused an Order also to be made by the Lords of the Council, directed to the two Archbishops, Ianuary 29. by which they were Required and Commanded,

To write their several and ••esp••ctive Letters to all the Lords Bishops in their several Provin∣ces respectively, forthwith to convene before them all the Clergy o•• Ability in their Diocesses, and to incite them by such ways and means as shall be thought best by their Lordships, to aid and assist his Majesty with their speedy and liberal Contributions, and other∣wise, for defence of his Royal Person, and of this Kingdom: And that the same be sent to the Lord Treasurer of England with all di∣li••ence▪

Subscribed by the Lord Keeper Coventry, the Bishop of London Lord Treasurer, the Earl of Manchester Lord Privy Seal, t•••• Duke of Lenox, the Earl of Lindsey Lord Great Chamberlain, t•••• Earl of Arundel Earl-Marshal, the Earl of Dorset Lord Cham∣berlain to the Queen, the Earl o•• Pembroke Lord Chamberlain to the King, the Earl of Holland Chancellor of Cambridge, Cottington Ma••ter of the Wards, Vane Treasurer of the Houshold, Cooke and Win••••bank the two Principal Secretaries. Which Warrant, whe∣ther it proceeded from the Kings own motion, or was procured by the Archbishop himself to promote the Service, is not much mate∣rial: Certain I am, that he conformed himself unto it with a chear∣ful diligence, and did accordingly direct his Letters to his Suffragan Bishops in this ••ollowing ••orm.

My very good Lord,

I Have received an Order from the Lords of his Majesties most Honou∣rable Privy Council, giving me notice of the great Preparations made by s••me of Scotland, both of Arms and all other Necessaries for War: And that this can have no other end, than to invade or annoy this his Majesties Kingdom of England. For his Majesty having a good while since, most graciously ••ielded to their Demands for securing the Religion by Law established amongst them, hath made it appear to the World, That it is not Religion but Sedition that stirs in them, and fills them with this most irreligious Disobedience, which at last breaks forth into a high degree of Treason against their Lawful Sovereign. In this Case of so great danger both to the State and Church of England, your Lordships, I doubt not, and your Clergie under you, will not only be vi∣gilant against the close Workings of any Pretenders in that kind: but very free also to your Power and Proportion of Means le••t to the Church, to contribute toward the raising of such an Army, as, by Gods Bl••ssing and his Majesties Care, may secure this Church and Kingdom

from all intended Violence. And according to the Order sent unto me by the Lords (a Copy whereof you shall herewith receive) these are to pray your Lordship to give a good Example in your own Person; and with all convenient speed to call your Clergie, and the abler Schoolma∣sters (as well those which are in Peculiars, as others) and excite them by your self, and such Commissioners as you will answer for, to contribute to this Great and Necessary Service; in which if they give not a good Example, they will be much to blame. But you are to call no poor Cu∣rates, nor Stipendaries: but such as in other Legal ways of Payment have been, and are by Order of Law bound to pay. The Proportion I know not well how to prescribe you: but I hope they of your Clergie whom God hath blessed with better Estates than Ordinary, will give freely, and thereby help the want of Means in others. And I hope also your Lordship will so order it, as that every man will at the least give after the Proportion of 3 s. 10 d. in the Pound, of the valuation of his Living, or other Preferment, in the Kings Books. And this I thought fit to l•••• you further know, That if any man have double Benefices, or a Bene∣fice and a Prebend, or the like, in divers Diocesses; yet your Lordship must call upon them only for such Preferments as they have within your Diocess, and leave them to pay for any other which they hold, to the Bishop in whose Diocess their Preferments are. As for the time, your Lordship must use all the diligence you can, and send up the Moneys if it be possible by the first of May next. And for your Indempnity, the Lord Treasurer is to give you such discharge, by striking a Tally or Tallies upon your several Payments into the Exchequer, as shall be fit to s••cure you without your Charge. Your Lordship must further be pleased to send up a List of the Names of such as refuse this Service within their Diocess: but I hope none will put you to that trouble. It is fur∣ther expected, That your Lordship▪ and every other Bishop, express by it self, and not in the general Sum of his Clergie, that which himself gives. And of this Service you must not fail. So to Gods blessed Pro∣tection I leave you, and rest,

Your Lordships very Loving Friend and Brother, WILL. CANT.

Lambeth, Ian. ult. 1638.

On the receiving of these Letters, the Clergy were Convented in their several Diocesses, encouraged by their several Ordinaries not to be wanting to his Majesty in the Present Service, and divers Preparations used beforehand to dispose them to it; which wroug••t so powerfully and effectually on the greatest part of them (those which wish'd well unto the Scots, seeming as forward in it as any other) that their Contributions mounted higher than was expected. The Benevolence of the Diocess of Norwich only a••ounting to 2016 l. 16 s. 5 d. The Archd••acorry of Winchester only, to the sum

of 1305 l. 5 s. 8 d. And though we may not conclude of all the rest by the greatness of th••se, yet may it be very safely said, that they did all exceeding bountifully in their several proportions, with re∣ference to the extent of their Diocesses, and the ability of their Estates. Nor were the Judges of the several Benches of the Courts at Westminster, and the great Officers under them, Protono∣taries, Secondaries, and the like, deficient in expressing their good a••••ections to this general cause; in which the safety of the Realm, was as much concerned as his Majesties honour. And for the Do∣ctors of the Laws, Chancellors, Commissaries, Officials, and other Officers belonging to the Ecclesiastical Courts, they were spurred on to follow the example of the Secular Judges (as having a more particular concernment in it) by a Letter sent from the Arch∣bishop to the Dean of the Arches, on February 11. and by him com∣municated to the rest. By which Free-will offerings on the one side, some commanded duties on the other, and the well-husbanding of his Majesties Revenue by the Lord Treasurer Iuxon, he was put into such a good condition, that he was able both to raise and maintain an Army with no charge to the Common Subject: but only a little Coat and Conduct money at their first setting out. These prepara∣tions were sufficient to give notice of a War approaching without any further denouncing of it by a publick Herald; and yet there was another accident which seemed as much to fore-signifie it as those preparations. Mary de Medices, the Widow of King Hen∣ry i••. of France, and Mother to the Queens of England and Spain, arrived at Harwich on October 19. and on the last of the same was with great State conducted through the Streets of London to his Ma∣jesties Palace of St. Iames. A Lady which for many years, had not lived out of the smell of Powder, and a guard of Muskets at her door, embroyled in wars and troubles when she lived in France, and drew them after her into Flanders. where they have ever since conti∣nued. So that most men were able to presage a Tempest, as Mari∣••e••s by the appearing of some Fish, or the flying of some Birds about their ships, can foresee a storm. His Majesty had took great care to prevent her comming, knowing ••ull well how chargeable a guest she would prove to him, and how unwelcome to the Subject. To which end ••eswel was commanded to use all his wits for perswading her to stay in Holland, whither she had retired from Flanders in the year precedent. But she was wedded to her will, and possibly had received such invitations from her Daughter here, that nothing but everlasting foul weather at Sea, and a perpetual cross-wind, could have kept her there.

All things provided for the War, his Majesty thought sit to satis∣fie his good Subjects of both Kingdoms, not only of the Justice which appeared in this Action: but in the unavoydable necessity which enforced him to it. To which end he acquaints them by his Proclamation, of the 20 of February,

How traiterously some of

the Scottish Nation had practiced to pervert his Loyal Subjects of this Realm, by scattering abroad their Libellous and Seditious Pamphlets, mingling themselves at their publick meetings, and reproaching both his Person and Government; That he had never any intention to alter their Religion or Laws,* 8.1 but had condescend∣ed unto more for defence thereof than they had reason to expect; That they had rejected the Band and Covenant which themselves had prest upon the people, because it was commended to them by his Authority; and having made a Covenant against God and him, and made such Hostile preparations, as if he were their sworn Enemy, and not their King; That many of them were men of broken Fortunes, who because they could not well be worse, hoped by engaging in this War to make themselves better; That they had assumed unto themselves the power of the Press one of the chief markes of the Regal Authority, prohibiting to Print what he commanded, and commanding to Print what he prohibited, and dismi••••ng the Printer whom he had established in that Kingdom; That they had raised Arms, blockt up and besieged his Castles, laid Impositions and Taxes upon his people, threatned such as continued under Loyalty, with force and violence; That they had contemned the Authority of the Council Table, and set up Ta∣bles of their own, from which they send their Ed••cts throughout all parts of the Kingdom, contrary to the Laws therein establi∣shed, pretending in the mean time that the Laws were violated by himself; That the question was not now, whether the Service-Book should be received or not, or whether Episcopacy should continue or not, but whether he were King or not; That many of them had denied the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance (for which some of them had been committed) as inconsistent, and in∣compatible with their holy Covenant; That being brought under a necessity of taking Arms, he had been traduced in some of their writings for committing the Arms he had then raised, into the hands of professed Papists, a thing not only dishonourable to himself, and the said noble persons, but false and odious in it self; That some of power in the Hierarchy had been defamed for being the cause of his taking Arms to invade that Kingdom, who on the contrary had been only Counsellors of peace, and the chief perswaders (as much as in them lay) of the undeserved moderation wherewith he had hither∣to proceeded toward so great Offenders; That he had no intent by commending the Service-Book unto them to innovate any thing at all in their Religion, but only to create a conformity between the Churches of both Kingdoms, and not to infringe any of their Liberties which were according to the Laws; That therefore he required all his loving Subjects not to receive any more of the said seditious Pamphlets, but to deliver such of them as they had received, into the hands of the next Justice of the Peace, by him to be sent to one of his Majesties principal Secretaries; And final∣ly,

That this his Proclamation and Declaration be read in time of Divine Service in every Church within the Kingdom, that all his People to the meanest, might see the notorious carriages of these men, and likewise the Justice and Mercy of all his pro∣ceedings.

And now his Majesty is for Action, beginning his Journey to∣wards the North, March 27. being the Anniversary day of his In∣auguration. His Army was advanced before, the best for quality of the Persons, compleatness of Arms, number of serviceable Horse, and necessary Provision of all sorts, that ever waited on a King of England to a War with Scotland. Most of the Nobility at∣tended on him in their Persons; and such as were to be excused for Age and indisposition, testified their affections to his Majesties Ser∣vice in good Sums of money. The Flower of the English Gentry would not stay behind, but chearfully put themselves into the Acti∣on, upon a confidence of getting honour for themselves, as well as for their King or Country; many of which had been at great charge in f••rni••••ing themselves for this Expedition, on an assurance of be∣ing repaid in Favours what they spent in Treasure. And not a few of our old Commanders, which had been trained up in the Wars of Holland, and the King of Sweden, deserted their Employments 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to serve their Soveraign, whether with a greater gallantry or a ••ection, it is hard to say. The Horse computed to 6000. as good as ever charged on a standing Enemy; The Foot of a sufficient num∣ber, though not proportionable to the Horse, stout men, and well a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the most part to the Cause in hand; the Canon, Bullets, and all other sorts o•• Ammunition, nothing inferiour to the rest of the Preparations. An Army able to have trampled all Scotland un∣der their feet, (Gods ordinary providence concurring with them) and made the King as absolutely Master of that Kingdom as many Prince could be of a conquered Nation. The chief Command committed to the Earl of Arundel, who, though not biassed toward Rome, (as the Scots reported him) was known to be no friend to the Puritan Faction: The Earl of Holland having been Captain of his Majesties Guard, and formerly appointed to conduct some fresh ••ecruits to the Isle of Rhee, was made Lieutenant of the Horse. And the Earl of Essex, who formerly had seen some service in Holland, and very well understood the Art of War, Lieutenant-General of the Foot. Besides which power that marcht by Land, there were some other Forces embarqued in a considerable part of the Royal Navy, with plenty of Coin and Ammunition, which was put under the command of Hamilton (who must be of the Quorum in all busines∣ses) with order to ply about the Coasts of Scotland, and thereby to surprise their Ships, and destroy their Trade, and make such further attempts to Landward, as opportunity should offer, and the nature of affairs require.

It is reported (and I have it from a very good hand) that when

the old Archbishop of St. Andrews, came to take his leave of the King, at his setting forward toward the North, he desired leave to give his Majesty three Advertisements before his going. The first was, That his Majesty would suffer none of the Scottish Nation to remain in his Army; assuring him that they would never fight against their Countrymen: but rather hazard the whole Army by their ••ergiversation. The second was, that his Majesty would make a Catalogue of all his Counsellors, Officers of Houshold, and domestick Servants; and having so done, would with his Pen obliterate and expunge the Scots, beginning first with the Archbishop of St. Andrews himself who had given the Counsel; conceiving (as he then declared) that no man could accuse the King of Partiality, when they found the Archbishop of St. Andrews, who had so faith∣fully served his Father and himself, about sixty years, should be ex∣punged amongst the rest. A third was, That he must not hope to win upon them by Condescensions, or the sweetness of his disposi∣tion, or by Acts of Grace: but that he should resolve to reduce them to their duty by such waies of Power as God had put into his hands. The Reason of which Counsel was, because he found up∣on a sad experience of sixty years, that generally they were a people of so cross a grain, that they were gained by Punishments, and lost by Favours. But contrary to this good Counsel, his Majesty did not only permit all his own Servants of that Nation to remain about him: but suffered the Earls of Roxborough and Traquaire, and other No∣blemen of that Kingdom with their several Followers and Retinues to repair to York, under pretence of offering of some expedient to compose the differences. Where being come, they plyed their bu∣siness so well, that by representing to the Lords of the English Na∣tion the dangers they would bring themselves into by the Pride and Tyranny of the Bishops, if the Scots were totally subdued, they mi∣tigated the displeasures of some, and so took off the edge of others, that they did not go from York, the same men they came thither. On the discovery of which Practice, and some intelligence which they had with the Covenanters, they were confined to their Cham∣bers (the first at York, the other at Newcastle) but were presently dismissed again, and sent back to Scotland. But they had first done what they came for, never men being so suddenly cooled as the Lords of England; or ever making clearer shews of an alteration in their words and gestures.

This change his Majesty soon found, or had cause to fear; and therefore for the better keeping of his Party together, he caused an Oath to be propounded to all the Lords, and others of chief Emi∣nency which attended on him, before his departure out of York; knowing full well, that those of the inferiour Orbs would be wholly governed by the motion of the higher Spheres. The Tenor of which Oath was this that followeth:

I A. B. do Swear before the Almighty and Ever-living God, That I will bear all faithful Allegiance to my true and undoubted Sove∣reign King CHARLES, who is Lawful King of this Island, and all other his Kingdoms and Dominions both by Sea and Land, by the Laws of God and Man, and by Lawful Succession; And that I will m••st constantly and most chearfully, even to the utmost hazard of my Life and Fortunes, oppose all Seditions, Rebellions, Conjurations, Conspi∣racies whatsoever, against his Royal Dignity, Crown, and Person, raised or set up under what pretence or colour soever: And if it shall come vailed under pretence of Religion, I hold it more abominable both before God and Man. And this Oath I take voluntarily, in the Faith of a good Christian and Loyal Subject, without Equivocation or mental Reservation whatsoever; from which I hold no Power on Earth can absolve me in any part.

Such was the Tenour of the Oath; which being refused by two, and but two of the Lords, of which one would not Say it, nor the other ••rock it, the said Refusers were committed to the Custody of the Sheriffs of York; and afterwards, for their further Tryal, Inter∣rogated upon certain Articles touching their approbation or dislike of the War: To which their Answers were so doubtful and unsa∣tisfactory, that his Majesty thought it safer for him to dismiss them home, than to keep them longer about him to corrupt the rest: By means whereof he furnished them with an opportunity of doing him more disservice at home, where there was no body to attend and observe their Actions, than possibly they could have done in the Army, where there were so many eyes to watch them, and so many hands to pull them back if they proved extravagant.

As to the carrying on of the War, the Earl of Essex was Com∣manded by his Majesty, at his first coming to York, to put a Garrison into Berwick, and to take with him such Provisions of Canon, Arms, and Ammunition as were assigned for that Imployment: Which as he chearfully undertook, so he couragiously performed it, notwithstanding all the terrours and affrightments which he found in his March. For being encountred in his way with the Earls of Rox∣borough, Traquaire, and the rest of the Scots then going to York, they laboured all they could to disswade him from it, assuring him, That either the Scots would be in the Town before him; or that their whole Army would be so near, that he must needs run the hazard of losing all, without doing any thing. Which notwithstanding, he went on, entred the Town, repaired the Breaches in the Walls, and placed his Cannon on the same, proceeding in the Work as became a Souldier. With less fidelity and courage dealt the Earl of Hol∣land, at the Kings coming near the Borders, where long he had not been encamped, when he had Intelligence that the Scots Army was advancing; on which Advertisement, he dispatch'd Holland with a

great Body of Horse to attend upon them. Lesly had drawn his Ar∣my into a very large Front, his Files exceeding thin and shallow: but intermingled with so many Ensigns, as if every twenty or thirty men had been a Regiment; and behind all, a great Herd of Cattel, which raised up so much dust with their feet, as did cloud the Stra∣tagem. Holland dismayed with such a formidable appearance, or being afraid that his great Horse would be under-ridden with the Gal∣loway Nags, sent Messenger after Messenger to acquaint the King with his present condition, who sent him order to draw off and retire again, and not to hazard himself and the Forces under him, on such a visible disadvantage. How Hamilton behaved himself, we are next to see; who having anchored his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough, and landing some of his spent men in a little Island, to give them breath, and some refreshments, received a Visit from his Mother, a most rigid and pragmatical Covenanter; the Scots upon the shore saying with no small laughter, That they knew the Son of so good a Mother, could not do them hurt: And so it proved; for having loy∣tered thereabouts to no purpose, till he heard that the Treaty of the Pacification, was begun neer Berwick, he left his Ships, and came in great haste, as it was pretended, to disturb the business, which was to be concluded before he came thither.

For so it hapned,

That as soon as Essex had brought his Forces in∣to Berwick, the Scots began to fear the approaching danger which they had drawn upon themselves; and thereupon some Chiefs amongst them addressed their Letters to him on the 19th. of April, laying the cause of all these Troubles to some ill Countrymen of their own,* 8.2 whom they conceived to have provoked the King against them; endeavouring to make the Remedy of their Evils, and the scope of their deserved Punishment, the beginning of an incurable Disease betwixt the two Nations, to whom the Quarrel should in no way extend. They complained also, That there were many of the English in Place and Credit, whose Private Byass did run clean contrary to the Publick Good; such as did rise early to poy∣son the Publick Fountain, and to sow the Tares of unhappy Jea∣lousies and Discords between the Kingdoms, before the good Seed of our Love and Respect to the English Nation, could take place in their hearts. They declared next, how strange and unexpe∣cted it was unto them, to see his Forces drawn toward the Bor∣ders, which they could not but interpret as a pregnant presum∣ption of some further Project against their Nation by his Power; which must needs cause them to bestir themselves in time, for their own preservation. And though they gave themselves some assu∣rance, grounded upon the Reputation of his former Life, that his Lordship would be very wary to begin the Quarrel, at which Enemies only would rejoyce and catch advantage; yet at the last (fearing that neither Threats nor Complements would do the bu∣siness) they fall to a downright begging of a Pacification. For ha∣ving

taken God to witness, That they desired no National Quarrel to arise betwixt them, or to taste any of the bitter Fruit, which might set their Childrens Teeth on edge; They professed themselves obliged in conscience to God, their Prince, Nation, and Brethren, to try all just and lawful means for the removal of all Causes of Di••••erence betwixt the two Nations, and to be always ready to o••fer the occasion of greater Satisfaction, for clearing of their Loy∣al Intentions to their Prince, and to all those whom it may con∣cern: ••ut more particularly to his Lordship, in regard of his Place and Command at that time; And this to do by any means whatsoever, which should be thought expedient on both sides.

But Essex, though perhaps he might like their Cause, did not love their Nation (the Affront put upon him by Carr Earl of Somerset running still in his mind); so that the Practice edified very little with him▪ for ought I can find; whatsoever it might do with others about the King, to whom the Letter was communicated, which in duty he was bound to do on the first receiving.

With greater comfort they applied themselves to the Earl of Arundel, whom at first they feared more than all the rest: but had now placed the greatest part of their confidence on him. For whilst the Puritans in both Kingdoms stood at a gaze upon the Issue of this War, one Mosely Vicar of Newark upon Trent, obtained leave to pass through the Army into Scotland: A man of zeal enough to be put upon any business which the wiser ones durst not be seen in; and of such silliness withal, that no body could fear any danger from him. By this Man (as appears by their Letter) they under∣stood of his Lordships particular Affection to the continuance of the Common Peace betwixt the Nations, being before assured of his Noble Disposition in the general (as the Letter words it.) And this being said, they signifie unto him, and wish that they could do the like to all the good Subjects of England,

That they were neither weary of Monarchical Government, nor had entertained the least thoug••••s of casting of the yoke of Obedience, or invading Eng∣land; That they desired nothing else than peaceably to enjoy their Religion, and the Liberties of their Country, according to the Laws; and that all Questions about the same, might be decided by Parliament and National Assemblies, which they conceived his Lordship would judge to be most equitable, and for which no National Quarrel (as they hoped) could justly arise. And finally, That they had sent him a Copy of the Supplication, which they intended to present unto the King, as soon as he was prepared for it; to the end that by the mediation of his Lordship, and other Noble Lords of England, to whom they had written in like manner, his Majesty might be pleased to hear them at large, and grant such things as they had desired; which they conceived to tend to his Majesties great Glory, to put an end to all the present Questions to their mutual rejoycing, and to make the blessed Instruments of

so good a work to be thankfully remembred to Posterity.

In their letter to the Earl of Holland, of the seventh of Iune, they express more confidence (as being more assured of him then of any other) not only justifying themselves in their former proceedings: but requesting his assistance to promote their desires in a petition ten∣dred to his Majesty hands, descending by degrees to this particu∣lar,

That by a meeting in some convenient place, and of some prime and well affected men to the Reformed Religion and the Common Peace, all matters might be so well amended, and with such expedition, that their evils (through further delays) might not prove incurable.

These preparations being made, they found an easier business of it, then they had any reason to expect or hope, to bring his Majesty to meet them in the middle way; who was so tender of their case that he was more ready to accept their supplication, then they were to offer it. It was not his intent to fight them, (as I have heard from a person of great trust and honour) but only by the terrour of so great an Army to draw the Scots to do him reason. And this I am the more apt to credit, because when a Noble and well experienced Commander offered him (then being in Camp near Berwick) that with two thousand horse (which the King might very well have spa∣red) he would so waste, and spoil their Countrey, that the Scots should creep upon their bellies to implore his mercy, he would by no means hearken to the proposition. And having no purpose of out-going Muster and Ostentation, it is no wonder if he did not only willingly give way to the presenting of their Petition, and cheer∣fully embraced all Overtures tending to a Pacification: but make choice also of such persons, to Negotiate in it, who were more like to take such terms as they could get, then to fight it out. Com∣missioners being on both sides appointed, they came at last to this conclusion on the seventeenth of Iune, viz. First, That his Majesty should confirm whatsoever his Commissioner have already granted in his Majesties name, and that from thenceforth all matters Ecclesiastical should be determined by the Assemblies of the Kirk, and all matters Civil by the Parliament; and to that end a General Assembly to be Indicted on the sixth of August, and a Parliament on the twentieth of the same Moneth, in which Parliament an Act of Oblivion was to pass for the common peace and satisfaction of all parties; that the Scots upon the pub∣lication of the accord, should within fourty eight hours disband all their Forces, discharge all pretended Tables, and Conventicles, restore unto the King all his Castles, Forts and Ammunition of all sorts; the like Resti∣tution to be made to all his good Subjects, of their Liberties, Lands, Houses, Goods, and Means whatsoever, taken and detained from them, since the late pretended General Assembly held at Glasco; that thereupon his Majesty should presently recal his Fleet, and retire his Land Forces, and cause Restitution to be made of all persons of their Ships and Goods Detained and Arrested since the first of February. But as for

the proceedings of the Assembly of Glasco, as his Majesty could not allow them with Honour on the one side; so neither do I find that they were condemned, or that the Scots were bound to abandon the conclusions of it, so that it seems to have been left in the same condition, (as to all the Acts, Determinations, and Results there) in which it stood before his Majesties taking Arms; Which as it was the chief ground of the Quarrel, so the King doing nothing in Order to the Abrogating of it, and the conclusions therein made, when he was in the head of a powerful Army, he could not give himself much hopes, that the Scots could yield to any such Abroga∣tion, when he had no such Army to compel obedience.

And this appeared immediately on his Majesties signing the Agreement, and the discharging of his Forces upon the same. For the Declaration of this accord was no sooner published, but the Covenanters produced a Protestation;

First, of adhering to their late General Assembly at Glasco, as a full and free Assembly of their Kirk, and to all the proceedings there; especially the sentences of Deprivation, and Excommunication of the sometimes pretended Bishops of that Kingdom: And secondly, of adhering to their Solemn Covenant, and Declaration of the Assembly, whereby the office of Bishop is abjured. Thirdly, that the pretended Arch∣bishops and Bishops, that usurp the title and office abjured by the Kirk and be contemners of the sentences of Kirk, have been ma∣licious Incendiaries of his Majesty against this Kingdom, by their wicked calamnies; and that if they return to this Kingdom, they be esteemed and used as accursed, and they delivered up to the Devil, and cast off from Christ his body, as Ethnicks, and Publi∣cans: And fourthly, that all the entertainers of the Excommu∣cated Bishops, should be orderly proceeded against with Excom∣munication, conform to the Acts, and Constitutions of this Kirk.

And this they did as well to justifie their proceeding in the said Assembly, as to terrifie and affright the Bishops from presenting themselves as members of Assembly and Parliament at the next Conventions. Which done they dispersed abroad a scandalous Paper, pretending to contain the heads of the late Agreement; but drawn so advantageously for themselves, so disagreeably to the true intention of his Majesty, that he could do no less in honour then call it in, and cause it to be publickly burnt by the hand of the Hang∣man. And being conscious to themselves how much his Majesty, must be incensed with these Indignities, they continued their meet∣ings and Consultations as before they did, maintained their Fortifi∣cations at Leith the Port Town to Edenborough, disquieted molested, and frighted all of different inclinations, and kept their Officers and Commanders in continual pay, to have them in a Readiness on the next occasion. With which disorders his Majesty being made ac∣quainted, he sent for some of the Chiefs of them to come to him to Berwick: but was refused in his Commands under pretence, that

there was some intention to entrap them at their coming thither; and that his Majesty might be staved off from being present at the next Assembly in Edenborough, as he had both promised, and resol∣ved, they commit a riotous assault on the Earls of Kinnoul, and Traquaire, Chief Justice Elphinsten, and Sir Iames Hamilton, all Privy Counsellors of that Kingdom. These they pulled violently out of their Coach, on a suspicion that some Bishops were disgui∣sed amongst them; but really that the King might have some cause to suspect that there could be no safety for him in such a place, and amongst people so enraged, notwithstanding his great clemency shew∣ed unto them in the Pacification.

His Majesty was now at leisure to repent the loss of those Ad∣vantages which God had put into his hands. He found the Scots so unprovided (not having above 3000. compleat Arms amongst them) that he might have scattered them like the dust before the wind at the very first onset. By making this agreement with them he put them into such a stock of Reputation, that within the com∣pass of that year they furnished themselves out of Holland with Can∣non, Arms, and Ammunition upon days of Payment without dis∣bursing any money, which he knew they had not. He came unto the borders with a gallant Army, which might assure him (under God) of a very cheap and easie victory; an Army governed by Colonels, and other Officers of approved Valour, and mingled with the choicest of the English Gentry, who stood as much upon his honour as upon their own. This Army he disbanded wi••••out doing any thing which might give satisfaction to the world, hims••lf, or them. Had he retired it only to a further distance, he had done as much as he was bound to by the Capitulations: But he dis∣banded it before he had seen the least performance on their parts of the points agreed on; before he had seen the issue and success of the two Conventions, in which he did expect a settling of his peace and happiness; which had he done, he had in all reasonable probabili∣ties preserved his honour in the eye of Foraign Nations, secu∣red himself from any danger from that people, and crusht those Practices at home which afterwards undermined his Peace, and de∣stroyed his Glories. But doing it in this form and manner, without effecting any thing which he seemed to Arm for, he animated the Scots to commit new Insolencies, the Dutch to affront him in his own Shores, by fighting and destroying the Spanish Navy, lying under his protection, and (which was worst of all) gave no small discontent∣ment to the English Gentry. Who having with great charge engaged themselves in this Expedition out of hope of getting honour to the King, their Country, and themselves by their faithful service, were suddenly dismissed, not only without the honour which they aimed at, but without any acknowledgment of their Love and Loyalty. A matter so unpleasing to them, that few of them appeared 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the next years Army; many of them turned against him in the follow∣ing

troubles, the greatest part looking on his Successes with a careless eye, as unconcerned in his Affairs, whether good or bad.

In this condition of Affairs he returned toward London in the end of Iuly, leaving the Scots to play their own Game as they listed; having first nominated Traquaire as his High Commissioner for ma∣naging both the Assembly, and the following Parliament. In the first meeting of the two, they acted over all the parts they had plaid at Glasco, to the utter abolition of Episcopacy, and the destruction of all those which adhered unto it; their Actings in it being confirm∣ed in his name by the High Commission. In the Parliament they altered the old form of chusing the Lords of the Articles, erected a third Estate out of Lairds and Barons, instead of the Bishops; in∣vaded the Soveraign power of Coynage; Resolved upon an Act for abrogating all former Statutes concerning the Judicature of the Ex∣chequer for making of Proxies, and governing the Estates of Wards; and finally, conceived the King to be much in their debt by yielding to a prorogation till a further time. The news whereof reduced the King to such a stand, that he was forced to send for Wentworth out of Ireland, where he had acted things in settling the Estate of that broken Kingdom, beyond expectation or belief. This charged on Canterbury, as a project and crime of his, and both to∣gether branded for it in a Speech made by the Lord Faulkland, in the first year of the Long Parliament, where speaking first of the Bishops generally, he tells the Speaker,

That they had both kindled and blown the fire in both Nations; and more particularly, that they had both sent and maintained that book, of which the Author hath no doubt long since wished with Nero (Vtinam nescissem Literas.) And of which more than one Kingdom hath cause to wish, that he who writ it, had rather burned a Library, though of the value of Ptolemies. And then he adds, We shall see then (saith he) who have been the first and principal cause of the breach, I will not say of, but since the Pacification at Berwick. We shall find them to have been the almost sole Abettors of my Lord of Straf∣ford, whilst he was practicing upon another Kingdom that manner of Government which he intended to settle in this, where he com∣mitted so many, so mighty, and so manifest enormities, as the like have not been committed by any Governour in any Government since Veires left Sicily. And after they had called him over from being Deputy of Ireland to be in manner Deputy of England (all things here being governed by a Iuntillo, and that Iuntillo gover∣ned by him) to have assisted him in the giving of such Counsels, and the pursuing of such courses, as it is a hard and measuring cast, whether they were more unwise, more unjust, or more unfor∣tunate, and which had infallibly been our destruction, if by the grace of God their share had not been as small in the subtilty of Serpents as in the innocence of Doves.

But these were only the

Evaporations of some Discontents, which that noble Orator had con∣tracted; of which more elsewhere.

Wentworth being called unto this Service, was presently made Lord Leiutenant of Ireland, and not long after with great solemnity Created Earl of Strafford in the County of York. As Lord Lieute∣nant he had Power to appoint a Deputy, that so he might the better attend the Service here, without any prejudice to that Kingdom; which Office he committed to Wansford a Yorkshire Gentleman, and an especial Confident of his, whom he had took along with him in∣to Ireland at his first going thither. And because great Counsels are carried with most faith and secrecy, when they are entrusted but to few, his Majesty was pleased to commit the Conduct of the Scottish Businesses to a Iuncto of three; that is to say, the Archbi∣shop of Canterbury, the new Lord Lieutenant, and the Marquis of Hamilton; which last the other two knew not how to trust, and therefore communicated no more of their Counsels to him, than such as they cared or feared not to make known to others. By these three joyned in Consultations, it was conceived expedient to move his Majesty to try his fortune once more in calling a Parliament, and in the mean time to command some of the Principal Covenanters to attend his Pleasure at the Court, and render an account of their late Proceedings. In order to the first, they had no sooner signified what they thought fit for his Majesties Service, but it was chearfully en∣tertained by the Lords of the Council, who joined together with them in the Proposition; promising his Majesty to assist him in ex∣traordinary ways, if the Parliament should fail him in it, as they after did. Upon these Terms his Majesty yielded to the Motion on the fifth of December, causing an Intimation to be publickly made of his Intent to hold a Parliament on the 13th. of April, then next fol∣lowing: An Intimation which the Londoners received with great signs of joy, and so did many in the Country: but such withal, as gave no small matter of disturbance unto many others, who could not think the calling of a Parliament in that point of time, to be safe or seasonable. The last Parliament being dissolved in a Rupture, the Closets of some Members searched, many of them imprisoned, and some fined; it was not to be thought but that they would come thither with revengeful Spirits. And should a breach happen be∣twixt them and the King, and the Parliament be Dissolved upon it, as it after was, the breach would prove irreparable, as it after did. Besides which fear, it was presumed, that the interval of four Months time, would give the discontented Party opportunity to unite themselves, to practice on the Shires and Burroughs, to elect such Members as they should recommend unto them; and finally, not only to consult, but to conclude on such Particulars as they inte••••∣ed to insist upon, when they were Assembled. In which Res•••••••• the calling a Parliament at that time, and with so long warning beforehand, was conceived unsafe: And if it was unsafe, it was mor••

unseasonable. Parliaments had now long been discontinued, the People lived happily without them, and few took thought who should see the next: And which is more, the Neighbouring Kings and States beheld the King with greater Veneration, than they had done formerly, as one that could stand on his own Legs, and had raised up himself to so great Power both by Sea and Land, without such discontents and brabbles as his Parliaments gave him. So that to call a Parliament, was ••eared to be the likeliest way to make his Majesty seem less in estimation both at home and abroad, the eyes of men being distracted by so many objects.

But whatsoever others thought, it was thought by Wentworth, that he could manage a Parliament well enough to the Kings Advan∣tage; especially by setting them such a Lesson as should make them all ashamed of not writing after such a Copy. Two ends they had in advising the Intimation of the Parliament to be given so long be∣fore the Sitting. First, That the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland might in the mean time hold a Parliament in that Kingdom, which he did accordingly, and governed the Affair so well, that an Army of 8000 Horse and Foot (some of our Writers say 10000) was speedi∣ly raised, and Money granted by the Parliament to keep them in pay, and furnish them with Ammunition, Arms, and all other Necessaries. Secondly, That by the Reputation of a following Parliament, he might be the better enabled to borrow Money for the carrying on of that War, if the Parliament should chance to fail of doing their Duty; wherein the Lords performed their parts, in drawing in great Sums of Money upon that account. For causing a List to be made of most of the Persons of Ability, which had relation to the Courts of Judicature, either Ecclesiastical or Civil, of such as held Offices of the Crown as attained unto his Majesties Service, or otherwise were thought to be well affected to the present Cause, and had not formerly contributed toward it, they called them to the Council-Table, where they endeavoured, by the prevailing Rheto∣rick of Power and Favour, to perswade them to a bountiful Contri∣bution, or a chearful Loan, according to the Sums proportioned and requested of them. In which they did proceed so well, that mo∣ney came flowing in apace, enough to put the King into a condition of making new Levies of Men both for Horse and Foot, Listing them under their Commanders, and putting them into a Posture for the War approaching. And that they might be sure to speed the better, by the encouragement of a good Example, the Lord Lieutenant subscribed for a Loan of 20000 l. the other Lords with the same Loyalty and Affection proportioning their Engagements to their Abi∣lities, and thereby giving Law to most of the Noblemen in all parts of the Kingdom. Nor was the Queen wanting for her part to ad∣vance the Service; For knowing how great a share she had in his Ma∣jesties Fortune, she employed her Secretary Winter, Mountague, Digby, and others of her Confidents of that Religion, to negotiate

with the rest of their party, for being Assistant to his Majesty in so just a quarrel. In which design she found such a liberal correspon∣dence from the Roman Catholicks, as shewed them to be somewhat ambitious of being accounted amongst the most Loyal and best af∣fected, of his Majesties Subjects.

These preparations being Resolved on and in some part made, it was thought convenient that his Majesty should take the opportunity of the coming of some Commissioners from the Scots to call for an account of their late proceedings. According unto which advice his Majesty appointed a Select Committee from the rest of the Council, to bring those Commissioners to a reckoning, to hear what they could say for themselves and the rest of their fellows, and to make report thereof to his Majesty; The Commissioners were the Earl of Dumfermelling, the Lord London, Douglas and Barkley, both of inferiour rank, but of like Authority; Of which the Speakers part was performed by London, A confident bold man, of a Pe••antical express••on, but one that loved to hear himself above all men living. Being Commanded to attend the Committee at the time appointed, they r••nted high, touching the Independency of the Crown of Scotland, and did not think themselves obliged to Treat with any, but his Majesty only. His Majesties vouchsa••e••ng his presence at the said Committee; London begins with a defence of their proceedings, both in the General Assembly, and the late Parliament held at Edenborough by his Majesties Order; Alledged that nothing was done in them contrary to the Laws of the Land, and the Precedents of former times; and finally besought his Majesty to ratifie and con∣firm the Acts, and Results of both Commissions. They could shew none to qualifie them in the nature of Publick Agents; Nor had they any power to Oblige their party in the performance of any thing which might give his Majesty full satisfaction for the time to come, whatsoever satisfaction he was able to give them in debating the business. His Majesty endeavoured not by reason only, but by all fair and gentle means, to let them see the unreasonableness of their demands, the legality of their proceedings, and the danger which would fall upon them, if they continued obstinate in their former courses. But London governed all the rest, who being of a fiery na∣ture in himself, and a dependent on the Earl of Argile, who had declared himself for the Covenanters at the Assembly at Glasco, resolved to stand to the Conclusion which he brought along with him, though he found himself unable to make good the Premises; so that some days being unprofitably spent in these debates, the Archbishop and the rest of the Committee, made a report of the whole business to the rest of the Council, who upon full conside∣ration of all particulars, came to this Result: That since the Scots could not be reclaimed to their obedience by other means, they were to be reduced by Force.

This was no more then what the Scots could give themselves

Reason to expect; and therefore they bestirred themselves as much on the other side. Part of the Walls of the Castle of Edenborough, with all the Ordnance upon it, had fallen down on the nineteenth of November last, being the Anniversary day of his Majesties Birth (not without some presage of that ill fortune which befel him in the course of this War) for the Repair whereof, they would neither suffer Timber, nor any other Materials to be carried to it: but on the contrary, they began to raise Works and Fortifications against it, with an intent to block it up, and render it unuseful to his Majesties Service: And to keep the Souldiers therein Garrisoned (most of them English) to hard meats, they would not suffer them to come in∣to the Market to recruit their Victuals. They made Provisions of great quantity of Artillery, Munition and Arms from Foreign Parts; laid Taxes of ten Marks in the hundred upon all the Subjects, ac∣cording to their several Revenues, which they Levied with all cursed Rigour, though bruiting them abroad to be Free-will Offerings; scattered abroad many Seditious and Scandalous Pamphlets, for justi∣fying themselves and seducing others, some of which were burnt in England by the hand of the Hangman; Fortified Inchgarvie and other places, which they planted with Ordnance; Imprisoned the Earl of Southesk, and other Persons of Quality, for their fidelity to the King; took to themselves the Government of the City of Edenbo∣rough, contrary to their Charters and Immunities, by which the Citizens were disabled from serving his Majesty in any of his just Commands; and finally, employed their Emissaries in all Parts of England, to disswade those who were too backward of themselves, from contributing to the War against them, and to sollicit from them such several Aids as might the better enable them to maintain the War against their Sovereign.

But their chief Correspondence was with France and Ireland. In France they had made sure of Cardinal of Richelieu, who Governed all Affairs in that Kingdom. Following the Maxim of Queen Eli∣zabeth, in securing the Peace of his own Country by the Wars of his Neighbours, he practised the Revolt of Portugal, and put the Catalonians into Arms against their King, to the end that he might waste the fiery Spirit of the French in a War on Flanders, with the better fortune and success. But knowing that it was the Interest of the Crown of England, to hold the Balance even between France and Spain; and that his Majesty by removing the Ships of Holland, which lay before Duynkirk, Anno 1635. had hindred the French from making such a Progress by Land, as might have made them Masters of the Spanish Netherlands; he held it a chief piece of State-Craft (as indeed it was) to excite the Scots against their King, and to encourage them to stand it out unto the last, being so excited.

Upon which ground he sent Chamberlain, a Scot by Birth, his Chaplain and Almoner, to assist the Confederates in advancing the business, and to at∣tempt all ways for exasperating the first heat; with Order not to

depart from them, till (things succeeding as he wished) he might return with good News:

And on the same appointed one of his Secretaries to reside in Scotland, to march along with them into Eng∣land, to be present at all Councils of War, and direct their busi∣ness. And on the other side, Hamiltons Chaplains had free accesses unto Con the same Countryman also, at such time as Chamberlain was Negotiating for the Cardinal, to ••oment the Flames, which had begun to rage already. And by a Letter subscribed by the Earl of Rothes, and others of chief note amongst the Covenanters, they cra∣ved the Assistance of that King, cast themselves upon his Protection, beseeching him to give credit to Colvill the Bearer thereof, whom they had instructed in all Particulars which concerned their Conditi∣on and Desires. In Ireland they had a strong Party of Natural Scots, planted in Vlster by King Iames, upon the forfeited Estates of Tir-Owen, Tir-Connel, Odighirtie▪ &c. not Scots in Birth and Parentage only, but Design and Faction. But Wentworth was not to be told of their secret Practices; he saw it in their general disposition to Schism and Faction, and was not unacquainted with their old Re∣bellions. It must be his care that they brake not into any new; which he performed with such a diligent and watchful eye, that he crushed them in the very beginning o•• the Combination, seising upon such Ships and Men as came thither from Scotland, Imprison∣ing some, Fining others, and putting an Oath upon the rest: By which Oath they were bound to abjure the Covenant, not to be aid∣ing to the Covenanters against the King, nor to Protest against any of his Royal Edicts, as their Brethren in Scotland used to do. For the re∣fusing of which Oath he Fined one (a) 8.3 Sir Henry Steward and his Wife (Persons of no less Power than Disaffection) at no less than 5000 l. apiece; two of their Daughters, and one Iames Gray of the same Confederacy, at the Sum of 3000 l. apiece; committing them to Prison for not paying the Fines imposed upon them. All which he ju∣stified when he was brought unto his Trial, on good Reasons of State; There (b) 8.4 being at that time one hundred thousand Souls in Ireland of the Scottish Nation, most of them passionately affected to the Cause of the Covenanters, and some of them conspiring to betray the Town and Castle of Carickfergus to a Nobleman of that Country, for which the Principal Conspirator had been justly Executed. Nor staid he here, but he gave finally a Power to the Bishop of Down and Connor, and other Bishops of that Kingdom, and their several Chancellors, to attach the Bodies of all such of the meaner sort, who either should refuse to appear before them upon Citation, or to perform all Lawful Decrees and Orders made by the said Bishops and their Chancellors; and to commit them to the next Gaol, till they should conform, or answer the Contempt at the Council-Ta∣ble. By means whereof, he made the poorer sort so pliant, and obedient to their several Bishops, that there was good hopes of their Conformity to the Rules of the Church.

Having thus carried on the affairs of Scotland till the end of this year, we must return to our Archbishop; whom we shall find in∣tent on the preservation of the Hierarchy, and the Church of England, against the Practices of the Scots, and Scotizing English: and no less busied in digesting an Apologie for vindicating the Liturgie commen∣ded to the Kirk of Scotland. In reference to the last, he took order for translating the Scottish Liturgy into the Latine Tongue; that be∣ing published with the Apologie, which he had designed, it might give satisfaction to the world of his Majesty Piety, and his own great care, the Orthodoxie and simplicity of the Book it self, and the per∣verseness of the Scots in refusing all of it. Which Work was finished and left with him, but it went no further; the present distemper of the times, and the troubles which fell heavily on him putting an end to it in the first beginning. But the best was, that the English Litur∣gie had been published in so many Languages, and the Scottish so agreeable to the English in the Forms and Offices, that any man might judge of the one by perusing the other. The first Liturgie of King Edward vi. translated into Latine by Alexander Alesius, a learned Scot, for the better information of Martin Bucer, when he first came to live amongst us; the second Liturgie of that King with Queen Elizabeths Emendations by Walter Haddon, President of Magdalen Colledge in Oxon. and Dean of Exeter; and his Translation recti∣fied by Dr. Morket, in the times of King Iames, according to such Explications and Additions as were made by order from the King. The same translated into French, for the use of the Isle of Iersey, by the appointment of the King also; into the Spanish for the better sa∣tisfaction of that Nation, by the prudent care of the Lord Keeper Williams; And finally, by the countenance and encouragement of this Archbishop, translated into Greek by Petley, much about this time, that so the Eastern Churches might have as clear an informa∣tion of the English Piety as the Western had.

In order to the other he recommended to Hall, then Bishop of Exon. the writing of a book in defence of the Divine Right of Episco∣pacy, in opposition to the Scots and their Adherents. Exeter under∣takes the Work, and sends him a rude draught or Skeleton of his de∣sign, consisting of the two main points of his intended discourse, to∣gether with the several Propositions which he intended to insist on in pursuance of it. The two main points which he was to aim at, were,

First, That Episcopacy is a lawful, most ancient, holy, and di∣vine institution (as it is joyned with imparity, and superiority of Jurisdiction) and therefore where it hath through Gods provi∣dence obtained, cannot by any humane power be abdicated with∣out a manifest violation of Gods Ordinance. And secondly, That the Presbyterian Government, however vindicated under the glo∣rious names of Christs Kingdom, and Ordinance, hath no true footing either in Scripture, or the Practice of the Church in all Ages from Christs time till the present; and that howsoever it

may be of use in some Cities or Territories, wherein Episcopal Government through iniquity of times cannot be had; yet to ob∣trude it upon a Church otherwise settled under an acknowledged Monarchy, is utterly incongruous and unjustifiable.

In which two points he was to predispose some Propositions (or Postulata, as he calls them) to be the ground of his proceedings; which I shall here present in his own conceptions, that so we may the better judge of those corrections which were made upon them. The Po∣stulata were as followeth, viz.

1. That Government which was of Apostolical Institution, cannot be denied to be of Divine Right. 2. Not only that Government which was directly com∣manded and enacted, but also that which was practiced and re∣commended by the Apostles to the Church, must justly pass ••or an Apostolical Institution. 3. That which the Apostles by Divine Inspiration instituted, was not for the present time, but for continuance. 4. The universal Practice of the Church, im∣mediately succeeding the Apostles, is the best and surest Com∣mentary upon the Practice of the Apostles, or upon their Expres∣sions. 5. We may not entertain so irreverent an opinion of the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church, that they who were the immediate Successors of the Apostles, would, or durst set up a Government, either faulty, or of their own heads. 6. If they would have been so presumptuous, yet they could not have diffused an uniform form of Government through the world in so short a space. 7. The ancient Histories of the Church, and Writings of the eldest Fathers, are rather to be be∣lieved in the report of the Primitive Form of the Church-Go∣vernment, than those of this last Age. 8. Those whom the ancient Church of God, and the holy and Orthodox Fathers con∣demned for Hereticks, are not fit to be followed as Authors of our Opinion or Practice for Church-Government. 9. The ac∣cession of honourable Titles or Priviledges, makes no difference in the substance of the calling. 10. Those Scriptures wherein a new Form of Government is grounded, have need to be very clear and unquestionable, and more evident than those whereon the former rejected Politie, is raised. 11. If that Order which, they say, Christ set for the Government of the Church (which they call the Kingdom and Ordinance of Christ) be but one, and undoubted, then it would, and shall have been ere this, agreed upon against them, what, and which it is. 12. It this (which they pretend) be the Kingdom, and Ordinance of Christ, then if any Essential part of it be wanting, Christs King∣dom is not erected in the Church. 13. Christian Poli∣tie requires no impossible or absurd thing. 14. Those Tenets which are new and unheard of in all Ages of the Church, (in many, and Essential points) are well worthy to be suspected. 16. To depart from the Practice of the Universal Church

of Christ (ever from the Apostles times) and to betake our selves voluntarily to a new Form, lately taken up, cannot but be odious and highly scandalous.

These first Delineations of the Pourtraicture being sent to Lambeth, in the end of October, were generally well approved of by the Me∣tropolitan. Some lines there were which he thought to have too much shadow and umbrage, might be taken at them, if not other∣wise qualified with a more perfect Ray of Light. And thereupon he takes the Pensil in his hand, and with some Alterations of the Figure, accompanied with many kind expressions of a fair accep∣tance, he sent them back again to be compleatly Limned and Co∣loured by that able hand. Which alterations, what they were, and his reasons for them, I shall adventure to lay down, as they come before me, that so the Reader may discern as well the clearness of his apprehension, and the excellency of his judgment in the points de∣bated. The Letter long, and therefore so disposed of without further coherence, that so it may be perused or pretermitted without distur∣bance to the sequel; some preparations being made by the hand of his Secretary, he proceeds thus to the rest.

* 9.1The rest of your Letter is fitter to be answered by my own hand, and so you have it. And since you are pleased so worthily and brother-like to acquaint me with the whole plot of your intended work, and to yield it up to my censure, and better advice (so you are pleased to write) I do not only thank you heartily for it: but shall in the same brotherly way, and with equal freedom put some few Animadversions, such as occur on the sudden, to your further consideration, aiming at nothing but what you do, the perfection of the work in which so much is concerned. And first, for Mr. George Graham (whom Hall had signified to have renounced his Episcopal Function) I leave you free to work upon his busi∣ness, and his ignorance as you please, assuring my self that you will not depart from the gravity of your self, or the cause therein. Next you say in the first head, That Episcopacy is an ancient, holy, and divine Institution. It must needs be ancient and holy, if divine. Would it not be m••re full, went it thus? So ancient as that it is of Divine In∣stitution. Next you define Episcopacy by being joyned with imparity and superiority of Iurisdiction, but this seems short; for every Arch∣p••esbyters or Archdeacons place is so, yea, and so was Mr. Henderson in his Chair at Glasco, unless you will define it by a distinction of Order. I draw the superiority, not from the Iurisdiction which is attributed to Bishops jure positivo, in their Audience of Ecclesiastical matters: but from that which is intrinsical and original in the power of Excommuni∣cation. Again, you say in the first point; That where Episcopacy hath obtained, it cannot be abdicated without violation of Gods Ordinance. This Proposition I conceive is inter minus habentes; for never was there any Church yet, where it hath not obtained. The Christian Faith was ne∣••er yet planted any where, but the very first feature of a Church was

by, or with Episcopacy; and wheresoever now Episcopacy is not suffered to be, it is by such an Abdication, for certainly there it was à Principio. In your second head you grant that the Presbyterian government may be of use, where Episcopacy may not be had. First, I pray you consider whither this conversion be not needless here, and in it self of a dan∣gerous consequence: Next I conceive there is no place where Episcopacy may not be had, if there be a Church more then in Title only. Thirdly, since they challenge their Presbyterian Fiction to be Christs Kingdom and Ordinance (as your self expresseth) and cast out Episcopacy as opposite to it, we must not use any mincing terms, but unmask them plainly; nor shall I ever give way to hamper our selves for fear of speak∣ing plain truth, though it be against Amsterdam or Geneva: and this must be sadly thought on.

Concerning your Postulata I shall pray you to allow me the like free∣dom; amongst which the two first are true, but (as exprest) two re∣strictive. For Episcopacy is not so to be asserted unto Apostolical Institu∣tion, as to bar it from looking higher and from fetching it materially and originally in the ground and Intention of it, from Christ himself; though perhaps the Apostles formalized it. And here give me leave a little to enlarge. The adversaries of Episcopacy are not only the furious Arian Hereticks (out of which are now raised, Prynne, Bastwick, and our Scottish Masters) but some also of a milder and subtler all••y both in the Genevian and Roman Faction. And it will become the Church of England so to vindicate it against the furious Puritans as that we may not lay it open to be wounded by either of the other two, more cunning, and more learned adversaries. Not to the Roman faction for that will be content, it shall be Juris Divini mediati, by, far, from, and under the Pope, that so the Government of the Church may be Monarchical in him; but not Immediati, which makes the Church Aristocratical in the Bishops. This is the Italian Rock, not the Gene∣van; for that will not deny Episcopacy to be Juris Divini, so you will take it, ut suadentis vel approbantis but not imperantis; for then they may take and leave as they will, which is that they would be at. Nay (if I much forget not) Beza himself is said to have acknowledged Episcopacy to be Juris Divini Imperantis, so you will not take it as universaliter imperantis, For then Geneva might escape: & citra con∣siderationem durantis; for then though they had it before, yet now upon wiser thoughts they may be without it, which Scotland says now, and who will may say it after, if this be good Divinity: and then all in that time shall be Democratical. I am bold to add, because in your second Postulatum I find, that Episcopacy is directly commanded: but you go not so far as to meet with this subtilty of Beza, which is the great Rock in the Lake of Geneva. In your nine Postulatum, that the Accession of Honourable Titles, or Priviledges, makes no difference in the substance of the calling, You mean the titles of Archbishops, Primates, Metropolitans, Patriarcks, &c. 'Tis well, And I presume you do so: But then in any case take heed you assert it so, as that the Fa∣ction

lay not hold of it, as if the Bishops were but the Title of Honour, and the same calling with a Priest; For that they all aim at, &c. The eleventh Postulatum is larger, and I shall not Repeat it; because I am sure you retein a Copy of what you write to me, being the Ribbs of the work; nor shall I say more to it, then that it must be warily handled for fear of a saucy Answer, which is more ready with them a great deal then a Learned one. I presume I am pardoned already for this freedom by your submission of all to me. And now I heartily pray you to send me up, (keeping a Copy to your self against the accidents of Car∣riage) not the whole work together, but each particular head or Postulatum, as you finish it; that so we here may be the better able to consider of it, and the work come on faster. So to Gods blessed Prote∣ction, &c.

Such was the freedom which he used in declaring his judgement in the case, and such the Authority which his reasons carried along w••th them, that the Bishop of Exon found good cause to correct the obl••quity of his opinion according to the Rules of these Animadversions; agreeably unto which the book was writ and pub∣lished not long after, under the name of Episcopacy by Divine Right, &c.

Such care being taken to prevent all inconveniencies which might come from Scotland, he casts his eye toward the Execution of his former Orders for Regulating the French and Dutch Churches here in England. It had been to no purpose in him to endeavour a Con∣formity amongst the Scots, as long as such examples of separation did continue amongst the English. If the post-nati in those Churches, born and bred in England, should not be bound to repair with other of their Neighbours to their Parish Churches, it might create a fur∣ther mischief then the present Scandal, and come up close at last to formal Schism. His Order had been published in all the Congre∣gations of strangers within his Province, as before is said; but Executed more or less, as the Minister and Church-wardens stood affected to those Congregations. And therefore that the Church-wardens might more punctually proceed in doing their duty, It was thought fit that certain Articles should be framed and commended to them for their future direction. The Reformation being pursued in his own Diocess, and the Metropolitical City first, it was to be presumed, that those in other places would gladly follow the Example. Of laying taxes on those strangers in their several Parishes for repairing of, and adorning their several Parish-Churches, and providing Ornaments for the same they were in all places careful enough; because their own profit was concerned in it.

And for their proceedings in the rest they were directed by these Orders to inquire of all such strangers as lived amongst them, the names of all married persons in their Con∣gregations as of the second descent in their several Parishes, to the end that order might be taken for decent seats for them, ac∣cording

to their Estates and qualities: that they should return the names and ages of those unmarried of the second descent, and whose children and servants they were; to the end that the like care might be taken of their due resort to the Church, there to be Catechised, and Communicate according to their ages: that those at sixteen years and upwards, that had not already Com∣municated should prepare themselves to receive the blessed Sa∣crament in their Parish Church at the next Communion; and from thence forward thrice in the year afterwards as the Canons of the Church require, as they would avoid presentment to their Ordinary for their neglect therein: that such as were Pa∣rents and Masters of Families of the first and second descent, did thenceforth every Lords day, half an hour after Evening Prayer, send all such, their Children and Servants as were under sixteen to their Parish Church, there to be Catechised according to the Orders of the Church, as they themselves upon presentment would answer the Contrary.

These Articles being given in the middle of April, were Executed for the rest of the year more punctually then in any of those before. But it held not much longer then the rest of that year: The troubles which the Arch∣bishop fell into, in the year next following dissolving all his Orders and Injunctions of this kind, as if never made.

With equal constancy he governed his Counsels in all other particulars. Some informations had been given him of certain mis∣demeanours and corruptions in Merton Colledge, of which he was the Ordinary, and immediate Visitor, in the Right of his See; and in that Right he resolves upon a Visitation both in Head, and Members. To this employment he deputes his Right Trusty Friend and Assured Servant, The Dean of the Arches; who entring on his charge in the year foregoing 1638. made this Enquiry amongst others, viz. Whither they made due Reverence (by bowing towards the Altar or Communion Table) when they came into the Chappel. And finding by a return to this enquiry, that Corbet, and Cheynel two of the Fellows, not only had neglected but refused to make any such Reverence, he tryed all fair and plausible perswasions by him∣self and others to induce them too it. But not prevailing either way, he certified the Archbishop of his Proceedings, who thereupon caused some Injunctions to be sent to the Colledge for their future Governance,* 9.2 Amongst which I find this for one, that they use due and lowly Reverence towards the Lords Table, at their first entrance into the Quire. Upon the coming whereof there was no more dispute about it, those Reverences being made by most, and constantly conti∣nued by them till the Parliament of Novem. 3. In matters which con∣cerned the Warden, it was thought fit by Lamb the Chief Com∣missioner, to do nothing without further direction, but only to acquaint the Archbishop, in what State he found them; who there∣upon recalled the business to himself. The parties to appear before him Octob. following, at which time he spent three days in hearing

and examining the Points in difference between Brent the Warden, and such of the Fellows of the Colledge as complained against him: But for determining the Cause (the Warden appearing very foul, as himself acknowledgeth) he took time till the first of Iuly in this pre∣sent year, that Brent might have the better opportunities to content his Fellows, for the Errors of his Government in the times prece∣dent, and give them some assurance of a Reformation for the time to come. Which noble Favour notwithstanding, and that he went off with no other Censure than a fair and Fatherly Admonition: yet Brent unmindful of so great a moderation toward him, expres'd more readiness in contributing towards his Condemnation in the time of his Trial, than any of those who did most eagerly desire his Ruine.

The course and method of my business having brought me to Ox∣on. I cannot depart thence, without taking notice of his further Bounty and Munificence to that University. He had before enter∣tained some thoughts of clearing the great Square betwixt St. Ma∣ries and the Schools, intending to have raised a••fair and capacious Room, advanced on Pillars; the upper part to serve for Convoca∣tions and Congregations, which till that time were held in the Church it self; the lower for a Walk or place of Conference, in which Students of all sorts might confer together, at their repairing to the Schools, the Library, or any other business which concerned the Publick. But finding the Owners of those Houses not so wil∣ling to part with them, as he had probably presumed, he was fain to shift the Scene, though he held his purpose, which fell out very happily for that University: For being resolved to free St. Maries Church from those Inconveniencies, which the continual keeping of the Publick Convocations and Congregations must of necessity car∣ry with it, he erected a stately and most elegant Pile at the West end of the Divinity School, and Publick Library; The lower part where∣of was fitted and accommodated for the Convocations, and other Publick Meetings of that Famous Body: The upper part, opening into the Bodleian Library, he trimmed with all the Curiosities of Art and Cost, to serve as a Repository for such Learned Writings, as the Piety of ensuing Times might confer upon it. And that it might not be reported, that he had given them nothing but an empty Box, ••e furnished it with no fewer than 1276 Manuscripts in several Lan∣guages, 700 whereof had been sent before at divers times, when this beautiful Structure was in raising: The rest were sent on Iune 28. in this present year; 100 of these last being in the Hebrew, Greek, Arabick and Persian Tongues. And that he might make some Ac∣knowledgment to the Town of Reading, in which he was born, and in the Grammar-School wh••reof he had received the first part of his Education, he bestowed upon it about this time also a Revenue of no less than 200 l. per Annum, to be thus disposed of; that is to say, 120 l. thereof to be parcelled out every two years, for the pla∣〈…〉〈…〉 Apprentices, and setting up of young Beginners who had

honestly served out their Times; and every third year, for the Mar∣riage of five young Maidens which had lived with one Master or Mi∣stress for seven years together; 50 l. of it to be yearly added for an Augmentation to the Minister of the Parish-Church of St. Laurence in which he was born, whose means before was miserably short of that which some call a Competency; and having purchased the per∣petual Parsonage of it, he conferred it on St. Iohn's Colledge in Ox∣on. to be a fit Preferment for any one of the Fellows of that House for the time to come: 20 l. of it he alotted yearly to encrease the Stipend of the Schoolmaster there; 8 l. for the yearly Entertain∣ment of the President and Fellows of St. Iohn's Colledge, whom he made his Visitors, to see that all things should be carried as fairly on, as by him piously intended; the remaining 40 s. being added as a year∣ly Fee to the Town-Clerk, for Registring the Names of those who should from time to time enjoy the benefit of so great a Charity. Some other great Designs he had, but of a far more Publick and Heroick Nature; as the encreasing of the Maintenance of all the poor Vicars in England; To see the Tythes of London settled be∣tween the Clergy and the City; For setting up a Greek Press at Oxon. and procuring Letters and Mattrices for the same, wherewith to Print and Publish all such Greek Manuscripts as were to be found in that Library; For obtaining the like Grant from his Majesty for buying in all Impropriations, as had been made for the Repairing of St. Pauls: but not to take beginning, till that Work was finished; For procuring an Extract of all the Records of the Tower relating to the Church and Clergy, to be written in a fair Vellom Book, which had been drawn down from the 20th. of Edward 1. to the 14th. of Edward iv. with an intent to carry on the Work till the last year of King Henry viii. that so the Church might understand her own Pow∣er and Priviledges. But the prosecution of this Work from the said 14th. of King Edward iv. and of all the rest before-mentioned, which he had hammered in design, were most unfortunately intermitted, by the great alteration of Affairs which soon after followed. I can∣not tell whether Posterity will believe or not, That so many great and notable Projectments could be comprehended in one Soul; most of them Ripened in a manner, the residue in the Bud or Blos∣som, and some of them bringing forth the Fruits expected from them. But the best is, that none of his Designs were carried in so close a manner, or left in so imperfect a condition, as not to give some visible Remembrances, as well of his Universal Comprehensi∣ons, as his Zeal and Piety.

For notwithstanding the present Distractions which the Faction and Tumultuousness of the Scots, had drawn upon him (enough to have deterred a right Constantine) let us look on him in the pur∣suit of his former purposes, and we shall find him still the same. The Bishop of Exeter's Book being finished, and recommended by the Author to his last perusal before it went unto the Press, he took the

pains to read it over with care and diligence; in the perusal where∣of he took notice, amongst other things, that the strict Superstition of the Sabbatarians was but lightly touch'd at; whereas he thought, that some smarter Plaister to that Sore, might have done no harm. He observed also, that he had passed by this Point, viz. Whether Episcopacy be an Order or Degree, as not much material; whereas in the Judgment of such Learned Men as he had consulted, it was the main ground of the whole Cause: And therefore he desired him to weigh it well, and to alter it with his own Pen as soon as might be. ••ut that which gave him most offence was, That the Title of Antichrist was positively and determinately bestowed upon the Pope; Which being so contrary to the Judgment of many Learned ••••••testants, as well as his own, he allowed not of: but howsoever thought it fit to acquaint his Majesty with the Business; and having so done, to submit it to his Will and Preasure. Concerning which, he writes thus to the Bishop in his Letter of Ianuary 14. this pre∣sent year, viz. The last (with which I durst not but acquaint his Maje∣sty) is about Antichrist, which Title in three or four places you bestow up is the Pope positively and determinately; whereas King James of ••lessed Memory, having brought strong proof in a Work of his, as you well know, to prove the Pope to be Antichrist: yet being afterwards challenged about it, he made this Answer, when the King that now is went into Spain, and acquainted him with it; That he writ, that not concludingly, but by way of Argument only: that the Pope and his Adherents might see, there was as good and better Arguments to prove him Antichrist, than for the Pope to challenge Temporal Iuris∣diction over Kings. The whole Passage being known to me, I could not but speak with the King about it, who commanded me to write unto you, that you might qualifie your Expression in these Particulars, and so not differ from the known Iudgment of his Pious and Learned Father. This is easily done with your own Pen; and the rather, because all Prote∣stants joyn not in this Opinion of Antichrist. According to which good advice, the Bishop of Exon. qualified some of his Expressions, and deleted other, to the Contentment of his Sovereign, the Satis∣faction of his Metropolitan, and his own great Honour.

But whilest the Archbishop laboured to support Episcopacy on the one side, some of the Puritan Party did as much endeavour to sup∣press it, by lopping off the Branches first, and afterwards by laying the Ax to the root of the Tree. Bagshaw a Lawyer of some standing of the Middle Temple, did first prepare the way to the ruine of it, by questioning the Bishops Place and Vote in Parliament, their Tem∣poral Power, and the Authority of the High-Commission. For be∣ing chosen Reader by that House for the Lent Vacation, he first began his Readings on February 24. selecting for the Argument of his Dis∣coursings the Statute 25 Edw. 3. cap. 7. In prosecuting whereof, he had distributed his Conceptions into ten Parts, and each Part into ••••••••••••cial Cases; by which account he must have had one hundred

blows at the Church in his ten days Reading. His main Design was in the first place, intended chiefly for the defence of such Prohibiti∣ons as formerly had been granted by the Courts in Westminster-Hall to stop the Proceedings of the Court Christian, and specially of the High-Commission; and in the next place, to deny the Authority of the Commission it self, as before was noted. In order whereunto, he began first to state these Questions, viz. 1. Whether it be a good Act of Parliament without the Assent of the Lords Spiritual? which he he held affirmatively. 2. Whether any Beneficed Clerk were capable of Temporal Iurisdiction at the time of making that Law? which he held in the negative. And 3. Whether a Bishop, without calling a Synod, have Power as Diocesan to convict an Heretick? which he maintain∣ed in the negative also. The News whereof being brought to Lam∣beth, there was no need of warning the Archbishop to look about him, who was not to be told what a strong Faction some of the Sco∣tizing Lawyers had made against the Church in Queen Elizabeths Time, carried it on under the Government of King Iames, and now began to threaten as much danger to it as in former times. He thereupon informs his Majesty both of the Man and his Design, and how far he had gone in justifying the Proceedings of the Scottish Co∣venanters, in decrying the Temporal Power of Church-men, and the undoubted Right of Bishops to their Place in Parliament. His Majesty hereupon gives Order to Finch the new Lord Keeper•• to in∣terdict all further Reading on those Points, or any others of like na∣ture, which might administer any further Flame to the present Com∣bustions. The Lord Keeper having done his part, and the Reader addressing himself to him, that by his leave he might proceed in the course of his Exercise, it was soon found, that nothing could be done therein without leave from the King; and no such leave to be obtained, but by the Approbation and Con••ent of the Lord Archbi∣shop. To Lambeth therefore goes the Reader, where he found no admittance till the making of his third Address, and was then told, That he was fallen upon a Subject neither safe nor seasonable, which should stick closer to him than he was aware of. Bagshaw endeavoured something in his own defence, as to the choice of the Argument; and somewhat also, as to the impossibility of settling to any other Subject in the present Conjuncture, desiring his Grace to be a means unto the King, that he might proceed in performance of the Task he had undertaken. To which the Archbishop stoutly answered, That his Majesty was otherwise resolved in it; and that perhaps it had been better for the Reader himself to have given over at the first, than have incurred his Majesties Royal Indignation by that unseasonable Adven∣ture. No better Answer being given him, away goes Bagshaw out of Town, accompanied with forty or fifty Horse (and it was a great Honour to the House that he had no more) who seemed to be of the same Faction and A••fections also, as their designed Reader was, be∣ing instructed, though too late, that they could not have so great a

care of their Courts and Profit, as the Archbishops had of the Churches power. Such was the constancy of his spirit, that not∣withstanding the Combustions in Scotland, the ill prosecuting of the last Summers Action, and the uncertainties of what might happen in the next, he alwaies steered his course with a steady hand to the port he aimed at, though it pleased God to let him suffer shipwrack in the mouth of the Haven.

The interrupting of this man in the course of his Reading, the holding of so strict an hand over the Congregations of the French and Dutch within his Province, and these compliances on the other side with the Church of Rome, were made occasions of the clamour, which was raised against him concerning his design to suppress the Gospel, and to bring in Popery and Arminianism; or at the least to make a Reconciliation betwixt us and Rome, towards which the Do∣ctrine of Arminius was given out for a certain Preamble. Which general clamour being raised against him and the rest of the Bishops, I find thus flourisht over by one of their Orators in the House of Commons.* 9.3

A little search (saith he) will find them to have been the destruction of Unity under pretence of Uniformity; To have brought in Superstition and Scandal under titles of Reverence and Decency; To have defiled our Church by adorning our Churches; To have slackned the strictness of that Union which was formerly between us and those of our Religion beyond the Seas, An action as unpolitick as ungodly: Or we shall find them to have resembled the Dog in the Manger, to have neither preached themselves, nor imployed those that should, nor suffered those that would; To have brought in Catechising only to thrust out Preaching, and cried down Lectures by the name of Factions, either because their industry in that duty appeared a reproof to their neglect of it, or with intention to have brought in darkness, that they might the easier sow their tares while it was night: and by that intro∣duction of ignorance, introduce the better that Religion which ac∣counts it the Mother of Devotion. In which (saith he) they have abused his Majesty, as well as his People; for when he had with great wisdom silenced on both parts those opinions which have often tormented the Church, and have, and always will trou∣ble the Schools, They made use of this Declaration to tye up one side, and to let the other loose, whereas they ought either in discre∣tion to have been equally restrained, or in justice to have been e∣qually tolerated. And it is observable, that the party to which they gave this Licence, was that, whose Doctrine, though it was not contrary to Law, was contrary to Custome, and for a long while in this Kingdom was no oftner Preached than Recanted, &c. We find them introducing such Doctrines, as admitting them to be true, the truth could not recompence the scandal; Or such as were so far false, as Sir Thomas More saies of the Casuists, their business was not to keep men from sinning, but to inform them,

Quam prope ad peccatum, sine peccato liceat accedere. So it seemed their work was to try how much of a Papist might be brought in without Popery, and to destroy as much of the Gospel without bringing themselves into danger of being destroyed by Law. To go yet further, some of them have so industriously laboured to deduce themselves from Rome, that they have given great suspicion that in gratitude they desire to return thither, or at least to meet it half way; some have evidently laboured to bring in an English, though not a Roman Popery. I mean not only the outside and dress of it, but equally absolute, a blind dependance on the Peo∣ple upon the Clergy, and of the Clergy upon themselves; and have opposed the Papacy beyond the Seas, that they might settle one be∣yond the water.

Such being the general charge which was laid against him, we will consider in this place what may be said in order to his defence, as to some seeming Innovations into the Worship of God, his de∣sign to bring in Popery by the back-door of Arminianism, and his endeavouring of a Reconciliation betwixt us and Rome. And first, as touching such Innovations in the Worship of God, he makes a ge∣neral purgation of himself in his Speech made in the Star-Chamber, the sum and substance whereof you have seen before. Out of which I shall only take this short and pithy Declaration which he makes of himself,* 9.4 in relation to this part of his charge. viz.

I can say it clearly and truly, as in the presence of God, that I have done no∣thing, as a Prelate, to the utmost of what I am conscious, but with a single heart, and with a sincere intention for the good Go∣vernment and honour of the Church, and the maintenance of the Orthodox truth, and Religion of Christ, professed, established, and maintained in the Church of England. For my care of this Church, the reducing it to Order, the upholding of the Exter∣nal Worship of God in it, and the settling of the Rules of its first Reformation, are the cause (and the sole cause, whatsoever is pretended) of this malicious storm that hath lowred so black upon me, and some of my Brethren.

The like Declaration he also makes in his first Speech to the Lords, at the time of his tryal, where we find it thus:

Ever since I came into place (saith he) I have laboured nothing more than that the External Worship of God (so much slighted in divers parts of this Kingdom) might be preserved; and that with as much Decency and Uniformity as might be; For I evidently saw, that the publick neglect of Gods Service in the outward face of it, and the nasty lying of ma∣ny places dedicated to that Service, had almost cast a damp upon the true and inward Worship of God, which while we live in the body needs External helps, and all little enough to keep it in any vigour. And this I did to the utmost of my knowledge accord∣ing both to Law and Canon, and with the consent and liking of the People; nor did any Command issue out from me against the

one or the other.

And finally, we shall find the like Declaration made by him on the Sca••fold at the time of his death, in which sad hour there was no dissembling (and I conceive all charitable men will believe so of it) before God or man. But because it relates also to the next particular,* 9.5 we shall there meet with it.

And for the next particular, concerning the designing to bring in ••••pery, it hath been further aggravated by his correspondency with t••e Popes Ministers here in England, and his indulgence to that Party upon all occasions. But of this he cleansed himself sufficiently in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉-Chamiber Speech before remembred,* 9.6 in which he publick∣ly avowed:

First, That he knew of no plot or purpose of altering the Religion established. Secondly, That he had never been far from attempting any thing that may truly be said to tend that way in the least degree. And thirdly, having offered his Oath for the other two, that it the King had a mind to change Religion (which he knew he had not) his Majesty must seek for other Instruments,* 9.7 how basely soever those men had conceived of him.

The like 〈…〉〈…〉 gives also in the last hour of his life, when he was go∣•••••• to tender an account of all his Actions before Gods Tribunal.

••here is a Clamour that I would have brought in Popery, but I was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and baptized (saith he) in the bosome of the Church of England, established by Law; in that profession I have ever since lived, and in that I come now to dye. This is no time to dissem∣ble with God, least of all in matters of Religion; and therefore I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it may be remembred, I have alwaies lived in the Protestant Religion established in England, and in that I come now to die.

And then he adds with reference to the point before,

What Cla∣mours and slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Unifor∣mity in the External Service of God, according to the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church, all men know; and I have abundantly 〈◊〉〈◊〉. His Conference with Fisher the Iesuite, in the year 1622. and 〈…〉〈…〉 of that Conference, Anno 1637. with Derings attestation 〈…〉〈…〉 before we had, do most abundantly evince this truth, at he approved not the Doctrine of the Church of Rome.

And as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 approve•• not of their Doctrines, so he as much disliked their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for gaining Proselytes, or multiplying their followers in all 〈…〉〈…〉 the Kingdom: concerning which he tells his Majesty,

That 〈…〉〈…〉 never had advised a persecution of the Papists in any 〈◊〉〈◊〉, yet God forbid (saith he) that your Majesty should let born Laws and Discipline sleep for fear of a Persecution, and in the mean time let Mr. Fisher and his Fellows Angle in all parts of your Dominions for your Subjects. If in your Grace and Goodness you will spare their persons: yet I humbly beseech you to see to it, that they be not suffered to lay either their Weels, or bait their H••oks, or cast their Nets in every stream, least the Temptation grow both too general, and too strong.

So he in the Epistle Dedi∣catory

to his Large Relation of the Conference between him and Fi∣sher, published in the end of the year forgoing. Assuredly it must needs seem extremely ridiculous to others, and contradictory to it self, to confute the chief Doctrines of the Papists, and oppose their practicings, if he ••ad had any such design to bring in Popery.

And being thus averse from them in point of Doctrine he declined all correspondence and acquaintance with them, whereby he might come under the suspicion of some secret Practice. I hold it probable enough, that the better to oblige the Queen unto him (of whose Prevalency in the Kings affections he could not be ignorant) he might consent to Con's coming hither over from the Pope, to be assistant to her in such affairs as the nature of her Religion might occasion with the Sea of Rome: But he kept himself at such a distance, that neither Con, nor Panzani before him (who acted for a time in the same capa∣city) could fasten any acquaintance on him. The Pamphlet called, The Popes Nuncio,* 9.8 Printed in the year 1643. hath told us,

That Pan∣zani at his being here, did desire a Conference with the Archbishop of Canterbury, but was put of and procrastinated therein from day to day; That at the last he departed the Kingdom without any Speech with him.

The like we find in the discovery of Andreas ab Habernfield,* 9.9 who tells us of this Con,

That finding the Kings Judgment to depend much on the Archbishop of Canterbury, his faithful Servant, he resolved to move every stone, and bend all his strength to gain him to his side: being confident he had prepared, the means. For he had a command to make offer of a Cardinals Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the name of the Pope of Rome; and that he should allure him also with higher promises, that he might corrupt his sincere mind; yet a fitting occasion was never offered whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Archbishop, to whom free access was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countess of Arundel, as also by Secretary Windebank, all whose intercessions he neglected, and did shun (as it were the Plague) the company or Familiarity of Con. He was also sollicited by others of no mean Rank, well known to him, and yet he continued unmovable.

And whereas some found a way to help at last by making Windebank the Internuncio betwixt him and them, that only serves to make the matter rather worse than better, there being a great strangeness grown betwixt him and Windebank; not only before Con's coming in∣to the Realm: but before Panzani had settled any course of intelli∣gence in the Court of England.

As for his favours towards those of the Catholick Party, and his connivence of their Practices, which is next objected; as he had good reason for the one: so there could be no reason to object the other. He had good reason for the one, viz. That by shewing fa∣vours to the Papists here, they might obtain the like favours, for such Protestants as lived in the Dominion of Popish Princes. Upon which ground King Iames extended many favours to them in his time, as

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opinions as that Writer makes them, appears first by the Testi∣mony of the Archbishop of Spalato, declaring in the High Commission a little be••ore ••i•• ••oing hence, that he acknowledged the Articles of the Church to be true, or profitable at the least; and none of them to be Heretical. It appears secondly by a Tractate of Franciscus a Sancta Clara, (as he calls himself) in which he p••tteth such a gloss upon the 39 Articles of the Church of England as rendreth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome. And i•• with∣out prejudice to the truth, the controversies might have been com∣posed, it is most probable, that other Protestant Churches would have su••d by their Agents to be included in the Peace: if not, the Church of England had lost nothing by it, as being hated by the Cal∣vinists, and not loved by the Lutherans.

Admitting then that such a Reconciliation was endeavoured be∣twixt the Agents for both Churches, Let us next see what our great States-men have discoursed upon that particular, upon what terms the Agreement was to have been made, and how far they proceeded in it.* 9.10 And first the book entituled the Popes Nuncio, affirmed to have been written by a Venetian Ambassador at his being in Eng∣land, doth discourse it t••us.

As to a Reconciliation (saith he) between the Churches of England and Rome, there were made some gene∣ral Propositions and overtures by the Archbishops Agents, they assuring that his Grace was very much disposed thereunto; and that if it was not accomplisht in his life time, it would prove a work of more difficulty after his death; that in very truth for the last three years, the Archbishop had introduced some Innovations approaching ••ear the Rites and Forms of Rome; that the Bishop of Chichester a great Confident of his Grace, the Lord Treasurer and eight other Bishops of his Graces party, did most passionately desire a Reconciliation with the Church of Rome; that they did day by day receed from their Ancient Tenents to accommodate with the Church of Rome; that therefore the Pope on his part, ought to make some steps to meet them, and the Court of Rome ••••mit something of its Rigor in Doctrine, or otherwise no accord would be. The composition on both sides in so good a forward∣ness, before Panzam le••t the Kingdom, that the Archbishop, and and Bishop of Chichester had often said, that there were but two sorts of People likely to impede and hinder the Reconciliation, to wit, the Puritans amongst the Protestants, and the Iesuites amongst the Catholicks.

Let us next see the judgement and Relation of another Author in a gloss or Comment on the Former, intituled the English Pope Printed at London in the same year 1643. And he will tells us that after Con had undertook the managing of the affairs, matters be∣gan to grow toward some agreement. The King required, saith he, a 9.11 b 9.12 such a dispensation from the then Pope, as that his Catholick Subjects might resort to the Protestant Churches, and to take the

oaths of Supremacy, and Fidelity, and that the Popes Jurisdiction here should be declared to be but of humane Right.

And so far had the Pope consented that whatsoever did concern the King therein, should have been really performed, so far forth as other Catholick Princes usually enjoy, and expect as their due; and so far as the Bishops were to be Independent both from King and Pope: there was no fear of breach on the Popes part.

So that upon the point the Pope was to content himself amongst us in England with a Priority instead of a Superiority over other Bishops, and with a Primacy in stead of a Supremacy in th••se parts of Christendom:* 9.13 which I conceive no man of Learning, and So∣briety would have grudged to grant him. It was also condescended to in the name of the Pope, that marriage might be permitted to Priests; that the Communion might be Administred sub utraque specie; and that the Liturgy might be officiated in the English tongue. And though the Author adds not long after, that it was to be suspected, That so far as the inferiour Clergy, and the people were concerned, the after-performance was to be le••t to the Popes Discretion; yet this was but his own suspicion, without ground at all. And to obtain a Reconciliation upon these Advantages the Archbishop had all the Reason in the world to do as he did, in ordering the Lords Table to be placed where the Altar stood, and making the accustomed Reverence in all approaches towards it, and accesses to it; in beautifying and adorning Churches, and celebrating the Divine Service with all due Solemnities; in taking care that all offensive and exasperating passages should be expunged out of such Books as were brought to the Press; and for reducing the extravagancy of some opinions to an evener temper. His Majesty had the like Reason also for tolerating Lawful Recreations on the Sundays and Holy-days, The rigorous Restraint whereof made some Papists think (those most especially of the vulgar sort, whom it most concerned) that all honest Pastime were incompetible with our Religion. And if he approved Auricular Confession, and shewed himself willing to introduce it into the use of the Church, as both our Authors say he did; it is no more then what the Liturgy Com∣mends to the care of the Penitent (though we find not the word Au∣ricular in it) or what the Canons have provided for in the point of security, for such as shall be willing to confess themselves: But whereas we are told by one of our Authors,* 9.14 that the King should say, he would use force to make it be received, were it not for fear of Sedition amongst the People; yet is but in one of our Authors neither, who hath no other Author for it then a nameless Doctor. And in the way towards so happy an agreement (though they all stand accused for it by the English Pope, pag. 15.) Sparrow may be excused for placing it with Auricular Confession; and W••ll•• for for Penance; Heylyn for Adoration toward the Altar; and Moun∣tague for such a qualified praying to Saints, as his books maintain against the Papists.

If you would know how far they had proceeded towards this hap∣py Reconciliation, the Popes Nuncio will assure us thus; That the Vni∣versities, Bishops, and Divines of this Realm, did dayly embrace Catholick Opinions, though they profess'd not so much with Pen or Mouth for fear of the Puritans. For example, they hold, That the Church of Rome is a true Church; That the Pope is Superiour to all Bishops; That to him it appertains to call General Councils; That it is lawful to pray for the Soul of the Departed; That Altars ought to be erected of Stone: In sum, That they believe all that is taught by the Church, but not by the Court of Rome.* 9.15 Another of their Authors tells us (as was elsewhere noted) That those amongst us of greatest Worth, Learn∣ing, and Authority, began to love Temper and Moderation; That their Doctrines began to be altered in many things, for which their Progenitors forsook the Visible Church of Christ; as for example, The Pope not Antichrist, Prayers for the Dead, Limbus Patrum, Pictures; That the Church hath Authority in determining Controversies of Faith, and to interpret Scriptures about Free will, Predestination, Universal Grace; That all our Works are not Sins, Merit of Good Works, Inhe∣rent Iustice, Faith alone doth justifie, Charity to be preferred before Knowledge, The Authority of Traditions, Commandments possible to be kept; That in Exposition of the Scripture, they are by Canon bound to follow the Fathers; And that the once fearful Names of Priests and Altars, are used willingly in their Talk and Writings. In which Com∣pliances, so far forth as they speak the truth (for in some Points, through the ignorance of the one and the malice of the other, they are much mistaken) there is scarce any thing which may not very well consist with the established (though for a time discontinued) Doctrine of the Church of England; the Articles whereof, as the same Iesuit hath observed, seem patient, or ambitious rather, of some sense wherein they may seem Catholick: And such a sense is put upon them by him that calls himself Franciscus a Sacta Clara, as before was said. And if upon such Compliances as those before, on the part of the English, the Conditions offered by the Pope might have been confirmed, Who seeth not, that the greatest Benefit of the Reconciliation would have redounded to this Church, to the King and People? His Majesties Security provided for, by the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, so far as it concerned his Temporal Power; The Bishops of England to be independent of the Popes of Rome; The Clergy to be permitted the use of Marriage; The Peo∣ple to receive the Communion in both KINDS, and all Divine Offices officiated in the English Tongue; No Innovation made in Doctrine: but only in the qualifying of some Expressions, and dis∣charging some Out-landish Glosses as were put upon them. And seeing this, What man could be so void of Charity, so uncompassi∣onate of the Miseries and Distractions of Christendom, as not to wish from the very bottom of his Soul, That the Reconciliation had pro∣ceeded upon so good Terms? as not to magnifie the men to succeed∣ing

Ages, who were the Instruments and Authors of so great a Bles∣sing?

But then admitting, as we may, That no such Reconciliation was upon the Anvil; and that our two Discoursers have proceeded only upon Suppositions: yet Canterbury had good ground for what he did, were it no other than the settling of the Church of England upon the first Principles and Positions of her Reformation. But he had further aims than so. He had some thoughts (and I have reason to believe it) by Conferences first; and if that failed, by the ordina∣ry course of Ecclesiastical Censures, (a) 9.16 of gaining the Papists to the Church; and therefore it concerned him in point of Prudence, to smooth the way, by removing all such Blocks and Obstacles which had been laid before them by the Puritan Faction. He knew, that from their Infancy they had been trained up in a Regular Order of Devotion; and that they loved that Religion best, which came ac∣companied with Decency and External Splendour: That they ob∣jected nothing more against us, than the Novelty of our Doctrine, the Heterodoxies maintained in Publick by some of our Preachers, the slovenly keeping of our Churches, the Irreverence of the Peo∣ple in them, the rude and careless slubbering over of our Common Prayers. And what Encouragements had they for resorting to the Congregation, when they should hear the Pope defamed, whom they beh••ld with Reverence as their Common Father; their Cere∣monies to be counted Antichristian, their Mass ••••••latrous, their whole Religion worse than that of the Turks and Moors; con••ormi∣ty to whom in Rites and Ceremonies, was held to be more tolera∣ble by the Puritan Preachers, than to those of Rome. These ••ubs were first to be removed, before they could have any thoughts of uniting to us. And for the removing of those Rubs, he ••••ll up on the courses before-mentioned; which being Renovations only of some ancient Usages, were branded by the odious name of Innova∣tions, by some of those who out of cunning and design had long dis∣used them. Some zealous Protestants beheld his Actings with no small fear, as bya••sing too strongly toward Rome; that the Puritans exclaimed against him for a Papist, and the Papists cried him up for theirs, and gave themselves some flattering hopes of our coming towards them: But the most knowing and understanding men amongst them, found plainly, That nothing could tend more to their destruction, than the introducing of some Ceremonies which by late negligence and Practice had been discontinued. For I have heard from a Person of known Nobility, That at his being at Rome with a Father of the English Colledge, one of the Novices came in and told him with a great deal of joy, That the English were upon returning to the Church of Rome; That they began to set up Al∣tars, to Officiate in their Copes, to Adorn their Churches, and to paint the Pictures of the Saints in the Church Windows: To which the old Father made Reply, with some indignation, That he talked

like an ignorant Novice; That these Proceedings rather tended to the Ruine, than Advancement of the Catholick Cause; That by this means the Church of England coming nearer to the ancient Usages, the Catholicks there would sooner be drawn off from them, than any more of that Nation would fall off to Rome.

In reference to Doctrinal Points, Heterodoxies, and new Opini∣ons, and such extravagant Expressions, both from Press and Pulpit, he took as much care as in the other. And to that end, he was not pleased that the Pope should be any longer stigmatized by the name of Antichrist; and gave a strict Charge unto his Chaplains, That all exasperating Passages (which edifie nothing) should be ex∣punged out of such Books, as by them were to be Licenced to the Press; and that no Doctrines of that Church should be writ against: but such as seemed to be inconsistent with the establish'd Doctrine of the Church of England. Upon which ground it was, that Baker Chaplain to the Bishop of London refused to Licence the Reprinting of a Book about the Gunpowder-Treason,* 9.17 saying to him that brought the Book, That we were not so angry with the Papists now, as we were about twenty years since; and that there was no need of any such Books to exasperate them, there being now an endeavour to win them to us by fairness and mildness. And on the same ground, Bray Chaplain to the Archbishop, refused the Licencing of another, cal∣led, The Advice of a Son, unless he might expunge some un∣pleasing Expressions,* 9.18 affirming, That those Passages would offend the Papists, whom we were now in a fair way of winning, and therefore must not use any harsh Phrases against them. The Chaplains not to be condemned for their honest care, and much less their Lords; though I find it very heavily charged as a Crime in all. In the English Litany set out by King Henry viii. and continued in both Liturgies of King Edward vi. there was this Clause against the Pope, viz. From the Ty∣ranny of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable Enormities, Good Lord, &c. Which being considered as a means to affright those of the Romish Party from coming diligently to our Churches, was pru∣dently expunged by those who had the Revising of the Liturgie, in the first year of the Queen. In imitation of whose Piety and Christi∣an Care, it was thought fit by the Archbishop to change some Phrases which were found in the Books of Prayer appointed ••or the Fifth of November. The first was this, Root out the Babylonish and Antichri∣stian Se••t, which say of Jerusalem, Down with it, &c. Which he changed only unto this, Root out the Babylonish or Antichristian Sect (of them) which say, &c. The second was, Cut off those Workers of Iniquity, whose Religion is Rebellion, and whose Faith is Faction; which he changed no otherwise than thus, Cut off those Workers of Iniquity, who turn Religion into Rebellion, &c. The Alterations were but small, but the clamour great which was raised about it. The Puritans complaining, That the Prayers so altered, were intended to reflect on 〈◊〉〈◊〉, seemed to be conscious to themselves of turning Religion into

Rebellion, and saying of Jerusalem (like the old Babylonish Sect) Down with it, down with it to the ground. But he had better reason for it, than they had against it. For if the first Reformers were so careful of giving no offence to the Romish Party, as to expunge a Passage out of the Publick Liturgie, when the Queen was a Prote∣stant; much greater reason had the Archbishop to correct those Passages in a formal Prayer not confirmed by Law, when the Queen was one of that Religion.

Nothing in this or any of the rest before, which tends to the bringing in of Popery, the prejudice of the true Protestant Religion, or the suppressing of the Gospel. Had his Designs tended to the Advancing of Popery, he neither would have took such pains to con∣fute their Doctrines, nor they have entertained such secret practices to destroy his Person (of which more hereafter.) Had he directed his endeavours to suppress the Protestants, he would not have given so much countenance to Dury a Scot, who entertained him with some hopes of working an Accord betwixt the Lutheran and Calvi∣nian Churches. In which Service, as he wasted a great deal of time to little purpose; so he received as much Encouragement from Canterbury, as he had reason to expect. Welcome at all times to his Table, and speaking honourably of him upon all occasions, till the Times were changed; when either finding the impossibility of his Undertaking, or wanting a Supply of that Oyl which maintained his Lamp, he proved as true a Scot as the rest of that Nation; laying the blame of his miscarriage in it, on the want of Encouragement; and speaking disgracefully of the man which had given him most. Had he intended any prejudice to the Reformed Religion, Reformed according to the Doctrine of Calvin, and the Genevian Forms, both of Worship and Government, he would not have so cordially ad∣vanced the General Collection for the Palatine Churches, or provi∣ded so heartily for the Rochellers and their Religion; touching which last, we find this Clause in a Prayer of his for the Duke of Buck∣ingham, when he went Commander of his Majesties Forces for the Isle of Rhe,* 9.19 viz. Bless my dear Lord the Duke, that is gone Admiral with them, that Wisdom may attend all his Counsels, and Courage and Success all his Enterprises; That by his and their means thou wilt be pleased to bring Safety to this Kingdom, Strength and Comfort to Reli∣gion, Victory and Reputation to our Country. Had he projected any such thing as the suppressing of the Gospel, he would not have shewed himself so industrious in preventing Socinianism from poy∣soning those of riper years, in turning afternoon Sermons into Cate∣chising for the instruction of Children; in prohibiting all Assem∣blies of Anabaptists, Familists, and other Sectaries, which oppose the Common Principles of the Christian Faith. For that his silencing of the Arminian Controversies, should be a means to suppress the Gospel; or his favouring of those Opinions, designed for a back-door to bring in Popery, no wise man can think. The Points in Con∣troversie

between the Calvinists and Arminians, in the Reformed Churches of Calvin's Plat-form, are agitated no less fiercely by the Dominicans on the one side, the Iesuits and Franciscans on the other side, in the Church of Rome; the Calvinists holding with the Domi∣nicans, as the Arminians do with the Iesuit and Franciscan Friars. And therefore, why any such compliance with the Dominicans (the principal Sticklers and Promoters in the Inquisition) should not be looked on as a Back-door to bring in Popery, as well as a Compliance in the same Points with the other two Orders, is beyond my reach. With which I shut up my Discourse touching the Counsels and De∣signs which were then on foot, and conclude this year.

* 9.20The next begins with a Parliament and Convocation; the one As∣sembled on the thirteenth, the other on the fourteenth of April. In Calling Parliaments, the King directs his Writs or Letters severally to the Peers and Prelates, requiring them to attend in Parliament to be holden by the Advice of his Privy Council, at a certain Time and Place appointed, and there to give their Counsel in some great and weighty Affairs, touching himself, the safety of the Realm, and the defence of the Church of England: A Clause being added in all those to the several Bishops, to give notice to all Deans and Arch∣deacons to attend the Parliament in their own Persons, all Chapters by one Proxie, and the Diocesan Clergy by two; for yielding their Consent and Obedience to such Laws and Ordinances as by the Common Council of the Kingdom shall be then Enacted: Which Clause remains still in those Letters, though not still in practice. Writs are sent out also to the several Sheriffs, acquainting them with his Majesties purpose of consulting in a Parliamentary way with the Peers and Prelates, and other Great Men of the Realm (the Judges and Officers of State, &c.) and then requiring them to cause two Knights to be elected for every County, two Citizens for every Ci∣ty, or more Burgesses for every Burrough (according as the place is priviledged) in their several Shires. All of them to attend in Parli∣ament at the time appointed; no otherwise Impowered than the Deans, Archdeacons, and the rest of the Clergy by their formal Writs. But in the calling of a Convocation, the form is otherwise; for in this case the King directs his Writs to the two Archbishops, requiring them for the great and weighty Reasons above-mentioned, to cause a Convocation of the Clergy to be forthwith called, leaving the nominating of the Time and Place to their discretion; though for the ease of the Bishops and Clergy, commanded to attend in Parliament, as before was said, the Archbishop used to nominate such Time and Place as might most sort with that Attendance. On the receiving of which Writ, the Archbishop of Canterbury sends his Mandate to the Bishop of London, as Dean of the Episcopal Col∣ledge, requiring him to Cite and Summon all the Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, and Capitular Bodies, with the whole Clergy of the Province, according to the usual form, to appear before him at such

place and time as he therein nominated; and that the Procurators for the Chapter and Clergy be furnished with sufficient powers by those that sent them, not only to treat upon such points as should be pro∣pounded for the peace of the Church, and defence of the Realm of England, and to give their Counsel in the same, but also to (a) 9.21 con∣sent both in their own names, and in the names of them that sent them unto all such things as by mature deliberation, and consent, should be there ordained. Which Mandate being received by the Bishop of London, he sends out his Citations to the several Bishops of that Province, and they give intimation of it to the Clergy of their several Diocesses; according whereunto the Chapters and Pa∣rochial Clergy do elect their Clerks, binding themselves (b) 9.22 under the forfeiture of all their goods, movable, and immovable, to stand to and perform whatsoever the said Clerks shall say or do in their behalf. Both Bodies, being thus assembled, are to continue their attendance in the publick Service during the pleasure of the King; the Acts of both to be invalid till confirmed by his Majesty, the one most commonly by himself, sitting upon his Royal Throne in open Parliament▪ the other alwaies by Letters Patents under the Great Seal; neither of the two to be dissolved but by several Writs, That for the Parliament directed to the Lord Chancellor, or Lord Keeper, (as the case may vary) That for the Convocation issued out to the Metropolitans of the several Provinces. In this, and this alone, they di••fer as to matter of Form, that the Peers and People assembled in Parliament may treat, debate, and conclude of any thing which is to be tendred to the King for his Royal Assent without any other power than the first Writ, by vertue whereof they are assem∣bled: But the Bishops and Clergy are restrained in their Covoca∣tion by the Statute of the 25 Henry viii. from treating, debating, forming, and concluding of any Canons or Constitutions, or doing any Ecclesiastical Acts, tending to the determination of Controver∣sies, or decreeing Ceremonies, till they are licenced thereunto by the Kings Commission. All which particulars I have thought fit to touch at in this present place, because we are to relate unto them in the course of our business.

At the opening of the Parliament the Sermon was preached before his Majesty, the Peers and Prelates, by the Bishop of Ely. The Ser∣mon being done, they passed in the accustomed State to the Parlia∣ment House: to which the Commons being called, his Majesty ac∣quainted them with the indignities and affronts, even to the taking up of Arms against him, which he had suffered from some of his Sub∣jects in Scotland, required their assistance to reduce them to their due obedience, advising them to go together for chusing their Sp••a∣ker, and so to proceed unto their business. But all they did in order to his Commands, was the admitting of Glanvile, a right learned Lawyer, whom his Majesty had commended to them, to be the Speaker for their House. Their Grievances must first be heard, and

the safety of Religion provided for before the matter of supply was to be considered. This was enough to give a•• hint to the Arch∣bishop, that an enquiry would be made into all his Actions, to the disturbance of the work which he had begun, and was in no small hope to perfect. For remedy whereof he was resolved to make use of a friend in the House of Commons for offering this motion to the rest, viz. That a certain number of that House would joyn in Con∣ference with as many of the Clergy assembled in Convocation, touching all doubts and differences which might happen to arise amongst them in matters which concerned the Church. And this he did upon this reason, that if the motion were accepted, the Committee for the Clergie in Convocation, might give satisfaction to that of the House of Commons in all such matters Doctrinal, or points of Ceremony which should come before them: But if the motion were rejected, he should then get the start in point of Repu∣tation amongst knowing men; the refusing of so fair an offer, bea∣ring witness for him that their Proceedings were directed rather by power and interest, than by truth and reason. But the short life of this Parliament made that Counsel useless. For the Commons doing nothing which the King desired, and the King desiring nothing more, than that they would speedily resolve one way or other, the Lords agreed upon a Vote for desiring a Conference with the Commons, the better to dispose them to this point, that his Majesties supply should have precedency of the Subjects Grievances. This voted by the Commons for a breach of their Priviledges, and the Peers censured for it, as having been transported beyond their bounds. To calm which heat his Majesty made offer for twelve Subsidies, to relinquish all his right to the Naval aide, of late called Ship-money, which had been anciently enjoyed by his Predecessors: But the Proposition, though it came but to three years purchase, would not down amongst them. At last they came unto a resolution of yield∣ing somewhat toward his Majesties supply; but in the grant thereof, blasted his Majesties Expedition against the Scots, whose Cause they resolved to make their own, and received thanks from them for that favour in their next Remonstrance. Which coming to his Majesties ears on Munday the fourth of May, he called his Council toge∣ther on the next Morning betimes, by whose unanimous consent he dissolved the Parliament.

On Tuesday, April 14, the Convocation assembled in the Chap∣ter-house of the Church of St. Paul, from whence they waited on his Grace and the rest of the Bishops, to hear the Sermon in the Quire. The Sermon preacht by Turner, Residentiary of the Church. His Text was taken out of Mat. 10.16. Behold I send you forth as Sheep in the midst of Wolves, which he followed home unto the Pur∣pose. In the close of the Sermon he had a passage in these words, or to this effect, that all the Bishops held not the Reins of Church Discipline with an even hand, but that some of them were too easie

and remiss in the ordering thereof. Whereby though they sought to gain to themselves the popular plause of meekness and mildness, they occasionally cast on other Bishops (more severe than them∣selves) the unjust imputation of Rigour and Tyranny; and therefore he advised them withall with equal strictness to urge an universal Conformity. The Sermon ended, the Clergy fell to the electing of their Prolocutor (as before commanded) pitching unanimously on Dr. Richard Steward Clerk of his Majesties Closet, and Dean of Chichester to be presented the next day to the Archbishop and the rest of the Prelates in the Chappel of King Henry vii. at Westminster, to which the Synod was adjourned. The next day being come (after a Protestation made in writing by the Sub-Dean and Prebendaries of that Church for not acknowledging the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the rest of the Bishops, to have any Jurisdiction in that place, and the admitting of the same for good and valid) they were permitted to proceed in their Convocation. The business of that day was the presenting of the Prolocutor by Sheldon, Warden of All-souls, his Admission by the Archbishop, and Stewards unwilling readiness to discharge the Office; each of them delivering their conceptions in Elegant Latine Speeches, as the custome is, but the Archbishops longer than both the rest. Which Ceremonies being performed, his Grace produced a Commission under the Great Seal, by which they were enabled (according to the said Statute of King Henry viii.) to propose, treat, consult, and agree upon the Exposition or Al∣teration of any Canon then in force, and upon such new Canons, Orders, and Constitutions, as the said Bishops and Clergy (of which the Lord Archbishop to be alwaies one) should think ••it, necessary, and convenient for the honour and service of Almighty God, the good and quiet of the Church, and the better Govern∣ment thereof to be performed and kept by the said Archbishops, Bishops, and the rest of the Clergy in their several places; as also by the Dean of the Arches, and by all others having Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Province of Canterbury, and by all other persons within this Realm, so far as being Members of this Church they may be concerned. Provided alwaies that no such Canons, Orders, or Constitutions, so to be considered on as aforesaid, be contrary or repugnant to the Liturgy established, or the Rubricks in it, or the 39 Articles, or any Doctrinal Orders, and Ceremonies of the Church of England already established; as also that nothing should be done in execution of the same, till being exhibited to his Ma∣jesty in writing, to be allowed, approved, confirmed, and ratified; or otherwise disallowed, annihilated, and made void as he should think fit, requisite, and convenient: and then to be allowed, approved, and confirmed by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England, Also the said Commission to continue and remain in force during the present Session of Parliament, and to expire together with it.

For the procuring of this Commission, as the Archbishop had good reason, as well for countenancing and confirming his former Actings, as for rectifying many other things which required refor∣mation; so had his Majesty as good reasons for the granting of it, the grounds whereof contained in his Commission of Iune 13. for confirming all the Acts of this Convocation,* 9.23 are to this effect:

He had been given to understand, that many of his Subjects being mis∣led against the Rites and Ceremonies then used in the Church of England, had taken offence at the same upon an unjust supposal, That they were not only contrary to Law, but also introductive unto Popish Superstitions; whereas it well appeared unto him up∣on mature deliberation, that the said Rites and Ceremonies, which were then so much quarrelled at, were not only approved of, and used by those godly and learned Divines to whom, at the time of the Reformation under King Edward vi. the compiling of the Book of Common-Prayer was committed (divers of which suf∣fered Martyrdom in Queen Maries daies) but also again taken up by this whole Church under Queen Elizabeth. Which Rites so taken up, had been so duly and ordinarily practiced for a great part of her Reign (within the memory of divers living) as that it could not then be imagined, that there would need any Rule or Law for the obser∣vation of the same, nor that they could be thought to savour of Popery. He found too plainly, that since those times, for want of an ex∣press Rule therein, and by the subtle practices of some men, the said Rites and Ceremonies began to fall into disuse; and in place thereof other Foreign and unfitting usages by little and little to creep in: But being he found withal that in the Royal Chappels, and in many other Churches most of them had been ever constantly used and observed, his Majesty could not but be very sensible of the in∣convenience. And he had cause also to conceive, that the Au∣thors and Fomenters of those Jealousies; though they coloured the same with a pretence of zeal, and did seem to strike only at some supposed iniquity in the said Ceremonies: yet aimed at his Royal Person, and would have his good Subjects think, that he himself was perverted, and did worship God in a superstitious way, and that he did intend to bring in some alteration in the Re∣ligion here established. From which how far he was, and how ut∣terly he detested the very thought thereof, he had by his many Declarations,* 9.24 and upon sundry other occasions, given such assu∣rance to the World, that no man of wisdom and discretion could ever be so beguiled as to give any serious entertainment to such brainsick Jealousies. And as for the weaker sort, who were prone to be misled by crafty seducers, he alwaies assured himself, that as many of them as had loyal, or but charitable hearts, would from thenceforth utterly banish all such causeless fears and surmises up∣on those his Sacred Professions so often made, as a Defender of the Christian Faith, their King and Sovereign. He perceived in the

next place, That the Ring-leaders of many well-minded people, did make the more advantage (for the nourishing of such distem∣pers amongst them) because the aforesaid Rites and Ceremonies, or some of them, were now insisted upon but only in some Diocesses, and were not generally received in all places, nor constantly nor uniformly practiced throughout all the Churches in the Kingdom; and thereupon have been liable to be quarrelled and opposed by them who use them not. In imitation therefore of the pious Ex∣amples of King Edward vi. Queen Elizabeth,* 9.25 and King Iames of Blessed Memories, he thought it most agreeable to his own Honour, and the good of his People, to Licence the Archbishops, Bishops, and the rest of the Clergie in their several Convocations, to make such further Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions, as should be found necessary for the Advancing of Gods Glory, the Edifying of the Holy Church, and the due Reverence of his Blessed Myste∣ries and Sacraments. And this he did to this end and purpose, That as he had been ever careful and ready to cut off Superstition with the one hand, so he might also expell Profaneness and Irreve∣rence with the other:* 9.26 By means whereof it might please Almighty God to bless him, and this Church committed to his Govern∣ment, that it might at once return to the true former splendour of Uniformity, Devotion, and holy Order; the last whereof, for many years last past, had been much obscured by the devices of some ill affected to it, where it had long stood from the very be∣ginning of the Reformation, and through inadvertency of some in Authority in the Church under him.

Such were the Motives which induced his Majesty to grant this Commission, which was exceeding acceptable to the greatest and best affected part of the whole Assembly, as being an evident demon∣stration of the Trust and Confidence which his Majesty had reposed in them. In a grateful acknowledgment whereof, for the support of his Majesties Royal Estate, and the effectual furtherance of his most Royal and Extraordinary Designs abroad, they gave him six Subsidies, after the rate of four shillings in the pound, to be paid in the six years then next following, by two equal parts or moyeties in every year; appointing a Committee to put the Grant into form, and make it ready for a Confirmation by Act of Parliament. But the first thing in which they acted by this Commission, was the tendring of a Canon to them by the Archbishop of Canterbury, For suppressing the further growth of Popery, and reducing Papists to the Church; with Order to the Prolocutor and inferiour Clergy, to enlarge and perfect it as to them seemed most conducible to the end desired: But afterward considering how much it might redound to his estimation, that the said Canon should proceed intirely from himself alone, he recalled the Paper into his own hands; and after some time of de∣liberation, returned it back unto the Clergy in the very same words in which it passed.

By which so framed and enlarged, it was Ordained, That all and every Person or Persons, of what Rank soever, having and exer∣cising any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, as also all Persons entrusted with Cure of Souls, should use respectively all possible care and diligence, by open Conferences with the Parties, and by Censures of the Church in inferiour and higher Courts, as also by Com∣pl••ints unto the Secular Power, to reduce all such to the Church of England, who were misled into Popish Superstition. Those publick Conferences to be managed by the Bishop in person (if his Occasion will permit it) or by some one or more Learned Men of his especial appointment. The time and place of such Conferences, with the Names of the Persons to be admitted to the same, to be of the Bi∣shops nomination. Such Papists as refuse to appear at any of the said Co••ferences, to be counted obstinate; and such Ministers as should refuse to act therein, without a reasonable Cause approved by the Bishop, to be Suspended for six Months: Provided, That the place appointed for the said Conferences, be not distant above ten miles from their dwelling Houses: That in case such Conferences pro∣duce not the effect desired, all Ecclesiastical Persons shall then be careful to inform themselves of all Recusants, above the age of 12 years, in their several Parishes, as well concerning their not coming to the Church, as their resorting to other places to hear Mass; of all such as be active in seducing the Subjects from coming to Church, and disswading them from taking the Oath of Allegiance; the Names of all such to be presented, that being cited, and found obstinate, they might be publickly Excommunicated, as well in the Cathedral as their Parish Churches. The like course to be also ta∣ken by the Diocesans, in places of exempt Jurisdiction, and the Of∣fenders to be turned over to the High-Commission. That the Names of all such as are presented in any Inferiour Jurisdiction, be trans∣mitted within six Months to the Diocesans, by them to be returned, to••ether with the Names of such as have been presented in their own Visitations, to his Majesties Justices of Assize in their several Cir∣cuits. And the same course to be also taken in returning the Names of all such persons as have been either Married or Buried, or have ••ave had their Children Christned in any other form, than according to the Rules of the Church of England; to the intent they may be punished according to the Statutes in that behalf. That Informati∣on be given by all Churchwardens upon their Oaths, what persons are imployed as Schoolmasters in Recusants Houses; to the end that if they have not or will not subscribe, they may be forbidden and discharged from teaching Children any longer: And the Names of all Persons which entertain such Schoolmasters, to be certified at the next Assizes. Such Schoolmasters to incur the publick Censure of the Church, as do not carefully instruct the Children committed to them, in the publick Catechism; and the Names of such Parents, as either thereupon shall take away their said Children, or otherwise

send them to be educated beyond the Seas, to be presented upon Oath at the Visitations, and certified also to the said Justices, as be∣fore is said, that the said Parents may be punished according to Law: The said Certificate to be presented to the Judges by the Bishops Registers, immediately on the Reading of the Commission, or at the end of the Charge, upon pain of Suspension for three Months from their several Offices: The said Judges and Justices be∣ing entreated and exhorted, not to fail of putting the said Laws in execution; and not to admit of any vexatious Suit or Suits, against any Churchwardens, or other sworn Officers, for doing their duty in this kind: That a Significavit be made in Chancery by all the se∣veral Bishops, of the Names of all such persons as have stood Ex∣communicated beyond the time limited by the Laws, desiring that the Writ De Excommunicato capiendo may be issued against them ex Officio. And finally, That no person or persons subject to the said Writ, shall be Absolved by virtue of an Appeal into any Ecclesiasti∣cal Court, till they have first taken in their own persons the usual Oath De parendo juri, & stando mandatis Ecclesiae: With a Petition to his Majesty, in the Name of the Synod, to give command both to his Officers in Chancery, and the Sheriffs of the several Counties, for sending out and executing the said Writs from time to time, without any Charge to the Diocesans (whose Estates it would other∣wise much exhaust) as often as it should be desired of them. Such is the substance of this Canon, in laying down whereof I have been the more punctual and exact, that the equal and judicious Reader may the better see what point it was, which the Archbishop aimed at, from the first beginning of his Power and Government, as before was noted. In the mean time, whilst this Canon was under a Review, another ready drawn was tendred to the Prolocutor by the Clerk of Westminster, for the better keeping of the day of his Majesties most happy Inauguration: By which it was decreed, according to the Ex∣ample of the most pious Emperours of the Primitive Times, and our own most Godly Kings and Princes since the Reformation, and the Form of Prayer already made, and by his Majesties Authority Ap∣pointed to be used on the said days of Inauguration,

That all man∣ner of persons within the Church of England, should from thence∣forth celebrate and keep the morning of the said day, in coming diligently and reverently unto their Parish Church or Chappel at the time of Prayer, and there continue all the while that the Prayers, Preaching, or other Service of the day endureth: That for the better observing of the said day, two of the said Books should be provided at the Charge of each several Parish, by the Churchwardens of the same; with an Injunction to all Bishop••, Archdeacons, and other Ordinaries, to inquire into the premises at their Visitations, and punish such as are delinquent, as in case of such as absent themselves on the other Holydays.

Another Canon was brought in against Socinianism, by the spread∣ing

of which damnable and cursed Heresie, much mischief had al∣ready been done in the Church: For the suppressing whereof, it was ordained by the Synod (after some explication and correction of the words and phrases),

That no Stationer, Printer, or other person, should print, buy, sell, or disperse any Book, broaching or main∣taining the said Abominable Doctrine or Positions, upon pain of Excommunication ipso facto, and of being proceeded against by his Majesties Atturney-General, on a Certificate thereof to be re∣turned by the several Ordinaries to their Metropolitan, according to the late Decree of Star-Chamber against Sellers of prohibi∣ted Books; That no Preacher should presume to vent any such Doctrine in any Sermon, under pain of Excommunication for the first Offence, and Deprivation for the second: That no Student in either of the Universities, nor any person in Holy Orders, except∣ing Graduates in Divinity, or such as have Episcopal or Archidia∣conal Jurisdiction, or Doctors of Law in Holy Orders, shall be suffered to have or read any such Socinian Book or Discourse, un∣der pain (if the Offender live in the University) that he shall be pu∣nished according to the strictest Statutes provided there against the publishing, reading, and maintaining of false Doctrines; or if he lived in the City or Country abroad, of a Suspension for the first O••fence, Excommunication ••or the second, and Deprivation for the third, unless he should absolutely and in terminis abjure the same: That if any Lay-person should be seduced unto that Opi∣nion, and be convicted of it, he should be Excommunicated, and not Absolved but upon due Repentance and Abjuration, and that before his Metropolitan, or his own Bishop at least: With se∣veral Clauses for seizing and burning all such Books as should be found in any other hands than those before limited and expressed.

Which severe course being taken by the Convocation, makes it a matter of no small wonder, That Cheynell the Usufructuary of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parsonage of Petworth, should impute the Rise and Growth of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in a Pamphlet not long after Printed, unto many of those who had been principal Actors in suppressing of those wicked and detestable Heresies. Another Canon was presented to the Prolecut••r, by one of the Members of that Body, advanced the next year to a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dignity, for Restraint of Sectaries: By which it was de∣••••••••d,

That all those Proceedings and Penalties which are menti∣••••••d in the Canon against Popish Recusants, so far forth as may be appliable, should be in full force and vigour against all Anabaptists, Brownists, S••peratists, Familists, or other Sect or Sects, Person or Persons whatsoever, who do or shall either obstinately refuse: or ordinarily, not having a lawful impediment (that is, for the space of a Month) neglect to repair to their Parish Churches or Chappels where they inhabit, for the hearing of Divine Service established, and receiving of the Holy Communion according to Law; That the Clause in the former Canon against Books of Socinianism,

should also extend to the Makers, Importers, Printers, and Pub∣lishers or Dispersers of any Book, Writing, or Scandalous Pamph∣let, devised against the Discipline and Government of the Church of England; and unto the Maintainers and Abettors of any Opi∣nion or Doctrine against the same. And finally, That all despisers and depravers of the Book of Common Prayer, who resorted not according to Law to their Church or Chappel, to joyn in the Publick Worship of God in the Congregation, contenting them∣selves with the hearing of Sermons only, should be carefully in∣quired after, and presented to their several and respective Ordina∣ries; The same Proceedings and Penalties mentioned in the afore∣said Canons, to be used against them, unless within one whole Month after they are first Denounced, they shall make Acknow∣ledgment and Reformation of their fault.

So far the Bishops and Clergy had proceeded in the Work re∣commended to them, when the Parliament was most unhappily Dissolved: And possibly the Convocation had expired the next day also, according to the usual custom, if one of the Clergy had not made the Archbishop acquainted with a Precedent in Queen Eliza∣beths Time, for the granting a Subsidy or Benevolence by Convocation, to be Taxed and Levied by Synodical Acts and Constitutions, without help of the Parliament; directing to the Records of Convocation where it was to be found. Whereupon the Convocation was Ad∣journed from Wednesday, till the Friday following, and then till the next day after, and so till Munday, to the great amazement of ma∣ny of the Members of it, who expected to have been Dissolved when the Parliament was, according to that clause in the Commission afore∣said, by which it was restrained to the Time of the Parliament on∣ly. Much pains was taken by some of the Company, who had been studied in the Records of Convocation, in shewing the difference be∣twixt the Writ for calling a Parliament, and that for assembling a Convocation; their different Forms, and the independence of the one upon the other: but more especially betwixt the Writ by which they were made a Convocation, and that Commission by which they were enabled to the making of Canons; That though the Commission was expired with the Parliament, yet the Writ continued still in force; and by that Writ they were to remain a Convocation, until they were Dissolved by another. With which Distinction, the greatest part of those who before had scrupled at their Sitting, did appear well satisfied; but better satisfied on the Munday, by a Pa∣per which was sent unto them from the Court. For the King being made acquainted with these scrupulosities, proposed the Questi∣on on Sunday May 10. to the greatest Lawyers then about him, who gave their Judgment in these words, viz. The Convocation called by the Kings Writ, is to be continued till it be dissolved by the Kin••s Writ, notwithstanding the Dissolution of the Parliament. Subscribed by ••inch Lord Keeper, Manchester Lord Privy Seal, Littlet•••• Chief 〈◊〉〈◊〉

of the Common Pleas, Bancks Attorney-General, Whitfeild and Heath two of his Majesties Counsel Learned in the Laws of this Land. Incouraged with which assurance, and Animated by a New Commission to remain in Force during the Pleasure of the King, they settled to their work again on Wednesday the thirteenth of that Moneth, but not without some trouble of mind in re∣gard of the Apparent Danger which seemed to threaten them. The Archbishops house at Lambeth had been assaulted on Mun∣day by a Rabble of Anabaptists, Brownists, and other Sectaries, to the Number of five hundred and upwards, who seeing they could not force that house resolved to turn their fury on the Convocation. Of which his Majesty being Informed, he caused a guard to be set about them consisting of some Companies of the trained Bands of the County of Middlesex under the Com∣mand of Endymion Porter, one of the Grooms of the Bed-cham∣ber; an honest man, and of good affections to the Church and his Majesties Service. To such extremities were the poor Clergy brought during these confusions; in danger of the Kings displeasure if they Rose, of the Peoples fury if they Sate; in danger of being beaten up by tumults, when they were at their work, of being beaten down by the following Par∣liament, when their work was done. But they went forward howsoever to the end of their journey, and did the business as they went, dispatching more work in so short a time then could be easily imagined.

T••ree things there were which Canterbury was to take special ca••e of in reference to the Publick peace of the Church and State; That is to say▪ the Reparation of the breaches made in the Regal, and Episcopal Power by the late batteries of the Scots, and their adherents, on the commending of the Uniformity to all parts of the Kingdom, which had been happily begun in so many places. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 r••ference to the first, some propositions touching the institution, Power and Priviledges of Sovereign Princes, were recommended to the consideration of the Prolocutor and the Rest of the Clergy, by them to be corrected if they saw occasion; and being so corrected to pass into a Canon. The Propositions six in number, and were these t••at follow,

• I. The most High, and Sacred Order of Kings is of Divine Right, b••in•• the Ordinance of God himself, founded in the prime Laws of Nature, and clearly established by Express Texts, both of the Old and the New Testaments. A Supream Power is given to this most Excel∣lent Order by God himself in the Scriptures, which is, That Kings should Rule, and Command in their several Dominions, all Persons of what Rank or Estate whatsoever, whether Ecclesiastical or Civil, and that they should Restrain and Punish with the Temporal Sword all Stub∣••••••n and wicked doers.
• II. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 care of Gods Church is so committed to Kings in Scripture,

• ... that they are commanded when the Church keeps the Right way, and taxed when it Runs Amiss; and therefore her Goverment belongs in Chief unto Kings: For otherwise one man would be commended for anothers care, and taxed but for anothers negligence, which is not Gods way.
• III. The Power to Call and Dissolve Councils both National and Provincial, is the true Right of all Christian Kings within their own Realms, and Territories. And when in the first times of Christs Church, Prelates used this Power, 'twas therefore only because in those days they had no Christian Kings, And it was then so only used as in time of persecution, that is, with supposition (in case it were re∣quired) of submitting their very lives, unto the very Laws and Com∣mands, even of those Pagan Princes, that they might not so much as seem to disturb their Civil Government, which Christ came to confirm but by no means to undermine.
• IV. For any Person or Persons to set up, maintain or avow in any the said Realms, or Territories Respectively, under any pretext whatsoever any Independent Co-active Power, either Papal or Popular (whether di∣rectly or indirectly) is to undermine their Great Royal Office, and cun∣ningly to overthrow the Most Sacred Ordinances which God himself hath established: And so it is Treasonable against God as well as against the King.
• V. For Subjects to bear Arms against their Kings, Offensive or De∣fensive upon any pretence whatsoever, is at least to Resist the Powers which are ordained by God. And though they do not invade but only Resist, S. Paul tells them plainly, They shall receive to themselves damnation.
• VI. And although Tribute, and Custom and Aid, and Subsidies, and all manner of necessary Support, and Supply, be respectively due to Kings from their Subjects by the Law of God, Nature, and Nations for the Publick Defence, care and Protection of them: yet nevertheless Sub∣jects have not only possession of, but a true and Iust Right, Title, and Propriety, to, and in, all their Goods, and Estates, and ought for to have: And these two are so far from crossing one another, that they mutually go together, for the Honourable and Comfortable support of both. For as it is the duty of Subjects to supply their King; so is it part of the Kingly office to support his Subjects, in the Propriety and Freedom of their Estates.

These Propositions being Read and Considered of, were generally past and approved without contradiction, but that a little stop was made touching the Necessity of Aid and Subsidie to Kings from their Subjects, which some thought fitter to leave at large accord∣ing to the Laws of several Countries then to entitle it to the Law of God, Nature and Nations: but after a very light dispute that clause was allowed of with the Rest, and a Canon presently drawn up by a ready hand, according to the Vote of the House to make them Obligatory to the Clergy in the course of their Ministries. The pre∣amble

which was sent with the Propositions, required them to be read distinctly and audibly by every Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Preacher upon some one Sunday in every Quarter of the year at Morning Prayer. And it was added by the Canons that if any Par∣son, Vicar, Curate, or Preacher, should Voluntarily or carelesly, neg∣lect his duty in publishing the said Explications and Conclusions ac∣cording to the Order above prescribed, he should be suspended by his Ordinary till his Reformation; That all Bishops, Priests and Mi∣nisters, should Teach, Preach, and Exhort their People to Obey, Ho∣nour, and Serve their King; and that they presume not to speak of his Majesties Power, any other way then in the Canon is expressed; with reference to Excommunication, and a Suspension of two years for the first Offence, and Deprivation for the second, to be inflicted by his Majesties Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical upon all Persons whatsoever which in any Sermon, Lecture, Determination or Disputation should maintain any point of Doctrine, contrary to the said Propositions, and Explications.

In reference to the preservation of the Episcopal power, an Oath was d••awn up in the Upper, and sent down to the Lower House of Convocation, by them to be debated, approved, and ratified up∣on Approbation; Which Oath was required to be taken by all Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, before the second day of November then next following to be tendered in the presence of a publike Notary, to all Priests and Deacons by the Bishop in person, or his Chancellour or some grave Divines named and appointed by the Bishop under his Episcopal Seat. In the first words of the Oath a•• it came from the Lords, it was expressed in these words, that every man should Swear to the Doctrine and Discipline established in Church of England. And this occasioned some dispute, concerning the extent of the word Discipline, whither it comprehended the Episcopal Government, and the publick Forms of Divine Worship; or was to be restrained only to the use of the Keys, as it was practiced in Ecclesiastical Courts. Some would have had the words run thus, I. A. B. do swear that I approve the Doctrines, Discipline or Go∣vernment established, &c. But against this it was objected, First, that the Government of the Church was sufficiently provided for by the following clause, in which there was an especial Enumera∣t•••••• of all Offices impowred in the Government of the Church; and that it was incongruous to make that Discipline and Government to be the same, and that Government should be said to contain all things, or any thing which was necessary to Salvation. And they that thus objected, would have had it pass in these words, viz. I approve the Doctrine, Discipline, and Forms of Worship established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary unto Salvation. Which though it seemed, more plausible and intelligible then the other was; yet being put unto the vote, it was carried for Discipline or ••••••••rnment, under pretence of not clogging the Oath with things

unnecessary and such as might be made capable of a variation. Ac∣cording to which Vote the Canon was drawn up with this title, viz. An Oath injoyned for the preventing of all Innovations in Doctrine and Government; and the Oath it self injoyned in this form follow∣ing, that is to say, I. A. B. Do swear that I do Approve the Doctrine and Discipline or Government Established in the Church of England; as containing all things necessary to salvation. And that I will not endeavour by my self or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any P••pish Doctrine, contrary to that which is so established. Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church, by Arch∣bishops, Bishops, Deans, and Archdeacons, &c. As it stands now establish∣ed, and as by Right it ought to stand; nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpations and Superstitions of the See of Rome. And all these things I do plainly and seriously acknowledge, and swear, according to the plain, and Common sense and understanding of the same words, with∣out any Equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation what∣soever. And this I do heartily, willingly, and truly upon the faith of a Christian, So help me God in Jesus Christ.

The Oath being past, the Canon was drawn up by the former hand according to such Instructions as were sent along with it. By which it was required that all Masters of Art, (the Sons of Noble∣men only excepted) all Bachelors or Doctors in Divinity, Law, or Physick, all that are licenced to practice Physick, all Registers ••••ctuaries, and Procters, all School-masters, all such as being natives o•• Naturalized, do come to be incorporated into the Universities here, having taken any Degree in any Foreign University should be bound to take the said Oath; the same Oath to be Administred to all such of the persons abovenamed residing in any University, by the Governors of their several Houses; and by the Bishop Respectively, to all which should from thenceforth be admitted to holy Orders, or receive any Institution, Collation, or Licence for the serving of any cure: with several Penalties to all beneficed Parsons, and all such as were then in any Ecclesiastical dignity, for their Refusal of the same; that is to say, a suspension ab officio for the first Refusal, à beneficio & officio, for the second, and Deprivation for the t••ird, a Moneths deliberation being granted betwixt each Re∣fusal.

These two great matters being thus concluded, A message is delivered by the Prolocutor from the house of Bishops, by which the Clergy were desired to consider of the best expedient for indu∣cing an Uniformity in the Church about the situation of the Lords Table, the Receiving of the blessed Sacrament, and the due Revenue to be used in the house of God, and to prepare a Ca•••••• to that purpose if they found it necessary. On the Receiving of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 message a grand Committee was selected out of the Ablest men o•• the House, to take that great and weighty business into consideration, and to Report unto the House whatsoever they should do there∣in,

that it might pass or be rejected as the House thought fit. The Committee consisted of 27. the Prolocutor being reckoned into the number, their meeting to be held the same afternoon in the Chappel of King Hen. 7. Where being met, and sitting about the table provided for the use of the Bishops, the points were seri∣ously debated, every man speaking his opinion in them when it came to his turn without interruption; beginning with the Prolo∣cutor, and so proceeding from man to man till it concluded with the Clerk for the Church of Westminster; So placed of pur∣pose that he might answer all such arguments, as had been brought against any of the points proposed, and were not answered to his hand. The Prolocutor having taken the summe of every mans Judgement, declared that the far Major part had appeared for placing the Lords Table where the Altar stood, the drawing neer unto it to receive the Sacrament, and the making of due Reverences at the entring into the Church and going out of it; and thereupon put it to the question, whether they thought it convenient that a Canon should be prepared to that purpose or not? Which being car∣ried in the affirmative, without any visible dissent, one of the Clerks for the Diocess of Bristol presented a Canon ready drawn for the same effect, but drawn in such a commanding, and imperious Style, that it was disliked by all the company but himself; and thereupon a Sub-committeee was appointed to prepare the Canon, and make it ready with as much dispatch as they could conveni∣ently. Which was no sooner agreed on, and the Committee con∣tinued for some following business; but the Archdeacon of Huntington who was one of the number, made his first appearance, so ex∣treamly discontented that he was not stayed for, and that the busi∣ness was concluded before he came, and earnestly pressing the Pro∣locutor, that the debate might be Resumed, or at the least his Reasons might be heard against the Vote: which when the Prolocutor upon very good Reasons had refused to yield too, he fell upon him with such heats, and used him so exceeding coursly; that on complaint made thereof and of some other intervening harsh∣ness, made by the Prolocutor in a full House of the Clergy, he was ordered by the far Major part to quit the House, though afterwards Restored again on the acknowledgment of his Errour, when his heats were down. Which Rubb removed, the Canon went very smoothly on without opposition, commended Ge∣nerally for the Modesty and Temper of it; in which Re∣spect I hold it worthy to be presented to the Reader in its full proportion, without any Abbreviation of it as of those before.

A Declaration concerning some Rites and Ceremonies.

BEcause it is generally to be wished, that Vnity of Faith were accom∣panied with Vniformity of Practice in the outward Worship and Ser∣vice of God; chiefly for the avoiding the groundless suspicio•• of those who are weak, and the malicious Aspersions of the professed enemies of our Religion; the one, fearing Innovations; the other▪ flattering themselves with a vain hope of our back-sliding unto their Popish Superstition by reason of the situation of the Communion Table, and the approaches thereunto, the Synod declareth as followeth: That the standing of the Communion Table side-way under the East Window of every Chancel••or Chappel, is in its own nature indifferent, neither commanded nor con∣demned by the Word of God, either expresly, or by immediate deduction; and therefore that no Religion is to be placed therein, or scruple to be made thereon. And albeit at the time of reforming this Church from the gross superstition of Popery, it was carefully provided, that all means should be used to ro••t out of the Minds of the People both the in∣clination thereunto, and memory thereof; especially of the Idolatry com∣mitted in the Mass, for which cause all Popish Altars were demolished: yet notwithstanding it was then ordered by the Injunctions and A••v••r∣tisements of Queen Elizabeth, of blessed mem••ry, that the holy Table should stand in that place where the Altar stood, and accordingly have been continued in the Royal Chappels of three famous and pious Princes, and in most Cathedral, and some Parochial Churches, which doth suffi∣ciently acquit the manner of placing the said Tables from any illegality or just suspicion of Popish Superstition or Innovation. And therefore We judge it fit and convenient that all Churches and Chappels do conform themselves in this particular to the example of the Cathedral or mother Churches, saving alwaies the general liberty left to the Bishop by Law during the time of the Administration of the holy Communion. And We declare, that this Situation of the holy Table, doth not imply that it is or ought to be esteemed a true and proper Altar, whereon Christ is again really sacrificed: But it is and may be called an Altar by us, in that sense which the Primitive Church called it an Altar, and no other.

And because experience hath shewed us, how irreverent the behaviour of many people is in many places, some leaning, other casting their hats, and some sitting upon, some standing at, and others sitting under the Communion Table in time of Divine Service: For the avoiding of these and the like abuses, it is thought meet and convenient by this present Synod, that the said Communion Table in all Churches or Chap∣pels be decently severed with Rails to preserve them from such or worse prophanations.

And because the Administration of holy things is to be perform••d with all possible decency and reverence, therefore we judge it fit and conveni∣ent, according to the word of the Service-Book, established by Act of Parliamen••, Draw near, &c. that all communicants with an humble

reverence shall draw near and approach to the holy Table, there to receive the divine mysteries, which have heretofore in some places been unfitly carried up and down by the Minister, unless it should be otherwise ap∣pointed in respect of the incapacity of the place, or other inconvenience, By the Bishop himself in his Iurisdiction, and other Ordinaries respective∣ly in theirs.

And lastly, whereas the Church is the House of God, dedicated to his holy Worship, and therefore ought to mind us both of the greatness and goodness of his divine Majesty; certain it is, that the acknowledgment thereof, not only inwardly in our hearts, but also outwardly with our bodies, must needs be pious in it self, profitable unto us, and edifying unto others. We therefore think it very meet and behoveful, and hear∣tily commend it to all good and well-affected people, Members of this Church, that they be ready to tender unto the Lord the said acknowledg∣ment, by doing reverence and obeysance both at their coming in and go∣ing out of the said Churches, Chancels, or Chappels, according to the most ancient custome of the Primitive Church in the purest times, and of this Church also for many years of the Reign of Queen Eliza••eth. The receiving therefore of this ancient and laudable Custome we hearti∣ly commend to the serious consideration of all good People, not with any intention to exhibit any Religious Worship to the Communion Table, the East, or Church, or any thing therein contained, in so doing; or to perform the said Gesture in the Celebration of the holy Eucharist, upon any opinion of the Corporal presence of the Body of Christ on the holy Table, or in the mystical Elements: but only for the advancement of Gods Majesty, and to give him alone that honour and glory that is due unto him, and no otherwise. And in the practice or omission of this Rite we desire that the Rule of Charity, prescribed by the Apostle, may be observed, which is, That they which use this Rite, despise not them who use it not; and that they wh•• use it not, condemn not those that use it.

No sooner was this Declaration passed, and sent up to the Lords, but on the same day, or the next, an Address was made to the Pro∣locutor by the Clerk for Westminster concerning the confusion which hapned in most parts of the Church for want of one uniform body o•• Articles to be used in Visitations; those of the Bishop many times t••••••••tning the Archdeacons; one Bishops differing from anothers, the Successors from his Predecessors; and the same person not consi∣st••nt to the same Articles which himself had published. By means whereof the people were much disturbed, the Rules of the Church contemned for their multiplicity, unknown by reason of their un∣certainty, and despised for the inconstancy of them that made them. Of all which he desired the Convocation to provide a remedy, by setting out one Uniform Book of Articles to be the standing Rule o•• all Visitations for the time to come. The motion pleased the Pro∣locutor, and the rest of the Clergy, who thereupon desired him (in pursuit of his own project) to undertake the compiling of the

said Book of Articles, and to present it to the House with conveni∣ent speed. Which notwithstanding, there wanted not some secret practices to illude the motion, and frustrate the design, approved of by the general Vo••e. Some who observed the moderation of the Articles which had been drawn for the Metropolitical Visitation, and finding them to leave a greater liberty about placing the Communion Table, and the order of officiating the Divine Service, than the new Articles might allow of, addrest themselves unto his Grace, desi∣ring that those Articles might be commended to the Convocation, to be a standing Rule for all Visitations in the times succeeding; which Proposition was thought to relish well enough with him at the first proposal, though afterwards on further consideration he suffered the business to proceed in the former course. It was not long before another Canon was tendred to the Prolocutor for advancing a more general Conformity than that which was contained in the Declarati∣on. And it was tendred by the same hand which had before presen∣ted that against Sectaries; in reference to whom it passed without opposition or alteration.* 10.1

It was enjoyned by that Canon under pain of suspension, that all Preachers, as well beneficed men as others, should positively and plainly preach and instruct the Peo∣ple in their publick Sermons that the Rites and Ceremonies in the Church of England were lawful and commendable; and that the People ought not only to conform themselves to those Rites and Ceremonies: but chearfully to submit themselves unto the Govern∣ment of the Church, as it was then established under his Majesty.

Another was brought in, but by whom I know not,

Concerning the Conversation of the Clergie, by which it was desired in compliance to the ancient Canons of the Church,* 10.2 and in particular to Canon 74, 75. of the year 1603. That all Clergy men in this Church, set∣ting before their eyes the glory of God, the holiness of their Cal∣ling, and the edification of the People committed to them, should carefully avoid all excess and disorders, that by their Christian and Religious Conversation they might shine forth, as lights unto others, in all godliness and honesty; and that all those to whom the Government of the Church was committed should set them∣selves to countenance and encourage Godliness, Gravity, Sobriety, and all unblameable Conversation in the Ministers of it; and di∣ligently labour, by the due execution of the Canons aforesaid, and all other Ecclesiastical Provisions made for that end, to reform all offensive and scandalous persons which were in the Ministry.

Which Canon was so well approved of, that it past without any stop or resistance.

All matters going thus calmly on, the Clergy began to take into consideration the great exces••es, and abuses, which were complained of in many Offices of Ecclesiastical Courts. They found the Exor∣bitancies of the Chancellors to be grown so great, that they con∣temned the lower Clergy, and thought themselves independent of

the Bishops under whom they served. They found that many abu∣ses had been committed in the Sentences of Excommunication and Absolution, (the slovenly executing whereof had been very offen∣sive) as also in Commutations of Penance, and conniving at un∣lawful Marriages, out of which some Officers in those Courts rai∣sed no small advantage; Complaint was also made of some oppressi∣ons which had been laid upon the Subject, by concurrent Jurisdicti∣ons partly, and partly by vexatious Citations, in which nothing was more aimed at, than the Officers Fees which must be paid, though nothing could be proved against the Party when he came before them. The consideration and redress of all which grievances being referred to the Committee of twenty six, the said Committee was desi∣red by the Prolocutor to hold their meetings in his house, situate under the North-side of the Abbey-Church, and therefore most convenient both for himself and them. The Grievances were great, and yet not greater than the Clamour which was raised about them, which made the Committee very intent upon the stilling of the noise; by providing better for themselves, their Brethren, and the rest of the Subjects: but not without all due respect to the Profes∣sors in that honourable Faculty of the Civil Laws. Lamb Dean of the Arches, and Heath Judge of the Audience, being both Mem∣bers of the Convocation, were taken into that Committee; not only to assist their Consultations in point of Law: but to moderate the ••ervor of their Proceedings by the Fan of Reason. The whole Reformation brought within the compass of these seven Canons: 1. Concerning Chancellors Patents. 2. Chancellors not alone to cen∣sure any of the Clergy in sundry cases. 3. Excommunication and Abso∣lution not to be pronounced but by a PRIEST. 4. Concerning Com∣mutations, and the disposing of them. 5. Touching current Iurisdicti∣ons. 6. Concerning Licences to marry. 7. Against vexatious Cita∣tions.

In the first of the seven it was required,

That no Bishop should grant any Patent to any Chancellor, Commissary, or Official, for any longer time than the life of the Grantee only; That in all such Patents the Bishops should reserve to themselves and their Succes∣sors the power of giving institution to Benefices,* 10.3 of giving Li∣cences to teach School or Preach, as also of exercising their Ju∣risdiction, either alone, or with the Chancellor, at his own dis∣cretion, all the accustomed Fees to be reserved unto the Chan∣cellor, &c. as in former times; That no Dean and Chapter should confirm any Patent to any Chancellor, &c. wherein the said condi∣tions were not exprest, under pain of Suspension to be inflicted on them severally by their Metropolitan; And finally, That under the heaviest Censures no reward should be taken for any of the Offices and Places abovementioned.

In the composure of which Canon, as the first branch was made to cut off Reversions, so was the ••••st added to prevent corruptions; For he most commonly sells

Justice that hath bought his Office. In the second it was ordered,

That no Chancellor, Commissary, or Official, unless he be in ho∣ly Orders, should proceed to Suspension, or any higher Censure against any of the Clergy in any criminal cause other than neglect of appearance upon legal Citing:* 10.4 but t••at all such cases should be heard by the Bishop in person, with the assistance of his Chan∣cellor or Commissary; or if the Bishops occasions will not per∣mit, then by his Chancellor, or Commissary, and two grave dig∣nified or beneficed Ministers of the Diocess to be assigned by the Bishop, under his Episcopal Seal, who shall hear and censure the said cause in that Consistory. By the third it was ordained, That no Excommunications or Absolutions should be good or valid in Law except they be pronounced either by the Bishop in person, or by some other in holy Orders having Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, or by some grave Minister beneficed in the Diocess,* 10.5 being a Master of Arts at least, and appointed by the Bishop, the name of the said Priest or Minister being expressed in the Instrument under the Seal of the Court; And that no such Minister should pronounce any such Sentence but in open Consistory, or at least in some Church or Chappel, the Penitent humbly craving and taking Absolution upon his knees.* 10.6 By the fourth it was provided, That no Chancel∣lor, &c. should have power to commute any Penance in whole or in part, but either together with the Bishop in person, or with his privity in writing; That if he do it by himself, he should give up a full and just account of such Commutations once every year at Michaelmas to the Bishop, under pain of being suspended from his Jurisdiction for the space of a year; the said Commutations to be disposed of by the Bishop and Chancellor in such charitable and pious uses as the Law requires;* 10.7 and that Commutation to be signified to the place from whence the complaint proceeded, in case the crime were publickly complained of, and approved notorious.

For preventing those vexations and inconveniencies which for∣merly had been occasioned by concurrent Jurisdictions, It was de∣creed by the fift Canon, under the several penalties therein contained,

That no Register or Clerk should give, nor Apparitor execute a Ci∣tation upon any Executor to appear in any Court or Office till ten daies after the Death of the Testator; And that nevertheless it might be lawful for any Executor to prove such Wills when they think good, within the said ten daies before any Ecclesiastical Judge respectively, to whose Jurisdiction the same might or did appertain. By the sixth it was ordained for the better preventing of any further invasions to be made on the Prerogative of the See of Canterbury,* 10.8 and of many other inconveniencies which did thence arise, no Licence of Marriage should be granted from any Ordinary, in whose Jurisdiction one of the parties hath not been Commorant for the space of a month, immediately before the

same shall ••e desired, under pain of such Censure as the Archbi∣shop should think fit to inflict; And that the said Parties being commorant in the said Jurisdiction, as before is said, shall be made one of the Conditions of the Bond accustomably given for securing that Office. And for preventing of vexatious Citations for the time to come, it was required by the last Canon, That no Citation should from thenceforth be issued out of any Ecclesiasti∣cal Court, except it be upon Presentment, but such as should be sent forth under the Hand and Seal of the Chancellor, within thirty days after the fault committed; the Return thereof to be made on the first or second Court-day after the serving of the same: And that the Party so cited, not being convinced by two Witnes∣s••s, on his denial of the Fact by his corporal Oath, should be forthwith dismissed without any payment of Fees. Provided, T••at this Decree extend not to any grievous Crime; as Schism, Incontinence, Misbehaviour at the Church in the time of Divine Service, obstinate Inconformity, or the like.

Finally, For pre∣venting all unnecessary Tautologies and Repetitions of the same thing, it was declared once for all,

That whatsoever had been declared in the former Canons, concerning the Jurisdiction of the B••sh••ps, their Chancellors, or Commissaries, should be in force (as far as by Law it was appliable) concerning all Deans, Deans and Chap∣ters, Collegiate Churches, Archdeacons, and all in Holy Orders, ha∣ving exempt or peculiar Jurisdiction, and their several Officers respectively.

To the Proceedings of this Committee in digesting these Canons, the interposing of another business gave no stop at all, though it seemed to be of more weight than all the rest. His Majesty on the twentieth of May directed his Letters sealed with his Royal Signet, and attested by his Signe Manual, to the Bishops and Clergy assem∣bled in Convocation▪ Requiring and thereby Authorising them to pro∣ceed in making Synodical Constitutions, for Levying the six Subsidies for∣merly Granted. This the most easie Task of all. The Grant of the six Subsidies had been drawn before; and there was nothing now to be altered in it, but the changing of the name of Subsidy into that of Benevolence, according to the Advice of the Council-Learned; by whom it was resolved, That no Moneys could be raised in the name of a Subsidy, but by Act of Parliament. And for the Synodi∣cal•• Acts or Constitutions for the Levying of it, they were made to their hands; So that there was nothing left for them to do, but to follow the Precedent which was laid before them out of the Record of Convocation, Anno 1585. and to transcribe the same (the Names and Sums being only changed) without further trouble. So that it was dispatched by the Committee, Voted by the Clergie, and sent up to the Bishops before the end of the next day. Nor did the framing or compiling of the Book of Articles, give any stop at all to him, to w••om t••e digesting of them was committed, from attending the Ser∣vice

of the Committee and the House upon all occasions; though for the better Authorising of them, he had placed in the Margin before every Article, the Canon, Rubrick, Law, Injunction, or other Au∣thentick Evidence upon which it was grounded. Which being fini••h∣ed in good time was by him openly read in the House, and by the House approved and passed without alteration: but that an Exege∣tical or Explanatory Clause, in the fourth Article of the fourth Chapter, touching the Reading of the Second or Communion-Service at the Lords Table, was desired by some to be omitted, which was done accordingly; Which Articles being too many and too long to be here inserted, the Reader may consult in the Printed Book, first published for the Visitation of the Bishop of London, and by him fit∣ted in some points for the use of that Diocess. The said Clerk brought a Canon also with him,

For enjoyning the said Book to be only used in all Parochial Visitations, for the better settling of an Uniformity in the outward Government and Administration of the Church, and for the preventing of such just Grievances, which might be laid upon Churc••wardens and other sworn men, by any impertinent, inconvenient, or illegal Inquiries in the Articles for Ecclesiastical Visitations: The same to be deposited in the Records of the Archbishop of Canterbury. To which a Clause was added in the House of Bishops, giving a Latitude to themselves for ad∣ding some Articles peculiar to their several Jurisdictions, for the space of three years;

The same to be allowed by their Metropoli∣tan: And afterwards to content themselves with the said Articles, so enlarged and accommodated, for al times succeeding.

Some other t••ings there were in Proposition and Design, that ne∣ver ripened into Act or Execution. There had been a Design in de∣liberation, touching the drawing and digesting of an English Pontifi∣cal, to be approved by this Convocation, and tendred to his Maje∣sties Confirmation. Which said Pontifical was to contain the form and manner of his Majesties late Coronation, to serve for a perpetu∣al standing Rule on the like occasions; Another form to be observed by all Archbishops and Bishops, for Consecrating Churches, Church-yards, and Chappels; and a third for Reconciling such Penitents as either had done open Penance, or had revolted from the Faith to the Law of Mahomet. Which three, together with the form of Confirmation, and that of Ordering Bishops, Priests, and Dea∣cons, which were then in force, were to make up the w••ole Body of the Book intended. But the Troubles of the Time growing greater and greater, it was thought expedient to defer the Prosecuti∣on of it till a fitter conjuncture. Many had took exception against the tying up of Preachers to the Form of Prayer appointed to be used before their Sermons, Can. 55. For whose Relief therein, a short Prayer was drawn, containing all the Heads of that in the Canon: And being so drawn up, it was to have been tendred by the hands of one of the Clergie, who would have undertaken that it should be

universally received by all those which dislike the other. But the Archbishop chose rather to adhere to the Canon, than to venture on any new Experiment; that Canon being founded on the Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth and King Edward vi. at the first Reformation. And so the Proposition fell without moving further. Gryffith a Clerk for one of the Welsh Diocesses, a moderate and sober man, proposed unto the House, That a new Edition might be made of the Welsh Church-Bible, the old one being corrupt in some places, and defe∣ctive in others, which he instanced in. The Motion well approved by the Clergie, and by the House of Bishops committed to the care of the ••our Welsh Bishops; of whose proceeding in the Work, by reason of the following Troubles, there was little hope. Nor did the Archbishop speed much better in a Motion of his, which was, That his Majesty might be moved for the new Printing of the Com∣mon-Prayer Book in the Latin Tongue, to the end (though I cannot positively say that he expressed so much at that time) that it might be used in all Colledges and Halls, in Officiating the Morning-Prayer, at which no••e are bound to be present, but such as are presumed to understand the Language. For doing whereof, he conceived he had good ground in the first Rubricks after the Preface to the Common-Prayer Book; in which it is declared, That though it be appointed in the aforesaid Preface, that all things should be Read and Sung in the English Tongue, to the end that the Congregation may be thereby Edifi∣ed: yet it is not meant, but when men say Morning and Evening Pray∣er privately, they may say the same in any Language that they them∣selves do understand. And he had also the constant example of Christ-Church in Oxon. in which the first Morning-Prayers were continually Officiated in the Latin Tongue, for the Prebends, Students, and others of the Foundation; and at the Cathedral-hours, in the Eng∣lish only, for Instruction and Devotion of the Choir-men, Alms-men, Servants, and all others which resort unto them.

It is a matter which deserves no small Admiration, That these Canons (like the first building of the Temple, without the noise of Ax and Hammer) should pass the House with such a general calm and quiet, and be received with so many Storms and Tempests when they went abroad. The very sitting of the Convocation condemned ••or an illegal Act; as if it were a Crime to outlive the Parliament. And much sport made by ignorant and malicious men, touching the Metamorphosis of an old Convocation, into a new Synod, as they scof∣fed it; which hath sufficiently been answered in that before. The whole Body of the Canons Voted by the House of Commons in the following Parliament,* 10.9 to be against the Fundamental Laws of the Realm, against the Kings Prerogative, Property of the Subject, the Right of Parliaments, and to tend to Faction and Sedition; which shall be answered as sufficiently in that which follows. The seven las•• passionately opposed by Martin, and some other Ecclesiastical Judges, before they passed the Royal Assent, as tending to the visible

discouragement, if not the plain overthrow of their Profession. To which it was answered by the Archbishop, and the Council too, That nothing but their Excrescences and Exorbitances, were by those Canons pared away; all their Preferments, with the Profits and Lawful Fees which belonged unto it, remaining as before they were. Yet the Civilians made not so much noise as some Common Lawyers, who look'd upon the Granting of a Benevolence by Convocation, and the Levying of it by Synodical Acts and Constitu∣tions, as being an Incroachment on the Priviledges and Rights of Parliament, without the Midwifery whereof, the Clergie could Enact no Canons to bind the Subjects, in such pecuniary Payments as were laid upon them. Which were it so, and that the Clergie could not give away their own without leave from others, they must needs be the greatest Slaves the Sun ever shined on: Whereas in truth, the Clergie in Convocation have as much power to give away the money of the Clergie by whom they are chosen to that Imployment; as the Commons in Parliament have to command the Money of the Ci∣ties, Towns, and Counties for which they serve. For in the choosing of the Clerks for the Co••vocation, there is an Instrument drawn and sealed by the Clergy, in which they bind themselves to the Archdeacon or Archdeacons of their several Diocesses,* 10.10 upon pain of for••eiting all their Lands and Goods, to allow, stand to, and per∣form whatsoever their said Clerks or Proctors shall say, do, or con∣descend to on their behalf. Greater Authority than this, as the Commons have not; so why the Clergie in the Convocation should not make use of this Authority as they see occasion, I can find no reason. Nor is it a speculative Authority only, and not reducible unto Practice; an Authority which was then in force, but not in use, as is distinguished in some Cases. They had a Precedent for it in Queen Elizabeths time, as before was noted; not then beh••ld as an Incroachment on the Right of Parliaments. But then was then, and now is now; the change of Times (without any alteration o•• the Laws) diversifying the same Action into good and bad.

But nothing raised so much noise and clamour, as the Oath requi∣red by the sixth Canon; Exclaimed against both from the Pulpit and the Press; Reproached in printed Pamphlets, and unprinted Scrib∣bles; and glad they were to find such an excellent Advantage, as the discovering of an &c. in the Body of it, did unhappily give them. This voiced abroad to be the greatest Mystery of Iniquity which these last Ages had produced, containing in it so much of the Depths of Satan; that as no man could see the bottom of the Iniquity: so nei∣ther they that made the Oath, nor they that were to take it, unde••∣stood the Mystery. But unto this it hath been answered, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the fact, That in all the Canons which were made before this (b••ing five in number) there was a particular enumeration of all the persons▪ vested with any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction; that is to say, Archbi∣shops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, Deans and Chapters, and other

persons having peculiar or exempt Jurisdiction; which having been repeated distinctly or particularly in such of the Canons as were first made, was in the first drawing of their Oath, for avoiding of a Tau∣tologie so often iterated, cut off with this &c. with an intention nevertheless to make the Enumeration perfect (and consequently to expunge this unlucky &c.) before it came to be Engrossed. But the King being weary of the Charge and Clamour, which the keeping of a Guard on the Convocation did expose him to, did hasten them to a Conclusion by so many Messages brought by Vane and others, that in the haste this unlucky &c. was forgotten, and so committed to the Press accordingly. It hath been secondly answered, as in point of Reason, That the &c. as it stands in that part of the Oath, is so restrained and limited by the following words, viz. as it stands now established, that there can be no danger of any Mystery of Ini∣quity in it: So that in the Construction of this Text, the &c. as it now remains, is a meer impertinency: For being left in, it signifieth nothing, in regard of the Restriction following; and being left out, the sense is currant and compleat without it. Which all those witty Gentlemen who so often spoke, and others of less wit and quality, which so frequently writ against this Oath, could not chuse but see: but that they were not willing to see any thing which might make against them. The Paramount Objection being thus refell'd, the rest which have been made against it will be easily satisfied. It hath been charged by some, That the exacting of an Oath not to consent to the Alteration of the Government of the Church by Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, &c. is an affront to the fundamen∣tal Rules of Civil Politie. To which it hath been answered, That it is indeed an affront to Government, not to submit or yield Obedi∣ence unto Civil Sanctions when made, and legally established: But it is no affront not to give consent to any such Establishments, while they are in Treaty; for then the liberty of assenting or dissenting, of Yea or Nay, would be taken away from every Member in the Houses of Parliament, and every Man must give consent to every Bill which is offered to him. But besides this, there were but few of the Convo∣cation whose consent was likely to be asked, when any change of Church-Government should be set on foot; so that their dissenting or assenting was not much material: but only so far as by their rea∣diness of consenting to such Innovations in the Publick Government, they might encourage others to proceed against it. Here then is no affront to Government, much less to the Fundamentals of it; the Oath not binding any man not to yield Obedience, but not to give consent to such Alteration. As for the last Objection, That he who takes the Oath declares therein, That he takes it willingly, being constrained so to do under grievous Penalties. This as it comes last, is the least considerable; for if this were a Crime in the Convo∣cation, it was such a Crime as the High Court of Parliament hath been guilty of, in drawing up the Oath of Allegiance in the third

year of King Iames; in which the Party is to swear, That he makes that Recognition not only heartily and truly, but also willingly: and yet the taking of that Oath is imposed on all the Subjects, under se∣veral Penalties, if any of them shall refuse it.

And yet these Quarrels at the Oath, the Unparliamentary Levying of the said Benevolence, and the pretended Illegality of their very Sitting after the Parliament expired, were but the out-sides of the business, but only colours and disguises to conceal the chief cause of their displeasure from the publick view. Somewhat there was which galled them more than all these together; that is to say, the Propositions for asserting the Regal Power, making it absolute and in∣dependent with reference both to Pope and People, to the great dis∣content and trouble of the Popular Party, since better known by the name of Commonwealths-men. Which since the English were not confident enough to speak out at first, we must take their mean∣ing from the Scots, who in the Articles exhibited against our Arch∣bishop by their Commissioners, have expresly charged him with this Crime,* 10.11 viz.

That he made Canons and Constitutions against them, their just and necessary defence; Ordaining under all highest Pain, That hereafter the Clergy should Preach four times in the year such Doctrine as was contrary not only to their Proceedings, but to the Doctrine and Proceedings of other Reformed Kirks, to the Judgment of all sound Divines and Politicks; as tending to the utter slavery and ruining of all Estates and Kingdoms, and to the dishonour of Kings and Monarchs.

This the true cause of those high Displeasures, conceived by some prevailing Members of the House of Commons, and openly declared by their Words and Actions, branding those innocent Canons for a tendency to Faction and Sedition, which they most laboured to suppress; condemning all that Voted to them, in great sums of Money; and afterwards de∣stroying them one by one, as they came in their way. Compared with this, neither the Benevolence, nor the Oath, nor any thing else before objected, was esteemed considerable; though all were joyn∣ed together to amuze the People, and make them fearful of some Plot, not only to subvert Religion, but their Civil Rights.

But the best is, that howsoever some few men for their private ends reproached these Canons, as before; his Sacred Majesty, the Lords of his most Honourable Privy-Council, the Reverend Judges, and the Great Lawyers of the Council-Learned, conceived other∣wise of them; in the hearing of all which they were publickly read by the Archbishops procurement, before they were tendred to the Clergy to be subscribed: and by all which they were approved, not without thanks to the Archbishop from the King himself, for his pains therein. And certainly it had been strange that they should pass the Approbation of the Judges and Learned Lawyers, had they contained any thing against the Fundamental Laws of the Land, the Property of the Subject, and the Rights of Parliaments; or been ap∣proved

by the Lords of his Majesties Privy-Council, had any thing been contained in them derogatory to the Kings Prerogative, or tendin•• to Faction and Sedition. So far they were from being lia∣ble to Condemnation in those respects, that Justice Crook (whose Ar∣gument in the Case of Ship-money was Printed afterwards by Order from the House of Commons) is credibly affirmed to have lifted up his hands, and to have given hearty Thanks to Almighty God, that he had lived to see so good Effects of a Convocation. On these En∣couragements, and such a solemn Approbation, the Clergy were called up to the House of Bishops, to be present at the subscribing o•• them; which was accordingly performed May 29. by the Bi∣shops, Deans, and Archdeacons in their Seniority, and promiscu∣o••sly by the rest of the Clergy, till all the Members had Subscribed; every mans heart going together with his hand; as it is to be presu∣med from all men of that holy Profession. Recusant there was none, but the Bishop of Glocester, suspected of some inclinations to the Romish Religion in the Times preceding; which inclinations he de∣clared more manifestly by this Refusal; for which there could be no imaginable Reason to prevail upon him, but the severity of the Ca∣non for suppressing the Growth of Popery. Some pains was taken with him in the way of perswasion, and some Commands laid on him by his Metropolitan, as President of the Convocation: But when neither of the two Endeavours could remove him from his former obstinacy, the Prolocutor and Clergy were required to return to their House again, and to consider of the Penalty which he had in∣curred, according to the Rules and Practice of the Catholick Church in National and Provincial Councils. Which being done, the Pro∣lo••••tor had no sooner put the Question, but the Clergy unanimous∣ly condemned him to a Suspension a Beneficio & Officio; and found at their return, that the House of Bishops (who had had some speech thereof before) had pronounced the same Sentence against him also. A Sentence which might have produced more dangerous effects on this obstinate Prelate, if he had not prevented it in time by his submission. For the Sentence being reduced into Writing, subscribed by the Archbishops hand, and publickly pronounced in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Convocation, his Majesty took such just offence at so great a scan∣dal, that he committed him to Prison, where he staid not long; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on the tenth of Iuly he made acknowledgment of his fault before the Lords of the Council, and took the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon, for preserving the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England, against all Popish Doctrines which were thereunto repug∣nant. Upon the doing whereof, his Majesty was graciously pleased to restore him to his former Liberty; though this Submission ap∣peared within few years after, to be made either with some mental Reservation, or Jesuitical Equivocation, which he came prepared with. For in the time of his last Sickness, he declared himself to be a Member of the Church of Rome, and caused it so to be expressed

in his last Will and Testament, that the news thereof might spread the further, and his Apostacy stand upon Record to all future Ages. A Scandal so unseasonably given, as if the Devil himself had watch∣ed an opportunity to despite this Church,

But these things hapned not till after. The Sentence of Suspension was no sooner pronounced, but the Archbishop giving great thanks to the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy for their pains and dili∣gence, in doing so much Work in so little time, produced his Ma∣jesties Writ for dissolving the said Convocation; which he according∣ly executed, and dissolved the same. The Acts whereof being trans∣mitted unto York, were by the Convocation for that Province peru∣sed, debated, and approved without any disputing; and so present∣ed to his Majesty with their Names subscribed, according to the an∣cient Custom. There remained now nothing more to do, for giving these Canons the Authority and Reputation of his Majesties Ecclesi∣astical Laws, but the signifying of his Royal Assent, and confirming them by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England. And this his Majesty, upon mature deliberation, was graciously pleased to do, commanding in the same,

That they should be diligently ob∣served, executed, and equally kept by all his Subjects, both with∣in the Provinces of Canterbury and York respectively: That for the better observation of them, all Ministers should audibly and distinctly read all the said Canons in the Church or Chappel in which they Minister, at the time of Divine Service; The Book of the said Canons to be provided before Michaelmas, at the charge of their Parishes: And finally, That all Archbishops and Bishops, and others having Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, shall take special care that the said Canons and Ordinances be in all points duly ob∣served; not sparing to execute the Penalties in them severally mentioned, upon any that shall wittingly or wilfully break or ne∣glect to observe the same, as they tendred the Honour of God, the Peace of the Church, the Tranquility of the Kingdom, and their Duties and Service to his Majesty their King and Sovereign.

With which his Majesties Letters Patents, bearing date on Iune 13. confirmatory of the Acts of the said Convocations, I conclude the fourth and busiest part of this present History,

Notes

• (a) 1.1

  Dig•••••••• Lo••di 〈◊〉〈◊〉∣nabit Do〈…〉〈…〉 M••th. West. in Hist. ••lo.
• (b) 1.2

  Speciales, & Domestici Pa••••ch••am D••mi••i Archi∣episcopi.
• (c) 1.3

  H. ••f K. Ch. l•• H. •••• p. 242.
• (d) 1.4

  Pre••ace 〈…〉〈…〉, se••t. 20.
• * 1.5

  Brev••ate, p. 18.
• * 1.6

  Can. 33.
• * 2.1

  Bibl. Regi••, sect. 3. c. 11. p. 332.
• * 2.2

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. D••om, p. 153.
• * 2.3

  p. 132.
• * 2.4

  C••nt. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, p. 14••.
• * 3.1

  Bibl. Regia. sect. 11. p. 2.
• * 3.2

  Ibid. ••r 4.
• * 3.3

  Discovery of the Prelates Tyranny, p. 119.
• * 3.4

  1634.
• * 3.5

  Hist. K. C. p. 141.
• * 3.6

  Cant. Doom, p. 82.
• * 3.7

  Ca••t. D••••m, p. 104.
• (e) 3.8

  Ad te••••∣i••••••••m benefi∣ci ••um neces∣sario sequi∣tur ign••ran∣tia S••cerdo∣tum. Panor.
• * 3.9

  C••nt. Do••m, p. 4••7.
• * 4.1

  Judgment of the Lord Primate, p 121.
• * 4.2

  Judg. ••. Pri. Ilid. 112.
• * 4.3

  Ols. ol serv. p. 42.
• * 4.4

  Judg. of L. Pri p. 121.
• (d) 4.5

  Dicendo autem no∣vum, vete∣ravit prius, &c. Heb. 8 13.
• * 4.6

  Ch. Hist. B. 11. p. 128.
• * 4.7

  Cant. Doom, p. 407.
• * 4.8

  Cant. Doom, p. 92.
• * 4.9

  1635.
• * 4.10

  Cant. Doom, p. 79.
• * 4.11

  Summ•• R••∣verentia ad••∣rare D••um versus Al••t••r••▪
• * 4.12

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. 8••.
• (l) 4.13

  Ex malis maritus ••onae na••cuntur leges. Adag.
• * 4.14

  I••id. p. 81.
• * 4.15

  Archb. Sp▪ Iune 16. 1637.
• * 4.16

  Cant. Doom, p. 462.
• * 4.17

  p. 66.
• * 4.18

  p. 163.
• * 5.1

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.2

  533.
• * 5.3

  Bi••l. Regi•••• p. 1••0.
• (a) 5.4

  p. 19.
• * 5.5

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.6

  p. 540.
• * 5.7

  1636.
• * 5.8

  〈…〉〈…〉, p. 149.
• * 5.9

  p. 4.
• * 5.10

  (c. 151.)
• * 5.11

  H. B. p. 65.
• (a) 5.12

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• (a) 5.13

  Peccatum i••ip••••antis & mi••antis; non populi, cum ••o∣lore & t••emo∣re secu••dan••••••. Optat. lib. 7.
• (b) 5.14

  Quia ••rat sa••••••ectas ••••us jussi••at••us. Gr••g. Ma••••. lib. 2. l. p. 61.
• * 5.15

  Cant. D••om, p. 100.
• (a) 5.16

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• (b) 5.17

  A•• s••c••am 〈…〉〈…〉am cum de••••ta ••e••e∣••en••ia o••latio∣nis facia••••.
• (a) 5.18

  H••bralieae, Chald••••••ae, A••rabicae. ••••ae••ae, Linguae Stud••••um propag••••dae. Vide•• ergo 〈…〉〈…〉 A∣cademiis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tuit••r, &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Angel. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, p 214.
• (b) 5.19

  Hist. of Ca••b••idg▪ •• 88.
• * 5.20

  Bibl. Regia, p. 268.
• * 6.1

  H••ld. Works, p. 155.
• (a) 6.2

  Saepe Coe∣leste Regnum per Terrenum proficit.
• * 6.3

  p. 74.
• * 6.4

  p. 75.
• * 6.5

  Pref••ce to A••tid. Linc.
• * 6.6

  A••tid. Linc. p 5.
• * 6.7

  H••••. K. C. p. 151
• * 6.8

  L••••strange's H••st. King Charles, p. 151.
• * 6.9

  Ad Sillinam I••sulam ul∣tra Britanni∣••m d••p••rta∣〈◊〉〈◊〉. S••lp. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 2.
• * 6.10

  〈…〉〈…〉 cum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sac••re.
• * 6.11

  Burt. Serm. p. 69.
• * 6.12

  1 Edw. 6. c. 2.
• * 7.1

  Ch. Hist. lib. 11. p. 157.
• * 7.2

  Hist. K. C. p. 153.
• * 7.3

  Cant. to Tra∣quaire. Sept. 11. H••••d. W••rke, p. 168.
• * 7.4

  Hist. K. Ch. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 H. ••. p. 154.
• (a) 7.5

  Cum v•• excidenda sit natura, vel minuenda dignitas. Vell. Paterc. Hist. L D. Bib. Reg. p. 1. & 144.
• * 7.6

  Ibid. p. 14.
• * 7.7

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.8

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.9

  〈…〉〈…〉 K. C. ••. 187.
• * 7.10

  〈…〉〈…〉. p 5.
• * 7.11

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.12

  Art. of the Visit. of B Wr••n.
• (a) 7.13

  ••••quam 〈…〉〈…〉 ex fiat 〈…〉〈…〉 rerum cupida 〈…〉〈…〉 Hist. lib. 1.
• (b) 7.14

  Primos ••o∣s••e Cel••ios, uti & illos qui po∣stea acc••sser••nt, p••tis••imum aut om〈…〉〈…〉 ex ••orum hominum Secta quos in A••glia Brow••i∣stas & Purita∣••o•• vocant, &c. l••b. 3. cap. 8.
• * 7.15

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reg. p. ••. p. 151.
• * 8.1

  Bibl. Regia•• p. 173.
• * 8.2

  Bill. Regiae, p. 1. p. 3••3.
• (a) 8.3

  Impeach∣ment of Strafford, Art. 19.
• (b) 8.4

  Relation of the An∣swers of the E. of Straff. p. 34.
• * 9.1

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.2

  Habe••••t ••••••∣tam ••ve••e••••iam, ad me••••am Do∣mini, &c.
• * 9.3

  〈…〉〈…〉 p. 3.1.41.
• * 9.4

  p. 4.
• * 9.5

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.6

  p. 14
• * 9.7

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.8

  Pop. Nunc. p 7.
• * 9.9

  Su••olfecit ab D••mino, Archiepis••po Regifidelissi∣m•••• ••••tum a∣nimum Re¦gis in cis pen∣dulum, Re Mastr. p. 16.
• * 9.10

  〈…〉〈…〉 p. 11.
• a 9.11

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 28.
• b 9.12

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 p. 24.
• * 9.13

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.14

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.15

  〈…〉〈…〉 pres. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• (a) 9.16

  Can. 3▪1040.
• * 9.17

  Cant. Po••m, p. 184.
• * 9.18

  I••id. p. 253. & 526.
• * 9.19

  Diary, p. 14.
• * 9.20

  1640.
• (a) 9.21

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• (b) 9.22

  Su•• Hypo∣theca ••m••ium 〈◊〉〈◊〉 juorum ••am mo••i••tum q••am 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c.
• * 9.23

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. R••gia. p 287. to 295.
• * 9.24

  p. 294.
• * 9.25

  I••id. p. 2••••.
• * 9.26

  p. 297.
• * 10.1

  Can. 9.
• * 10.2

  Can. 10
• * 10.3

  Can. 11.
• * 10.4

  Can. 1••▪
• * 10.5

  Can. 13.
• * 10.6

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 14▪
• * 10.7

  Can. 15.
• * 10.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 16
• * 10.9

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.10

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.11

  Cant. D••om, p. 56.